DOCSLIB.ORG

The Role of the Alternative Afrikaans Media in the Political Transformation Process in South Africa

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Role of the Alternative Afrikaans Media in the Political Transformation Process in South Africa The Role of the Alternative Afrikaans Media in the Political Transformation Process in South Africa Abraham G. van der Vyver Abstract This chapter focuses on the role of alternative Afrikaans media during the process of political transformation in South Africa. Two initiatives, an alternative Afrikaans newspaper as well as a Travelling Rock Circus, branded as the Outlawed Tour, paved the way for the involvement of the Afrikaner youth in the political struggle to get rid of the despicable apartheid system. The formation of the newspaper, Die Vrye Weekblad, was aimed at exposing the strategies and deeds of a political regime that was at that stage using every possible means to keep political power out of the hands of the ANC. The editor of the newspaper, Max du Preez, became public enemy number one. He was continuously targeted by the apartheid government with law suits and threats of prosecution. The second initiative was conducted by a group of young rock musicians from within the Afrikaner community. They staged an Outlawed Tour, visiting university campuses and other venues that were frequented by the Afrikaner youth. Their songs, carrying messages of resistance, succeeded in ridiculing the apartheid regime. Although these initiatives were vehemently opposed by the Afrikaner establishment, they were enthusiastically supported by the Afrikaner youth, who was beginning to doubt the legitimacy of the unacceptable political dispensation under which they lived. Keywords Transformation; alternative; newspaper; music; rock circus; struggle; regime; apartheid. 1. Introduction This chapter focuses on the role of alternative Afrikaans media during the process of political transformation in South Africa. Special emphasis is placed on initiatives to combat apartheid that came about during the last decade of the so-called apartheid years (1948-1993). Afrikaans, the mother tongue of the majority of White South Africans, was the dominant official language during the apartheid years. It has now been relegated to one of the 11 official languages of South Africa. 82 Alternative Afrikaans A few important historical landmarks that preceded the replacement of the inhumane political system of apartheid with a fully­ fledged democracy will be outlined. It is important to note that Nelson Mandela was released during 1990 and that he became the president of the first legitimate democracy in South Africa in 1994. This remarkable turnabout was a result of a more tolerable approach instituted by F.W. de Klerk who succeeded P.W. Botha in 1988 as president of South Africa. During the time of the Botha regime, the country was run by a small group of securocrats with Botha as dictator and conductor. On the one side of the media spectrum the Afrikaans papers were distributing government propaganda. On the other side the conventional English press formed part of an opposition that tried in vain to stem the tide of apartheid. Harvey Tyson, the editor of a leading South African newspaper, wrote: "only the Progressive Party, the Black Sash, some clergy, some communists and the English language press offered any uncomfortable moral challenge to racism and the government's methods." Although there were a few sporadic attempts to inject some rational thought into the government's way of thinking, P.W. Botha was using his parliament to promulgate more and more emergency regulations. Regulations to curb the reporting powers of the media were introduced in a concerted effort to prevent media reporting on the atrocities conducted by government forces. During the period June to December 1986, a new set of severe media restrictions were announced by Botha's Cabinet. Grogan and Riddle wrote: "from mid June of 1986 some South African newspapers began to carry daily front page notices that they were being published under restrictions that amounted to censorship, and that what facts they were permitted to carry could be 'seriously misleading". Political power was in the hands of a small elite group who consisted of hand-picked extremists known as the Broederbond - it translates to Brotherhood. This organization has been operating under a veil of secrecy since 1948. This secret organization maintained strict control over all state budgets and government appointments. Membership was only by invitation and no critical thinking was allowed. It was restricted to Afrikaner males who were married to Afrikaner wives. No exceptions were made. The formation of an alternative Afrikaans newspaper and a number of initiatives from the spectrum of the performing arts caused an unexpected burst of resistance from the ranks of the Afrikaner youth. Although these initiatives from the cultural community were packaged in sugar-coated format, they carried hard-hitting political messages. The thought-provoking impact of these messages played an important role in .
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Callie Human Bloemfontein Campus
    PROGRAMME CALLIE HUMAN BLOEMFONTEIN CAMPUS CONSTITUTION OF THE CONGREGATION Chancellor Dr K Mokhele OFFICIAL WELCOME AND WORD OF THANKS Rector and Vice-Chancellor Prof FW Petersen INTRODUCTION OF GUEST SPEAKER Vice-Rector: Research Prof RC Witthuhn GUEST SPEAKER Author, Political Analyst and 2016 UFS Honorary Doctorate Recipient Dr M du Preez 28 JUNE 2018 | 14:30 MUSICAL ITEM “A Change is Gonna Come” Music and lyrics by S Cooke Performed by Mr T Willard, Mr A Mockie and Mr L Rantho PRESENTATION OF MASTER’S CANDIDATES Dean: Faculty of Natural and Agricultural Sciences Prof PD Vermeulen CONFERMENT OF MASTER’S DEGREES Chancellor Dr K Mokhele PRESENTATION OF MEDALS Dean: Faculty of Natural and Agricultural Sciences Prof PD Vermeulen PRESENTATION OF DOCTORAL CANDIDATES Dean: Faculty of Natural and Agricultural Sciences Prof PD Vermeulen CONFERMENT OF DOCTORAL DEGREES Chancellor Dr K Mokhele CONGRATULATORY MESSAGE Chancellor Dr K Mokhele NATIONAL ANTHEM OF SOUTH AFRICA Led by Ms J Marais and accompanied by the Graduation Instrumental Ensemble under the direction of Mr A Esterhuyse DISSOLUTION OF THE CONGREGATION Chancellor Dr K Mokhele GRADUATION PROGRAMME 1 NATIONAL ANTHEM OF SOUTH AFRICA Nkosi sikelel’ iAfrika Maluphakanyisw’ uphondo lwayo, Yizwa imithandazo yethu, Nkosi sikelela, thina lusapho lwayo. Morena boloka setjhaba sa heso, O fedise dintwa le matshwenyeho, O se boloke, O se boloke setjhaba sa heso, Setjhaba sa South Afrika - South Afrika. Uit die blou van onse hemel, Uit die diepte van ons see, Oor ons ewige gebergtes, Waar die kranse antwoord gee, Sounds the call to come together, And united we shall stand, Let us live and strive for freedom, In South Africa our land.
    [Show full text]
  • Constitutional Authority and Its Limitations: the Politics of Sexuality in South Africa
    South Africa Constitutional Authority and its Limitations: The Politics of Sexuality in South Africa Belinda Beresford Helen Schneider Robert Sember Vagner Almeida “While the newly enfranchised have much to gain by supporting their government, they also have much to lose.” Adebe Zegeye (2001) A history of the future: Constitutional rights South Africa’s Constitutional Court is housed in an architecturally innovative complex on Constitution Hill, a 100-acre site in central Johannesburg. The site is adjacent to Hillbrow, a neighborhood of high-rise apartment buildings into which are crowded thousands of mi- grants from across the country and the continent. This is one of the country’s most densely populated, cosmopolitan and severely blighted urban areas. From its position atop Constitu- tion Hill, the Court offers views of Hillbrow’s high-rises and the distant northern suburbs where the established white elite and increasing numbers of newly affluent non-white South Africans live. Thus, while the light-filled, colorful and contemporary Constitutional Court buildings reflect the progressive and optimistic vision of post-apartheid South Africa the lo- cation is a reminder of the deeply entrenched inequalities that continue to define the rights of the majority of people in the country and the continent. CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY AND ITS LIMITATIONS: THE POLITICS OF SEXUALITY IN SOUTH AFRICA 197 From the late 1800s to 1983 Constitution Hill was the location of Johannesburg’s central prison, the remains of which now lie in the shadow of the new court buildings. Former prison buildings include a fort built by the Boers (descendents of Dutch settlers) in the late 1800s to defend themselves against the thousands of men and women who arrived following the discovery of the area’s expansive gold deposits.
    [Show full text]
  • The Black Sash
    THE BLACK SASH THE BLACK SASH MINUTES OF THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE 1990 CONTENTS: Minutes Appendix Appendix 4. Appendix A - Register B - Resolutions, Statements and Proposals C - Miscellaneous issued by the National Executive 5 Long Street Mowbray 7700 MINUTES OF THE BLACK SASH NATIONAL CONFERENCE 1990 - GRAHAMSTOWN SESSION 1: FRIDAY 2 MARCH 1990 14:00 - 16:00 (ROSEMARY VAN WYK SMITH IN THE CHAIR) I. The National President, Mary Burton, welcomed everyone present. 1.2 The Dedication was read by Val Letcher of Albany 1.3 Rosemary van wyk Smith, a National Vice President, took the chair and called upon the conference to observe a minute's silence in memory of all those who have died in police custody and in detention. She also asked the conference to remember Moira Henderson and Netty Davidoff, who were among the first members of the Black Sash and who had both died during 1989. 1.4 Rosemary van wyk Smith welcomed everyone to Grahamstown and expressed the conference's regrets that Ann Colvin and Jillian Nicholson were unable to be present because of illness and that Audrey Coleman was unable to come. All members of conference were asked to introduce themselves and a roll call was held. (See Appendix A - Register for attendance list.) 1.5 Messages had been received from Errol Moorcroft, Jean Sinclair, Ann Burroughs and Zilla Herries-Baird. Messages of greetings were sent to Jean Sinclair, Ray and Jack Simons who would be returning to Cape Town from exile that weekend. A message of support to the family of Anton Lubowski was approved for dispatch in the light of the allegations of the Minister of Defence made under the shelter of parliamentary privilege.
    [Show full text]
  • What Ended Apartheid?
    NEW YORK STATE SOCIAL STUDIES RESOURCE TOOLKIT 10th Grade Apartheid Inquiry What Ended Apartheid? Photographer unknown, photograph of protests against Pass Laws, 1956. NatIonal LIbrary of South AfrIca: Cape Town campus. Used with permIssIon. Supporting Questions 1. What was apartheId? 2. What efforts were made by Nelson Mandela to end apartheId? 3. What efforts were made by groups wIthIn South AfrIca to end apartheId? 4. What efforts were made by InternatIonal bodIes to end apartheId? THIS WORK IS LICENSED UNDER A CREATIVE COMMONS ATTRIBUTION- NONCOMMERCIAL- SHAREALIKE 4.0 INTERNATIONAL LICENSE. 1 NEW YORK STATE SOCIAL STUDIES RESOURCE TOOLKIT 10th Grade Apartheid Inquiry What Ended Apartheid? 10.10 HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS: Since the Holocaust, human rIghts vIolatIons have generated New York State worldwide attentIon and concern. The UnIted NatIons UnIversal DeclaratIon of Human RIghts has Social Studies provIded a set of prIncIples to guide efforts to protect threatened groups and has served as a lens Framework Key Idea through whIch hIstorIcal occurrences of oppression can be evaluated. & Practices Gathering, Using, and Interpreting Evidence Chronological Reasoning and Causation Comparison and Contextualization Staging the Question Students examIne varIous maps of the “homelands” In South AfrIca and dIscuss the ImplIcatIons of, and challenges to, thIs physIcal separation. Supporting Question 1 Supporting Question 2 Supporting Question 3 Supporting Question 4 What was apartheId? What efforts were made by What efforts were made by What
    [Show full text]
  • The Black Sash, Vol. 16, No. 7
    The Black Sash, Vol. 16, No. 7 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org/. Page 1 of 41 Alternative title The Black SashThe Black Sash Author/Creator The Black Sash (Johannesburg) Contributor Duncan, Sheena Publisher The Black Sash (Johannesburg) Date 1973-11 Resource type Journals (Periodicals) Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) South Africa Coverage (temporal) 1973 Source Digital Imaging South Africa (DISA) Relation The Black Sash (1956-1969); continued by Sash (1969-1994) Rights By kind permission of Black Sash. Format extent 39 page(s) (length/size) Page 2 of 41 SASHVol. 16. No. 7Nov. 1973Price: 40cThe Black Sash magazine Page 3 of 41 BLACK SASH OFFICE BEARERSIlEADQUARTERSNational President: Mrs.
    [Show full text]
  • Narratives of Contradiction: South African Youth and Post-Apartheid
    Narratives of Contradiction: South African Youth and Post-Apartheid Governance By Elene Cloete Ó 2017 Submitted to the graduate degree program in Anthropology and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy ________________________________ Chairperson John M. Janzen, Ph.D. ________________________________ Hannah E. Britton, Ph.D. ________________________________ Donald D. Stull, Ph.D. ________________________________ Elizabeth L. MacGonagle, Ph.D. ________________________________ Byron Caminero-Santangelo, Ph.D. Date Defended: May 17, 2017 The Dissertation Committee for Elene Cloete certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Narratives of Contradiction: South African Youth and Post-Apartheid Governance _______________________________ Chairperson John M. Janzen Date approved: May 17, 2017 ii Abstract South Africa’s heralded democratic transition digressed from its 1994 euphoric optimism to a current state of public discontent. This stems from rising unemployment, persistent structural inequality, and a disappointment in the African National Congress-led government’s inability to bring true social and economic transformation to fruition. While some scholars attribute this socioeconomic and political predicament to the country’s former regimes, others draw close correlations between the country’s post-apartheid predicament, ANC leadership, and the country’s official adoption of neoliberal economic policies in 1996. Central to this post-euphoric moment is the country’s Born-Free generation, particularly Black youth, coming of political age in an era of supposed political freedom, social equality, and economic opportunities. But recent student movements evidence young people’s disillusionment with the country’s democratic transition. Such disillusionment is not unfounded, considering the 35% youth unemployment rate and questionable standards in primary education.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise of Julius Malema Samantha M. Crowell Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Prerequisite for Honors in the African
    The Rise of Julius Malema Samantha M. Crowell Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Prerequisite for Honors In The Africana Studies Department April 2012 Copyright 2012 Samantha M. Crowell Acknowledgements: I would like to thank my thesis advisor, Pashington Obeng, as well as my thesis committee. Your wisdom and kindness has proved invaluable this year. I would also like to thank my family, CFYM, Pub Staff, and my major advisor Donna Patterson for their unwavering support in following my passions. Table of Contents Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..i Chapter 1: “A Vacuum of Leadership”………………………………………………………………………………………..1 Chapter 2: “Service Non-Delivery”……………………………………………………………………………………………17 Chapter 3: “South African Strife”……………………………………………………………………………………………..34 Chapter 4: “Malema Rising”……………………………………………………………………………………………………..48 Conclusions………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………66 Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….70 i Introduction “We are in a political laboratory; never blame us if we make mistakes, we are [just] learning.” –Julius Malema1 Before Jacob Zuma’s election in 2009, Julius Sello Malema was a virtually unknown figure in South African politics. After the general elections in April of that year, Julius Malema became a household name. As President of the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL), Malema has become one of the most contentious and ridiculed figures in South African political history. Malema’s rise to fame has been swift; his outspoken commentary on the African National Congress (ANC) as well as his merciless prodding of previously taboo South African issues such as land reform and nationalization has brought him domestic and international attention. Malema is certainly a surprising addition to the South African political landscape because of his arguably untested and uneducated background as well as his affiliation with an ethnic minority.
    [Show full text]
  • We Were Cut Off from the Comprehension of Our Surroundings
    Black Peril, White Fear – Representations of Violence and Race in South Africa’s English Press, 1976-2002, and Their Influence on Public Opinion Inauguraldissertation zur Erlangung der Doktorwürde der Philosophischen Fakultät der Universität zu Köln vorgelegt von Christine Ullmann Institut für Völkerkunde Universität zu Köln Köln, Mai 2005 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The work presented here is the result of years of research, writing, re-writing and editing. It was a long time in the making, and may not have been completed at all had it not been for the support of a great number of people, all of whom have my deep appreciation. In particular, I would like to thank Prof. Dr. Michael Bollig, Prof. Dr. Richard Janney, Dr. Melanie Moll, Professor Keyan Tomaselli, Professor Ruth Teer-Tomaselli, and Prof. Dr. Teun A. van Dijk for their help, encouragement, and constructive criticism. My special thanks to Dr Petr Skalník for his unflinching support and encouraging supervision, and to Mark Loftus for his proof-reading and help with all language issues. I am equally grateful to all who welcomed me to South Africa and dedicated their time, knowledge and effort to helping me. The warmth and support I received was incredible. Special thanks to the Burch family for their help settling in, and my dear friend in George for showing me the nature of determination. Finally, without the unstinting support of my two colleagues, Angelika Kitzmantel and Silke Olig, and the moral and financial backing of my family, I would surely have despaired. Thank you all for being there for me. We were cut off from the comprehension of our surroundings; we glided past like phantoms, wondering and secretly appalled, as sane men would be before an enthusiastic outbreak in a madhouse.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rollback of South Africa's Chemical and Biological Warfare
    The Rollback of South Africa’s Chemical and Biological Warfare Program Stephen Burgess and Helen Purkitt US Air Force Counterproliferation Center Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama THE ROLLBACK OF SOUTH AFRICA’S CHEMICAL AND BIOLOGICAL WARFARE PROGRAM by Dr. Stephen F. Burgess and Dr. Helen E. Purkitt USAF Counterproliferation Center Air War College Air University Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama The Rollback of South Africa’s Chemical and Biological Warfare Program Dr. Stephen F. Burgess and Dr. Helen E. Purkitt April 2001 USAF Counterproliferation Center Air War College Air University Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama 36112-6427 The internet address for the USAF Counterproliferation Center is: http://www.au.af.mil/au/awc/awcgate/awc-cps.htm . Contents Page Disclaimer.....................................................................................................i The Authors ............................................................................................... iii Acknowledgments .......................................................................................v Chronology ................................................................................................vii I. Introduction .............................................................................................1 II. The Origins of the Chemical and Biological Warfare Program.............3 III. Project Coast, 1981-1993....................................................................17 IV. Rollback of Project Coast, 1988-1994................................................39
    [Show full text]
  • NATIONAL CONFERENCE 1990 PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS by MARY BURTON "FIGHTING out of the DARKNESS&Quo
    - NATIONAL CONFERENCE 1990 - NATIONAL CONFERENCE 1990 PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS by MARY BURTON "FIGHTING OUT OF THE DARKNESS" OR MOVING 6RADLALLY TOWARDS THE LIGHT? The words of the first half of my title come from a member of a rightwing organization who told the Weekly Mail to remember "that the Doers were the ones who invented guerrilla warfare. It's still in the soul of our people, that fighting Out of the darkness." (Weekly Mail, Vol 6, No 6, Feb. 1990). This is a sombre reminder of the legacy of anger, racism and bitterness which apartheid has bequeathed to South Africa - a legacy which will have to be reckoned with long after apartheid itself is truly dead. The white people who gather at rallies to support the Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging and who attack black people and smash property come from the same cauldron of hate as the disaffected black youth who take advantage of mass marches to vandalize and loot. The militant cadres of Umkhonto we Sizwe and the well- armed factions of the white extremists could equally pose a danger to the precarious process of negotiating the transformation of the South African society into one united nation. The heirs of this legacy of militarized conflict are the young. Will it be possible to convert their inheritance into one of unity and richness? We in the Black Sash hope that it will, but we recognise that there are no simple answers. There is a bumper sticker to be seen on cars in Cape Town which reads "It's never too late to have a happy childhood." I believe that for thousands of young South Africans it IS too late.
    [Show full text]
  • Objecting to Apartheid
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by South East Academic Libraries System (SEALS) OBJECTING TO APARTHEID: THE HISTORY OF THE END CONSCRIPTION CAMPAIGN By DAVID JONES Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS In the subject HISTORY At the UNIVERSITY OF FORT HARE SUPERVISOR: PROFESSOR GARY MINKLEY JANUARY 2013 I, David Jones, student number 200603420, hereby declare that I am fully aware of the University of Fort Hare’s policy on plagiarism and I have taken every precaution to comply with the regulations. Signature…………………………………………………………… Abstract This dissertation explores the history of the End Conscription Campaign (ECC) and evaluates its contribution to the struggle against apartheid. The ECC mobilised white opposition to apartheid by focussing on the role of the military in perpetuating white rule. By identifying conscription as the price paid by white South Africans for their continued political dominance, the ECC discovered a point of resistance within apartheid discourse around which white opposition could converge. The ECC challenged the discursive constructs of apartheid on many levels, going beyond mere criticism to the active modeling of alternatives. It played an important role in countering the intense propaganda to which all white South Africans were subject to ensure their loyalty, and in revealing the true nature of the conflict in the country. It articulated the dis-ease experienced by many who were alienated by the dominant culture of conformity, sexism, racism and homophobia. By educating, challenging and empowering white citizens to question the role of the military and, increasingly, to resist conscription it weakened the apartheid state thus adding an important component to the many pressures brought to bear on it which, in their combination, resulted in its demise.
    [Show full text]
  • Abstract This Paper Explores the Under-Appreciated Role of Business
    Business and the South African Transition Itumeleng Makgetla and Ian Shapiro Draft: February 20, 2016 Abstract This paper explores the under-appreciated role of business in negotiated transitions to democracy. Drawing on our interviews of key South African business leaders and political elites, we show how business played a vital role in enabling politicians to break out of the prisoners’ dilemma in which they had been trapped since the 1960s and move the country toward the democratic transition that took place in 1994. Business leaders were uniquely positioned to play this role, but it was not easy because they were internally divided and deeply implicated in Apartheid’s injustices. We explain how they overcame these challenges, how they facilitated negotiations, and how they helped keep them back on track when the going got rough. We also look at business in other transitional settings, drawing on South Africa’s experience to illuminate why business efforts to play a comparable role in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict have failed. We end by drawing out the implications of our findings for debates about democratic transitions and the role of business interests in them. Department of Political Science, P.O. Box 208301, New Haven, CT 06520-830. Phone:(203) 432-3415; Fax: (203): 432- 93-83. Email: [email protected] or [email protected] On March 21, 1960, police opened fire on a demonstration against South Africa’s pass laws in Sharpeville, fifty miles south of Johannesburg, killing 69 people. The callousness of the massacre – many victims were shot in the back while fleeing – triggered a major escalation in the conflict between the African National Congress (ANC) and the National Party (NP) government.
    [Show full text]