DOCSLIB.ORG

Complete Dissertation

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

VU Research Portal

Itineraries

Rousseau, N.

2019

document version

Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record

Link to publication in VU Research Portal

citation for published version (APA)

Rousseau, N. (2019). Itineraries: A return to the archives of the South African truth commission and the limits of counter-revolutionary warfare.

General rights

Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights.

• Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal ?

Take down policy

If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim.

E-mail address:

[email protected]

Download date: 09. Oct. 2021

VRIJE UNIVERSITEIT

Itineraries
A return to the archives of the South African truth commission and the limits of counter-revolutionary warfare

ACADEMISCH PROEFSCHRIFT ter verkrijging van de graad Doctor aan de Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, op gezag van de rector magnificus prof.dr. V. Subramaniam, in het openbaar te verdedigen ten overstaan van de promotiecommissie van de Faculteit der Geesteswetenschappen op woensdag 20 maart 2019 om 15.45 uur in de aula van de universiteit,
De Boelelaan 1105

door

Nicky Rousseau

geboren te Dundee, Zuid-Afrika

  • promotoren:
  • prof.dr. S. Legêne

prof.dr. P. Hayes

Itineraries

A return to the archives of the South African truth commission and the limits of counter-revolutionary warfare

Nicky Rousseau

Contents

Acknowledgements Abstract ii iii

  • Abbreviations
  • iv

  • Preface
  • 1

Introduction: Itineraries Chapter 1: Grids of Intelligibility
18 63

  • 109
  • Chapter 2: Truth Commissions and Interpretations of Violence:

Debating the TRC’s Mandate

  • Chapter 3: Uncertain Borders:
  • 138

177
The TRC and the (Un)making of Public Myths
Chapter 4: Counter-Revolutionary Warfare:
The Soweto Intelligence Unit and Southern Itineraries

  • Chapter 5: The Body and Counter-Revolutionary Warfare
  • 212

  • 238
  • Chapter 6: The Farm, the River and the Picnic Spot:

Topographies of Terror

Chapter 7: Identification, Politics, Disciplines Conclusions and Future Itineraries References Cited
269 302 335

  • 365
  • Summary

i

Acknowledgements

Intellectual debts are many, and too vast to name. I have been fortunate to have had the privilege of working in the History Department of the University of the Western Cape, both prior to and after the period spent at the TRC, and to have been closely associated with the Centre of Humanities Research since its inception. Colleagues, graduate students, travellers and passers-through in both of these spaces have provided challenging, sometimes skull-cracking, intellectual and political provocations and learning. My colleagues in the History Department generously supported my frequent straying back to post-TRC work in the Missing Persons Task Team and later the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation. Nonetheless, they never relented on their quest to persuade me

to ‘do that Ph.D.’ I hope this portfolio, together with the way in which my

itinerant straying has developed into wider graduate research in the department, goes someway to repaying a debt of generosity.

The TRC is so discredited in the scholarly and public worlds, which I inhabit, that it may be surprising to insist that I regard the tumultuous time I spent inside the TRC as among the most valued of my working life. In those six years I was part of an extremely fractious, inexcusably hierarchical, but highly committed community that was, in equal parts, both maddening and extraordinary. The intensity of the environment and passion of colleagues at the TRC sparked many of the thoughts and arguments here, while my subsequent work with the Missing Persons Task Team took me into new realms of thinking, and ultimately research. My encounter with the practices of exhumation and the affective presence of the remains themselves provoked new questions and sent me along different paths of reading and writing. Traveling these paths has been immeasurably enriched through the work and contributions of graduate students, and colleagues, most especially over the past few years in the NRF Forensic History project, which serendipitously landed on my doorstep. To all my colleagues and friends in these very different spaces, my debt is huge. The NRF Forensic History project also enabled some of my research travels.

Finally, my thanks to Susan Legêne and Patricia Hayes for generously acting as promotors, despite labouring far too long and hard in their own projects. The task was lightened by their warmth and humour.

ii

Abstract

This portfolio of articles draws on the work and archives of the TRC. Turning away from the dominant TRC literature which centres on questions of

reconciliation and nation-building, I turn to what may be called the ‘truth seeking’ aspect of its mandate, an aspect that I argue dominated the actual day to

day work of the TRC. In doing so, I turn to a particular strand of TRC research and investigation, namely that focused on the apartheid security force and intelligence service. I provide an account of how the TRC security force archive, or rather archives, were constituted and made sense of — processes in which I was deeply implicated. Using these archives, I then examine a very particular period, namely 1985-1989, in which security strategies and tactics adopted in

the Southern African region as part of the apartheid state’s ‘proactive defence’

strategy were adopted through a policy of counter-revolutionary warfare to deal with internal political resistance. Through a re-reading of the TRC’s security force archives, filtered through the illegal practices of security branch operatives

with a strong focus on that of ‘disappearing’ political opponents, I argue that the

shift to counter-revolutionary warfare, rather than demonstrating the power of apartheid state makes visible its limits. This contests public and scholarly accounts of this period, as well as questions the forms of post-apartheid

memorialisation. I conclude that the war did not ‘come home’ in the way it has

been imagined; rather it was always the Southern African region that bore the brunt of this war. Finally, I suggest that a return to the archives of the TRC, in a mode less concerned with fixing it in its reconciliatory guise, may open other new and productive readings, not just of its truth-telling work but of the possibilities and limits of truth commissions themselves.

iii

Abbreviations

AAAS AC ACDP ADM ANC
American Association of Advanced Sciences Amnesty Committee African Christian Democratic Party African Democratic Movement African National Congress
APDUSA APLA ARM AWB
African Peoples Democratic Union of South Africa

Azanian People’s Liberation Army

African Resistance Movement Afrikaner Weerbestandsbeweging (Afrikaner Resistance Movement)
AVF

Afrikaner Volksfront (Afrikaner People’s Front)

Azanian Liberation Army

Azanian People’s Organisation

Azanian Students Congress Azanian Students Movement Azanian Students Organisation Black Consciousness
AZANLA AZAPO AZASCO AZASM AZASO BC BCMSA BNP BPP
Black Consciousness Movement of South Africa Basotho National Party

Botswana People’s Party

CBW CCB
Chemical Biological Warfare, Civil Cooperation Bureau
CODESA COSAS CDF
Convention for a Democratic South Africa Congress of South African Students Ciskei Defence Force
CP CSV CSVR DIS GVHR EAAF
Conservative Party Centre for the Study of Violence Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation Department of Internal Security Gross Violations of Human Rights Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team (Equipo Argentino de Antropología Forense)
HNP HRV HRVC IBIIR IDASA IFP
Herstigte Nasionale Party (Reconstituted National Party) Human Rights Violation Human Rights Violation Committee Independent Board of Inquiry into Informal Repression Institute for a Democratic Alternative in South Africa Inkatha Freedom Party International Centre for Transitional Justice International Monetary Fund
ICTJ IMF IU JMC
Investigation Unit Joint Management Committees

  • KIK
  • Koordineerde Inligtings Komitee (Coordinating Intelligence

Committee)

iv

KZP LLA
KwaZulu Police Lesotho Liberation Army

  • MDM
  • Mass Democratic Movement

  • MK
  • Umkhonto we Sizwe

Missing Persons Task Team National Congress of Trade Unions National Intelligence Agency (post 1994) National Front
MPTT NACTU NIA NF NIS NP
National Intelligence Service National Party

  • NPA
  • National Prosecuting Authority

National Security Management System Office for Serious Economic Offences Pan Africanist Congress
NSMS OSEO PAC PAM PASO PCLU RENAMO SACP SADF SAHA SANDF SAP SAPS SAIRR SAYCO SAYRCO SDU
Pan African Movement Pan African Students Organisation Priority Crimes Litigation Unit Mozambican National Resistance South African Communist Party South African Defence Force South African History Archive South African National Defence Force (post 1994) South African Police South African Police Service (post 1994) South African Institute of Race Relations South African Youth Congress South African Youth Revolutionary Council Self Defence Unit
SIU SPU
Soweto Intelligence Unit Self-Protection Unit

  • SSC
  • State Security Council

Secretariat of the SSC South West African People's Organisation Treatment Action Committee
SSSC SWAPO TAC TDF TNV TRC TREWITS
Transkei Defence Force Nasionale Vertolkings Tak (National Interpretation Branch) Truth and Reconciliation Commission Teen-Rewolusionêre Inligtings Teiken Sentrum (CounterRevolutionary Intelligence Target Centre) Tak Stratkom (Stratcom Branch) Totale Strategie Tak (Total Strategy Branch) United Democratic Front
TSK TTS UDF UNITA UWC UWUSA VTP WISER ZANU ZAPU
National Union for the Total Independence of Angola University of the Western Cape United Workers Union of South Africa Violence and Transition Project Wits Institute for Social and Economic Research Zimbabwe African National Union Zimbabwe African Peoples Union

v

Preface

Preface

1

Preface

I had wanted to write from within instead of standing outside pointing. This is not so much autobiography or what is sometimes called selfreflexiveness, though there is plenty of that and necessarily so because the anthropologist is inevitably part of the reality analyzed. It is more like having the reality depicted turn back on the writing, rather than on the writer, and ask for a

fair shake. “What have you learned?” the reality asks of the writing. “What remains as an excess

that cannot be assimilated and what are you going to do with the gift I bestow, I who am such

strange stuff?”’ Michael Taussig1

Locations

The body of work presented here spans a decade of writing from different intellectual locations. The first two chapters, which focus on the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), were very much situated as an insider of the TRC; the remaining four, on counter-revolutionary warfare and the politics of dead bodies, were written as a scholar in the History Department at the University of the Western Cape (UWC). If the institutional location of the TRC marked, perhaps even over-determined the former, my work with the Missing

Person’s Task Team (MPTT), between 2004 and 2008/9, strongly influenced the

latter. Nonetheless, the TRC threads through all of the chapters in one way or another.

1 Michael Taussig, Walter Benjamin’s Grave (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2006), pp. vii-viii.

2

Preface

The TRC, one of the early initiatives of South Africa’s first post-democracy

government, was constituted in late 1995, after a long and fractious parliamentary debate, and finally closed its doors in early 2002,2 close to three and a half years later than originally envisaged. Its creation arose from what

many South Africans regard as a ‘devil’s pact’: South Africa’s transition to

democracy came at the cost of holding off fundamental socio-economic

transformation, as well as an agreement that, in the interests of ‘reconciliation

and reconstruction…. amnesty [would] be granted in respect of acts, omissions and offences associated with political objectives and committed in the course of

the conflicts of the past.’ 3 Like Taussig’s ‘devil’s contract,’ where wealth was

granted, but only for luxury goods, while the land dried up and the pigs ‘[wasted]

away to skin and bone,’ 4 many South Africans today regard ‘freedom’ — the right

to vote — as something of a useless luxury good in the face of unremitting

inequality. And many will say that not only do the ‘devils’ continue to accumulate

wealth and live off the fat of the land, but their soldiers and police also received amnesty for torture and killing.

In an attempt to ameliorate this latter injustice, and in an international context of ‘transitioning states’ associated with a growing appetite for forms of accounting and accountability, the African National Congress (ANC) proposed a process in which amnesty would be combined with a truth commission. Thus while perpetrators could receive amnesty, this would happen in a context in which ‘the

human and civil dignity’ of victims would be restored ‘by granting them an

opportunity to relate their own accounts of the violations of which they are the victims’5 and those declared victims would receive some form of reparation. While reconciliation, national unity and reconstruction had framed the amnesty

section in South Africa’s Interim Constitution, only reconciliation and national

2 The TRC was dissolved on 31 March 2002. 3 Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, Act 200 of 1993,

http://www.justice.gov.za/trc/legal/sacon93.htm accessed 14 December 2017.

4 Michael Taussig, 'The Sun Gives Without Receiving' in Walter Benjamin’s Grave, p. 70. 5 Section 3 (1) (c) Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act, 34 of 1995,

http://www.justice.gov.za/legislation/acts/1995-034.pdf accessed 14 December 2017. Hereafter

referred to as TRC Act.

3

Preface

unity survived in the final act, named the Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act.6

This genealogy of a truth commission springing not from a demand for truth, but

from a ‘devil’s pact’ of amnesty, had a doubled effect. Crucially the leadership of

the security forces, not apartheid functionaries, had driven the demand for indemnity/amnesty,7 accordingly rather than the crime of apartheid being placed at the centre of the truth commission, it was violence associated with the struggle to defend or to end apartheid that assumed centre stage. Thus, rather than 1948 when the National Party (NP) came to power, marking the official

implementation of apartheid, the TRC’s mandate begins in March 1960, following

the banning of key political movements8 and it ends on 10 May 1994, the formal inauguration of the new democratic government.9

I joined the TRC as a full-time national researcher in September 1996, and together with the late John Daniel, my brief until November 1998 was to focus exclusively on security policy and state repression. Specifically this meant that between us, we were responsible for researching security policy and structures as well as gross violations of human rights committed by security force operatives during the TRC mandate period. While Daniel, a professor of political studies seconded from the University of KwaZulu-Natal, and a former exile, was

6

TRC Act.
7 As Andre du Toit points out these terms tended to be used interchangeably.

See Andre du Toit, 'ANC Amnesty Narratives: The Myth of Mandela’s (Secret) Amnesty Deal with ‘the Generals’ in Exchange for Protecting the Founding Democratic Election,' seminar paper,

South African Contemporary History and Humanities Seminar, University of the Western Cape,

October 2015. See also Adam Sitze, The Impossible Machine: A Genealogy of South Africa’s Truth

and Reconciliation Commission (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2013). 8 The apartheid government banned the African National Congress (ANC), the Pan African Congress (PAC) and the Congress of Democrats (COD) on 8 April 1960. The bannings followed anti-pass protests and the Sharpeville massacre on 21 March 1960, in which the police shot dead 69 people, injuring many more. These events are widely understood to have led to the later decision by the ANC and PAC to turn to forms of armed struggle. The choice of March 1960 as the beginning of the TRC’s mandate period thus serves to signal that it was to the violations arising from the struggle to overthrow or defend apartheid, rather than apartheid itself, that its work

should be directed. For the TRC’s discussion on its choice between a wider focus on apartheid

and a narrower definition focused on political violence see TRC, Truth and Reconciliation of South Africa Report, Volume One (Cape Town: Juta, 1998), pp.60-65, hereafter referred to as TRC,

Report.

9 The legislation initially specified the mandate period to end on 5 December 1993, the date on which the Interim Constitution formally came into effect, but later revised this to 10 May 1994, the inauguration of the first democratic government.

4

Preface

responsible for security force violations outside South Africa, my recruitment to the TRC filled a slot that curiously no researcher had volunteered for — namely,

the apartheid state’s security forces with particular reference to its violations of

human rights inside South Africa. This, of course, was something of an absurd division, as the two were hopelessly entangled.10 Our work also overlapped considerably with regional researchers, whose responsibilities included mapping gross human rights abuse in the different provinces of apartheid South Africa,11

as well as investigators, particularly in the Investigation Unit’s (IU) Analysis Unit.

Research included the archives generated through the Amnesty and Human Rights Violations (HRV) committees, the IU, as well as extant archival holdings.12 Daniel and I were involved in research for, and participation in, several key hearings concerning security policies and practice, as well as follow up questions to formal submissions, including those of the National Party (NP), former state president, P.W. Botha, and the former South African Defence Force (SADF), as the TRC sought to determine issues of accountability for human rights violations. We were also part of a smaller team of researchers responsible exclusively for Volumes Two and Three, and individual chapters in Volumes One and Five, as well as formulating many of the findings included in the five-volume report handed to the president in October 1998.

Following the October 1998 report handover,13 Madeleine Fullard and I were the

10 Nonetheless, this division ensured a steady and consistent research focus on the ‘external

theatre’: while the TRC’s mandate specifically included violations outside South Africa,

neighbouring countries showed little enthusiasm for such an inquiry, thus foreclosing the possibilities of investigations and hearings taking place outside South Africa’s borders. 11 The TRC had four regional offices: Cape Town, East London, Durban and Johannesburg. Regional researchers in Cape Town were responsible for the former Cape Province; East London for the Eastern Province and the former Ciskei and Transkei bantustans; Durban for Natal, the KwaZulu and QwaQwa bantustans, and the Orange Free State; Johannesburg for the former Transvaal, and Bophutatswana, KwaNdebele, Gazankulu, KaNgwane, Lebowa and Venda bantustans. 12 The structure of the TRC was bifurcated: the main body, headed by Archbishop Tutu and comprising 17 commissioners, consisted of two committees, the Human Rights Violations Committee and the Reparations and Rehabilitation Committee; the Amnesty Committee, independent from the main body, was headed by Judge Mall, and consisted of judges and lawyers.

Recommended publications
  • Trekking Outward

    Trekking Outward

    TREKKING OUTWARD A CHRONOLOGY OF MEETINGS BETWEEN SOUTH AFRICANS AND THE ANC IN EXILE 1983–2000 Michael Savage University of Cape Town May 2014 PREFACE In the decade preceding the dramatic February 1990 unbanning of South Africa’s black liberatory movements, many hundreds of concerned South Africans undertook to make contact with exile leaders of these organisations, travelling long distances to hold meetings in Europe or in independent African countries. Some of these “treks”, as they came to be called, were secret while others were highly publicised. The great majority of treks brought together South Africans from within South Africa and exile leaders of the African National Congress, and its close ally the South African Communist Party. Other treks involved meetings with the Pan Africanist Congress, the black consciousness movement, and the remnants of the Non-European Unity Movement in exile. This account focuses solely on the meetings involving the ANC alliance, which after February 1990 played a central role in negotiating with the white government of F.W. de Klerk and his National Party regime to bring about a new democratic order. Without the foundation of understanding established by the treks and thousands of hours of discussion and debate that they entailed, it seems unlikely that South Africa’s transition to democracy could have been as successfully negotiated as it was between 1990 and the first democratic election of April 1994. The following chronology focuses only on the meetings of internally based South Africans with the African National Congress (ANC) when in exile over the period 1983–1990. Well over 1 200 diverse South Africans drawn from a wide range of different groups in the non- governmental sector and cross-cutting political parties, language, educational, religious and community groups went on an outward mission to enter dialogue with the ANC in exile in a search to overcome the escalating conflict inside South Africa.
  • South Africa

    South Africa

    Safrica Page 1 of 42 Recent Reports Support HRW About HRW Site Map May 1995 Vol. 7, No.3 SOUTH AFRICA THREATS TO A NEW DEMOCRACY Continuing Violence in KwaZulu-Natal INTRODUCTION For the last decade South Africa's KwaZulu-Natal region has been troubled by political violence. This conflict escalated during the four years of negotiations for a transition to democratic rule, and reached the status of a virtual civil war in the last months before the national elections of April 1994, significantly disrupting the election process. Although the first year of democratic government in South Africa has led to a decrease in the monthly death toll, the figures remain high enough to threaten the process of national reconstruction. In particular, violence may prevent the establishment of democratic local government structures in KwaZulu-Natal following further elections scheduled to be held on November 1, 1995. The basis of this violence remains the conflict between the African National Congress (ANC), now the leading party in the Government of National Unity, and the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), the majority party within the new region of KwaZulu-Natal that replaced the former white province of Natal and the black homeland of KwaZulu. Although the IFP abandoned a boycott of the negotiations process and election campaign in order to participate in the April 1994 poll, following last minute concessions to its position, neither this decision nor the election itself finally resolved the points at issue. While the ANC has argued during the year since the election that the final constitutional arrangements for South Africa should include a relatively centralized government and the introduction of elected government structures at all levels, the IFP has maintained instead that South Africa's regions should form a federal system, and that the colonial tribal government structures should remain in place in the former homelands.
  • High-Level Review Panel on the State Security Agency

    High-Level Review Panel on the State Security Agency

    Report of the High-Level Review Panel on the SSA i Preface The High-Level Review Panel on the SSA and Related Matters is pleased to submit its final report to his Excellency, President Matamela Cyril Ramaphosa. We hope that the findings and recommendations contained in this report respond adequately to the concerns that led the President to establish this Panel, and that those of our recommendations that are accepted and implemented play a decisive role in achieving ‘a professional national intelligence capability for South Africa that will respect and uphold the Constitution, and the relevant legislative prescripts’ as required by our Terms of Reference. We think it prudent to highlight here that our key finding is that there has been a serious politicisation and factionalisation of the intelligence community over the past decade or more, based on factions in the ruling party, resulting in an almost complete disregard for the Constitution, policy, legislation and other prescripts, and turning our civilian intelligence community into a private resource to serve the political and personal interests of particular individuals. In addition, we identified a doctrinal shift towards a narrow state security orientation in the intelligence community from 2009 in contradiction to the doctrines outlined in the Constitution, White Paper on Intelligence and other prescripts. We are concerned that the cumulative effect of the above led to the deliberate re-purposing of the SSA. The Panel has made many detailed findings and recommendations, but most importantly it is recommending an overarching overhaul of the intelligence and security architecture of the country, the implementation of which will require extensive consultation and a good dose of determination.
  • Opposition Party Mobilization in South Africa's Dominant

    Opposition Party Mobilization in South Africa's Dominant

    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Eroding Dominance from Below: Opposition Party Mobilization in South Africa’s Dominant Party System A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Safia Abukar Farole 2019 © Copyright by Safia Abukar Farole 2019 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Eroding Dominance from Below: Opposition Party Mobilization in South Africa’s Dominant Party System by Safia Abukar Farole Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Los Angeles, 2019 Professor Kathleen Bawn, Chair In countries ruled by a single party for a long period of time, how does political opposition to the ruling party grow? In this dissertation, I study the growth in support for the Democratic Alliance (DA) party, which is the largest opposition party in South Africa. South Africa is a case of democratic dominant party rule, a party system in which fair but uncompetitive elections are held. I argue that opposition party growth in dominant party systems is explained by the strategies that opposition parties adopt in local government and the factors that shape political competition in local politics. I argue that opposition parties can use time spent in local government to expand beyond their base by delivering services effectively and outperforming the ruling party. I also argue that performance in subnational political office helps opposition parties build a reputation for good governance, which is appealing to ruling party ii. supporters who are looking for an alternative. Finally, I argue that opposition parties use candidate nominations for local elections as a means to appeal to constituents that are vital to the ruling party’s coalition.
  • PRENEGOTIATION Ln SOUTH AFRICA (1985 -1993) a PHASEOLOGICAL ANALYSIS of the TRANSITIONAL NEGOTIATIONS

    PRENEGOTIATION Ln SOUTH AFRICA (1985 -1993) a PHASEOLOGICAL ANALYSIS of the TRANSITIONAL NEGOTIATIONS

    PRENEGOTIATION lN SOUTH AFRICA (1985 -1993) A PHASEOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF THE TRANSITIONAL NEGOTIATIONS BOTHA W. KRUGER Thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at the University of Stellenbosch. Supervisor: ProfPierre du Toit March 1998 Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za DECLARATION I, the undersigned, hereby declare that the work contained in this thesis is my own original work and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it at any university for a degree. Signature: Date: The fmancial assistance of the Centre for Science Development (HSRC, South Africa) towards this research is hereby acknowledged. Opinions expressed and conclusions arrived at, are those of the author and are not necessarily to be attributed to the Centre for Science Development. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za OPSOMMING Die opvatting bestaan dat die Suid-Afrikaanse oorgangsonderhandelinge geinisieer is deur gebeurtenisse tydens 1990. Hierdie stuC.:ie betwis so 'n opvatting en argumenteer dat 'n noodsaaklike tydperk van informele onderhandeling voor formele kontak bestaan het. Gedurende die voorafgaande tydperk, wat bekend staan as vooronderhandeling, het lede van die Nasionale Party regering en die African National Congress (ANC) gepoog om kommunikasiekanale daar te stel en sodoende die moontlikheid van 'n onderhandelde skikking te ondersoek. Deur van 'n fase-benadering tot onderhandeling gebruik te maak, analiseer hierdie studie die oorgangstydperk met die doel om die struktuur en funksies van Suid-Afrikaanse vooronderhandelinge te bepaal. Die volgende drie onderhandelingsfases word onderskei: onderhande/ing oor onderhandeling, voorlopige onderhande/ing, en substantiewe onderhandeling. Beide fases een en twee word beskou as deel van vooronderhandeling.
  • The Seven Seas Tattler Issue 1.6 - November 2017

    The Seven Seas Tattler Issue 1.6 - November 2017

    The Seven Seas Tattler Issue 1.6 - November 2017 Good Day all members of the Seven Seas Club. Here is your November edition - I trust that you will find items of interest (Ed - [email protected]) From the Chairman The Navy has been very quiet over the last while except for SAS SPIOENKOP and SAS MANTATISI sailing every now and then for some training. The Durban based OPVs (Strikecraft) have conducted patrols along the coastline, stopping over in Simon's Town for fuel and a bit of R&R. They have returned to their base in Durban. SAS AMATOLA is currently getting ready for Exercise OXIDE, which is a search and rescue exercise with the French based at Reunion. The exercise will be conducted in Durban. Talking of the French, their ship the FLOREAL sustained some damage in Durban from the storm recently and will remain in Durban for a while to effect repairs. We welcome new members and wish all those with upcoming birthdays a very special day and a great year ahead. Report from The Treasurer Financial results for September were, once again, most pleasing, with our sales target achieved and bottom line exceeded. Thanks for the great support! Our Club Manager has been particularly vigilant and has managed to keep costs down, especially controllable costs such as water, electricity and stationery / printing and we are indebted to him. The targets for October are a little more challenging, but we are confident that they will be achieved if the current support from members continues. The signs are already there.
  • Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report: Volume 2

    Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report: Volume 2

    VOLUME TWO Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Chapter 6 National Overview .......................................... 1 Special Investigation The Death of President Samora Machel ................................................ 488 Chapter 2 The State outside Special Investigation South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 42 Helderberg Crash ........................................... 497 Special Investigation Chemical and Biological Warfare........ 504 Chapter 3 The State inside South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 165 Special Investigation Appendix: State Security Forces: Directory Secret State Funding................................... 518 of Organisations and Structures........................ 313 Special Investigation Exhumations....................................................... 537 Chapter 4 The Liberation Movements from 1960 to 1990 ..................................................... 325 Special Investigation Appendix: Organisational structures and The Mandela United
  • The Health and Health System of South Africa: Historical Roots of Current Public Health Challenges

    The Health and Health System of South Africa: Historical Roots of Current Public Health Challenges

    Series Health in South Africa 1 The health and health system of South Africa: historical roots of current public health challenges Hoosen Coovadia, Rachel Jewkes, Peter Barron, David Sanders, Diane McIntyre The roots of a dysfunctional health system and the collision of the epidemics of communicable and non-communicable Lancet 2009; 374: 817–34 diseases in South Africa can be found in policies from periods of the country’s history, from colonial subjugation, Published Online apartheid dispossession, to the post-apartheid period. Racial and gender discrimination, the migrant labour system, August 25, 2009 the destruction of family life, vast income inequalities, and extreme violence have all formed part of South Africa’s DOI:10.1016/S0140- 6736(09)60951-X troubled past, and all have inexorably aff ected health and health services. In 1994, when apartheid ended, the health See Editorial page 757 system faced massive challenges, many of which still persist. Macroeconomic policies, fostering growth rather than See Comment pages 759 redistribution, contributed to the persistence of economic disparities between races despite a large expansion in and 760 social grants. The public health system has been transformed into an integrated, comprehensive national service, but See Perspectives page 777 failures in leadership and stewardship and weak management have led to inadequate implementation of what are This is fi rst in a Series of often good policies. Pivotal facets of primary health care are not in place and there is a substantial human resources six papers on health in crisis facing the health sector. The HIV epidemic has contributed to and accelerated these challenges.
  • Who Is Governing the ''New'' South Africa?

    Who Is Governing the ''New'' South Africa?

    Who is Governing the ”New” South Africa? Marianne Séverin, Pierre Aycard To cite this version: Marianne Séverin, Pierre Aycard. Who is Governing the ”New” South Africa?: Elites, Networks and Governing Styles (1985-2003). IFAS Working Paper Series / Les Cahiers de l’ IFAS, 2006, 8, p. 13-37. hal-00799193 HAL Id: hal-00799193 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00799193 Submitted on 11 Mar 2013 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Ten Years of Democratic South Africa transition Accomplished? by Aurelia WA KABWE-SEGATTI, Nicolas PEJOUT and Philippe GUILLAUME Les Nouveaux Cahiers de l’IFAS / IFAS Working Paper Series is a series of occasional working papers, dedicated to disseminating research in the social and human sciences on Southern Africa. Under the supervision of appointed editors, each issue covers a specifi c theme; papers originate from researchers, experts or post-graduate students from France, Europe or Southern Africa with an interest in the region. The views and opinions expressed here remain the sole responsibility of the authors. Any query regarding this publication should be directed to the chief editor. Chief editor: Aurelia WA KABWE – SEGATTI, IFAS-Research director.
  • POLICY for MANAGING ACCESS to INTELLIGENCE INFORMATION in POST-APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICA University of the Witwatersrand

    POLICY for MANAGING ACCESS to INTELLIGENCE INFORMATION in POST-APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICA University of the Witwatersrand

    POLICY FOR MANAGING ACCESS TO INTELLIGENCE INFORMATION IN POST-APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICA Submitted by Sandra Elizabeth Africa In fulfilment of the requirements for the degree PhD in Management University of the Witwatersrand Supervisor: Professor Gavin Cawthra September 2006 TABLE OF CONTENTS Pages DECLARATION.................................................................................................... v ABSTRACT……………………………………………………………………… vi TABLE OF ACRONYMS………………………………………………………. vii CHAPTER 1: AIM OF THE STUDY ………………………………………….. 1 Problem statement………………………………………………………………… 1 Background………………………………………………………………………... 1 Aim of the study…………………………………………………………………. 3 The research questions…………………………………………………………….. 5 Significance of the study………………………………………………………….. 7 Scope of the study………………………………………………………………… 9 Title of the dissertation…………………………………………………………… 12 Structure of the dissertation………………………………………………………. 13 CHAPTER 2: METHODOLOGY……………………………………………. 15 Introduction………………………………………………………………………. 15 Main methodological features of the study………………………………………. 16 Underlying assumptions of the study…………………………………………….. 20 The research process……………………………………………………………… 22 The research tools………………………………………………………………… 24 Interpretation of the research results……………………………………………… 28 Concluding remarks………………………………………………………………. 30 CHAPTER 3: LITERATURE REVIEW …………………………………….. 31 Introduction………………………………………………………………………. 31 Conceptual approaches to secrecy……………………………………………….. 31 Balancing secrecy and access to information in international relations………….
  • The Apartheid Divide

    The Apartheid Divide

    PUNC XI: EYE OF THE STORM 2018 The Apartheid Divide Sponsored by: Presented by: Table of Contents Letter from the Crisis Director Page 2 Letter from the Chair Page 4 Committee History Page 6 Delegate Positions Page 8 Committee Structure Page 11 1 Letter From the Crisis Director Hello, and welcome to The Apartheid Divide! My name is Allison Brown and I will be your Crisis Director for this committee. I am a sophomore majoring in Biomedical Engineering with a focus in Biochemicals. This is my second time being a Crisis Director, and my fourth time staffing a conference. I have been participating in Model United Nations conferences since high school and have continued doing so ever since I arrived at Penn State. Participating in the Penn State International Affairs and Debate Association has helped to shape my college experience. Even though I am an engineering major, I am passionate about current events, politics, and international relations. This club has allowed me to keep up with my passion, while also keeping with my other passion; biology. I really enjoy being a Crisis Director and I am so excited to do it again! This committee is going to focus on a very serious topic from our world’s past; Apartheid. The members of the Presidents Council during this time were quite the collection of people. It is important during the course of this conference that you remember to be respectful to other delegates (both in and out of character) and to be thoughtful before making decisions or speeches. If you ever feel uncomfortable, please inform myself or the chair, Sneha, and we will address the issue.
  • Easton E.E..Pdf

    Easton E.E..Pdf

    ENVIRONMENTAL COMMUNICATION IN THE STAR: AN EXPLORATORY BIOSOCIAL STUDY E.E.EASTON BL. Mini-dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Magister Environmental Management in Geography and Environmental Studies at the Potchefstroomse Universiteit vir Christelike Hoer" Onderwys Supervisor: Dr. L.A. Sandham Assistant supervisor: Prof. J. Froneman November 2002 Potchefstroom ABSTRACT Environmental communication in The Star: an exploratory biosocial study The aim of this study is to investigate the biosocial linkages between South African society in a developing country and the biophysical environment by means of environmental communication i.e. the environmental themes presented in a South African newspaper The Star. The investigation takes the form of a review of research published in the field of environmental communication, a quantitative analysis of environmental communication published in The Star over a period of 12 months, and an assessment of biosocial connections between man and biophysical environment. The major findings of this study are that amongst all environmental themes dealt with in the newspaper, resource use receives considerable coverage, which indicates significant functional biosocial linkages between So~th African society and th.e biophysical environment. Another finding is that as a mass medium The Star contributes to more effective social interaction with the biophysical environment. Key words: Environmental communication, mass medium, biosocial approach, resource use, developing country. OPSOMMING Omgewingskommunikasie in The Star: 'n ondersoekende bic>sosiale studie Die doel van hierdie studie is om die biososiale skakels tussen die Suid­ Afrikaanse samelewing in ontwikkelende verband en hul biofisiese omgewing te ondersoek deur middel van omgewingskommunikasie, dit wil se omgewingstemas soos voorgestel deur 'n Suid-Afrikaanse koerant, The Star.