Narratives of Contradiction: South African Youth and Post-Apartheid

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Narratives of Contradiction: South African Youth and Post-Apartheid Narratives of Contradiction: South African Youth and Post-Apartheid Governance By Elene Cloete Ó 2017 Submitted to the graduate degree program in Anthropology and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy ________________________________ Chairperson John M. Janzen, Ph.D. ________________________________ Hannah E. Britton, Ph.D. ________________________________ Donald D. Stull, Ph.D. ________________________________ Elizabeth L. MacGonagle, Ph.D. ________________________________ Byron Caminero-Santangelo, Ph.D. Date Defended: May 17, 2017 The Dissertation Committee for Elene Cloete certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Narratives of Contradiction: South African Youth and Post-Apartheid Governance _______________________________ Chairperson John M. Janzen Date approved: May 17, 2017 ii Abstract South Africa’s heralded democratic transition digressed from its 1994 euphoric optimism to a current state of public discontent. This stems from rising unemployment, persistent structural inequality, and a disappointment in the African National Congress-led government’s inability to bring true social and economic transformation to fruition. While some scholars attribute this socioeconomic and political predicament to the country’s former regimes, others draw close correlations between the country’s post-apartheid predicament, ANC leadership, and the country’s official adoption of neoliberal economic policies in 1996. Central to this post-euphoric moment is the country’s Born-Free generation, particularly Black youth, coming of political age in an era of supposed political freedom, social equality, and economic opportunities. But recent student movements evidence young people’s disillusionment with the country’s democratic transition. Such disillusionment is not unfounded, considering the 35% youth unemployment rate and questionable standards in primary education. Compared to their urban peers, rural youth are at an even greater disadvantage, far removed from urban resources and opportunities. Against this post-apartheid moment, my research investigates the political perceptions of rural South African youth. Drawing from ethnographic fieldwork in the rural Eastern Cape Province, I find youth’s political perceptions embedded in themes of employment, dependence, and political performance. Youth use these concepts, not only to interpret the post-apartheid state and frame their government expectations, but also to make sense of their surrounding socioeconomic environments. Drawing from scholarship on neoliberal governmentality and considering the post-apartheid state’s contradictory nature, I argue that young South Africans’ interpretations of their immediate social realities draw from a deeper lying neoliberal logic. This iii logic places economic and social responsibility upon individuals, celebrates independence from the state, and applauds self-reliance, individualism, and autonomy. Additionally, when considering the country’s political context, youth view themes of self-reliance and individuality as logical alternatives to politics. Arguably, the country’s political landscape has allowed for a deeper entrenchment of a neoliberal logic that downplays the importance of political involvement and civil engagements. iv Acknowledgements Although I have done the writing and compilation of this dissertation, it remains a product of collaborative reflections. In this case, I am grateful to, first, my local Senqu communities in the Eastern Cape, South Africa, and second, the encouraging and steadfast motivation from friends, family, colleagues, and mentors, both in South Africa and the United States. First, this dissertation would not have been possible without the openness of my young research participants, ranging from young mothers who graciously allowed me entrance into their domestic worlds to learners at participating rural schools. But meeting young people on their school grounds would not have been possible without the assistance of the Eastern Cape Department of Education, and each schools’ principals, HODs, and teachers. In both cases, I was received with open welcoming arms, as school administrators and educators provided me with continuous support throughout my fieldwork endeavors. Support also came from local and district municipalities’ youth development officers and the officials working for the Eastern Cape’s Department of Social Development’s local divisions. I accompanied these officers on field site visits, sat in during official meetings, and followed them around during their daily community activities. Patiently and in the utmost detail, they answered all my inquiries, and on more than one occasion, shed insightful light on local struggles and dynamics. It was also through government officials that I encountered young people who are no longer on school campuses. These connections became invaluable, adding an additional dimension to my interpretations of local contexts. One such connection was Thabang Letlabika—I have learned a great deal from him and his youth group, and I know that our v engagement is far from over. Filled with passion, motivation, and commitment, these young people constitute our country’s future. In them, I see hope. While doing fieldwork I also had the support of local friends, mentors, and family, support that was emotional, intellectual and material in nature. For them, I am truly grateful. This includes unexpected sleepovers, endless streams of cake, and using family and friends’ vehicles. My local family and friends were always just a phone call away, providing comfort throughout my fieldwork experience. My gratitude also extends to individuals in the United States whose support was consistent during my fieldwork and dissertation writing stages. Such support ranged from my doctoral committee to my U.S. based friends and family. I could not have asked for a more supportive doctoral committee: Dr. John Janzen, who showed from the start an unwavering believe in me and my work. His wealth of knowledge and expertise in both African Studies and Social Anthropology is beyond compare. It is with great honor that I call myself a student of John Janzen and hope to do him proud in my future career as an anthropologist. To Dr. Hannah Britton, who is a mentor second to none. She is not only an example as far as her dedication and commitment toward academia is concerned, but also what activist scholarship should look like. I am deeply honored to have worked with Dr. Britton throughout my doctoral program. To Dr. Elizabeth MacGonagle, whose enthusiasm for African studies and the social history of Southern Africa in particular, continuously invigorated my own analyses and approaches. To Dr. Byron Caminero-Santangelo, whose knowledge, not only of South African authors, scholars, and activists, but also of the Eastern Cape remained inspirational throughout my tenure as doctoral student. To Dr. Donald Stull, who helped me become a better writer and organized academic. vi I am also grateful for support from faculty, staff, and graduate students from the Anthropology Department, including Le-Thu, who is always willing to assist, Dr. Brent Metz for weekly chats and motivation, and Dr. Katie Rhine for always having a willing ear. Special thanks go toward my fellow graduate students Anna Wieser and Mike Guarino for being just a graduate office away. Such support also came from Ximena Sevilla, who was a perfect dissertating companion and Mariah Crystal, who shared constant critical thoughts on Southern African dynamics. I thank my husband, Jacob Dakon. He has not doubted any of my scholarly pursuits, has stood by me through all the ups and downs of fieldwork and dissertating, and continuously encourages me to be the best I can be. I could not have asked for anything better. I love you for that. Finally, this dissertation and my accompanying doctoral training would not have been possible without the financial support of the National Research Foundation, South Africa, and its Free-Standing Doctoral Scholarship Award. Such financial assistance has allowed me the opportunity to pursue my academic ambitions. vii Content Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iii Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................................... v Content ......................................................................................................................................... viii Tables and Pictures ........................................................................................................................ xi Chapter 1 – Introduction ................................................................................................................. 1 The Post-Apartheid Predicament: Derailed Liberation or Neoliberal Casualty? ........................ 5 Poverty and Social Inequality as Historic Debris ................................................................... 7 Derailed Liberation ................................................................................................................. 8 A Neoliberal Casualty ........................................................................................................... 13 Neoliberal Rationality and Post-Apartheid Contradictions .....................................................
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