The Black Sash, Vol. 7, No. 3

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Page 1 of 38 Alternative title The Black SashThe Black Sash Author/Creator The Black Sash (Cape Town) Contributor Grant, Dorothy Publisher The Black Sash (Cape Town) Date 1963-10-00 - 1963-11-00 Resource type Journals (Periodicals) Language Afrikaans, English Subject Coverage (spatial) South Africa Coverage (temporal) 1963 Source Digital Imaging South Africa (DISA) Relation The Black Sash (1956-1969); continued by Sash (1969-1994) Rights By kind permission of Black Sash. Format extent 36 page(s) (length/size)

Page 2 of 38 Published Quarterly Price 20c October/November. 1963 Vol. 7No. 3THEBLACKSASH28.NOV.1963 , DIECopy -,01 ~;WARTSERPNational Conference Issue

Page 3 of 38 lT GIDUL D TAKE sEVbRALGENERA'Trows BEFORE 9,44IT115MAISWERE FULLY INDEPE,NDEJIIT. - "DE WET NEL.-$.,a(By courtesy "Rand Daily Mail")"FREE" ELECTIONS~N THE 20th NOVEMBER, Xhosa voters in the Transkei will go to the polls toelect an "inde-pendent" Parliament-with plenty of string attached! Mr. de Wet Nel, theMinister of BantuAdministration and Development, has made it clear that there will be nopoint in voting for multi-racialism.

Page 4 of 38 BLACK SASH OFFICE BEARERSHEADQUARTERSNational President: Mrs. J. Sinclair, 203Santa Margherita, Eighth Street,Killarney, Johannesburg.Vice-Presidents: Mrs. J. Davidoff, 12 Pre-toria Street Extension, HighlandsNorth Ext., Jonannesburg. Tel.40-1880; Mrs. M. W. Cluver, 21aArgyle Street, Waverley, Johan-nesaurg. Tel. 40-1306.Hon. National Secretary: MrsidR.M. John-ston, 37, Harvard Bgs., JoubertStreet, Johannesburg. Tel. Office23-1032, Home 40-19'73.National Treasurer: Mrs. K. Fleming, 17St. David's Road, Hougnton,Johannesburg. Tel. 43-8165.Magazine Editor: Mrs. D. Grant, 16 KnoxStreet, Waverley, Johannesburg.Telephone 40-2830.Office: 37 Harvard Buildings, JoubertStreet, Johannesburg. Telephone23-1032 . NATAL MIDLANDSBORDERChairman: Mrs. D. Curry, 3 CarisbrookeRoad, Stirling, East London. Tel.8-8979.Secretary: Mrs. Jackson, 7, TorquayRoad, B'M.i e Doon, East London.Tel. 8-2684.Treasurer: Mrs. F. Taylor, HazeFlats, 6, Rees Street, East Lon-don. Tel. 7-2012.CAPE EASTERNActing Chairman: Mrs. P. Levey, 130 MainRoad, Walmer, Port Elizabeth.Secretary: Mrs. I. Bell, 214 Main Road,Walmer, Port Elizabeth.Treasurer: Mrs. A. Bolton,, 19 Lint on Road,Mill Park, Port Eizabeth.CAPE WESTERNChaimanRMrs. M. Henderson, Cranborne,obins Road, Kenilworth. Tel.77-3788.Secretary: Mrs. B. Wilks, Goring, RhodesDrive, Constantia. Tel. 77-3329.Treasurer: Mrs. B. D. Willis, BouldersHouse, Si. onstown. Tel. 86-6182.Office: (for correspondence): 1 and 2,Atgor Chambers, Ralph Street,Claremont, Cape.NATAL COASTALChairman: Mrs. S. Francis, "Rochespoint",Hillcrest. Tel. 7-8756.Secretary: Mrs. G. Ventress, Dan PienaarRoad, Kloof. Tel. 77-9203.Treasurer: Mrs. M. Hayes, 18 Baden Road,Westville.Chairman: Mrs. M. Corrigall, 306, Alexan-dra Road, Pietermaritzburg. Tel.2-3749.Secretary: Mrs. O. G. Forsyth , 369 Com-mercial Road, Pietermaritzburg.Treasurer: Miss I. Friday, 320 Loop Street,Pietermaritzburg.TRANSVAAIChairman: Mrs. D. Hill, 41 The ValleyRoad, Parktown, Johannesburg.Telephone 41-1832.Hon. Secretary: Mrs. R: ,M. Johnston , 37,Harvard Buidings, JoubertStreet, Johannesburg. Tel. Office23-1032; Home 40-1973.Treasurer: Mrs. B. Beinashowitz, 19Empire Road, Parktown, Johan-nesburg.Office: 37 Harvard Buildings, JoubertStreet, Johannesburg. Telephone23-1032.This Magazine, as the official organ of the Black Sash, carriesauthoritative articles on the activi-ties of the Black Sash. The leading articles adhere broadly to the policiesof the organization, which doesnot, however, necessarily endorse the opinions expressed by thecontributors.Cartoons by courtesy of Bob Connolly and the "Rand Daily Mail," A. Berryand "The Star."Published by the Black Sash, 37 Harvard Buildings, Joubert Street,Johannesburg, and printed byMessrs. Price Bros., 173 President Street, Johannesburg.

Page 5 of 38 Dedication .IN pride and humbleness we declare ourdevotion to the land of South Africa,we dedicate ourselves to the service of ourcountry. We pledge ourselves to upholdthe ideals of mutual trust and forbearance,of sanctity of word, of courage for thefuture, and of peace and justice for all per-sons and peoples. We pledge ourselves toresist any diminishment of these, confidentthat this duty is required of us, and thathistory and our children will defend us.So help us God, in Whose strength wetrust.T oewydingsredeMET trots en nederigheid verklaar onsons gehegtheid aan die land van Suid-Afrika, ons wy ons aan die diens van onsland. Ons belowe plegtig die ideale tohandhaaf van onderlinge vertroue en ver-draagsaamheid, van die onskendbaarheidvan beloftes, van moed vir die toekoms,van vrede en regverdigheid teenoor allepersone en rasse. Ons beloof plegtig omons to erset teen enige vermindering hier-van, oortuig dat hierdie plig ons opgele isen dat die geskiedenis en ons kinders onssal regverdig.Mag God ons help, op Wie se krag onsons verlaat.THE BLACK SASH-DIE SWART SERPNational Conference IssueOctober/November, 1963;ContentsPageTHE CRIME APARTHEID-THE PENALTYISOLATIONPresidential Address by Jean Sinclair 1IMPRESSIONS OF CONFERENCEby Molly Petersen ...... 6BLACK SASH CROSSWORD PUZZLE 9"SOUTH AFRICA IN THE SIXTIES"by Joy Hey ...... THE CRIME-APARTHEID: Policy in Practiceby Barbara Versfeld . 12 "Family Day in a country that destroysfamilies":Article by Jessie Hertslet ...... 14Black Sash Family Day Retreat ...... 15Address by Father Eric Richardson 18 The Group Areas Act and Verulamby Sybil Adams ...... _. 21SOUTH AFRICA IN THE AFRICANREVOLUTIONby Muriel FisherSection 4-North Africa ...... 22Zanzibar ...... 23Section 5-Central African Federation 24BLACK SASH REPORTS ON A YEAR'SACTIVITY ...... 28Political comment in this issue by E. D. GRANT, 37 Har-vard Buildings, Joubert St., Johannesburg, exceptingwhere otherwise stated.

Page 6 of 38 "SOUTH AFRICA IN THE SIXTIES"A Review of the book published by the S.A. Foundation.by JOY HEYNatal Midlands Region"SOUTH AFRICA IN THE SIXTIES" is asocio-economic survey of SouthAfrica written by a "team of economistscommissioned for the purpose by the SouthAfrica Foundation and edited by a com-mittee of the Foundation's Trustees." Thedeclared purpose of the Foundation inthis book is to review the nature and theextent of the economic progress of SouthAfrica as well as the conditions for furthereconomic growth. This is done in twosections. The first, called "South Africa-Land of Opportunity," is an outline of thecountry's economic history and an assess-ment of its resources. The second-"TheInfluence of South African RaceProblems on Economic Development"-examines each racial group, its history inSouth Africa, its contribution to theeconomy, and the country's policy forfuture development.No Criticism of PolicyThe book presents in a clear and factual way,liberally supported by statisitics, the economichistory and present economic constitution ofSouth Africa. It poses the problems facing thecountry and presents the Government's solutionto these. No criticism of policy, past or present,is offered. Nowhere does it recognize the presenceof injustices. Difficulties are presented, but alwaysit is the rationale of Nationalist Party doctrinewhich is offered as the logical solution to these.An optimistic picture of South Africa is presentedas a country with a vibrant economy; with aprimitive but contented idigenous populationfor whom the government is' wodig= to provideservices and to whom it offers security and pro-tection. Frequently facts are presented frankly,reinforced by startling statistics, and thenfollowed by little or optimistic comment. Thisstrange juxtaposition of alarming fact and cheer-ful comment is one of the consistent characteris-tics of this book.I would like to look briefly at each of the twosections and indicate the method of presentationof the South African scene by the South AfricaFoundation. In the first, in establishing his-torical perspective and presenting war-time andpost-war features of the economy, we are toldof the worsening of overall terms of trade andThe Black Sash, October/November, 1963 10of the enormous flight of capital from the country.We are reassured, however, that in spite of thisthere is still a massive amount of foreign In-vestment in the country and "the South Africaneconomy itself is so vibrant and strong that itgenerates over 90%o of the large current invest-ment funds needed for continued expansion, whichis proceeding unabated."HousingThe problems of housing and education arepresented in the same optimistic vein. Statisticsgiven show the desperate housing shortage forColoureds in the Cape and Indians in Natal.They show also the enormous influx of Africansfrom rural to urban areas and the resultinghousing problems. However, the section endswith the observation: "The new (Bantu) town-ships are planned projects with communitycentres, recreation facilities, Bantu shops andschool buildings, the present objective being toprovide one primary school for every 800families." No mention is made of the remotenessof achieving this.EducationSimilarly, the section on education begins: "Agrowing proportion of the children of all racesattend school, although their facilities are notthe same. Nor are the financial commitmentsof thepositionState. The data below illustrate the."There follow tables of statistics, tracing theextent of State aid in education to each ofthe racial groups from 1910 to 1959. They alsoindicate that whereas in 1959 the State spent8112.6 million on European education, it spentonly 819.5 million on Bantu and 820.6 on Asiaticsand Coloureds; that whereas in the same yearit spent 8163 per pupil in European schools, itspent 813.84 per pupil in Bantu schools (a dropof nearly R2 per head on the 1957 figures) and850.51 per pupil in Coloured and Asiatic schools.There is no analysis of these figures. Thesentence immediately following the statistics is:"It is clear that the time is fast approaching whenilliteracy amongst non-European people will besomething of the past."FarmingThe farmingin resources of the country are wellanalysed and teresting statistics emerge, thoughfigures relating to Bantu areas are confusing.European farms represent about 75%o of SouthAfrica's total area, the Bantu Reserves about 14%o.Die Swart Serp, Oktober/November 1963

Page 7 of 38 We are told later, however, that the Bantu areascomprise land totalling 22J million acres andthat they will eventually comprise 40,250,000acres or 13.7%o of South Africa. I was unableto solve this riddle. However, of the presenttotal Bantu holdings of 221 million acres, theDepartment of Bantu Administration and Develop-ment estimates that only 51 million acres arearable and 4 are already cultivated. Thesefigures are in no way analysed in relation topopulation figures nor discussed in conjunctionwith the Government's Bantustan policy. Thepoverty of the Reserves is graphically describedbut the blame for their poor agricultural conditionis placed squarely on the tribal system - "Thereal limiting factor is the Bantu himself."The Advent of LiberalismIn the second section - that of "The Influenceof South African Race Problems on EconomicDevelopment" - non-European policy is tracedup to 1948. The advent of Liberalism is describedand the beginnings of the conflict between"idealists" and "realists." The indications=we are told, that Liberalism of the Rousseauschool has from the first been imposed on SouthAfrica from without, initially coming with theBritish troops in 175 and 1806, and then withthe "visionary missionary.""Conflict was inevitable between people whobelieved on the one hand in the `absolute equalityof Hottentots and Kaffirs with the Whites ifgiven equal opportunities' and those who, afteryears of contact with the primitive races, spokeof a haven where there would be none of that`ungodly equality between Black and White'(Anna Steenkamp, Piet Retief's sister)".Even the 1820 Settlers displayed virulent colourfeeling in spite of only a few years' contactwith non-Europeans, when faced with the -pendi of slave labour6oloIntiswas with thloss 'eeman Ag ts ficipation of slaves that inally feltthemselves to be at their wits' ends, and thousandsof them departed to "perpetuate north of theborder another policy of racial coexistence with"-and again the quote-" `none of that ungodlyequality between Black and White'."Still following the trail of Liberalism we readthat "although the general trend of CapeLiberalism had at first been extended to theBantu also, in time their overwhelming numbershad a modifying effect on racial policy, even inthat Colony. The primitive hordes of Bantuwere and still are resonpsible for the strengthen-ing and persistence of anti-liberalism in SouthAfrica."Job ReservationThe history of the Indian in South Africa,perhaps of all the groups most easily describedand defined, is presented with clarity andaccuracy. The history of initial contact with theBantu too is clearly recounted, and the stupendousand complicated problems of adjustment in laterhistory and the present day clearly presented.The Black Sash, October/November, 1963 IIIt is only with the presentation of their solutionsthat one can quarrel. Let me take as an examplethe history of the leglislation leading to JobReservation.Bantu urban populations are shown to haveincreased dramatically over the past forty years,with resulting impact on the European labourforce. The non-European has been found to besuccessfully doing skilled and semi-skilled workin increasing numbers. Also, changes in operatingtechniques in industry have resulted in onceskilled jobs being split into repetitive constitu-ents for which lower wages have been fixed.What were once White jobs have thus becomecommon among non-Whites at non-White ratesof pay. This process of "dilution" of skilled jobscontinues, and fears resulting from this haveculminated in "the most far-reaching colour barlegislation yet to be enacted for secondary andtertiary industry-Job Reservation."However, far from offering any criticism of thislegislation, the following rationale is presented:'Western0. cntries have considered themselvesjustified in defending the standard of living oftheir higher paid workers against competitionfrom goods produced in countries whose workershave a much lower standard of living. Job ~eser-vation is an attempt to deal with similarcompetition within the country. Needless to say,there is much difference of opinion on the detailsof its application."Methods and Objectives of ApartheidThe stated concern of the authors is with SouthAfrica's economic development. In order to pre-sent a more complete picture, however, themethods and obiectives of apartheid are clearlyexpounded and reinforced by quotations from theNationalist Party Election Manifesto of 1948. Thepolicy for future develonment is outlined almostas from an election platform."This new phase in race relations of the mid-twentieth century subjects the non-European andespecially the Bantu to restrictions of movement,residence and employment in the European areas,but offers him the fullest possible developmentin his own areas." And the plea is made: "Gravedoubts are entertained in many quarters as towhether South Africa is on the right road tocontinued peaceful co-existence of its multi-racialpeoples. World opinion must not judge SouthAfrica hastily and blindly but on the facts ofour problems, on our past achievements in im-proving human conditions in our country andon our present gigantic efforts to hasten progressfurther."In conclusion, the impression left by "SouthAfrica in the Sixties" is that it is a literate andclear presentation of the economic structure ofSouh Africa. It would be a far more valuabledocument, however, if it confined itself to factand did not also leave one with the impressionthat the South Africa Foundation was, throughthe pages of this book, a mouthpiece of the SouthAfrican Nationalist Party Government.Die Swart Serp, Oktober/November 1963

Page 8 of 38 THE CRIME-APARTHEIDKAISER M . . . is a married man with aworry - one which non-Africansshould know about. Kaiser has beenmarried for eight years and has neverlived with his wife, never had a home. Thelaw has not allowed it. That is the literaltruth, and it applies to the vast majorityof African marriages, as family life isnormally lawful only under the starvationconditions offered by the Reserves.No Right to Live TogetherKaiser goes home from Cape Town to theTranskei on unpaid leave for three months everyfew years, and occasionally Patience, his wife,visits him in the location in Cape Town. Butthey don't live together - they have no rightto live together. Kaiser has worked for sixteenyears, barring holidays, for a big departmentstore in Cape Town; but that does not givehis wife any right to live in the area. If theywant another baby, they must arrange a visit.Arrange to visit one's husband in order to con-ceive a child? Unthinkable! Well, most non-African South Africans refuse to think aboutit, shut it out of their minds, forget it by allmeans, and go right back to their own comfort-able routine.Kaiser wants to live with his wife now-hesays it is high time. Patience has come to visithim at Nyanga Township and she has done every-thing the law requires, from getting permissionfrom the local magistrate before leaving the Tran-skei to appearing at Langa Registration Office withher "book" within 72 hours of arrival. Sheproduced her return train ticket, too, and under-took to leave within three months and not totake any paid work while here, even if the childrenare a bit hungry. Kaiser has rented a house(lucky man! . . . houses are scarce . . . ), but mustkeep up payments on his temporarily unusedbachelor quarters. He has been striving to obtaina permanent permit for Patience. His firm havevouched for his excellent character, but theirtestimonial was handed back unopened by theofficial. His record, carefully filed at Langawith that of every single African in the area,although flawless, was of no help to him. Thepermit has been refused . . . Influx control, youknow! Let us bow before the great God, Policy!POLICY IN PRACTICE~tories from the Athlone Advice Officeby BARBARA VERSFELDCape Western RegionThe Black Sash, October/November, 1963 12Florence Mg . . . has come to visit her man,too. But she omitted, or forgot, to go first toher magistrate at Umtata, so she must leave againwithin a fortnight, or become liable for arrest.She wants a baby, and may very well not con-ceive immediately. Also, she is not feeling toowell. She goes to a doctor, who finds her inno state to have an infant, and has given hera note stating that she is "receiving attention."But this envelope has met the same fate as Kaiser's.Only cerificates from clinics and hospitals receiveany attention at the Registration Office. Theofficials are not allowed to accept private doctors'opinions. If she can get a hospital certificatebefore her permit expires, Florence may begranted an extension-if the official is satisfiedthat she could not be treated back home inUmtata. Treatment for infertility would befarcical some hundreds of miles away from herhusband. But the officials are concerned withthe application of "policy," which makes nomention of the encouragement of conceptionamong the Bantu.Born in Cape Town-No Rightof Permanent ResidenceThere are many unmarried African women whohave babies because of the same laws whichare keeping married men and women apart.Now here is Sylvia' sloe-eyed, seventeen andpregnant. She was born in Cape Town, but losther right of permanent residence by spendingthe last five years with her Granny at Umtata.When Granny died, friends took Sylvia in andwithout proper control she very soon becamepregnant. Now she has come to her mother,and they are both in need of help, as Sylvia'sfather is serving a long sentence in gaol. Withsome difficulty, Sylvia has secured a permit tostay until after the birth of the baby, a hospitalhaving certified her as being unfit to travel. Thenshe must return to cousins at Umtata. Thusspeaks officialdom.Advice OfficeThese are a handful of the local victims ofthe Pass Laws in action. Their problems andtroubles are typical of those brought every dayto the small Advice Office at Athlone in theCape Peninsula, which is run jointly by the BlackDie Swart Serp, Oktober/November 1963

Page 9 of 38 Sash and the S.A. Institute of Race Relations.Few know that such a place exists. It is staffedmainly by volunteer workers who give up amorning every week in order to interview betweenthem some twenty to thirty "cases" daily. Thework is difficult, and they feel sadly inadequatebut compelled to do what they can, for theyhave discovered how African people in theRepublic live, and it has shaken them awake.They feel privileged in their attempts to help.The facts are profoundly disturbing. Here, forinstance, is a lovely young woman, very gentle,with her six-day-old infant in which she seemscompletely absorbed - her jersey studded withvast safety-pins, and the baby's blanket so cleanand proudly new. Her husband deserted hersome time ago, leaving her, a visitor from theReserves, alone. Then she lost her ReferenceBook and was sent to gaol for being without it.There she stayed for three weeks, until her releaseafter the birth of her baby. So she broughtforth a son, her first-born, and laid him on aprison bunk . . .A worker from the Advice Office will escorther to the right official for an identifying pieceof paper, to ensure that she does not get arrestedagain just yet.Tangled Mass of Red TapeThe work of the Advice Office is to helpAfricans in difficulties find their way throughthe tangled mass of rigidly-applied red taperegulations to a small measure of human justice.The achievement is seldom more than a littleeasing of their burdens. but a permit extendedor a job retrieved makes every effort more thanworthwhile, and there is always the hope thatone is contributing goodwill, a pledge of deter-mination to do better somehow, some day.Knowing too well that goodwill is not enough,the workers watch the inscrutable patience oftheir clients with admiration and anxiety.Let me outline a few more typical cases.Here is a man who has just returned to CapeTown after a holiday of four months with hiswife and children at Cala. As the custom is,he took unpaid leave from his work with a bigbuilding concern. Now the firm has less workon hand and is not able to re-employ him. Hereported at the Langa Registration Office butwas refused permission to seek work throughthe Labour Pool and told to go back to Calawithin a fortnight.. There is no work for himthere and no money. Without his money thefamily faces starvation. Is the law aiming tobuild up an army of malcontents? What arethese men to do back in the "Homelands"? ThereThe Black Sash, October/November, 1963 13are no "Border Industries" flourishing as yet,and will things be much more homely if andwhen there are? But this is the law, this is"Policy." A man may only re-enter the urbanarea after a break if he is returning to his oldemployer, no matter what his record. A splendidtechnique for reducing numbers?The other possible way of entering an urbanarea lawfully is to come as a contract labourer.This ensures that the individual cannot remainafter the termination of the original job forwhich he was contracted. So: employee darenot quit a job in which he is unhappy, and adecent employer will be very slow to dismiss aman, even for gross inefficiency. Employersare helpful as a rule, and when they realize thepenalty an African must pay for leaving themafter absence on holiday, they are often willingto take him on again regardless of their own con-venience. This particular man is to be re-em-ployed, at least temporarily, by his old firm, atthe request of the Advice Office. Once he hasworked there again it will be possible for himto move to another job through the "LabourPool."The Law Says So!While learning the work of advising, I watcheda couple plead their case before the RegistrationOfficer one day. They had been married for tenyears: had five children, and it had just cometo the notice of the authorities that they wereliving together. Occasionally it does happen! ButMr. X did not qualify to have a wife living withhim, because his record of having worked con-tinuously for one employer extended back foronly nine years. It should have been ten-thelaw says so! Having been in the area more thanfifteen years herself, his wife apparently qualifiedby law to remain, but she was unable to producewritten proof of this.An African's wife is his property, although notthe sort of property he is entitled to keep byhim. Seeing that his own qualification lacked ayear, she was endorsed out of the area, orderedto leave within a fortnight for Lady Frere whereher husband is blessed with relatives-whom shehad never met! X. retained the glorious right tokeep his job, move into bachelor quarters -bachelor quarters - and send most of his salaryto Lady Frere. The official, when remonstratedwith, blustered and grew scarlet. It was as muchas his own livelihood was worth to "stretch"his interpretation of the law. He was not en-joying his work.(Continued on Page 15)Die Swart Serp, Oktober/November 1963

Page 10 of 38 THE CRIME-APARTHEIDFAMILY DAY III A COUNTRY THAT DESTROYS FAMILIESby JESSIE HERTSLETSENTIMENTALITY is often cultivated bythe very people who are hardest onthose in their power. One can imaginethe whole world laughing when it learnsthat South Africa has devoted a publicholiday to the very image which is beingdestroyed for her Africans--the family.The strange thing is that the dominant section inthis country has, in its womenfolk, those whohave a perfect genius for homemaking. Nevercan I forget the wonderful Afrikaner homes thatI have been fortunate enough to visit, even inthe old days when the men were served first attable, and we women waited on them.How these experts in family life can have lettheir men enact the cruel laws that have devas-tated Bantu homes is a mystery. Or is that allpart of the South African habit of curbing theimagination and power of thought on any pricklysubject? A very intelligent woman said to me:"Oh, does migrant labour interfere with homelife?" Migrant labour was politics, in which shewas not interested . , nothing to do with thewelfare work in which she spent herself.Forcibly SeparatedDoctors and nurses, and often their relatives,get a closer insight into real life than otherpeople. To have seen in the shadows of the buta young father caring for his dying child (andhalf the Bantu babies still die) gives one know-ledge of the feelings of those 12,000 "bachelors"at ""g' who are married. And of how manymore among the migrant labourers in all ourcity areas, who are forcibly separated from thechildren they love.Family life . . . Let us for once give our imagina-tion free rein, and try to picture those "bachelors"noting the word "Family" on h"'ardin gs or in thenewspapers which many of them read, and thencasting their thoughts to the far-away Reservewhere their family is battling for existence onthe meagre allowance forwarded month by month.Or the woman who has tried in vain to jointhe man in her life, but has been "endorsed out",and cannot control the young sons who know nofather's hand and constantly defy her.Or the illegitimate boy who does not knowwho is his father, but wonders what "family"means, as he is handed from one old relative toanother.Or the teen-ager who is half-educated andtrying to pick up jobs, but has no home and isheading for delinquency.The Black Sash, October/November, 1963 14Even when an African family is allowed tolive together in a township, this is generallyso far from work that the father and often themother can see little of the children. They spendhours in travel and pay for it with money thatshould be spent on food.The Border industries idea has doubtless inview the ending of all this loss of family life,but it is being worked out far too slowly tohalt the evils of Bantu homelessness to-day.If we would only face our industrial age, co-existent with the sheer inadequacy of the depletedand over-crowded Reserves, we should see thatthe longed-for apartheid cannot come for decades,if ever. Forcing it upon the population all in ayear or two is dangerous. It means killing thegoose that lays the golden egg.True Gold of South AfricaThe true gold of South Africa is the abundantcheap labour. The African of our land is apatient, obedient worker, who does well in repeti-tive tasks, though he as not much taste foragriculture. But this character of his is not justan accident. Are we not yet intelligent enoughto know that every man is what his early yearshave made him? Did psychologists enlighten theworld in vain for us?There is something behind the genial characterof the average African, and that is the motheringhe got up to and after the coming of the nextbaby, when he could live his own life. The warmmother's back gave him a sense of completesecurity; everyone encouraged him to talk andadmired his efforts to walk and run. He hadhis own little nurse-girl, in his own familiar home.But when he grew up enough to tend the goatsor calves, he came under his father's control andlearned to be tough and obedient.Change all this pleasant childhood into whatit is now in tens of thousands of cases, and whatcan we expect? In a few decades the characterof the desired cheap labour will have completelyaltered. There are already signs of the change.The strong resentment, hitherto noticed in anothersection of our multi-racial population, is showingin the Africans.White people are nervous about even one ortwo months of mismanagement for a belovedchild. It might spoil his temper! It might giveher a sense of insecurity! But the fatherlessBlack child has a lifetime of it.People who feel themselves insecure are toooften bad-tempered or even vicious. Small childrenwho are "endorsed out" along with their mothersoften wander from pillar to post. We hear ofuInfortunate women traveling back and forthbetween the Transkei and town because no placecan be found for them.Die Swart Serp, Oktober/November 1963

Page 11 of 38 A New Type of GypsyFamily Day . . . There was the family sent awayfrom a farm because the man was found to betubercular. With his wife and two small childrenhe tramped to the nearest dorp and its location.There the wife had another baby. They had noright to be there, but the man died and hadto be buried in a non-statutory manner. The womanhad to go, and the last heard of her was on theroad with her three children.What can those children become but a newtype of gypsy utterly insecure, probably ill withkwashiorkor or the like, with no morality tospeak of?It seems likely that we shall get a gypsypopulation - useless for industrial labour -unless this deprivation of settled home-life comesto a speedy end.Even if the aim is in future to pack most ofthe Africans into Reserves around industries, forthe time being let them live in families whereverthere is work to keep them alive and together.A family in a shack can produce better peoplethan homeless wanderers crowding into a slumor a kraal already too full.Evil CustomTouching sentiments uttered by leading menabout saving the nation do nothing to halt thehorrible insecurity which is damaging the smallchildren of our African nation.Professed Christianity, humanity, the socialconscience, have all failed to check our evilcustom of migrant labour. The intelligence ofour industrialists may be guided by materialmotives to stop the rot that will ruin theirlabour before long.But those who love South Africa for herselfcan yet save her by facing up to the truth.(_PiRe nted from the "Cape Times")POLICY IN PRACTICE(Continued from Page 13)That was nearly a year ago. The application ofthese laws has become stricter since. Husbandsand wives must both qualify individually as per-manent residents in order to be allowed to livetogether in an urban area, and moreover theymust be able to prove that they have normallyresided together. How can they do this whenthey have never been allowed to start residingtogether? They are trapped in a network ofutterly impossible conditions. There is to befurther erosion of their few rights under the newBantu Laws Amendment Act. Paper bureaucracyhas run mad.What, oh what, are we going to do about it?The Black Sash, October/November, 1963 15BLACK SASH FAMILY DAY RETREAT'r0 MARK their distress over the break-up of African family life through theoperation of the Apartheid laws, groups ofBlack Sash women in Cape Town andJohannesburg repeated the gesture madeby Cape Western members last Christmasby spending twenty-four hours in retreat,in silence and under austerity conditions,from the 7th to the 8th July-`FamilyDay."In Johannesburg, the retreat was opened at 6p.m. on Sunday, 7th July, with a short ceremonyin St. Mary's Cathedral, conducted by the Rev.Eric Richardson. His moving address to thosegoing "into the silence" appears in the followingpages.The night and day were spent in the DarraghHall on a diet of bread and water, in bitterly coldconditions. During the day, addresses were givenby Methodist and Presbyterian ministers and aJewish Rabbi. At intervals, suitable readings weregiven by Black Sash members.In Cape Town, the twenty-four hours werespent in an empty room, in silence. In an explana-tory letter published in the "Cape Times, ourCape Town members said:"We hope to show our continued awareness ofthe plight of the thousands of African men,women and children who must annually =thisFamily Day away from their families, because thelaws and customs of our land do not allow Afri-can citizens the rights which all others-Whites,Coloured people and Indians-are able to take forgranted."We know that many of the `electorate are quiteunaware of this hardship and that others arethoughtless of it, or take it for granted that themigrant labour system is the lot of Africans. Oneof the greatest tragedies in our country is thatthis migrant labour system has had to become thepattern of African family life."We wish to express our sorrow to all thosewho suffer enforced family separation, and to letthem know that there are people who understandtheir plight and who will continue to work tochange it."We are also constantly aware of the patiencewith which those who suffer have borne this bur-den through the years."On this 1963 Family Day we also cannot failto give our thoughts to those thousands whosefamilies have been disrupted by arrests for politi-cal offences, offences which, but for the burden ofunjust laws, might never have been committed."We are convinced that if Africans had beenable to live under the same laws as we do, wewould all today be looking forward confidently toa settled, peaceable and stable way of life."Die Swart Serp, Oktober/November 1963

Page 12 of 38 THE CITY HALL STEPS - JOHANNESBURG'S TRADITIONAL FORUMDie Swart Serp, November/Desember 1963 16Die Swart Serp, Oktober/November 1963(By courtesy of the "Star"

Page 13 of 38 THE CRIME, APARTHEID-THE PENALTY, ISOLATIONOn the 22nd October, 1963, during the course of the Annual National Con-ference of the Black Sash in Johannesburg, approximately fifty Black Sashwomenheld a poster demonstration outside the Stock Exchange in Hollard Square.Thepicture below shows a portion of the demonstration.The PostersTHE CRIME, APARTHEIDRacial discrimination,+ forced removals,+ broken families,+ job reservation,wastage of manpower,+ crammed jails,+ 90-day detention,+ bannings,INHUMANITYTHE PENALTY,WORLD CONDEMNATION:Exclusion from:world conferences,+ world thought,+ world markets,+ air space,+ sport,+ art and culture,+ science.ISOLATION.(By courtesy "Rand Daily Mail")THE CITY HALL STEPS(Pictures on left) Top: One of the earliest demonstrations held by theBlack Sash onthe Johannesburg City Hall steps to mark the dissolution of the old SenateinNovember, 1955.Bottom: The last demonstration on "the steps," held in September, 1963,just before asecond ban on "gatherings" in the vicinity of the City Hall was applied.The Black Sash, October/November, 1963 17Die Swart Serp, Oktober/November 1963

Page 14 of 38 THE CRIME-APARTHEIDFAMILY DAY RETREATPreliminary Address byFather ERIC RICHARDSONIT would be as well, I think, to begin by attempting to look into themotives behindthe rather extraordinary behaviour of the women of the Black Sash indeciding to"withdraw," as they call it, for 24 hours. The day that they have chosen toengage uponthis exercise is one that is generally observed as 'that Day."Yesterday I understand they undertook one of their characteristicdemonstrations:on this occasion, against some legislation, the effect of which isconsidered by them tobe likely to militate against the very virtues of family life for thepreservation ofwhich we are especially called upon this day to pray. It is considered bythem to besomewhat hypocritical for the religious-minded people of this country topray thata high regard be paid to the institution of the family, whilst at the sametime theyignore in complacency the fact that the highly desirable condition of astable familylife is in some instances, and for some sections of the population, madeimpossible-not by the misbehaviour of the mother and father so much as by therequirementsof the legislation proposed.Indeed there is little doubt that if the proposedlegislation will have the effect of making familylife in some circumstances impossible-even ifin only a handful of cases-the Black Sash isabundantly justified in thus challenging theChristian community on this score, in the hopethat they may add to the growing doubts as tothe justice of the measure the formidable opposi-tion of the Churches. Their opposition, that is,to the effects of the proposal on the lives ofthose who are likely to suffer from it. For thoughit may be possible to remain unconvinced thatthe principle behind the Act is wrong, theChristian cannot fail to raise a voice in oppositionwhenever the implementation of legislation bringssuffering and deprivation to any family orindividual.The Christian's Dutyit seems to me that Christians are entirelyjustified in using the scriptural touchstone, "bytheir fruits ye shall know them," when consideringtheir attitude to any official policy. If in itsenforcement there is a lack of charity and justice,then unless we are vociferous in our opposition,we shall fall under St. Augustine's declarationto the effect that "he who stands aside andsees injustice done is guilty of that injusticehimself." It would not be the first time thatthe Christian's duty has had to be pointed outto him by those outside the Church.It is not a little surprising that the undoubtedlystrong Christian community in this country, with,of course, notable exceptions, has been so in-different to the moral conflict that is at theroot of our situation. It has no doubt somethingThe Black Sash, October/November, 1963 18to do with the specious and yet generally acceptedopinion that the European civilization, that weare called upon with such fervour to defend,includes, and is inextricably bound up with, theChristian faith. But the faith is universal, andwhilst we have no business defending the manyevils there are in Western civilization, we haveno need to despair in defence of what is good,for that in the end will inevitably conquer,shedding unessentials and the inferior accretionsof any particular social or national culture. Thetrouble lies in the fact that we Christians failto have sufficient faith in the inevitability ofGod's ulimate victory, and instead of boldlymeeting change or strange new situations withour hand in God's, we tend to think that Godneeds the support of our stubborn conservatism.But in the face of this accusation of hypocrisy,you might respond by claiming that there isequal hypocrisy in that the Black Sash enters achurch and engages in what is a typicallyreligious activity-withdrawal-when only a smallproportion of its members have anything in theway of a deep religious conviction. Does notthis smack of the typical Communistic tactic ofusing religion and the Church to bolster theirclaim to the allegiance of the religiously-minded?Religion and PoliticsFor though it is true that some people claimthat religion ought not to be dragged into politics,because the latter brooks no interference andresents all opposition, others there are, a vastbody of ordinary people, who genuinely andDie Swart Serp, Oktober/November 1963

Page 15 of 38 sincerely feel that to mix the two does not somuch hamper politics as degrade their mostsacred beliefs and drag them from the churchto the market place. And whereas those whomake such a dichotomy could not be more wrongthan to try to keep their faith all neatly packedaway from those spheres where its evangel isthe most needed, I cannot but understand andsympathize with their acute distress.Like, for instance, the police officer besidewhom I stood watching a Black Sash demon-stration service. He was deeply offended, andfelt that his God was being cheapened. For him,I felt that love, prayer and sympathy were calledfor. For here is an example of a modernPharisee-a good, upright and religious man, thequality of whose private life would probably putus to shame, but who has failed lamentably toprevent his respectable prejudices from blindinghim to the uncomfortable consequences of hisChristian profession in the political and nationalsphere.If, however, this "withdrawal" of the BlackSash were indeed a public demonstration,organized to attract attention, we Christianswould have, perhaps, some justification in showinglittle sympathy with such a blatant attempt toobtain publicity and support for the axe they haveto grind. But manv of those I know well arenot doing this quite in that spirit-and I hopethat, in fact, none are.Act of Self-DenialThat it is a demonstration of a sort, I cannotdeny. It is, however, primarily a token accept-ance by the privileged of a short period ofdiscomfort, that they may, in some small way,voluntarily associate themselves with those whospend their whole lives in comparative discomfort.It is saying to the under-privileged section ofour population, "We are conscious that we areprivileged and you are not, that we suffer littleand have few frustrations, whilst you suffer andare greatly frustrated. We cannot escape ourcondition entirely, perhaps because we are notsufficiently courageous, or because we cannot in-flict injury on those who are dependent upon ussince we are not free agents. But we desire, bythis act, to show that we care and are with youin your difficulties at least in spirit. We appreciatethat it cannot help you very much save perhaps togive you the knowledge that we care sufficientlyto make an act of self-denial."The Black Sash, October/November, 1963 19If I am right in thus partly interpreting yourmotivation, then I believe that what you do iseffective, at least in so far as you show theprivileged disrobing themselves of the benefitsof the privileged for a short space, by self-denialand by the glad acceptance of the taunts andsneersyour peers. Only you who are privi-leged can make this sort of demonstration.Search for Spiritual StrengthBut there is, I suspect, another worthy motiva-tion. I have noticed the slow numerical impover-ishment of your movement from the impressivemass demonstrations of the early days, whenyou were creating a sensation and your membersswelled with people of shallow thought, who feltimpelled to climb on the band-wagon but whoseconvictions flickered and died out in the dustyand arid days of routine standing and haunting;to the time when public opinion swung a little(Continued overleaf)HAPPY HOME LIFEREAD an account of an interview withMrs. Verwoerd recently which gave megreat pleasure.Our Prime Minister's wife describedher happy family life and her unremittingand personal care of her husband andchildren. She has always bathed herchildren herself, she says, and goes on totell us how important a wife's companion-ship is to her husband.I am an old woman, and often shockedthese days by what I read about the livesof those in high places. This account ofproper domestic happiness in one of ourmost important households should havegiven me great satisfaction.But I began to think of our otherfamilies; less important in the public eye,but no less so in the sight of God.African mothers, too, would like to baththeir own children and put them to bed.They, too, know the value to a man ofhis wife's constant ecompanionship.Yet, these fundamental human needs aredenied to so many people in this countrybecause of their colour. Not for anyI u idleness, la lessness, but for thata itinesLpable physical fact.I would like to thank Mrs. Verwoerdfor her example of domestic bliss. I wouldlike to ask her to use her great influencewith her husband to bring about a greaterhumanity in our laws, so that the happyhome life might be within reach of all ofus in this country.-ERNESTINE FOUCHE.("Rand Daily Mail")Die Swart Serp, Ohtober/November 1963

Page 16 of 38 from admiration to scorn and impatience. To-day,the pathetically thin stands of the faithful fewcreate little impression on the large mass ofthe European population, and I suspect thatthere may be, among those who have remainedfaithful, moments of despair. It may be thatthe kind of thing you do on this occasion isindicative of a very important development inwhich lies a great hope for the Sash's continuedexistence, in spite of periods of apparent failureto make any progress whatsoever. The cry,"What good will it do?"-by which, evidently,is meant, "What practical effect will it have?"-is the expression of the beginning of a processwhich may well end in a person's giving up theSash because it is no longer "successful" and isno longer achieving visible results. Such a basisof evaluation is as specious as the enthusiasmenkindled at Pretoria in the early days. The reallyimpressive successes of the Sash are not soeasily discernible, for they lie in the heartsand minds of individuals. I would like to believe-and I do not think that I have no justificationfor this-that behind the compulsion to "with-draw" is inter alia, a new and more healthyhumility which causes you to have a betterappreciation of what is demanded of you inpursuing your programme of protest. What isdemanded from you personally, I mean. And, inthe face of what is demanded, an appreciationof the need of a grace of courage and perse-verance which is greater than that of whichyou are capable in your own strength. And then,as a result of that realization, a turning to thelong-established practice of a religious person-by which I mean one who acknowledges that,in the words of a well-known prayer, "we haveno power of ourselves to help ourselves"-thepractice of silence and self-denial, and a searchingfor sources of strength from without.When you go into the silence, I suggest thatyou commence with an examination of yourmotives, an assessment of your personal failures,to culminate in a private act of penitence andprayer for forgiveness. I consider this importantif you are to receive, as I hope you will, anyP rsonal benefit and inspira ion from your with-d=al. It is the pre-requisite of any approachto God and any blessing from God.The Classic Story of ProtestAgainst EvilI suggest that next you examine the classicstory of protest against evil that. is recorded inthe story of the life and death of our Lord JesusChrist. Dwell particularly on the apparent failureThe Black Sash, October/November, 1963 20(ObituaryMRS. GLADYS EPSTEINMRS. GLADYS EPSTEIN, who died re-cently in Johannesburg, was a founda-tion member of the Black Sash, and a mem-ber of the original committee. She sub-sequently served on the Southern TransvaalRegional Committee for several years.Mrs. Epstein will be remembered particu-larly as one of the leaders of the anti-Senat.e Acwth , ~ convoy to Cape Town, when,i he sister, Mrs. Marjorie Bowman, shetook charge of one of the four sub-convoysfrom the Transvaal. Her qualities of leader-ship, undoubtedly the result of her experi-ence as an ambulance driver in London dur-"i g the "blitz," were reflected in her kindlyIdiscipline and unremitting concern for thewelfare of the women under her care, whoaffectionately christened her "Sergeant-Major."For the last. few years of her life, Mrs.Epstein was unable to take an active part inBlack Sash affairs, as a series of operationsto her eyes had left her almost blind. Shebore her affliction with the greatset courage.We will remember her with great affectionand respect.and suffering that was the prelude to victoryover evil. In this story it was not numbersand mass demonstrations that won the day. Themarch into Jerusalem appears as a triumphantprocession, the prelude to a glorious revolution,but it faded out into a small band of dispiritedyet faithful disciples who, because of their faith,inherited the victory . . . And then, dwell onthe new Commandment that was to be thecharacteristic of the quiet yet persistent revolu-tion, "that ye love one another."And finally, you will have more time andopportunity for prayer than ever before - butremember that prayer is a two-way exercise andincludes not only petition but an attitude ofresponsiveness to what God has to say to heartand mind.It is because I believe that your motivationincludes two things - a token vicarious sufferingand a desire to seek a spiritual strength fromwithdrawal - that I cannot withhold my blessingon what you are about to undertake, and I praythat it may be productive of benefit to yourown soul, and to your campaign against thosethings which you so clearly see as blemishes inthe body politic.Die Swart Serp, Ohtober/November 1963

Page 17 of 38 THE CRIME-APARTHEIDTHE GROUP AREAS ACT AND VERULAMBy SYBIL ADAMSAN INTERESTING SITUATION has arisen in the small township of Verulam on theNatal North Coast, where, for theAreas Act was passed, a request hasclared an Indian Group Area.Verulam was originally settled by the BryneSettlers in 1845, but the White settlers weregradually outnumbered by the Indians, who firstarrived about ten years later. In 1921, the numberof Europeans totalled 272, and there is now aWhite population of 257, most of whom are"birds of passage", being civil servants, railway,postal and bank employees, etc. So it can beseen that Verulam is not attracting new, per-manent, White residents. On the other hand,there has been a steady increase in the Indianpopulation over the years, so that now thereare 1,809 Indians within the township and about5,000 in the adjoining areas, a clear prepon-derance.These figures can be supported by the factsthat Indians pay the greater portion of the rates,own the greater acreage, have the larger numberof businesses, own the only factories, and have2,517 children attending local schools as against100 White children.From the White minority is drawn an all-WhiteTown Board, which has refused to share localgovernment with the Indian majority, in contrastto the neighbouring township of Tongaat, whichhas on its Board two Indians. Under this all-White Board, there has been no provision for sub-economic or economic housing for the Indiancommunity, and whereas the Europeans can buyland at a nominal sum, Indians have to pay upto ten times as much for similar sites. Thenecessity for a permit under the Land TenureAct when property changes hands between aWhite and a non-White has led to fantasticallyinflated prices for the Indian purchasers, and alimiting of the normal expansion which theywould otherwise have made. In addition, VerulamIndians have recently been deprived of the useof their=st beach, Umhloti Beach, by thatarea's HCommittee, some of whom aremembers of the Verulam Town Board.In spite of such hardships and injustices, theIndians in Verulam wished to preserve harmoniousrace relations, and the initiative in requesting animmediate hearing before the Group Areas Boardcame not from them (as they have never wantedto be a party to the implementation of the Act),but from the White ratepayers. The Indian com-muniy were unanimous in their request that theThe Black Sash, October/November, 1963 21first time in the twelve years since the Groupbeen made for an entire township to be de-("The Star")Town Board should ask the Group Areas Boardto advise the Minister that there was no needfor racial zoning in Verulam at all.This the Town Board refused to do, so theVerulam Group Areas Committee itself, at ahearing on July 11th and 12th, recommendedthat the Group Areas Board advise the Ministeron these lines.The Town Board's lack of co-operation hasroused a volume of Indian opinion, which feelsthat should this recommendation fail, and Verulambe declared for a single race group, in all fair-ness the entire township should be declared anIndian Group Area. In such an event, however,these Indian ratepayers have undertaken to sup-port the granting of permits to prevent the up-rooting of any White householder or businessman.It would appear that the Verulam Indians havea clear-cut case, which puts the Group Areas Acton trial . . . What will be the outcome?(Since this article was written, the Natal SouthCoast township of Isipingo has been proclaimedan Indian Group Area, and 2,000 Whites will haveto move. At the same time, certain areas aroundDurban have been proclaimed White, and 64,000Indians will be displaced.)Die Swart Serp, Oktober/November 1963

Page 18 of 38 SOUTH AFRICA IN THE AFRICAN REVOLUTION (4)by MURIEL FISHERTHIS ARTICLE, the fourth part of Mrs. Fisher's survey of the changing sceneinAfrica, deals with Libya, Egypt, the Sudan and Ethiopia; and with theislandsof Zanzibar and a possible East African Federation. The fifth section,which follows,covers the ill-fated Central African Federation. In her concluding article,Mrs. Fisherwill discuss our own country's position and the possible lessons to belearned bySouth Africa from the African Revolution.LIBYA, which Italy seized from Turkey in 1911and attempted to colonize, was granted inde-pendence by the United Nations in 1951, and hasa federal government under King 1dris.Only about 1 % of the land is arable, and thecoastal strips are at most 50 miles wide. Thepopulation is mostly Arab-Berber, but there arestill thousands of Italians in Tripolitania. Lybia isa poor country, but recent discoveries of oil arehelping its economic development.The country is allied neither to the West nor toEgypt next door.Egypt.Egypt is a country of extreme e ex-t"n,~ wealth ,p- rty andr . Twenty-five i _ people arecrowded into a country with only six millionsquare miles of arable land, with a concentrationof 16,000 to the square mile, most of them half-starved.In 1952, Egypt revolted, or Cairo did, and thearmy under General Naguib seized power, threwthe fat, corrupt and cynical King Farouk out anddissolved all the old political parties. Naguib didnot last long, and soon Colonel Nasser becamePresident. He is clever, unpredictable and bold,and one has only to recall the events of the pastten years - the war with Israel, the seizing ofthe Suez Canal, and the fiasco of the invasion bythe British and the French - to realize thestrength of his hold on Egypt.In 1958, Nasser joined Egypt and Syria to formthe United Arab Reoublic, with Cairo as its capitaland himself as its head.Three years later the Syrian army revoltedagainst Nasser's domination and Syria becameindependent again, though Egypt retains the nameof the U.A.R.Egypt remains the focal point of the Arab world;but Nasser would like to dominate Africa as awhole, and to this end Cairo pours out a constantstream of radio propaganda to all African states,and has harboured many African political refu-gees. Nevertheless, the U.A.R. is not a CommunistThe Black Sash, October/November, 1963 22country, although its nationalism is anti-West andmuch of its trade is with Russia.Egypt's life is the Nile, the world's longestriver (4,160 miles), on which the 30 millions ofEgypt and the Sudan Republic depend. Everyyear the "Miracle of the Flood" occurs, and theriver rises up to 26 feet at Aswan. PresidentNasser's dream has long been to build a greatnew dam above the existing one at Aswan, tohold most of the flood water in reserve and doubleEgypt's arable land. As half of the Nile flowsthrough the Sudan, the U.A.R. agreed in 1959 topay 15 million in compensation for the floodingof Wadi Haifa and Nubia as the result of the lakewhich will stretch 300 miles upstream when thenew dam is completed. In 1955, America, Britainand the World Bank had almost agreed to financethe dam, but withdrew their offer, and the Suezconflict followed. In 1958, Russia agreed tofinance the beginning of the new dam, and workwas begun in 1960.The Sudan Republic.The Sudan was governed by the British in anominal condominium with Egypt from 1898 until1953, when with British help and training it becamea republic. The North is a populous, enlightened,mainly Moslem area; the South sparsely populatedwith primitive, pagan and often naked people,although some of the negroes are Christians. In1958, when the elections left the President withinsufficient power to rule, the army, under GeneralAbboud, took over to restore law and order in apeaceful manner, and still retains power.The Sudan has always resisted Egyptian effortsto unify the Nile countries, though Egypt controlsthe Nile within the Sudan. Like Egypt, the Sudanhas accepted Russian financial aid, but she hasalso asked the United States for financial andtechnical assistance.Ethiopia.Ethiopia, or Abyssinia, is unique among thestates of Africa in that it has been Christian(Coptic) since the 4th century, though surroundedDie Swart Serp, Ohtober/November 1963

Page 19 of 38 by Moslem states, and, except for five years ofItalian domination (1936-1941), has remained as anindependent monarchy. The Italians liberated agreat number of slaves, although the Emperor,Halle Selassie, had promised the League of Na-tions that slavery would be wiped out. Even to-day, Ethiopia is not entirely free of the taint.Chiefs have little power, because the Emperoris an absolute ruler, but in 1960 there was a revoltagainst his regime, which was soon crushed. In1950, the Northern area of Eritrea became fede-rated with Ethiopia, providing a sea coast andtwo new ports, Massawa and Assab, but thecountry's chief port is still Djibuti in French So-maliland.Somalia.Ethiopian relations with the neighbouringSomalis in the "Horn of Africa" are always un-easy and the borders have never been defined.The strategic importance of the entrance to theRed Sea brought three European powers into thisarid area in the late 19th century. The French ac-quired a small piece and built the port Djibuti,British Somaliland was established in 1887 andItalian Somaliland two years later.After Italy's defeat in 1941, Britain admini-stered both her own and the Italian territory andencouraged the political advance of the Somalis,until they became the independent republic ofSomalia in 1960. The Somali Youth League is,however, working to incorporate in the Republicall Somalis now in the French territory, in Ethio-pia and in Kenya, of which the northern part ismainly a Somali area. The idea is for this part tosecede before Kenya gains her independence. It ispossible that this incorporation plan may lead toconsiderable friction with Ethiopia and with KenyaZANZIBAR AND EAST AFRICAN FEDERATIONTHE ISLANDS of the quiet little Zanzibar Sultanate are inhabited by some200,000Shirazi, 17,000 Tamils, the professional and trading classes, which includetheAga Khan's followers, and an aristocracy of 50,000 Arabs.Until 1956 no wind of change had stirred the air of these green,clove-scentedislands, where the Sultan ruled under British protection. In that year,however, theLegislative Council received its first elected members and by the 1961Constitutionthe Arab Sultan became a constitutional monarch with an elected legislature.Sleepy Zanzibar wakes up only at electiontime. In the past two-and-a-half years there havebeen three general elections. The first in 1961was ?dead-heat. In the second, soon after,the Zanzibar National Party in alliance with theZanzibar and Pemba People's Party, both Arab-orientated, narrowly defeated the Afro-Shrazi Partywhich has close connections with the Africanstates. Rioting followed in which many liveswere lost. The racial problem, in which for onceWhites are not involved, is African against Arab,a legacy of the old days when the Arab dhowssailed away laden with African slaves.The third election, held in rly this year, witharmed guards to prevent rioting, produced arecord poll of 99% and another close victoryfor the ruling alliance.The constitutional talks in London in Septemberended with the announcement that Zanzibar'sIndependence Day will be December 10th thisyear.Even that prospect does not stir the somnolentZanzibari. Even their poverty does not rouse themto effort. Their exports have fallen, since clovesare now a glut on the market, but the growersdo not take readily to producing new cropssuch as rice or cocoa.Economically, therefor, Zanzibar can scarcelyThe Black Sash, October/November, 1963 23stand alone. If the proposed East AfricanFederation comes into being, she will probablyjoin it.The East African Federation.In July 1.963, as a direct result of the SummitConference at Addis Ababa, the prospects offederation between the three East African states,Kenya, Tanganyika and Uganda, grew very muchbrighter than before, and a great deal of pre-liminary work has been done.Now, however, there is some cooling-off onthe part of Uganda. Prime Minister MiltonOboe feels that it is impossible to create afederal constitution before the end of the year.Obviously "King Freddie," the Kabaka or Kingof Buganda, is having second thoughts about hisposition in a federation, and since Mr. Oboteholds office only by the support of the Kabaka'sYekka party, he must use delaying tactics.Zanzibar is also expressing some doubts andis in no hurry to join the Federation, thoughher participation is not essential to the successof the scheme.It will be interesting to see whether Kenyaand Tanganyika will be able to overcome thoseobstacles and set up an East African Federation,just as the Central African Federation isdissolved.Die Swart Serp, Oktober/November 1963

Page 20 of 38 SOUTH AFRICA IN THE AFRICANREVOLUTION t5)The Central African Federationby MURIEL FISHERONE of the most interesting political experiments in Africa, the CentralAfrican Fede-ration, has failed after a brief and troubled ten years. With it goes thefailure,too, of a second great experiment, multi-racial "partnership," whichvitally affects usin South Africa. To understand why these twin ventures did not succeed, wemust lookat the history of the three terriories of the dying Federation.The names most intimately connected with theRhodesias are those of Livingstone, the mis-sionary, and Cecil John Rhodes. Livingstone's wasthe Christian and ethical influence, Rhodes'sthe Empire-building, which really means themoney-making one.NNot that Livingstone under-estimatedthepower of commerce and trade as a weapon inthe fight against slavery. In 1849, on his famousjourney across Africa he crossed theKI i and disc.vere~ when ea ahar the Uppe~ Zambesi, h,also discovered the "great crime" of that era,the Slave Trade. Although the Emancipation Acthad been in force since 1833, the grim story ofthe West African slave trade was being repeatedin Central and East Africa.Livingstone's own estimate was that of themillions taken from Africa ten lives were lostin the cruel slave caravans for every slavedelivered to a slave ship. His famous appealat Cambridge in 1857 for help in his work ofstamping out slavery ("1 go back to Africa totry to make an open path for commerce andChrisianity. Do you carry out the work 1 havebegun. 1 leave it with you") caused a greatmissionary campaign to spread over all ofCentral Africa, followed, of course, by the trader.The missionary brought Christianity, educationand the idea of the brotherhood of man, thetrader transformed a primitive tribal society intoa Black proletariat. To-day, a century laterSouthern Africa is reaping the harvest sown bythose early pioneers.A Brief History of the Three Territories.Southern Rhodesia: The history of the Whiteman in Southern Rhodesia is a short one. It, wasin 1890, within living memory, that Rhodes,obsessed with his vision of extending the BritishEmpire to the North and lured by the gold ofMashonaland, orgamzed the famous PioneerColumn. One hundred wagons and horsemen setout from Bechuanaland, bypassed Lobenguela inMatabeleland, struggled b=ed andThe Black Sash, October/November, 1963 24rivers, and three months later planted the UnionJack in Mashonaland and built a fort named afterLord Salisbury.The early days of the little colony were hardand dangerous. Inevitably war against the Mata-beles came in 1893, ending with the destructionof Lobenguela's empire and the founding of thetown of Bulawayo on the ruins of his royal kraal.After the Mashona rebellion, three years later,had been quelled, and with the building of therailway and the increased output of gold, theyoung country began to progress.As the settlers grew more numerous andpowerful, they resented the rule of the CharteredCompany, and in 1923 Southern Rhodesia wasformally annexed to the Crown and grantedresponsible government.As far back as 1894, when land was beinggiven to White men, provision was made, thoughin a rather perfunctory manner, for NativeReserves, which became the basis for the SouthernRhodesia Land Apportionment Act, one of themost burning problems in the territory to-day.The 1923 Constitution provided for theseReserves rather more generously than in SouthAfrica and the Land Apportionment Act wasamended over the years until in 1959 Europeanareas consisted of some 48 million acres andAfrican areas just under 42 million. The popu-lation ratio is about 34 million Africans to 4million Whites, or 13 to one.That Act established the priniciple of racialsegregation in Southern Rhodesia, and the attemptto repeal it, even progressively, was a majorcause of the fall of Sir Edgar Whitehead's govern-ment in December 1962.The story of Northern Rhodesia and Barotse-land is a very different one and the reason whyNorthern Rhodesia is not a truly multi-racialcountry. It has about 80,000 Whites to 2 mil-lion Africans, because Lewanika, the Barotseking, one of the very few chiefs who wouldnot permit slave trading, also refused to allowEuropeans, other than missionaries, to settle inhis land.Die Swart Serp, Oktober/November 1963

Page 21 of 38 In 1889 he asked for British protection againsthis greatest enemies, the Matabele, but it tookyears of negotiation and argument about boun-daries before a Resident Commissioner arrivedin Barotseland. Finally in 1924 the whole ofNorthern Rhodesia became a British Protectorate,with Barotseland one of the last strongholds oftribal rule.Nyasaland, with a population of nearly 3 mil-lion Africans and about 10,000 Whites belongedin Livingstone's time to no European power. Withno one to maintain law and order the earlymissionaries met with disaster from disease andtribal= and the slave trade flourished. ThePortuguese controlled the East Coast, so thatBritish troops were unable to enter te interiorto protect the missionaries, until a new channelwas discovered by which British ships wouldenter the Zambesi.In 1889 several chiefs asked for British pro-tection, and in 1891 the territory was formallydeclared a Protectorate, though it was not calledNyasaland until 1907, when the first LegislativeCouncil was set up.Amalgamation Proposals RejectedThus in the ten years from 1890 to 1900slavery was abolished and law and order andcivilized administration were brought to thewhole of the vast territory from the Limpopoto the borders of the Congo. It was not un-natural, therfoe hat F deration of thesetee countr i ouldhr great - sh be considered.Amalgamation proposals as early as 1927 wererejected by Southern Rhodesia on the groundsof Northern Rhodesia's backwardness. To-dayNorthern Rhodesian copper beats tobacco andgold as the top export of the Federation.In 1929 the Hilton Young Commission con-sidered the future of Kenya, Uganda, Tanganyikaand also Nyasaland. They recommended aseparate East African group, with NorthernRhodesia and Nyasaland in a common administra-tion, but Sir Hilton Young himself favoured acloser grouping of the two Rhodesias andNyasaland. Britain, however, opposed this amal-gamation, believing that the problems of Nativedevelopment were a British responsibility.Then came the depression of 1931 /2, whenmost of the copper mines were closed down andWhite men worked on the roads with pick andshovel. When Southern Rhodesia was recover-ing and young r. Godfrey Huggins, now LordMalvern, came t~po wer at the head of a strongUnited Party government, a further move begantowards federation. The British Government,still opposed to the idea, appointed the BledisloeCommission, which found that the stumbling-block was the divergence between Native policyin Southern Rhodesia and that of the two almostcompletely Black Protectorates. It was not infavour of the amalgamation at that stage, to thegreat disappointment of the White public of theRhodesias.The Black Sash, October/November, 1963 25The War brought great expansion and pros-perity to Southern Rhodesia, but even with thepost-war flood of capital and immigrants, federa-tion was not forgotten. Northern Rhodesia andNyasaland were moving forward constitutionally,Mr. Roy Welensky was as determined onamalgamation as Sir Godfrey Huggins and bothwere backed by Sir Malcolm Barrow of Nyasaland.Britain remained adamant for two reasons: (1),the difference in Native policies North and Southof the Zambesi, and (2), African opposition tobeing governed by the White settlers of SouthernRhodesia.That opposition, even stronger to-day, is theroot cause of the present collapse of the CentralAfrican Federation.Federal SchemeBritain was, however, prepared to consider afederal scheme which would give closer politicaland economic association, while leaving theAfricans of the two Protectorates still under thedirect control of the Colonial Office.For four years a series of conferences ham-mered out a federal scheme and when theLabour Government fell in 1952, the Conservativeswere more sympathetic. The whole future ofrace relations in the three territories was to bebased on a policy of partnership between theraces, but Native policy would remain a territorial,not a Federal matter, so that the Colonial Officecould continue its Protectorate responsibility.11953 the eme was ,n sch _omplete, with twolists dividing up legislative responsibility: theFederal list,,, including external affairs, finance,defence, imgration and in Southern RhodesiaEuropean agriculture, conservation, Europeaneducation, higher education for all races, Poli,e,National Park, etc., and the Concurrent listcovering subjects on which both Federal andTerritorial governments could legislate (Federalhaving priority), such as roads, electricity, indus-trial development, broadcasting and prisons (bothnow Federal).Everything not mentioned on these lists, e.g.Native Affairs, was the province of each erri-torial Government. The Constitution was to bereviewed in 7 to 10 years' time.Public opinion still had to be consulted. Inthe two Protectorates the British Governmentmade the decision, but Southern Rhodesia helda referendum with a high poll of 83%o of theelectorate, of which 63%o voted in favour offederation. Sir Godfrey Huggins became the firstFederal federation Minister, with Sir Roy Welenskyand Sir Malcolm Barrow as his Ministers. Apowerful government came into being, pledgedto achieve the main objects of federation, one ofwhich was the strengthening of the economicresources of the three territories.Northern Rhodesia had copper, Southern Rho-desia minerals, tobacco, maize and secondaryindustries and Nyasaland, the poorest of the three,tea, coffee, cotton, tobacco and tung oil.The first essential was cheap electricity, inde-pendent of coal or the railwayand the olddream of harnessing the mightyZ,s mbesi becameDie Swart Serp, Oktober/November 1963

Page 22 of 38 the reality of Kariba. The dam was a triumphof engineering and endurance and a great actof faith in the future of the Federation. Theestimated cost was 80 million.The African RevolutionWhy then, with these advantages of mineraland agricultural wealth, and with all the energyand will to succeed, does the Federation nowlie dying? The answer lies in the colossalAfrican Revolution which we have witnessed inthe past ten years.The great colonial Empires of Britain, France,Belgium and Italy have disappeared almost over-night and been replaced by Black states, somefully independent like Ghana, Nigeria, all theformer French colonies, the two Congo epublics,Uganda and, very shortly, Kenya. This tremen-dous tidal wave of African nationalism reachedits peak in 1960, the year chosen by the Federa-tion for the review of its constitution.From the beginning the British Governmentunder-estimated the extent and power of Africanopposition to Federation in Northern Rhodesiaand Nyasaland and the depth of African fear ofdomination by the Whites of Southern Rhodesia.Many Africans had earned good wages inSouthern Rhodesia, but, as they said, it was agood place in which to work, but a bad place inwhich to live. The colour bar was too muchin evidence. Furthermore, the expressed aim ofthe Federation was full independence within theCommonwealth, which implied complete removalof British control and protection of the twoProtectorates.African NationalismTrouble first came to a head in Nyasaland in1959. African National Congress leaders, electedto the Legislative Council, got rid of the moderateMr. Wellington Chirwa and in 1958 broughtDr. Hastings Banda back from England, viaGhana, to be the symbol of African Nationalism.His tours of Nyasaland, though he had forgottenhis language and could only speak English, causedsuch a wave of violence and sabotage in 1959,that the Governor declared a state of emergency,called for Federal troops and arrested the Con-gress leaders, including Dr. Banda. This led tothe worst phase of the rioting, when 51 rioterswere killed.Northern Rhodesia was restless but under con-trol, but later the A.N.C. was banned there too.Not that the bannings helped very much. TheA.N.C was revived in the form of political parties-Dr Banda's Malawi Congress Party in Nyasa-land, UNIP. under Kenneth Kaunda in NorthernRhodesia and the ND in Southern Rhodesia,which was again banned, only to emerge evenmore powerful as ZAPU, led by Joshua Nkomo.The 1960 review of the Federal and Territorialconstitutions brought fresh trouble. The newSouthern Rhodesian constitution providing for arather complicated franchise and an enlargedThe Black Sash, October/November, 1963 26Legislative Assembly, was accepted at a referen-dum, mainly of Whites, in 1961, in the face ofimplacable opposition from Nkomo and his fo'-lowers who recently crowned him "King ofZimbabwe." He declared his intention ofwrecking the next election.The Northern Rhodesian conference foundagreement impossible and even modified proposalscaused widespread disturbances occasioned byKaunda's UMP. Nyasaland's new constitutionwas more easily worked out and the ensuingelections brought an overwhelming victory forthe Malawi Congress Party, firmly committed tosecession from the Federation. Dr. Banda issaid to have done more than any man to shatterthe dream of Federation.In May 1962 Mr. Butler, the Home Secretary,came to Salisbury with the task of trying toprevent the break-up of the Federation. A changewas inevitable, but he hoped at least to preservethe valuable economic ties between the territories.The main difficulties of the Federation were inSouthern Rhodesia, the core of the Africandilemma, the place where the two majorinfluences of Africa meet head-on: from SouthAfrica the doctrine of White domination andfrom West, North and East Africa the new urgentappeal for political independence.Sir Edgar Whitehead's United Federal Party,with a fair majority in Parliament, was com-mitted to a multi-racial programme, too slow~ f Mr. Nkomo's ZA U and too fast for Mr.Vinston Field's Right-wing Rhodesia Front.Violence and IntimidationThough not himself a man of violence, Nkomowas being pushed by the extremists both in hisown party and abroad. ZAPU's opposition tothe new constitution took the form of intimida-tion of African voters by petrol bombs andgeneral violence. To maintain order and stampout intimidation the UFP in August 1962 passedthe Unlawful Organizations Amendment Act andthe Law and Order Maintenance Act, both ofwhich were severely criticised as being undulyharsh and oppressive.Finally ZAPU was banned and hundreds ofits members arrested. Nkomo, out of the country,escaped arrest, but returned to be detained ina country area, thus achieving the politicalmartyrdom which gives prestige to Africanleaders.Sir Edgar Whitehead and his Party then steppedup their programme of progressive removal ofrace discrimination, integration of higher educa-tion and particularly of progressive repeal ofthe Land Apportionment Act. He expected agood measure of African support, which he didnot get. The White voters, on the other hand,angel ed by African extremism, reacted againsthis liberal policies and moved to the Right insupport of the Rhodesia Front. The UFP problemwas to get another 10,000 Africans on the voters'roll, but so strong was the intimidation that thisaim was not achieved.Die Swart Serp, Oktober/November 1963

Page 23 of 38 Testing TimeThe last months of 1962 were the testingtime for the Federation. The Northern Rhodesianelections in October gave the UFP 15 seats,UNIP 14 and Harry Nkumbula's ANC five, while10 out of 14 national roll seats were undecidedand would have to be voted on again in December.The ANC thus held the balance of power, andNkumbula, in spite of his election pact withthe UFP, decided to form a coalition with UNIP.Thus Northern Rhodesia obtained its Africangovernment, determined to have secession andindependence.In November the outcome of the constitutionalconference in London was that Nyasaland wouldhave an African government early in 1963, withDr. Band. undoubtedly the Prime Minister. Thatconference was in fact the deathblow toFederation.The final test came on Deg,nber14 th whenSouthern Rhodesia went to e polls. It waslargely a White election since only 13,000Africans were registered, 8,000 on the `A" rolland 5,000 on the "B", instead of an estimated60,000. This was the result of ZAPU's steadycampaign to induce Africans to boycott theelection. The major parties, UFP and RhodesiaFront, were the main contestants, with a sprink-ling of Independent candidates. The result wasa surprise to many. The White electorate, whicha year before had overwhelmingly accepted thenew constitution, now reversed its decision byan equally convincing victory for the RhodesiaFront.Two great experiments, Federation and partner-ship, had failed.The year 1963 opened with a new chapterin the history of Central Africa. The battle ofNyasaland was over. Dr. Banda had won theright to secede, though secession did not meanindependence. As Dr. Kamuzu Banda (no longerHastings) he became the first Prime Minister inFebruary, though Britain would retain powerthrough the Governor. The second stage,secession, would follow later.DissolutionSo far Britain has refused Southern Rhodesia'sdemand for independence. Mr. Field, who flewto London in May for talks with Mr. Butler,was at first adamant that he would not attend theVictoria Falls Conference in July without a priorguarantee of independence for his country. Itwas finally agreed that Southern Rhodesia wouldwait until after the dissolution of Federationbefore pressing her claims to independence.Mr. Field and Dr. Kaunda led their delegationsto the Victoria Falls Conference in July, whileDr. Banda sent observers only. Sir Roy Welensky,still the Federal Prime Minister, attended, anxiousto get the funeral rites over. In a surprisinglycordial atmosphere the break-up of FederationThe Black Sash, October/November, 1963 27was agreed upon. Dr. Kaunda wanted talksbetween the Rhodesias on railways and Kariba,Mr. Field wanted to leave the Federation withno prejudice to his prospects of independenceand Sir Roy's chief concern was for the futureof the Federal civil servants and the need forcareful re-adjustment in the removal of thevarious departments from Federal to territorialcontrol in order to maintain their standards.Commissions were set up to work out thecomplexities of un-federating the Federation.Matters such as Education and Health are relativelyeasy. The difficult ones are Kariba, Railways andthe sharing of the Federal public debt of 330million.Thus at Victoria Falls, where Federation wasborn eleven years before, so it died in July1963. Officially it is due to end on December31st, 1963, but it is now becoming doubtfulwhether the Federal egg can be unscrambled inso short a time.Financially, Federation was a success. Noweach separate country will have financial diffi-culties. Northern Rhodesia, the wealthiest becauseof its copper mines, is seeking to tax goods fromSouthern Rhodesia inorder to stimulate its owneconomy, Dr. Banda is seeking American aid,while Southern Rhodesia will lose the most bybeing wrenched out of Federation. The transitionbudget has raised the cost of living, there iswidespread unemployment and her markets arethreatened. Mr. Field is learning, like otherleaders in Africa, that independence can be acostly thing.In August 1963 Barotseland, which hadthreatened to secede from Northern Rhodesia,held its first adult suffrage election. The resultwas a complete defeat of tribalism, when Dr.Kaunda's UNIP won all 25 seats against tribalindependent candidates. Northern Rhodesia is tobecome self-governing in January, 1964. Abouta year later she will become the independentCommonwealth country of Zambia.Dr. Banda and the Governor went to Londonin September to discuss a similar set-up forNyasaland. It is reported that Mr. Butler is=d the prospect of Dr. Banda's onerrtyiea.d'yffie a.ti-White feeling shown b theMalawi Congress Party, but the date for inde-pendence has been announced as July 6th, 1964.It now remains to be seen whether Mr. Fieldcan achieve independence for Southern Rhodesia.The original problem of a strong White populationopposed by a violent Black nationalism militatesagainst Britain giving her consent. Will SouthernRhodesia seize her independence or will shewait?Quite recently there has been a split in Africannationalism in Southern Rhodesia similar to thesplit five years ago in Northern Rhodesia, whenKenneht Kaunda, dissatisfied with HarryNkumbula's leadership, hived off to form hisown UNIP. Joshua Nkomo has set up a People'sCaretaker Council, but the Rev. Sithole hasbroken with Nkomo and founded a new party,ZANU, taking with him many former ZAPUadherents. History will tell whether he willachieve the spectacular success of Dr. Kaunda.Die Swart Serp, Oktober/November 1963

Page 24 of 38 REPORTS ON A YEAR'S ACTIVITY"THE BLACK SASH, I am thankful to say, is still resolved in itsdetermination tocontinue striving for good government. It will continue to speak out againstinjustice wherever it may be found ...."We shall continue to use all legal and legitimate methods of protest, andwillstrive in all ways open to us to bring about peaceful change. During thepast year,we have had many demonstrations on a variety of issues . . . . Thesedemonstra-tions have not in any way cracked the granite of the Government'sdeterminationto stick to its policy. Nevertheless, it is of the greatest importance thatthey con-tinue."We shall never let it be said that the Black Sash acquiesced in injusticebyremaining silent, and thus giving consent. A voice crying in the wildernessis betterthan no voice at all, and in my own mind I am convinced that in the end itwill beheard."These words= spoken by Mrs. Jean Sin lairduring her Presal address to the ninth AnnualNational Conference of the Black Sash. Althoughthe reports which follow are only brief outlinesof the work of the organization in different areasof South Africa, they fully substantiate Mrs.Sinclai's claim that the Black Sash is still firm inits determination to continue to strive for goodgovernment, and to speak out against injusticewherever it may be found.HEADQUARTERS REGIONIT has been another difficult year for SouthAfrica and the Black Sash. Our demonstrations,posters, statements and letters required very care-tul planning and wording, because of the pro-,isions contained in various laws, and in particu-lar the General Law Amendment Act.Venues for demonstrations are more difficult toarrange. The one-year ban on the JohannesburgCity Hall steps expired recently but was very soonre-imposed in a more stringent form.We have had to contend with fear and the"White laager mentality" of the public, many ofwhom are afraid even to seem to be giving sup-port to any anti-Government opinion. Nevertheless,our work goes on steadily and our membershipremains dedicated. Results, we know, cannot bespectacular, but our real achievement is the voiceof protest that will not be silenced.The National President visited Border and CapeEastern Regions during the year, partly to addressa special meeting, in East London to consolidatea membership drive, partly to discuss plans foropening Advice Offices, and partly to make per-sonal contacts which she considered invaluableto herself, and hoped would serve a useful pur-pose to the Regions concerned.During the year, numerous National Press State-ments, were issued, and many letters wereaddressed to the authorities and to the Press. Sub-jects covered included the South Africa Founda-tion, the banning of Mr. Peter Hjul, the applica-tion of the Pass Laws to women, Influx Control,the Bantu Laws Amendment Bill, the General LawAmendment Bill, Family Day, Mr. de Wet Nel'sThe Black Sash, October/November, 1963 28National Vice-PresidentsMrs. J. Davidoff and Mrs. M. Cluver, whowere elected National Vice-Presidents atConference.attack on the Black Sash, and many others. Twomemoranda were prepared on the Bantu LawsAmendment Bill, the second a specialized versioncovering points which are to be discussed withthe Minister of Bantu Affairs and Development.Mrs. Robb of Cape Western, and our own legaladviser, a valued member of the Black Sash,played an important part in drawing up this docu-ment.National demonstrations were planned againstthe Bantu Laws Amendment Bill, but were heldover when the major portion of this Bill was tem-porarily withdrawn. Two Regions went into"retreat" on Family Day as a gesture of sympathyto African families broken up by the laws of theland.A complaint to the Press Board of Referenceagainst the Sunday newspaper "Da gbreek en ~on-dagnuus" regarding a caption to a front-page pic-ture which erroneously involved the Black Sash,and which the newspaper omitted to correct evenwhen the mistake was pointed out to them, wasupheld by the Board.Die Swart Serp, Ohtober/November 1963

Page 25 of 38 BORDER REGIONTHE E has been reduced activity in BorderRegion during the past year, owing mainly toa lack of members.East London Sashers are very keen on openingan Advice Office and expanding their activities inmany other directions, but lack of the necessarypersonnel has been a serious handicap. For thisreason, the Region recently undertook a mammothmembership drive. Up to the present, this drivehas gained them only a few new members, but ifthe project did not succeed to any great extent, inits immediate objective, it had an extremely valu-able secondary re3ult. One thousand citizens ofEast London, who received copies of the "mani-festo" sent out, now know something about thework of the Black Sash, and a great deal of in-terest was aroused among the public and in thePress.Many of the Region's activities took the formof support for other organizations. Valuable sup-port was given to the Mayor's School FeedingScheme in East London, and Black lash membersorganized, through a house to house canvass, ascheme whereby the public pay extra on theirgrocery accounts. These amounts are collected bySash members every month and taken to a centralcollection depot.Aid for the Banished. - The Region has"adopted" a banished man in the Tsomo area, andsends him, through the Human Rights Committee,a regular sum of R6 per month plus some second-hand clothing.A member of the Regional Committee also spentmany hours tracing a woman, Mrs. Nellie Tikani,for the Human Rights Committee. With veryslight information, she traced the woman throughhospital records. Mrs. Tikani was taken to aprivate doctor for medical treatment, and waseventually provided with a rail ticket to her home.Meetings.-The Region held a meeting early inthe year with two speakers from the South AfricaF.unda 0 t the end of the year, relations be-ten ti nlA sh and the Foundationwe the ack Sa becamesomewhat strained owing to successful Black Sashintervention when the Foundation applied for agrant-in-aid from the City Council. Other organiza-tions supported the Black Sash protest, and as aresult the Council said "NO" to the Foundation'srequest.Other meetings held by the Region during theyear were addressed by Mrs. E. Lewin, of Johan-nesburg, who spoke of the need for better under-:0tanding between race groups on a person to per-basis~, and Mrs. Joh son, a local Sa~her, W~oe a ssav n interesting talk on her travels in RussiaAt another meeti g, a tape recording oil the w.r~of Kupagani was played.Attendance at all meetings held by BorderRegion has been high.DemonstrationsOwing to lack of numerical strength mostThe Black Sash, October/November, 1963 29demonstrations take the form of four-womanstands at peak periods during the day. Such ademonstration with posters on "Banning withoutTrial" received Press publicity, and a photographof two of the demonstrators appeared in the"Daily Dispatch." A letter to the Press on the samesubject was also published.CAPE EASTERN REGIONThis Region has suffered particularly from alack of executive personnel during the year. Mrs.Pirie, the Regional Chairman since the inceptionof the Black Sash, left Port Elizabeth in May. Mrs.Pledger, the Secretary, virtually kept the Regiontogether for the next few months, but in Septem-ber she was obliged to resign as she had takenon full-time employment. Mrs. Levey and Mrs.Bell have now agreed to take over as Acting Chair-man and Secretary respectively until new office-bearers are elected.Grahamstown and Salem Branches have nowamalgamated, and Port Elizabeth Branch hasjoined Wa!mer. There are small Branches at Addoand Alexandria, and Mrs. Parkes of Graaff Reinetacts as contact for her area.During the year, demonstration stands wereheld against Detention without Trial, the GroupAreas Act, Banning without Trial, the Bantu LawsAmendment Act, and Group Areas and a demon-stration on Family Day was held in protest againstthe break-up of African family life.Group Areas.-In July a predominantly Colouredarea called South End was proclaimed White, andover 8,000 Coloureds and Indians will have tomove. Less than 2,000 Whites are living in thisarea.The South End Committee was formed inAugust, and representatives of all races fromvarious organizations joined. The Black Sashagreed to organize a weekly stand in the centreof Port Elizabeth, and each Saturday morning from11.30 to 12.30 two Sashers stand with six or eightColoured and Indian women. All hold posters pro-testing against Group Areas in general and theSouth End proclamation in particular.Members of the Region have worked hard forthe Banished, collecting funds and old clothes.The Region was most stimulated by the visit ofthe National President in September. Mrs.Sinclair's address received excellent publicity inthe local paper.MThe last big event of the year was the visit ofe r' ter 'en of Ca~ West rn Reg-, whoaYs~esp I i2 sed a meetin 0 th rty people repr sentingfive or ix organgatf ns on the work of thes ` ioAt lone Advice Office. The audience was horrifiedto hear of the human tragedies caused by the Im-plementation of the Pass laws, especially withregard to rural African women. An ad hoc Com-mittee was formed to discuss the establishment ofan Advice Office in Port Elizabeth, and notices ofthe first Advice Office meeting will be sent outshortly by the Secretary of the Institute of RaceRelations.Die Swart Serp, Oktober/November 1963

Page 26 of 38 CAPE WESTERN REGIONTHE YEAR has seen the passage of a number ofBills that drastically curtail individual free-dom, but those that called for most determinedprotest from the Black Sash were the CensorshipBill, the General Law Amendment Bill (the "NoTrial Bill") and the Bantu Laws Amendment Bill.Copies of Government Gazette No. 430 contain-ing the draft Bantu Laws Amendment Bill weresent to seven paramount chiefs, and to the Langaand Nyanga East Townships Advisory Boards andVigilance Committees. A Memorandum was sub-mitted to the Secretary for Bantu Affairs, andcopies of this were sent to all Members of ~arlia-ment, and a simplified version to Provincial andCity Councillors, leaders of Commerce, Industryand the farming community, and to churches,women's organizations and other interested bodies.Two Brains Trusts were held, one on the Cen-sorship Bill and one on the Bantu Laws Amend-ment Bill, and on both occasions two NationalistM.P.'s took part. Each occasion revealed theappalling lack of communication betweenadherents of Nationalist and opposition parties.(Reports of both these Brains Trusts appeared inthe Black Sash Magazine.)Stands were held against both these Bills.A stand was held against the General LawAmendment Bill, with posters, and on April 19tha lunch hour meeting was addressed by Mr. JusticeBlackwell, Mr. Alan Paton, Mrs. M. Roberts' Mr.P. Horwitz, Mr. D. Molteno and Prof. Beinart.From time to time, expert speakers have beeninvited to speak on various topics at the monthlyAll-Branches meetings. These include Mrs. Robbon the Bantu Laws Amendment Bill, Mrs. Granton the Coloured Education Bill, Mrs. Jackie Beckon the General Law Amendment Bill and Mr.Anthony Delius on the Addis Ababa Conference.The Athlone Advice Office, run jointly by theBI and sack Sash the Institute of Race Relation , isworking at high pressure as the tempo of endors-ing Africans out of the Western Cape hasquickened.The vast majority of the Whites remain unawareof what is happening, and the Black Sash hasworked hard to get publicity through the Pressand by submitting case histories to bodies likethe Progressive Party, the United Party, the CivilRights League and to newspapers elsewhere. Thegreatest care is taken in verifying the facts, andMrs. Robb and Mrs. Petersen were congratulatedby officials in the townships on the thoroughnessof their investigations.The Advice Office has a growing "fan mail"from those African men and women to whom helpand advice has been given. Their gratitude istouching and rewarding. The number of visitors tothe office has also grown-this year, as well asvisitors from Cape Town and other towns in SouthAfrica, there have been people from England,Ireland, Scotland, America, West Germany, theNetherlands, France, Denmark-and Hawaii!The Black Sash, October/November, 1963 30The number of cases dealt with during the yearending September, 1963, was 4 891. We are mostgrateful for the many generous donations receivedtowards the running costs of the office.Early this year, memoranda were sent from theAdvice Office to the Bantu Affairs Committee ofthe City Council and to the Divisional Council,stressing the difficulties under which Africans live,and asking them to receive Black Sash deputations.The Bantu Affairs Department granted thisrequest, and gave the deputation a sympathetichearing. The Divisional Council would not receivea deputation, but sent a courteous and helpfulreply clarifying many points which were causingconcern.Elgin Branch are in the process of starting anAdvice Office.Christmas and Family Day Demonstrations. Asa gesture of sympathy with African familiesbroken and divided by our laws, a group of BlackSashes went into "retreat" on Christmas and Box-ing Days, living on bread and water and observ-ing complete silence. The gesture was repeated onFamily Day.Migrant Labour. At Mrs. Jessie Hertslet's sug-gestion, an informal meeting was held with repre-sentatives of various women's organizations to dis-cuss ., effects of the mgratory t rof the dec. bour Ystn 'mily life. It was ded that the variousbodies should inform themselves as fully as pos-sible, and make separate representations to theGovernment. A follow-up meeting will be held insix months' time.Protest stands were held during the year againstthe Censorship Bill, against banning without trial,the General Law Amendment Bill, the Bantu LawsAmendment Bill and Taxi Apartheid. Posters wereused. Numerous letters and statements have beensent to the newspapers.NATAL COASTAL REGIONTHIS REGION operates no separate branches,but holds general meetings once a month forthe region as a whole. Committee meetings arealso held once a month.Natal Coastal believe in the personal touch inrecruiting new members, and likely members aretherefore approached individually. In order to pro-vide positive work for those who will not join anorganization simply to attend meetings, they havetried to vary their activities this year. They havehelped the "banished," laid plans for opening anAdvice Office, held fund-raising functions, andinvited interesting speakers to stimulate those whoreally enjoy meetings. Protests by way of demon-stration or through the Press remain the backboneof their activities.During the year, financial assistance has beengiven to the local campaign against the "BlackSpot" removal scheme, to the Human Rights Com-mittee for the assistance of the "Banished," andfunds have been raised expressly to provideChristmas parcels for the "banished," and to forma fund for the running of an Advice Office.Die Swart Serp, Oktober/November 1963

Page 27 of 38 ObituaryMISS R. F. BRANDONTHE DEATH occurred suddenly in May ofMiss R. F. Brandon, of Natal CoastalRegion. Miss Brandon was a foundationmember of the Black Sash, and to the endof her life was completely dedicated to theorganization.When Westville Branch carried NatalCoastal Region alone, under Mrs. Wallace,Miss Brandon was a tower of strength toher. Those who attended the National Con-ference in Durban last year will rememberher as one of the indefatigable "UniversalAunts."We shall sadly miss her quiet and efficientpresence.In addition to the Black Sash Magazines circu-lated to members, the Region post's a number ofcomplimentary copies to various interested bodies.During the year, general meetings have beenaddressed by Mr. Andrew Wilson, an attorney, onthe Bantu Laws Amendment Bill; by Mr. PeterBrown, on "Black Spots"; by Mrs. Zuleika Mayaton her tour of emergent African countries; and bythe Rev. James Moulder, one of the young Minis-ters who staged a protest fast against UniversityApartheid n Politics b"rting, , "Endor 'O'Nawas used at oneecorded 6' 14:~d Religion. Mrs.me Pme and political reviews ve been given byMesdames Duncan, Francis and Grice, while Mrs.Ventre's gave a talk on Swaziland.Protest stands were held against bannings with-out trial, the Bantu Laws Amendment Bill, theGeneral Law Amendment Bill, and Durban GroupAreas proclamations.Press publicity has been both encouraging anddisappointing. Several official letters have beenpublished in the daily Press, and the Region hasbeen appealed to several times for statements."Questions the Black Sash would like to put toDr. Verwoerd," together with questions from theUnited and Progressive Parties appeared in aspecial front page feature in the "Natal Mercury"at the time of Dr. Verwoerd's famous "BreakThrough" visit.On the other hand, a large and novel demon-stration against the General Law Amendment Actwas completely ignored by the newspapers.Plans for the establishment of an Advice Officeare well advanced, and the Region has found theMunicipal Director of Bantu Administration sym-pathetic to the scheme, while the Institute of RaceRelations and the Bantu Child Welfare Organiza-tion are really anxious to see the office operating.On a personal level, members of the Region arehappily involved in relationships, both workingand social, with people of other races.NATAL MIDLANDS REGIONTHE POLITICAL CLIMATE in this Region haschanged very considerably in the past year.There has been a marked swing to the right, acertain amount of intimidation and a frighteningThe Black Sash, October/November, 1963 31increase of apathy. These factors have made thework of the Black Sash difficult and depressing.There are branches in Pietermaritzburg, MooiRiver and Matatiele, and groups at Kokstad,Howick, Underberg and Ixopa.Pietermaritzburg Branch held a successful BrainsTrust in April, and the Black Sash were cospon-sors with the Liberal Party, the Congress Allianceand certain Churches of two protest meetings, oneagainst the Bantu Laws Amendment Bill, and oneagainst the banning of a local leader of the NatalIndian Congress.The Mooi River Branch held a meeting to whichnon-members we&invited , and Mrs. Sylvia Nell'srecorded talk on ristian National Education wasplayed. This Branch also invited Mrs. Dyer, of theRegional Committee, to address one of their meet-ings.A number of demonstrations and stands wereheld by Pietermaritzburg Branch during the year,and the Branch continues to hold a monthly de-monstration if anyone from Natal has been bannedor placed under house arrest that month. Hithertopermission to hold such stands in Pietermaritzburghas been a verbal one, but because of the arrestand conviction of Cape Town Liberals recently forholding poster stands against the banning of Mr.Peter Hjul, Pietermaritzburg have stopped theirdemonstrations while they await written permis-sion from the City Council.The Mooi River Branch held a stand against the"No Trial" Bill in May.Multi-racial tea parties are held regularly inPitermaritzburg, and the Region considers them ofgreat value.Members have been asked to take note of anybias on S.A.B.C. programmes, particularly the Zuluprogramme and school broadcasts. The RegionalCommittee has written two letters of protest tothe local Listeners' Advisory Council.The Region has been corresponding with theProvincial Secretary about Job Reservation in thebuilding trade and has succeeded in having aclause, restricting work on Provincial contractsto skilled White artisans only, removed from theProvincial contract form.Pulls of an article on "Black Spot" removalswritten by Mr. Peter Brown, which appeared inthe Black Sash Magazine in July, have been sentto 500 people, with a covering letter, as the Regionfeels that the people of Natal do not know themisery caused by such removals. The article wassent to women's organizations, women's institutes,Churches, Municipalities, Provincial Councillors,etc.The Committee intends to send out an articleon Group Areas injustices in the same way.The Pietermaritzburg Emergency WelfareOrganization is looking after the dependants ofPietermaritzburg men arrested under the 90-dayclause of the General Law Amendment Act, andthe Black Sash has written to the Bantu AffairsDepartment to try to obtain a refund of rent paidfor the month of August by a detainee who wasarrested at the beginning of that month.Die Swart Serp, Oktober/November 1963

Page 28 of 38 TRANSVAAL REGIONAS this is the Black Sash HeadquartersRegion, it is rather difficult to disentangleNational and Regional work, and there is someoverlapping.Many demonstrations were staged during theyear, including two in Springs. As the Johannes-burg City Hall steps have been banned, otherpoints have had to be found, except on September10th, when the Region managed to stage a demon-stration there during the brief period betweenthe expiration of the first ban and the impositionof the second wider ban. The "Flame of Freedom"was lit on that occasion, and the poster read, "Wecontinue to protest against injustice and dis-crimination."Two peak-hour stands were held to protestagainst House Arrest, and a forty-eight hourdemonstration followed, when the first HouseArrests were made. On Human Rights Day, a fur-ther stand was held against house arrest anddetention without trial.0t er demonstrations were held against theth Censorship Bill, Bannings without trial, the "No-trial Bill," the Pageview Removals under theGroup Areas Act. A Family Day demonstrationwas held on the west steps of the JohannesburgCity Hall, and one was held in Springs.A twenty-four hour "retreat" was held from the7th to 8th July, Family Day. There was a reportof this retreat in the American Magazine "Time,"and a factual report without comment in "DieTransvaler."The Branches have been very active during theyear. Good meetings with speakers have beenarranged by Waverley, North East and Rustenburg.Waverley, Rustenburg and Witbank are all helpingthe "banished." All Branches have been recruitingnew members. Witbank and Rustenburg haveinterested themselves in the implementation ofGroup Areas in their towns.Many letters have been written to the Pressduring the year. One was in reply to a letter accus-ing the Black Sash indirectly of supportingviolence. Others protested against warnings andbannmgs of Liberal Party members, the break-upof African family life, the removal of Indiansand the Government's broken promises.Meetings have been addressed by Mrs. Robb,"Endorsed Out," Miss Muriel Horrell, on "TheBanished," Mr. C. Keyter on "Kupugani," Dr. EllenHellmann on the Bantu Laws AmendmEnt Bill; Dr.J. C. de Ridder on "The Problem of AfricanLeadership."Two memoranda on the Bantu Laws Amend-ment Bill were prepared, the second with theassistance of Mrs. Noel Robb of Cape Western.The first memorandum was sent. to the Minister ofBan , a ere-t. Administr tion and Development nd thEafter the Region wrote to the Prime Minister, ask-ing him to receive a Black Sash deputation to dis-cuss the Bill. He replied, telling us to apply tothe Minister of Bantu Administration and Develop-ment. This was done, and the Minister asked for aMemorandum on the points the Region wished todiscuss. Hence the second Memorandum. This wassent to the Minister, but in the meantime themajor portion of the Bill was withdrawn, andThe Black Sash, October/November, 1963 32Mr. de Wet Nel wrote to say he would discussthe matter with the Black Sash "at a later date."(Now fixed for November 4th.)This was the Region's second encounter withMr. de Wet Nel through correspondence. InFebruary, a letter dealing with Passes for AfricanWomen was sent to him, and he replied to theeffect that we= meddling women who did notknow what we were talking about.. The correspon-dence was handed to the "Sunday Times," whopublished it. Mr. de Wet Nel has since repeatedhis "allegations" against the Black Sash in Parlia-ment, and the Black Sash has replied through thePress.Letters were sent to all church leaders on thebreak-up of African family life due to "endorsingout." The replies received have been mostencouraging, and the Region is planning to sendsuch letters to a wider group and to organizea Conference on "Family Life," probably in thenew year.Telegrams of congratulation were sent to Sir deVilliers Graaff on his handling of "bannings" andthe Transkei Amendment Bill, to Mrs. Helen Suz-man and Mr. Hamilton Russell on their stand overthe General Law Amendment Bill and one of dis-approval to Sir de Villiers Graaff for his supportof this Bill.This year, Transvaal opened an Advice Office inJohannesburg, on the lines of Cape Western'sAthlone Advice Office, and already many caseshave been dealt with. Mrs. Sinclair and Mrs. Brockhave been the moving spirits in this enterprise,and many of the members work in the office,regularly or occasionally. The volume of work donein this office cannot compare with that undertakenby Cape Western, but it is only recently that theauthorities have started "endorsing out" Africansfrom the Johannesburg urban area. As the exis-tence of this office becomes more widely known,and as the Africans' problems increase, the workof this office, unhappily, is certain to increase.The experience of our Cape Western Region hasunder-lined the need for such offices, in all urbanareas of South Africa, and there is no doubt thatthe Black Sash is performing a real service inassisting Africans to establish their limited rights.BLACK SASH CROSSWORD PUZZLE -SOLUTIONAcross.-1, Help (H-E.L.-P). 3, Turfloop(Anag. ULTPROOF) 8, London 9, Right.11, Broadcasting. 13, Censors. 15, Sauerand Louw (Sweet and low). 18 These(Anag. SHEET). 19, Wrongs (Anag.GROWNS). 20, Politics. 21, Reds.Down.-1, Halfback. 2, Lingo 4, Firsttraders 5, Organs (anag. GROANS). 6,Poto (Victor). 7, Rowdy element. 10, Cats-paw (Anag. PACT WAS). 12, Retwists(Re-WIT-sts.). 14, Cavell. 16, Ounce. 17,Step.Black Sash slogan-Help right these wrongs.Die Swart Serp, Ohtober/November 1963

Page 29 of 38 THE BLACK SASHDIE SWART SERPTHE CRIME, APARTHEID-THE PENALTY, ISOLATIONAddress to the Ninth Annual NationalConference of the Black SashbyJean SinclairNational PresidentLAST YEAR, in my address, I tried briefly to indicate the rapid changetaking placein Africa, South Africa's resistance to that change, and the role of theBlack Sashin these circumstances.This year, it is my duty to show theheid isthaving on South Africa anq Southand ha red at home, and it is severing ouroflnternal Pressures have reduced theicmajorityAfrirWhite South ans to an apathet , fearfulpeople seeking refuge in the White laager. Thesesame inter.a pr ssures have denied to Black'ISouth Africans all legal avenues of protest, andare reducing them to a state of hopelessness.The Government, realizing Prhap, that itspolicy has already failed, is seeking to find amoral justification for ~partheid by carving upSo ac _uth Africa to for. -tight Bantu tans, apolicy whose end result n.-one can foresee, TheGovern ent will brook no opposition, and hasbecome absolutely ruthless in its application ofApartheid . I tptalitarian law I i unbridl daa 0 bts on sin t7 h_languagett; cks n li eralism and the glisPress, and, in fact, on any anti-Apartheid think-ing, are evidence that it has reached a situationwhich it ca ot contain except by force. Theappeal for Zite the use of f~ar as .weapon, are in ru=y' which are being usedst tsto keep the Nationalist P rty together, the Govern-ment in power, and th : rest of the population'n a state of inti idation and fear. The Whitepublic is afraid fraid of t e Government, afraidan tof Black Nati~naa Wdtis tumbling into ~helaa e to preseZism' hiegprivilege, to mag r its In-tain the status quo and all edly to save WhitecivRi-tion for the world . White South Africansaare sacrificing their principles for their materialwell_being.External ressuresLet us nc~ turn to the external pres ures whichhave built up against South Africa and are rapidlyforcing the country into isolation.In the eyes of the world, Apartheid is aa . it-me: crmie against human y, because it isThe Black Sash, October/Novembe~ 1963 1disastrous effects which the policy of Apart-Africans. It is increasing racial tensionscontacts with the outside world, one by one.based on racial discrimination. The non-Whitepeople are the victims of the most harsh andoppressive laws and the injustices and discrimina-tory legislation which have been imposed uponthem have made South Africa the most hated andte most bttehe rly opposed country in the civilizedworld.Pressure, particularly from the Afro-Asian bloc,has been increasing over the years. With so manyAfrican States gaining their independence, andwith South Africa's intransigent attitude, thevolume of the pressure has reached considerableproportions. Not only is there pressure from theAfro-Asians, but our former friends among theWestern nations can no longer defend SouthAfrica and are being forced into the position ofhaving to apply pressure against the policies ofthe South African Government. The result isthat South Africa is being pushed with the tide,further and further into isolation.Growth of African National ConsciousnessWhen Mr. Macmillan came to South Africa atthe beginning of 1960, he made the attitude ofBritain patently clear when he delivered hisfamous "wind of change" speech in Cape Town.He drew our attention to the change that wastaking place in Africa and he said,"The most striking of all the impressions Ihave formed is the strength of African nationalconsciousness . . . whether we like it or not, thisgrowth of national consciousness is a political fact .. . . This means, I would judge, that we must come(Continued Overleaf)Die Swart Serp, Oktober/November 1963

Page 30 of 38 The Crime, Apartheid-The Penalty, Isolation (Copt.)to terms with it. I sincerely believe that if wecannot do so we may impair the precariousbalance between the East and West on which thepeace of the world depends."We all studied this speech and I think someof us, at least, undertsood the implications ofwhat Mr. Macmillan was trying to convey. Whenone re -reads this speech to-day, it is terrifyingto realize how little heed was paid to the solemnwarning implicit in that address.The United Nationsand South West AfricaAs early as 1946, before this Government cameinto power, South Africa figured on the Agendaof the United Nations General Assembly, at thattime on the n of the tn"ent eted outTt Sout fquestioo h African Indians. This issue came upyear after year and remained on the Agendauntil two years ago when, owing to the pressureof the Afro-Asian States, the whole question ofApartheid came under review and the Indianresolution, per se, was dropped.Last year, a resolution was passed in theGeneral Assembly by 67 votes to 2, with a numberof abstentions, calling for sanctions againstSouth Africa. The pressure on South Africa isincreasing every year in an effort to force ourGovernment to abandon its policy of Apartheid.While it is accepted that sanctions are almostimpossible to apply effectively, South Africa isalso facing a more serious issue, the issue ofSouth West Africa. The following facts weregiven recently by Mr. R. B. Ballinger, I=erin History at the University of the Witwatersrand.In 1962, Ethiopia and Liberia, formerly membersof the League of Nations, instituted proceedingsagainst South Africa before the InternationalCourt of Justice. They alleged that the adminis-tration of South West Africa was a breach ofthe Mandate Agreement which South Africa ac-cepted in 1920. Firstly, they said that SouthAfrica would not submit to international super-her would she render annual reportsconcerning the administration of the territory,nor would she submit petitions from South WestWest Africa to the United Nations.The second allegation of Ethiopia and Liberiawas "that the whole spirit of the administrationof South West Africa is contrary to the twoobligations of the mandate system, namely, as inthe Covenant., that the mandate system shall con-stitute a `sacred trust' and Article 2 which says`shall promote to the utmost the moral andmaterial well-being of the inhabitants'." Ethiopiaand Liberia then listed in their application thewhole gamut of Apartheid legislation.The International Court of Justice now onlyinstrument of continuity between the now defunctLeague of Naions and its successor, the UnitedNt mea i n _bersOn: Organi~atiofn off the Unitedso 0Natio are, ip 0, members the Inter-national Court of Justice.The International Court first had to considerwhether it was competent for the Court to con-The Black Sash, October/November, 1963 2sider he case. This they have done. You willremember that in December, 1962, by the narrowmargin of eight votes to seven it ruled that theInternational Court had competence to considerthe allegations brought by Ethiopia and Liberiaagainst South Africa. The case will now be judgedon its merits.In international law, a judgment of the Inter-national Court of Justice is held to be bindingon all member states of the United Nations. TheCourt is not being asked to pass sentence, butshould the judgment be given against SouthAfrica, the matter will go back to the UnitedNations to implement the judgment. The serious-ness of this situation should be clear to us all.IsolationFrom the day that Dr. Verwoerd took SouthAfrica out of the British Commonwealth, thesteps to isolate our country took a tangible form.This year they have reached alarming propor-tions. Scarcely a day goes by when we do notread of action designed to cut us off from therest of the world.Let us briefly examine the extent of ourisolation. On leaving the Commonwealth, SouthAfrica was automatically excluded from con-fidential information available to all Common-wealth countries-a serious matter in this un-settled and dangerous world. Our Commonwealthpreferences will come to an end, if they have notalready done so, when the present agreementsexpire.Quite apart from the pressures in the UnitedNations itself, different countries have them-selves taken action against South Africa. Tradewith the African States is declining; there havealso been trade boycotts in European countries;dockers in Denmark, Sweden, Australia, and nowin New York, have refused to unload cargoesfrom South Africa; there are efforts to excludeDehydrated (Rand Daily Mail)Die Swart Serp, Oktober/November 1963

Page 31 of 38 Act of Isolation(Rand Daily Mail)South African delegates from international organi-zations, such as the International Labour Organi-vation; South African delegates to internationalConferences are subject to humiliation andindignities. In fact, the policies of the SouthAfrican Government are constantly being con-demned at Conferences all over the world.All South Africans. even those who disagreewith the Governments policy, are humiliated bythe serious charges made against our country.Recently, the Olympic Games Committee, aftermonths of preparation for its meeting in Nairobi,was forced to change its venue to Baden Baden,because the Kenya Government would not allowthe South African delegates to enter Kenya. Ouruni-racial sports teams have been booed whenthey have gone to other countries. Equity havedecided not to allow their actors and actressesto play before uni-racial audiences-taken to itslogical conclusion, this would mean the cutting-' of South Africa from the cultural stream ofart, theatre and music.The decisions taken at the Addis Ababa Con-ference are beine strenuously implemented.African States will not allow South Africanplanes to use their air space and have forcedSouth African Airways to take a longer andmore costly route to Europe. Airlines fromother countries may be forced to choose whetherthey will serve South Africa, or whether theywill serve Africa north of the Limpopo.Kuwait has severed trade and diplomaticrelations with South Africa; Tanganyika too, hascc Zh,ut her trade ties; opia has banned passengerswith South African passports from travellingon her airlines; Uganda has cut off trade relations,in fact, the East African countries are preparingto sever all postal, cable and telephone com-munications with South Africa; Israel, it is said,The Black Sash, October/November, 1963 3may sever air, sea and trade links with SouthAfrica and has already recalled her MinisterPlenipotentiary. There is pressure on the WesternNations not to supply arms and weapons ofwar to South Africa; America has not done sofor some time. Should the Labour Party inBritain win the next election th re is a pta too, wi t :nbar0 si=h t Britain, 11 pu ~n g 0 onfor South Africa. There is no doubt that a Lab-Go vernment would take up a very much strongerattitude towards South Africa. There is pressureon American investors not to invest capital inthe Republic. At the annual meeting of theWorld Bank and the International MonetaryFund, Ethiopia, backed by Mali, Ghana, Nigeriaand Tanganyika, made a plea to cut off assist-ance from the world's financial institutions tonations which practised the doctrine of racesegregation. Later in the meeting, when Dr.Donges rose to speak, only Sudan, Mauritaniaand Burundi of the African States were presentand the Mauritanian delegate walked out afterDr. Donges had spoken a few words.The Foreign Ministers of the Nordic countrieshave refused an invitation from Dr. Verwoerd tovisit South Africa and see for themselves. Thesecountries are now working on a plan for an alter-native policy for South Africa, a plan for whichthey seek United Nations support. They advocatemulti-racial government with the provision ofsafeguards for the nZnt They also say that theUnited Nations Assembly should state the readi-ness of the United Nations to lend its assistance,if necessary, during the transitional period, tomaintain law and order.United Nations' ResolutionAnd now the United Nations has passed a re-solution condemning South Africa's failure tocomply with the United Nations' demand to bringan end to Apartheid-a policy which disturbsinternational peace and security. The resolutionalso urged South Africa to grant unconditionalrelease to all political prisoners and to all per-sons subiected to any restrictions for opposingthe policy of Apartheid.Countries such as Britain, the United States andFrance objected to the wording contained in theclauses on Sabotage trials and political prisoners.When, however, these clauses were included inthe resolution as a whole, all member States votedin favour of the resolution, with the exception ofPortugal, Spain, Paraguay and Honduras, whowere absent, and South Africa, who recorded anegative vote.This resolution is disastrous-certainly a dis-aster for South Africa, and maybe a disaster forthe United Nations.However much South Africans condemn theAfro-Asian bloc, however much they feel that theAfrican States are discrediting South Africa whenin their own countries they indulge in eouallyundemocratic practices, however much SouthAfricans consider the world body to have becomea farce-the fact remains that South Africarefuses to make even the smallest concessions.(Continued Overleaf)Die Swart Serp, Oktober/November 1963

Page 32 of 38 The Crime, Apartheid-The Penalty, Isolation ICont.lDespite the increasing demands of the UnitedNations to abandon Apartheid, the South AfricanGovernment's answer is to enact ever more un-just and discriminatory legislation, and, throughlegislation, progressively to usurp the functionswhich rightly belong to the judiciary.South Africa's intransigent attitude, her deter-mination to pursue her policy regardless of allappeals from the outside world, has forced theWestern nations, who for years have done theirbest to prevent the adoption of excessive demandsfor boycotts and sanctions against South Africa,to decide that they can no longer jeopardize theirown positions in world organizations by remain-ing passive. For the first time, South Africa'svote vaas the only one recorded against a resolu-tion condemning our country.Whether South Africa is expelled from theUnited Nations, whether she withdraws of herown volition or whether she remains a memberof the organization, she is out on a limb, she isisolated and alone. This is what Apartheid hasdone for our country.Drastic Government MeasuresIn the face of this world condemnation, whatis happening at home? This year started with oneof the most controversial sessions of Parliamentin our history. In spite of all appeals to abandonthe policy of Apartheid, from nations which wereonce our friends, our Government, without takingheed, placed before Parliament, which enacted it,gle islation such as the Transkei Constit-ti-n Bill,e Publications and Entertainments Bill, aattenuated Bantu Laws Amendment Bill and thenotorious General Law Amendment Bill of 1963,that totalitarian measure under which an indi-vidual can be detained for periods of 90 days,"even to eternity," without charge and withouttrial..! ands are being spent by theG'=t in increasing the strength and theX;size of the armed forces; young men are beingcalled upon to do nine months' compulsory mili-tary training. A congress of the Nationalist Partyhas passed a resolution asking the Governmentto conscript women into the army so that "theycan fight shoulder to shoulder with their men."There are 27,000 women in pistol clubs.Propaganda CampaignThe theme of the propaganda campaign is thedander of liberalism. Over the radio, through theAfrikaans Press, from Cabinet Ministers andGovernment spokesmen, liberalism is equatedwith Communism and is claimed to be an evilthing. The Government attacks all organizations,bodies and individuals holding liberal opinions(by which I mean opinions which are in con-formity with the moral values and principleswhich are the standard in all civilized countries]N.U.S.A.S., the Christian Institute, the EnglishPress, Alan Paton and others, in fact all thosewho hold views contrary to the Government. TheThe Black Sash, October/November, 1963 4principles of freedom of speech, freedom of move-ment, freedom from fear, etc., are being aban-doned.The S.A.B.C. is being used as a mouthpiece ofthe Nationalist Party. Every day the news broad-casts highlight every racial clash throughout theworld. Political commentaries are all slanted toshow how liberal thinking is a danger to thesafety of South Africa. Despite all this, liberalopinion will survive when Apartheid is dead andgone, for nothing will stop men thinking and noth-ing will stop the search for truth.Oppossive Apartheid LawsUnder the oppressive apartheid laws, thousandsof non-Whites are being uprooted from theirhomes under the Group Areas Act; job reserva-tions hang over the heads of many like a swordof Damocles, and the vast majority of Africansare existing on poverty wages.Last year there were 384,497 convictions fortechnical offences under the pass laws and influxcontrol. In South Africa, with its comparativelysmall population of 16,000.000, there are 67,000 ofall races in gaol-one in 238 of the whole popu-lation. Many hundreds of people are in detentionin one form or another without charge and with-out trial; many more have been charged and are,awaiting trial. Once again there are mass trials.African political organizations have been declaredunlawful; their leaders are either banned,banished, in gaol or have fled the country; someof the more militant members of these organiza-tions who are not incarcerated, have gone under-ground, are alleged to have abandoned the Afri-can policy of non-violence, and are resorting toterrorist methods and sabotage to bring about asituation which will see an end to Apartheid.Break-up of African Family LifeThe issue which is of the greatest concern tothe Black Sash, and should be of the greatest con-cern to all South Africans, is the break-up ofAfrican family life. Because of the Native UrbanAreas Act, it is almost as difficult for an Africanmarried woman to live with her husband as it isfor a camel to pass through the eye of a needle.The Government decrees that Africans mayremain in the urban areas only as long as theirlabour is required for the White economy.Thousands of Africans, and many women andchildren on their own, are being "endorsed out"of the urban areas and sent back to the ruralareas, where starvation is rife, without any pro-vision for housing and employment. Husbands arebeing housed in bachelor hostels. In the CapePeninsula alone, a thousand Africans a month arebeing "endorsed out." Those of us who come incontact with some of these separated familitieshave seen for ourselves the human suffering andthe sorrow involved. How can South Africa,which professes to be a Christian country, carryout a policy which is anti-Christ, and morallyindefensible?Die Swart Serp, Oktober/November 1963

Page 33 of 38 "The Pied Piper of Pretoria"To sum up, what are the fruits of Apartheid?We have a flourishing economy, but it is set ona course of galloping inflation; we are in a posi-tion of isolation in the world because there isalmost universal condemnation of Apartheid. Wehave a Bantustan in the Transkei, in the throesof its first general election, which is being con-ducted with the territory under a State of Emer-gency. There are sporadic outbreaks of sabotageand violence; thousands of people are in gaol orawaiting trial, in detention, in banishment, underbans or house arrest; there are demands for anarmy of unprecedented strength to maintain lawand order at home and to ward off our enemiesfrom abroad. We have a frustrated and embit-tered non-White population governed by myriadlaws which control every aspect of their dailylives; we have a White population which, fearingBlack Nationalism, has forsaken its values of jus-tice and humanity, and, mesmerized by the"Apartheid or Death" tune of the Pied Piper ofPretoria, is following him into what it believes tobe the safety of the White laager.In this atmosphere of hysteria and unrealism,South Africa is moving towards her destruction.Living with their ConsciencesI ask White South Africans to cast their mindsback thirty years to Hitler's Germany of the1930's. Hitler came to power with the moral andfinancial support of the big industrialists. Therank and file soon followed and climbed intoHitler's laager. The German people closed theireyes to injustice, they allowed the Jews andCatholics to be persecuted; they did not ~ algai st the concentration camps they pr=ignorance of the gas chambers. They acceptedrestrictions on their own liberty. They did notraise their voices, and they did not want to raisetheir voices, until it was too late.Those who survived the war saw Germanyutterly beaten, her cities destroyed, millions of hercitizens killed, and 6,000,000 Jews exterminated.They heard the indictments at the NurembergTrials, and today they are living with their con-sciences.We beseech White South Africans to examinetheir consciences before it is too late; to ask them-selves if they are doing all they can to saveSouth Africa, if they do not feel it their moralduty to bring pressure on the Government toabondon Apartheid, and introduce a policy whichwould be just and fair to all South Africans.If something is not done soon to bring about achange peacefully, will we not see a violentrevolution? The future would then be dark indeed.The prospects for the coming year are gloomy.Events are moving rapidly outside South Africa,and verbal condemnation is likely to be trans-lated into action. South Africa will go through hertesting time: we hope that people of goodwill willnot be found wanting.THE CRIME IS APARTHEID-THE PENALTYIS ISOLATION.A NATION'S CONSCIENCEThe Black Sash continues to act as theconscience of the nation.THE Black Sash, a unique South Africanphenomenon which at one time attractedworld notice, inevitably moved out of thenews with the passing of time, but has stub-bornly refused to move out of existence. Thisis, perhaps, its most remarkable achieve-ment.Although its methods have changed, itremains what it set out to be-the conscienceof a nation. It has no political programme, forwhile its members are predominantly liberalin thought, it is concerned not so much withpolicies as with the effect of policies onhuman beings.In this it still performs a vital service. Inher address to the annual conference-theninth-in Johannesburg recently, the NationalPresident, Mrs. Sinclair, drew attention to thethousands of broken homes and uprooted=lies to the fa t t it s- ct atin~y difficult fort Ifriic:= TOlive with her husband, to the thousands ofmen, women and children who are being"endorsed out" of the towns to face a pre-carious future in the rural areas.These are, unhappily, the practical resultsin human terms of policies which assumethat the ends always justify the means, andwhich see human beings only in the racialmass and seldom as individuals.Hard cases, it is said, make bad laws, butcan laws ever be justified which issue inwidespread individual hardships and injustice?There is something rotten at the core ofpolicies which disregard the fundamentalhuman verities of home and family and theright to work for a living wage.The political parties argue their case at adifferent level-the victims of these policies,after all, have no vote. It is as well, therefore,tY'at this dedicated band of women continuesto insist that human suffering is real andrelevant, and that no policy that ignores orproduces it can be valid. ("The Star")The Black Sash, October/November, 1963Die Swart Serp, November/Desember 1963

Page 34 of 38 IMPRESSIONS OF CONFERENCEby MOLLY PETERSENVice-Chairman of Cape Western Regionand a former National President of theBlack SashTHE BLACK SASH Annual National Conference of 1963, held in Johannesburg, gotoff to a flying start on Tuesday, 22nd October, with an excellent openingaddressby the National President, Mrs. Jean Sinclair.The very darkness of the picture painted by Mrs. Sinclair, of the increasingisolation which was cutting South Africa off from the rest of the world,offered asombre challenge to the assembled delegates. In a brilliantly constructedand out-spoken address, Mrs. Sinclair pointed out how the intransigent attitude ofthe pre-sent Government to world criticism of apartheid had brought about, notmerelyuniversal condemnation, but universal determination to give expression tothat con-demantion by excluding South Africa from international cultural, political,techni-cal, sociological and sporting bodies.Inside South Africa, the picture was equally black, for it was one of newand infinitely more drastic repressive laws such as the General LawAmendmentAct, 1963, of thousands more people imprisoned or otherwise restricted bybeingbanned, banished or placed under house arrest; and of an increasinglyembitterednon-White population.Mrs. Sinclair's address certainly brought thedelegates face to face with the grim realities ofthe situation in South Africa, and with the tremen-dous task which confronts the Black Sash in itsefforts to obtain good government for South Africaand justice for all her peoples. Although not dis-mayed by the prospect before them, for membersof the Black Sash have long since accepted thefact that the changes which they so earnestlydesire cannot be brought about either quickly oreasily, it was a sober group of delegates thatfiled out of the conference room to fortify thebody, if not the spirit, with the excellent tea pro-vided.A Stimulating ChallengeWith so many good things to eat, and so manyold friends to greet-for most of the originalleaders of the Sash were once again representingtheir regions-it was inevitable that the resilientspirit of the Black Sash should once more riseto the surface. The problems so ably outlinedby Mrs. Sinclair appeared, by the end of the teabreak, not as insuperable difficulties, but as astimulating challenge.The Black Sash, October/November, 1963 6"The Writing on the Wall"At 12 mid-day, a bus arrived to take delegatesand observers from Conference to the StockExchange Square in Hollard Street for a demon-stration against apartheid. Three posters wereused, the one reading, "The Crime, Apartheid-thePenalty, Isolation," the other two listing, respec-tively, the many inhumanities which add up to"apartheid," and the many ways in which SouthAfrica has already been isolated.Numbers of people came to stare and to readthe placards, and it is to be hoped that some wereable to read "the writing on the wall" as clearlyas that on the posters; but the general air of idleinterest or even complete lack of interest was notindicative of any great appreciation on the partof the public of the dangers which threaten thiscountry of ours.Cocktail PartyAfter an afternoon devoted to regional andheadquarters reports, the Conference adjournedfor the day, and later met in the relaxed atmos-phere of a delightful cocktail party given by Mr.and Mrs. SincIair for delegates and their husbandsand members of the Press.Die Swart Serp, Oktober/November 1963

Page 35 of 38 The Black Sash Opens its RanksThe real business of the Conference began onWednesday, with the debate on Border's resolu-tion that the Black Sash should open its ranksto all women of the Republic of South Africa whosubscribe to the aims and objectives of the organi-zation. This matter has been debated for fouryears in succession, and was brought forward lastyear by Border Region as a firm resolution, butit did not gain the two-thirds majority requiredfor any resolution affecting membership.As in previous years, this discussion produced ah iLigh standard of debate, although little was addedto what had been said at previous conferences. Itwas obvious that there were still many memberswho felt that the strength of the Black Sash layin the fact that it was an organization of voterswith a strong sense of personal responsibility,pledged to protest against wrongs brought aboutby voters; and for some time it appeared that theranks would not be opened.However, during discussion on an allied resolu-tion, it became apparent that the enfranchisementof the women of the Transkei posed a seriousproblem. To admit these new "voters," to whoma form of franchise has been granted, and noother non-White women, would be to condoneapartheid, Bantustans, etc., and exclude womenwho are powerless to obtain the vote because ofGovernment policy. These considerations had adecisive effect on the final voting on Border'sresolution, and it was passed with a comfortabletwo-thirds majority.Advice OfficesAmong the items for discussion, the subject ofthe Advice Offices provoked tremendous interest,and it was encouraging to learn that since lastConference one new office had been opened inJohannesburg, and three others would be startedduring the course of the next few months in Dur-ban, East London and Port Elizabeth.Conference again expressed deep concern at thebreak-up of African family life caused by the lawsof this land, and resolved to continue the cam-paign to arouse public awareness of the sorrowsand hardships endured by African families, andto bring pressure on those in authority to havethese laws repealed.In view of the myriad laws which control everyaspect of the Africans' daily lives, and theirobvious need for help and guidance in establishingtheir limited rights, the free assistance given atthe Advice Offices becomes ever more important.Cape Town office alone dealt with 4,891 cases inthe past year.(Continued Overleaf)The National President welcomes regional leaders to Conference.L. to R., Mrs. D. Hill, Transvaal; Mrs. M. Corrigall, Natal Midlands; Mrs.S. Francis, Natal Coastal;Mrs. D. Curry, Border; Mrs. J. Sinclair (National President); Mrs. M.Henderson, Cape Western.The Black Sash, October/November, 1963 7Die Swart Serp, Oktober/November 1963

Page 36 of 38 Border's Membership DriveBorder was congratulated on its mammoth mem-bership drive, which, although to date it hadbro 0.l me esuught in y five ew mber., had r fltedin bringing to the attention of 1,000 White citizensin the Border area the work which the Black Sashdoes, and the important principles it seeks to up-h0 d rI - Inspired by Border' s efforts, Conferenceagreed unanimously that each Region would con-duct a membership drive during the coming year.The South Africa FoundationThe South Africa Foundation came in for severecriticism, and it was the considered opinion ofConference that great efforts should be made toconvince members of the Foundation individuallychat they were not helping the situation in SouthAfrica by their efforts to whitewash the Govern-ment's apartheid policy.It was also agreed that half-truths and blatantGovernment propaganda should be counteredwherever possible.The Black Sash is convinced that Governmental.policy and the many stringent laws whch denynon-Whites all legitimate means of redressing theirgrievances are responsible for driving the moredesperate Africans into subversive activity, themore timid Whites into a laager, and the wholecountry into isolation. Our Government alone is,esponsible for our bad image abroad, and theworld's condemnation.The 90-day DetaineesConference decided to continue to stress thefact that many hundreds of South Africans arebeing punished by indefinite detention, bannings,house arrest and banishment, without any chargehaving been brought against them, or any crimeproved.Once again the Black Sash will try to obtain thesupport of other women's organizations; this timetheir co-operation will be sought in making a plea,through the newspapers, for 90-day detainees tobe brought to trial, and not kept in detentionindefinitely. They will also be asked to make ajoint plea for an interview with the Minister ofJustice on this matter.Address by Mr. DeliusOne of the highlights of the Conference wasundoubtedly the talk given by Mr. Anthony Deliuson the Addis Ababa Conference.It was illuminating to learn from Mr. Deliusthat although there was complete detestationexpressed by the Africans at Addis Ababa for thepolicy of White supremacy, the main purpose ofthat historic conference was to solve the economicThe Black Sash, October/November, 1963 8problems of emergent African states. These prob-lems, according to Mr. Delius, are universal andvery serious among these emergent states. Theyare unlikely to be solved for many generations tocome, and may well become worse before theybegin to improve.Nonetheless, Mr. Delius believes that Dr. Ver-woerd has under-estimated the deep anger evokedin Africans by his apartheid policy, and that he iswrong in thinking that in spite of what he is doingthe African states will sooner or later turn toSouth Africa for help. Mr. Delius believes thatthere is an increasing doubt among Nationalists asto the wisdom of their apartheid policy, but thatit will probably take a long time before thesedoubts gain sufficient momentum to bring abouta chance of policy.On his own admission, Mr. Delius is not aprophet, so it is to be hoped that he may bewrong in believing that present policies still havea considerable time to run, in which case theremight still be a chance of a peaceful old age forthe weary Black Sash "Winnies"!Goodwill GestureThe rest of the resolutions were skipped throughat commendable speed under the shadow of "OldMan Time."Out of the discussion on two resolutions onmigrant la oar and the break-up of African familylife, which were taken together, arose a suggestionfrom Mrs. Stott that at Christmas time a messageof goodwill to Africans should be published in thePress, sponsored by a large number of Whitepeople, whose signatures would be collected andnames published with the message. The purposeof this would be two-fold-firstly to show non-Whites that there are still many Whites whosympathize with them, and secondly to show theGovernment that not all White South Africanshave been frightened into the White laager. Thiswas accepted by a large majority of delegates asbeing a most valuable suggestion.Headquarters RegionWhen it came to the decision as to which regionshould be Headquarters Region, only Transvaalwas noble enough to accept nomination, and thegratitude of the whole Black Sash movement goesto this region for accepting this onerous burdenfor the third year running.Mrs. Jean Sinclair received an ovation on herelection as National President for the third year insuccession, and Mrs. Jeanette Davidoff and Mrs."Bobbie" Cluver were elected National Vice-Presi-dents.Die Swart Serp, Ohtober/November 1963

Page 37 of 38 Close of ConferenceDelegates to Conference were warm in theirexpression of appreciation of the kind hospitalityshown them, the excellent transport arrangementsmade, and the really delicious food which was pro-vided for teas and lunches throughout the threedays of Conference. The "Universal Aunts" werewarmly thanked for their untiring attention andassistance.Natal Midlands Region kindly offered to holdthe next Annual National Conference in Pieter-maritzburg, and their invitation was gratefullyaccepted.When the last word had been spoken, the lastcontentious point settled, and the weary dele-gates had said their last farewells, there wasthe usual realization that something worthwhileand concrete had been achieved as the result ofthe exchange of ideas, the disagreements and theresolving of those disagreements.Above all, each delegate carried away with herthe warm and sustaining knowledge that the heartof the Black Sash was as staunch as ever.ACROSSNote.-Clues 1, 9, 18, 19, across, make up awell-known Black Sash slogan.1. Cry of distress from East London, en-gulfed in hire purchase? (4).3. An African academic pudding of whichultimate proof, briefly, will be the edu-cational nourishment provided. (8).8. Often linked with Washington as theheadquarters of western democracy. (6).9. It's wrong when i~'s taken away, but isi likely lef , .t to be t. (5)11. South African authorities are much in-clined to favour this method of sowingseed. (12).13. They decide what we may see, hear,read, write - and think? (7).15. How the South African Cabinet mightsing its own version of Tennyson's lulla-by, "Wind of (the western) change"?(5, 3, 4).18. Having spoilt a sheet - this more thanonce! - let's turn over a new leaf. (5).19. Injustices have grown plurally. (6).20. Viewed with suspicion and distaste, itis merely the science of government.(8).21. Colours used extensively as camouflagein recent drastic legislation? (4).DOWN1. Mr. Waring, our Minister of Information,cIou[d undoubtedly make an authoritativestatement on an important position ofthis kind. (8).2. Any language but our own. (5).4. In South Africa presumably these werethe Hottentots. (5, 7).5. Instruments for recording the groans ofthe much-maligned English press? (6).BLACK SASH CROSSWORD PUZZLE6. Will his Christian name prove of anysignificance in the Transkei? (4).7. Political meetings in South Africa areoften taken over by this vociferous con-stituent. (5, 7).1O. In 1956 the packed Senate became thetool of apartheid - a pact was broken.(7).12. Between rests confused South AfricanWhite gyrates again. (8).14. She said that patriotism was not enough.(6).16. An . . . of prevention is better than aton of cure (5).17. According to Dr Verwoerd, all othercountries are out of it (4).(Solution on Page 32)The Black Sash, October/November, 1963 9Die Swart Serp, Oktober/November 1963

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