RIZAL, SEX Measure for Determining the Degree to and CIVILISATION1 Which a Culture Could Be Called Civilised

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RIZAL, SEX measure for determining the degree to AND CIVILISATION1 which a culture could be called civilised. Primitive societies, he observed, were characterised by ‘gratification of the Raquel Reyes2 sexual instinct’ being ‘the primary motive in man as well as in beast’; by men and Abstract women having sexual intercourse openly and unashamed of their nakedness; and by a relatively low value being placed on This essay focuses on the work of the women’s ‘virginity, chastity, modesty and Filipino ilustrado, José Rizal, and his sexual fidelity’ (Krafft-Ebing 1998:2). interest in the prevailing debate over whether the sexual behaviour of a culture Woman in uncivilised societies was the reflects its level of civilisation. Spanish “common property of man, the spoil of the apologists for colonial rule had strongest and mightiest….a “chattel”, an persistently argued that the Filipinos article of commerce, exchange or gift, a remained in many ways a backward and vessel for sensual gratification, an primitive people and delighted in alleging implement for toil.” Certain “savage in support of their case that lasciviousness races” illustrated this uncivilised condition and promiscuity were widespread in the most strikingly, and the very best Philippines. These allegations caused examples, in Krafft-Ebing’s opinion, were deep offence to Rizal and his fellow the “Australasians, Polynesians, (and) propagandistas, who wanted, as a matter Malays of the Philippines” (Krafft-Ebing of patriotic honour, to repudiate such 1998:1). colonialist slurs. Through an examination of a selected sample of Rizal’s annotations Rizal lived in Germany in 1886-87 and to Antonio de Morga’s Sucesos de las Islas was well attuned to European scientific Filipinas, the author explores the ways in and intellectual currents. Possibly he was which Rizal sought to prove the civilized aware of Krafft-Ebing’s work, and nature of his people through the assertion certainly he was keenly interested in the of female sexual chastity and sexual wider debate over whether the sexual honour. behaviour of a culture reflected its level of civilisation. Physicians and ethnographers, In the introduction to his famous work Rizal saw, were prone to categorise Psychopathia sexualis, the German mankind into different physical types and psychiatrist Richard von Krafft-Ebing to draw sweeping generalisations about affirmed that sexual life was the finest how these types differed in their intellectual capacity, cultural attainment 1 This essay is a slightly modified version of a and refinement, personal morality and chapter from my book Love, Passion and sexual behaviour. Rizal did not object in Patriotism: sexuality and the Philippine principle to generalisations of this nature, propaganda movement, 1882-1892 (Singapore but he did object forcefully to their lack of and Seattle: University of Singapore Press and discrimination. Emphatically, he did not Washington University Press, 2008) accept any generalisations that attached 2 Research Fellow, Department of History, imputations of primitiveness to Hispanized School of Oriental and African Studies, lowland Filipinos like himself. University of London

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Krafft-Ebing’s reference to the Philippines Ploss repeated Blumentritt’s observations gave added currency to the notion that that the Tagalogs of Luzon, Filipinos could be classified as primitive notwithstanding their “higher civilisation on the basis of their reputedly unbridled and milder morals” in relation to the sexual life. To understand his assertion it Negritos and “mountain tribes,” is instructive to trace its intellectual manifested a pronounced lack of sexual genealogy. Ultimately, we shall see, it modesty. Blumentritt had even gone so rested on Spanish sources that the far as to say that the Tagalogs displayed a propagandistas saw as tainted by racial number of animal-like faculties. They prejudice and imperial self-interest. were remarkably adept at manipulating Krafft-Ebing’s footnote reveals his their toes to pick up small objects, and indebtedness to Heinrich Ploss, whose they retained an acute sense of smell, ambitiously titled magnum opus Das Weib especially the women, who were “able to in der Natur – und Volkerkunde first find out whether the men nearby them are appeared in 1884.3 Ploss in turn relied sexually excited or not” (Blumentritt primarily on the works of three authors, all 1980:34-35).’ The excessive immorality of whom Rizal later met: the Austrian and sensuality of the Tagalogs, Ferdinand Blumentritt ([1880] 1980)4; as Blumentritt affirmed, were part of the well as the Germans Alex Schadenberg ‘pagan legacy’ that endured despite the (1880:133) (who had studied the Negritos) evangelizing efforts of the Spanish friars. and Fedor Jagor (1873 and 1880) (who had travelled widely in the archipelago). In making these assertions, Blumentritt drew upon, and thereby gave added Blumentritt in particular was a key source, credence to, the travel observations of especially his Versuch einer Ethnographie Francisco Cañamaque, a Spanish journalist der Philippinen, which was published in and traveller whom the propagandistas 1882 – four years before the Austrian would later energetically attack orientalist became acquainted with Rizal (Cañamaque 1877 and 1879). Immorality, and the Filipino propaganda campaign. Blumentritt gleaned from Cañamaque, was widespread both in Manila and in the 3 Undergoing numerous re-publications, the countryside of the Tagalog region: work was continued and revised after the author’s death by his collaborators Max Virginity is not a virtue for the Bartels and Paul Bartels. In its final girls easily give themselves up to incarnation, published in 1935, Ploss’s work any of their lovers, and only a expanded into three volumes which with the small number of them are still aid of numerous intimate illustrations ‘dealt virgin when they are brought fully’, its editor boasted, ‘with those aspects of before the altar for marriage. a woman’s life which are little known even to gynaecologists.’ (Bartels and Bartels, eds. Sexual intercourse, according to 1935) Cañamaque, is performed without 4 Besides relying extensively on Blumentritt’s any ceremony even in the streets. Versuch einer Ethnographie, Ploss also The same writer claims that consulted the same author’s ’Der Ahnenkultus fornication is also a children’s in. die religiosen Anschauungen der Malayen vice. Cañamaque says that they des Philippinen-Archipel’, Mittheilungen. are a people without any feeling of d.k.k. Geographie Gesellschaft in Wien, 2-3 shame. Women and men (1882), pp.177ff.

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especially in the provinces, allow thesis was that the pre-Hispanic indios had themselves to be seen completely attained a high level of civilisation, and naked. that this civilisation had been corrupted (Blumentritt 1980:46)5 and destroyed as a result of Spanish conquest. As a vehicle for advancing this Blumentritt, whose observations on the thesis, he chose to annotate one of the primitiveness of Filipino sexual life had fullest and most objective accounts by a influenced other German scientists like secular Spaniard, Antonio de Morga’s Ploss and Krafft-Ebing, had ultimately Sucesos de las islas Filipinas, which had based his pronouncements on the casual first been published in 1609. Rizal travel notes of reactionary and racist regarded the author as ‘a learned explorer’ apologists for Spanish colonialism. who possessed ‘nothing of the superficiality and exaggeration so peculiar Rizal never adequately confronted the to the Spaniards’.7 Equally important, he degree to which this reliance on flawed had been a high-ranking colonial official, sources in fact shattered the academic and not a friar; he regarded the religious validity of Blumentritt’s comments on orders, indeed, as a source of lamentation Filipino social life and customs. Indeed, and trial (Cummins 1972:4). Rizal Rizal actually commended Blumentritt’s published his edition of the Morga in Paris ethnographic study, esteemed him as a in 1890 (Rizal 1890a). scholar and, as is well known, struck up a personal friendship and correspondence When working on his annotations, Rizal with him. Nobody else in the world, Rizal mined an array of early Spanish missionary even went so far as to say, was better chronicles as well as the travel accounts of qualified than Blumentritt to write the other Europeans. Throughout the work, he history of the Philippines. highlighted and elaborated the points Morga made about the material and When he failed to persuade Blumentritt to cultural attainments of pre–colonial undertake this task, Rizal decided to tackle society and reflected on their subsequent it himself, and in 1888-89 spent a number decline, destruction and debasement of months in London reading as many wrought by Spanish colonization. He sources as he could find on Filipino dwelt on the prosperity of the Islands’ society at the time of the Spanish agriculture and commerce, on their conquest. He studied mainly in the flourishing mining, shipbuilding and Reading Room of the British Museum, metalworking industries and on the well- where other readers during his visit included H. G. Wells, Rudyard Kipling, Eleanor Marx and Peter Kropotkin.6 7 Josè Rizal (London) to Ferdinand Rizal’s project was to build what cultural Blumentritt, 17 September 1888, Rizal- historian Resil Mojares has called ‘a Blumentritt Correspondence, (Manila: Jose nationalist counter-narrative.’ His overall Rizal Centennial Commission, 1961), p.201. Antonio de Morga obtained his doctorate in 5 This passage is closely paraphrased by Ploss canon law from the University of Salamanca in in Das Weib, vol.I, p.223. 1578. He was appointed to Manila as 6 British Museum Signature of Readers, 4 June lieutenant governor in 1593 and five years later 1887-11 October 1888. Unpublished volume, became a judge in the Supreme Court of the British Museum Reading Room archive. colony, the Audiencia.

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developed material culture and literacy of daughters to a life of unchastity; the pre-Hispanic inhabitants. so that there is nothing so vile for the latter that they cannot do it On matters of sex, however, what Rizal before their mothers, since they read in the Morga and the other early incur no punishment. Spanish sources he found in the British (Loarca 1582:1618) Museum, presented a major problem. These early chronicles, he discovered, How then was Rizal to deal with such were replete with detailed descriptions of a accounts? As we noted, he subscribed variety of sexual behaviour, relationships fully to the notion then prevalent in and socially sanctioned practices that did medical and scientific thinking, that the not at all accord with what 19th century degree of civilisation a society had scientific thinking would classify as attained should be measured as much, if civilised. They foreshadowed, in other not more, by its sexual life as by its words, the Spanish accounts that Rizal and material wealth and high culture. his fellow propagandistas so vehemently Evidence of lasciviousness in the pre- attacked as insulting and false. The early Hispanic archipelago was directly at chroniclers recited a litany of aberrations, variance with the nationalist ‘counter- perversions and mortal sins. They narrative’ he wanted to construct. witnessed fornication, adultery, forms of polygamy, polyandry, concubinage, incest Throughout his combative annotations, and what they called the ‘sin against Rizal tried manfully to defend the pre- nature’, in other words sodomy, which conquest indio women from the calumnies encompassed homosexual, heterosexual of the Spanish chroniclers. The and bestial anal penetration. Sex, to the allegations of women’s inordinate sexual pre-colonial natives, evidently entailed appetite were persistent, and Rizal found it much more than the propagation of the difficult to refute them as decisively as he species. It was also enjoyed, much to the would have liked. He challenged the chroniclers’ disgust, purely in the pursuit allegations wherever he could, but where of carnal pleasure. he could not, he found it difficult to maintain a coherent and plausible Predictably, the blame for this sorry state argument. Where he felt in clear of affairs was laid by the Spanish conscience unable to dispute the evidence chroniclers principally on the native he often tried to fudge the issue – by women. The mujer indigena, they conflating the past and the present, by repeatedly remarked, was lascivious and digression, or, predictably, by making unchaste; her sexual desires shockingly women’s fondness for sex more palatable unruly and unmanaged. Miguel de by linking it explicitly to the desire to Loarca’s observation in 1582 was typical: reproduce. The reason there was little sexual modesty, he tried to claim in one The women are beautiful, but annotation, was because native women unchaste. They do not hesitate to ‘saw nothing sinful in the act of commit adultery, because they reproducing the species.’ receive no punishment for it…[They are] extremely lewd, Rizal clearly found dealing with the and they even encourage their own historical evidence of the indio women’s

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strong libido a painful struggle. At some respect for women, but in reality, points he would seek to challenge the contended Rizal, marriage had been a evidence, to excise the sensuality inherent union of equals. Women were not forced in the image of the pre-colonial native into arranged marriages but could marry woman portrayed by Morga and replace it the husband of their own choice, showing with an undebauched, moral, if not prudish that they enjoyed the same autonomy as representation. His fellow propagandista men. The fact that there was no dowry Pedro Paterno, he noted, had already system showed that bridegrooms did not “brilliantly refuted” the assertion of Morga regard their brides as heavy burdens, or and other chroniclers that young native yokes, but as companions and helpmates. men and women had been sexually As Rizal noted: “incontinent” by citing other texts and testimonies that held the contrary. There The Tagalog wife is free and were also numerous instances in the respected, she manages and chroniclers’ accounts, said Rizal, of young contracts, almost always with the women who so prized their chastity that approval of her husband, who they preferred death rather than surrender consults her about all his acts. themselves to Spanish conquistadores and She is the keeper of the money. officials. She educates the children… She is not the European woman who To substantiate his case, Rizal marshalled marries, and loses her name, whatever evidence he could find that rights, liberty… limited to reign testified to the modesty, domesticity and over the salon, to entertain guests, high repute of pre-Hispanic women. and to sit at the right of her Quoting from the 1605 account of the husband. Jesuit missionary Pedro Chirino, whose (Rizal 1890a: 53) portrayal of native society was much more sympathetic than that of most early Filipino women, Rizal asserted, brought to chroniclers, he related that even when the domestic domain something far more bathing women kept their bodies ‘bent valuable than a dowry. They brought and…immersed in the water until the moral rectitude. The Filipina, he claimed, throat, [taking] the greatest care not to be was able to restrain her passions, to seen, though there may not be anybody channel her love and energy into domestic who can see them’(Rizal 1890a:262). In life and to inject ‘economy’ into the all places they were ‘circumspect and ‘irregular life of a bachelor’. She was careful in covering their bodies with responsible for the education of her extreme modesty and bashfulness’(Rizal children, independently conducted 1890a:288). Marriage in pre-Spanish financial business as she saw fit, and her times, Rizal contended, was a union of husband sought her counsel and respected equals, more egalitarian in fact than both her decisions. Highlighting customs of the traditional European dowry system and bilateral inheritance and divorce, Rizal more contemporary European customs. pointed to a historical legacy of gender The Spanish chroniclers had disparaged equality and then constructed an image of the marriage and divorce customs they enlightened, civilised femininity. The pre- encountered, claiming they illustrated the conquest indio woman thus became a amorality of native culture and a lack of positive signifier – she was wise, prudent,

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nurturing, industrious and entrepreneurial resorted instead to question their (Rizal 1890a: 263). credibility by drawing a tortuous, whimsical analogy between virginity and But, however much Rizal saluted the ballroom dancing. If pre-marital ballroom outward modesty of pre-Hispanic women, dancing were considered a sin like pre- their equal standing with men, and their marital sex, he jested, then young men admirable domesticity after marriage, he would not want expert dancers for their could not lay to rest the vexed issue of brides; rather they would seek those their sexuality. Rizal had been guided by women whose dancing was most inept, his patriotic desire to portray pre-Hispanic who would tread clumsily on their feet civilisation in the best light possible. But, (Rizal 1890b: 309-310). as he later affirmed, he had not allowed himself to take liberties with the historical Plainer and more forthright was Rizal’s record. So far as the sexual habits of indio rejoinder to Morga’s assertion that indio women were concerned, he admitted, he women loved money so much they would could not ‘deny what I had found in the yield themselves up easily for a price testimonies of all the authors’ (Rizal (Rizal 1890a: 263). To this, Rizal 1890b: 504-507). responded that prostitution was found everywhere in the world. Europe itself, Unable to dispute what appeared to be now so self-satisfied with its morality, he incontrovertible, Rizal tried instead to noted, had a long history of sexual explain and excuse, but his arguments, licentiousness, of worshipping the ‘cult of smooth when affirming gender equality, Venus, Priapus, Bacchus etc…of orgies became conspicuously less assured. Again and Bacchanalia…of prostitution in drawing on the writing of the Jesuit Christian Europe, and above all in the Chirino, Rizal related that the reported Rome of the popes’. In this matter, he ‘weakness’ of indio women seemed to be rightly said, “no nation can cast the first rooted partly in superstitious belief. After stone.” He insisted, nevertheless, that death, it was said, women needed to cross whatever the excesses of the past, “the a very dangerous river before they reached Filipinas of today have no reason to blush paradise, and the only bridge across the before the women of the most chaste river was a narrow tree trunk. To get nations of the world” (Rizal 1890a: 263). across safely they needed to be led by the hand of a lover they had known in their Rizal believed firmly in the need for moral earthly life, and a lover in this context did rules, but wanted them based on reason not mean a husband. rather than on ‘pagan’ superstition or the teachings of an obscurantist Church. No less strange was his response to the Other ancient peoples, he observed, had report of Morga that there had been men in likewise regarded sex in terms of indio society who were paid to deflower biological imperatives and natural virgins before their marriage so that their instincts. The ancient Jews, for example, husbands would then “not have to bother had not prohibited the sexual act except themselves with overcoming their bride’s when it was adulterous. “Only maidenhood” (Rizal 1890b: 309). Christianity, he continued, had “made the Constrained by lack of evidence in act a mortal sin because…it saw disputing the truth of these reports, Rizal everything carnal as corrupt, bad, like

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something from the devil, giving rise to of Europe and China, or when “excessive that horror of the flesh that dominated the privation”, such as that imposed “in Cenobites, hermits…in the first centuries, certain single sex convents and schools”, a reaction of disgust perhaps at the laxity compelled nature to adulterate itself by of ancient Rome and of all pagan society.” wandering down “mistaken paths” (Rizal But between carnality and the gloomy and 1890a: 308). barren “anti-naturalism” of the Christian zealots, between “excessive naturalism” Morga had claimed that sodomy had and “excessive privation”, Rizal argued, become more widespread after the arrival there was a middle ground that he of the Chinese. Much inclined to this vice, described as “obedience to natural laws they had succeeded in contaminating indio without adulterating them or frustrating men and women. Writing not long after the purposes that all things have” (Rizal one of the first and bloodiest massacres of 1890a: 289). For Rizal the attainment of the Chinese by the Spaniards in 1603, this balance was the true mark of killings enthusiastically aided and abetted civilisation. by the Tagalogs in Manila, Morga evidently continued to harbour a common, Yet according to historical sources, deep-seated Spanish prejudice (Kamen Filipinos seemed far too inclined to 2002: 208), and also (Retana 1909:475).8 disobey and adulterate ‘natural laws’. Rizal also makes plain his own antipathy Especially troubling to Rizal was the towards the Chinese: recurrent mention of incest and sodomy. Morga’s claim that incest was an Despite what Morga says and “ordinary” practice, he sensibly countered despite the fact that almost three as simply an exaggeration. Incest may not centuries have already elapsed have been totally absent, he conceded, but since then, the Filipinos continue again he argued that it was not so abhorring this crime and they have prevalent as in other places and times, as been so little contaminated that in was testified by “the annals of the great order to commit it the Chinese and peoples and families of Christian and other foreigners make use of their devout Europe.” Furthermore, Morga’s compatriots, of indio women and comments reminded him of the slanderous those who are their wives or of scribblings of certain morally dubious some miserable vagabond Spanish hacks of his own day. “In order children. to assert such dirty stupidities”, Rizal (Rizal 1890a: 308-309) provocatively suggested, “it is necessary to have witnessed them, or believe oneself capable of doing the same if placed in the There are two critical features to note in same circumstances” (Rizal 1890a: 307). this diatribe against sodomy. Firstly, Rizal vehemently refutes Morga’s claims of In his footnote on sodomy, Rizal was even pervasive sodomitical practices amongst more passionate. He saw sodomy as an the Filipinos, and asserts that the relative ‘abominable crime’. He believed it occurred either when men became ‘disgusted by prostitution’ and here he 8 Wenceslao Retana’s annotations to the Morga offered as examples the southern regions also provide details of the Spanish laws enacted to prohibit sodomy in the colonies.

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“uncontamination” of the Filipino is a their miembro viril, close to its result of an historical hatred towards head, and pass through it a sodomy that continues even after three device that resembles a serpent’s hundred years. Secondly, the “Filipinos” head made of metal or ivory, Rizal speaks of here refers not to indio which is then secured in men and women in general but exclusively place by material of the same concerns men. Rizal’s stance against substance. With this device sodomy was all too plain. Ancient Filipino they have intercourse with a men vigorously resisted and were, so to woman, and are unable to speak, impenetrable. Thus, Chinese men withdraw long after coitus, for and other sodomising foreigners had little women are so addicted and find choice but to use their fellow countrymen, delight in it despite shedding native women and wretched stray children. much blood and receiving other Morga had thought sodomy was an injuries. These devices are abomination and Rizal agreed. Rizal’s called sagras… long footnote declared his disgust and (Morga [1609] 1890a: 145) refuted its incidence among indio men by stating that the practice was abhorred by them and hence contained, and therefore Morga had not been alone in documenting restricted to foreigners and their hapless these painful penile piercings. Indeed, his weak partners. was one of the later observations. The first European to record his fascinated, but Yet the criminality of this ‘sin against horrified reaction to the penile implants nature’ paled in comparison to a sexual and incisions so common in Southeast practice which Morga regarded as even Asia was Antonio Pigafetta, the chronicler more shocking, wicked and depraved, not of Magellan’s voyage of 1521. In Java, least because of its unfamiliarity to his Pigafetta had heard the delicate sound of European eyes. This was the custom of tinkling bells emanating from the penises men in the Philippines, especially the of men who had come, on the pretense of tattooed people (Pintados) of the Visayas urinating, to serenade their sweethearts to pierce their penises. Credit for the with the melodious music they made by invention of, and demand for, this bloody shaking their penises (Pigafetta 1523:169). and devilish practice was unequivocally But subtle music-making in Java was a far attributed by Morga to the unrelentingly cry from the assortment of flesh-tearing lustful indio women: wheels, stars, spurs and gold bolts as large as a ‘goose quill’ in use in the Philippines The natives of the Islands of that Pigafetta scrupulously went on to the Pintados, especially the detail (Pigafetta 1523: 167). women, are very vicious and sensual, and their malevolence Rizal had made good use of Pigafetta’s has led them to invent lewd enthralling, richly detailed account and (torpe) ways of intercourse would have found it impossible to miss the between women and men. The Italian’s startling descriptions of penile men have a custom that they erotic surgery. But what was most practice from their youth remarkable about the numerous accounts onwards. They make a hole in given by the historical sources, was not the

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variety of devices for penis being used and References their dispersion throughout Southeast Asia, nor the difficult techniques of Bartels, Max and Paul Bartels (eds.). piercing, which the aghast chroniclers 1935. Woman: 10 a Historical, were only too happy to relate to their Gynaecological and Anthropological readers in graphic detail. In fact, more Compendium. Translated and edited by striking still was the reason given by all Eric John Dingwall. London: William the chroniclers to explain the punctures Heinemann Medical Books Ltd. and insertions. Men endured the agony of penile operations and wore the devices, Blumentritt, Ferdinand [1882]. 1980. An Pigafetta related, principally for the Attempt at Writing a Philippine enhancement of female sexual pleasure: Ethnography [Versuch einer ‘They say that their women wished it so, ethnographie der Philippinen] and that if they did otherwise they would Translated from the original German not have communication with them.’ text by Marcelino N. Maceda (Marawi

City: University Research Center, Morga’ s description of the Filipino penis Mindanao State University. perforations appears within a sequence of paragraphs that deal with pre-conquest Cañamaque, Francisco. 1877 and 1879. sexuality in general — about the Recuerdos de Filipinas: cosas, casos y promiscuity of young people, sodomy, usos de aquellas islas, 2 vols. Madrid: ‘herbolarios y hechiceros’ (herbalists and Librería de Anllo y Rodriguez and witch doctors), and the men whose task it respectively, Madrid: Librería de was to deflower young women. All these Simon y Osler. topics provoked annotations from Rizal in which he plainly relished the opportunity Cummins, J. S. 1972 [Antonio de Morga] to modify, correct and refute. How then Sucesos de las islas Filipinas. did Rizal respond to Morga’s account of Translated and edited by J. S. penile mutilation? One would expect a Cummins. Cambridge: Cambridge footnote. But here Rizal’s prolixity came University Press. to a conspicuous halt, his silence made more deafening by the long annotations on Jagor, Fedor. 1873. Reisen in den its flanks. Philippinen. Berlin:Weidmann.

Rizal’s silences in the Morga are rare Jagor, Fedor. 1880. Sexuelle occasions but telling ones, and such is the abnormitaten bei den Bisayern, case with his silence on the subject of Philippinen. Verhandlungen der penile mutilation. The bulk of his Berliner Gesellschaft fur historical sources had carried similar Anthropologie, Ethnologie und descriptions and more importantly, had Urgeschichte, 12: 90-1. similarly attributed the practice to female lasciviousness. Given the weight of the historical evidence that confronted him, Kamen, Henry. 2002. Spain’s Road to we can only surmise that on this point he Empire: The Making of a World felt unable to refute Morga. Power 1492-1763. London: Penguin.

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Krafft-Ebing, Richard von [1886]. 1998. Rizal, José. 1890a. Antonio de Morga, Psychopathia Sexualis, with Especial Sucesos de las islas Filipinas.Obra Reference to the Antipathic Sexual públicada en Mejico el ano de 1609, Instinct. Translated by Franklin S. Klaf nuevamente sacada a luz y anotada por New York: Arcade Publishing. José Rizal, y precedida de un prologo del Prof. Fernando Blumentritt. Paris: Loarca, Miguel de [1582]. 1909. Librería de Garnier Hermanos. Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas. In The Philippine Islands,1493-1898, eds. by Rizal, José. 1890b. Una contestación a Emma H. Blair and James A. Don Isabelo de los Reyes. La Robertson, Vol. V. Cleveland, Ohio: Solidaridad, Vol. II, 31 October: 504- A. H. Clark. 7.

Mojares, Resil. 2002. Waiting for Mariang Schadenberg, Alex. 1880. Ueber die Makiling: Essayss in Philippine Negritos den Philippinen. Zeitschrift Cultural History. Quezon City: Ateneo fur Ethnologie, 133 ff. de Manila University Press.

Pigafetta, Antonio [1523]. 1906. The Voyage of Magellan: the Journal of Antonio Pigafetta. In The Philippine Islands,1493-1898, eds. by Emma H. Blair and James A. Robertson, vol. V. Cleveland, Ohio: A. H. Clark.

Ploss, Herman Heinrich. 1884. Das Weib in der Natur- und Volkerkunde: Anthropologische Studien. Leipzig: Th. Grieben.

Ploss, Herman Heinrich, Max Bartels and Paul Bartels. 1935. Woman: An Historical, Gynaecological and Anthropological Compendium in Eric John Dingwall. London: W.Heinemann Itd.

Retana, Wenceslao. 1909. Sucesos de las islas Filipinas por el Dr. Antonio de Morga, nueva edición enriquecida con los escritos ineditos del mismo autor ilustrada con numerosas notas que amplien el texto y prologada extensamente por W. E. Retana. Madrid: Librería General de Victoriana Suarez.

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