DOCSLIB.ORG

The Apartheid Divide

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Apartheid Divide PUNC XI: EYE OF THE STORM 2018 The Apartheid Divide Sponsored by: Presented by: Table of Contents Letter from the Crisis Director Page 2 Letter from the Chair Page 4 Committee History Page 6 Delegate Positions Page 8 Committee Structure Page 11 1 Letter From the Crisis Director Hello, and welcome to The Apartheid Divide! My name is Allison Brown and I will be your Crisis Director for this committee. I am a sophomore majoring in Biomedical Engineering with a focus in Biochemicals. This is my second time being a Crisis Director, and my fourth time staffing a conference. I have been participating in Model United Nations conferences since high school and have continued doing so ever since I arrived at Penn State. Participating in the Penn State International Affairs and Debate Association has helped to shape my college experience. Even though I am an engineering major, I am passionate about current events, politics, and international relations. This club has allowed me to keep up with my passion, while also keeping with my other passion; biology. I really enjoy being a Crisis Director and I am so excited to do it again! This committee is going to focus on a very serious topic from our world’s past; Apartheid. The members of the Presidents Council during this time were quite the collection of people. It is important during the course of this conference that you remember to be respectful to other delegates (both in and out of character) and to be thoughtful before making decisions or speeches. If you ever feel uncomfortable, please inform myself or the chair, Sneha, and we will address the issue. While this is a serious and sometimes uncomfortable topic, it has a lot of potential for debate and deliberation. My hope is that over the course of this weekend, the committee can solve or make steps toward solving this issue. I am looking forward to seeing the creativity and thoughtfulness of the delegates’ ideas - that is always my favorite part of 2 conferences. I am looking forward to this committee and I am excited to see what you all come up with! Please feel free to contact me with any questions you may have about the conference, the committee, or even Penn State! Sincerely, Allison Brown [email protected] 3 Letter From the Chair Honorable Delegates, My name is Sneha Anmalsetty and I am delighted to act as your chair as you debate and deliberate Apartheid. Having been involved with Model United Nations since my freshman year of high school, I am always curious to see how delegates can alter history. I believe you will find, just as your real life counterparts did some decades years ago, the issue at hand to be far more complicated than it appears, rift with centuries of ethnic, cultural, and political tension. It will require a strong understanding of social politics and the role of the government in enacting change throughout a state. It is your responsibility to work cohesively with your committee members to create a prosperous future for South Africa, in whatever form that may be. Other than being your chair, however, I am also a freshman in the College of Engineering at Penn State, pursuing a major in biomedical engineering with a hopeful minor in economics, Spanish, or health policy administration on the pre-medicine track. Along with being a member of PSIADA, I also participate in Club Taekwondo as a black belt. I contribute to the Penn State literary magazine, Kalliope, and participate in the Undergraduate Research Society. On the weekends, you’ll often find me sipping on matcha bubble tea or curled up in my blankets watching political crime dramas and comedy sitcoms. 4 I am looking forward to meeting you all in March and interested to see how you respond to the challenges that South Africa will face throughout the conference. Feel free to reach out with any questions you may have about Penn State or PUNC. Welcome to Happy Valley! All my best, Sneha Anmalsetty [email protected] 5 Committee History The President’s Council, convened in 1989, was composed of 60 members. 20 from the House of Assembly, 10 from the House of Representatives, 5 from the House of Delegates, and 25 appointed by the State/State President. This caused the breakdown to effectively be, 20 white, 10 coloured, and 5 indian delegates, with 25 others being directly nominated. This council was convened in order to resolve disputes between the three Houses regarding general affairs and legislation. This council, along with the electoral college, made it incredibly difficult for the white vote to be outnumbered. The National Party had much of the power in their hands, and Botha, a prominent member of the National Party, served as the country’s prime minister since 1977. It was not until 1994 that South Africa adopted the first non-racial constitution, and Nelson Mandela was appointed as the President. There were many important parties at this time in South Africa’s history. In the House of Assembly, there were three major parties; the National Party, the Conservative Party, and the Democratic Party. In the House of Delegates, the Colored Labour Party was important. In the House of Representatives, the Solidarity Party was important. The other members nominated by the President were also of the National Party. The Conservative Party of South Africa was a right-wing party that sought to preserve the last vestiges that remained of apartheid. They were the official opposition in the whites-only House of Assembly, but declined quickly after the demise of apartheid and were merged with the Freedom Front in 2004. The general election of 1989 was the last non-racial election, and the Conservative Party took a significant percentage of the white vote in South Africa. They led the 6 “No” vote when the de Klerk and the National and Democratic Parties were seeking to end apartheid. The Democratic Party was the name of the political party that is now known as the Democratic Alliance. The Democratic Party was officially convened in 1989, but was previously known under other names during apartheid; it was previously the opposition to the ruling National Party. They were part of the campaign to end apartheid; the “Yes” Vote. The National Party was the ruling party of South Africa from 1924 to WWII and from 1948 to 1994. When the party returned to power they implemented new racial segregation laws - Apartheid. The National Party also sought to establish a republic and preserve Afrikaner cultures. From this party, came the Conservative Party. The Conservatives were formed because of members who were unhappy with how the National Party had begun dismantling apartheid during the 1980s. In 1989, P. W. Botha resigned as National Party leader and as State President. He was then replaced by the much more liberal F. W. de Klerk. The Labour Party was founded in 1969, and was opposed to apartheid. They participated in the Coloured Persons Representative Council, which was a legislative body with very limited powers, that was used to give coloured South Africans some power during apartheid. It was dissolved in 1980, and turned into the House of Representatives in 1984. 7 Delegate Positions House of Assembly (4 positions) ● National Party (2 positions) ● Pik Botha - Botha, a prominent member of the National Party, has served as ​ ​ the country’s foreign minister since 1977 under former leaders P. W. Botha and B. J. Voster.has spent much of his career defending apartheid against foreign criticism. Botha tried to run for leader of the NP in 1978, but ultimately withdrew his candidacy over concerns about his liberal stances and his perceived youth. He once again lost in his bid for the leadership of the NP in 1989 Botha recently signed a peace protocol with the President of the Republic of the Congo, and said at the signing that “[his] government is removing racial discrimination. We want to be accepted by our African brothers". His nickname Pik is short for pikkewyn (Afrikaans for penguin) due to his likeness to a penguin’s stance, especially when wearing a suit ● Barend du Plessis - Du Plesis serves as the minister of finance in the new de ​ ​ Klerk cabinet, a position he carries over from the previous Botha administration. Du Plesis inherited a complex situation with the dropping price of gold and a severe drought that struck during the Botha era. He was also tasked with restructuring South African international credit so that foreign banks could still extend short-term credit to South Afric. Du Plesis also contested for the leadership of the National Party, but was defeated in the final round by de Klerk. Du Plesis was also at the signing of the Peace Protocol alongside Pik Botha. ● Conservative Party (1 position) ● Andries Treurnicht - Treurnicht was one of the initial 22 members that quit ​ ​ the National Party in 1982 to form the Conservative Party (CP). He was an opponent of P. W. Botha and the the National Party’s reforms to apartheid. Under him the CP was a strong advocate for self-determination, as opposed to the rise of power-sharing policies with Coloureds and Blacks. In June 1989 Treurnicht and several other CP officials travelled to London and other European capitals to gain support for the party’s goals. Under Treurnicht, the CP was able to unseat the Progressive Party as the formal opposition party. 8 ● Democratic Party (1 position) ● Zach de Beer - Following the loss of its status as the formal opposition party in ​ ​ 1987, De Beer took over the leadership of the Progressive Federal Party (PFP).
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Complete Dissertation
    VU Research Portal Itineraries Rousseau, N. 2019 document version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Link to publication in VU Research Portal citation for published version (APA) Rousseau, N. (2019). Itineraries: A return to the archives of the South African truth commission and the limits of counter-revolutionary warfare. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal ? Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. E-mail address: [email protected] Download date: 09. Oct. 2021 VRIJE UNIVERSITEIT Itineraries A return to the archives of the South African truth commission and the limits of counter-revolutionary warfare ACADEMISCH PROEFSCHRIFT ter verkrijging van de graad Doctor aan de Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, op gezag van de rector magnificus prof.dr. V. Subramaniam, in het openbaar te verdedigen ten overstaan van de promotiecommissie van de Faculteit der Geesteswetenschappen op woensdag 20 maart 2019 om 15.45 uur in de aula van de universiteit, De Boelelaan 1105 door Nicky Rousseau geboren te Dundee, Zuid-Afrika promotoren: prof.dr.
    [Show full text]
  • South Africa: What Kind of Change? by William J
    A publication of ihe African Studies Program of The Georgetown University Center for Strategic and International Studies No.5 • November 25, 1982 South Africa: What Kind of Change? by William J. Foltz Discussion of the prospects for "meaningful" or just installed. Thanks in large part to the electoral "significant" change in South Africa has engaged success of 1948, his ethnic community has now pro­ Marxist, liberal, and conservative scholars for years. duced a substantial entrepreneurial and managerial Like other participants in this perennial debate, I have class which has challenged the English-speaking com­ tripped over my own predictions often enough to have munity for control over the economy and which is bruised my hubris. I am afraid that I must disappoint now busy integrating itself with that community. In anyone who wants a firm schedule and route map as 1948 the income ratio between Afrikaners and English to where South Africa goes from here. This does not was 1:2, it is now about 1:1.3, and in urban areas it imply that important changes are not taking place in is nearly 1:1. South Africa. Indeed, some of the changes that have The African population has also changed substan­ occurred or become apparent in the last seven years tially. Despite the fictions of grand apartheid, more have been momentous, and at the least they allow us than half the African population lives in "white" areas, to exclude some possibilities for the future. There are, and by the end of the century 60 percent of the total however, simply too many uncontrolled variables in African population is expected to be urban.
    [Show full text]
  • Winning Hearts and Minds in the Namibian Border War
    85 WINNING HEARTS AND MINDS IN THE NAMIBIAN BORDER WAR Lieneke Eloff de Visser1 Abstract During the Namibian border war, South African counterinsurgency doctrine acknowledged the importance of securing the allegiance and cooperation of the population. This article demonstrates that, in the operational zone, the responsibility of winning the hearts and minds of the Namibian people largely fell to the SADF (South African Defence Force). Although the SADF dedicated considerable resources to this task, these efforts were often at cross-purposes with those of institutions in the political, police and administrative domains. In addition, there was a lack of unity and purpose within the SADF. This article argues that lack of unity between and within the different domains undermined the effort at winning the hearts and minds of the Namibian population, and must at least partly have contributed to SWAPO´s victory in the 1989 elections. Introduction In devising appropriate responses to the challenges of the Namibian border war (1974–1989), the South African military drew on the work of C.A. „Pop‟ Fraser and John McCuen. Fraser, a WWII veteran, became Chief of Joint Operations of the South African Defence Force in 1966. In an unpublished study entitled Lessons learnt from past revolutionary wars, released in the early sixties, Fraser distilled the basic principles of counterinsurgency warfare from the work of authors such as Galula and Trinquier. McCuen served in staff and command positions in the United States Army in Vietnam, Thailand, Germany and Indonesia. While serving on the US Army General Staff in 1966 his book, The Art of Counter-Revolutionary War – The Strategy of Counter-Insurgency, was published.
    [Show full text]
  • Searchlight South Africa: a Marxist Journal of Southern African Studies Vol
    Searchlight South Africa: a marxist journal of Southern African studies Vol. 2, No. 7 http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.PSAPRCA0009 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org Searchlight South Africa: a marxist journal of Southern African studies Vol. 2, No. 7 Alternative title Searchlight South Africa Author/Creator Hirson, Baruch; Trewhela, Paul; Ticktin, Hillel; MacLellan, Brian Date 1991-07 Resource type Journals (Periodicals) Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Ethiopia, Iraq, Namibia, South Africa Coverage (temporal)
    [Show full text]
  • PRENEGOTIATION Ln SOUTH AFRICA (1985 -1993) a PHASEOLOGICAL ANALYSIS of the TRANSITIONAL NEGOTIATIONS
    PRENEGOTIATION lN SOUTH AFRICA (1985 -1993) A PHASEOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF THE TRANSITIONAL NEGOTIATIONS BOTHA W. KRUGER Thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at the University of Stellenbosch. Supervisor: ProfPierre du Toit March 1998 Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za DECLARATION I, the undersigned, hereby declare that the work contained in this thesis is my own original work and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it at any university for a degree. Signature: Date: The fmancial assistance of the Centre for Science Development (HSRC, South Africa) towards this research is hereby acknowledged. Opinions expressed and conclusions arrived at, are those of the author and are not necessarily to be attributed to the Centre for Science Development. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za OPSOMMING Die opvatting bestaan dat die Suid-Afrikaanse oorgangsonderhandelinge geinisieer is deur gebeurtenisse tydens 1990. Hierdie stuC.:ie betwis so 'n opvatting en argumenteer dat 'n noodsaaklike tydperk van informele onderhandeling voor formele kontak bestaan het. Gedurende die voorafgaande tydperk, wat bekend staan as vooronderhandeling, het lede van die Nasionale Party regering en die African National Congress (ANC) gepoog om kommunikasiekanale daar te stel en sodoende die moontlikheid van 'n onderhandelde skikking te ondersoek. Deur van 'n fase-benadering tot onderhandeling gebruik te maak, analiseer hierdie studie die oorgangstydperk met die doel om die struktuur en funksies van Suid-Afrikaanse vooronderhandelinge te bepaal. Die volgende drie onderhandelingsfases word onderskei: onderhande/ing oor onderhandeling, voorlopige onderhande/ing, en substantiewe onderhandeling. Beide fases een en twee word beskou as deel van vooronderhandeling.
    [Show full text]
  • The Seven Seas Tattler Issue 1.6 - November 2017
    The Seven Seas Tattler Issue 1.6 - November 2017 Good Day all members of the Seven Seas Club. Here is your November edition - I trust that you will find items of interest (Ed - [email protected]) From the Chairman The Navy has been very quiet over the last while except for SAS SPIOENKOP and SAS MANTATISI sailing every now and then for some training. The Durban based OPVs (Strikecraft) have conducted patrols along the coastline, stopping over in Simon's Town for fuel and a bit of R&R. They have returned to their base in Durban. SAS AMATOLA is currently getting ready for Exercise OXIDE, which is a search and rescue exercise with the French based at Reunion. The exercise will be conducted in Durban. Talking of the French, their ship the FLOREAL sustained some damage in Durban from the storm recently and will remain in Durban for a while to effect repairs. We welcome new members and wish all those with upcoming birthdays a very special day and a great year ahead. Report from The Treasurer Financial results for September were, once again, most pleasing, with our sales target achieved and bottom line exceeded. Thanks for the great support! Our Club Manager has been particularly vigilant and has managed to keep costs down, especially controllable costs such as water, electricity and stationery / printing and we are indebted to him. The targets for October are a little more challenging, but we are confident that they will be achieved if the current support from members continues. The signs are already there.
    [Show full text]
  • 198 Broadway 9 Now York, N.Y. 10038 * (212) 962-1210 These
    198 Broadway 9 Now York, N.Y. 10038 * (212) 962-1210 M. William Howard, President Jennifer Davis,Landis, Executiue Vice President Director REGIME DECLARES WAR ON THE CHURCH Elizabeth SAPARTHEID'I F ACTION FOR SANCTIONS NEEDED NOW September 1988 TO: All Concerned Persons of Faith FROM: Dumisani Kumalo, Religious Action Network coordinator On August 31 a massive bomb destroyed the headquarters of the South African Council of Churches and other anti-apartheid and human rights groups in Johannesburg, injuring 23 people. Six days later South African security police raided the Cape Town offices of the Anglican Church. There they seized a tape recording of a sermon by Archbishop Desmond Tutu urging South African Christians to boycott segregated local elections scheduled for October. He has called for the boycott "as a nonviolent way of expressing our opposition to the evil and injustice of apartheid." For this "crime" Archbishop Tutu could be sentenced to ten years imprisonment. The government has denied complicity in the SACC bombing, but church leaders have no doubt that, as Archbishop Tutu said, "This act was committed by the perpetrators or supporters of apartheid." Only hours after the blast, the Minister for Law and Order, Adriaan Vlok, attacked the church leaders as "wolves in sheep's clothing" who support "liberation theology" and "people's democracy." "The time has come," he warned, "to tear off their masks." These incidents are as clear as Minister Vlok's threat-South Africa's Christian, Jewish and Moslem communities must end their courageous witness against inhumanity and injustice or face increasing government-sponsored violence and oppression.
    [Show full text]
  • Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report: Volume 2
    VOLUME TWO Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Chapter 6 National Overview .......................................... 1 Special Investigation The Death of President Samora Machel ................................................ 488 Chapter 2 The State outside Special Investigation South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 42 Helderberg Crash ........................................... 497 Special Investigation Chemical and Biological Warfare........ 504 Chapter 3 The State inside South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 165 Special Investigation Appendix: State Security Forces: Directory Secret State Funding................................... 518 of Organisations and Structures........................ 313 Special Investigation Exhumations....................................................... 537 Chapter 4 The Liberation Movements from 1960 to 1990 ..................................................... 325 Special Investigation Appendix: Organisational structures and The Mandela United
    [Show full text]
  • EPISCOPAL CHURCHPEOPLE for a FREE SOUTHERN AFRICA C S 339 Lafayette Street ~77-0 New York
    E EPISCOPAL CHURCHPEOPLE for a FREE SOUTHERN AFRICA C S 339 Lafayette Street ~77-0 New York. .Y.10012 ,..I' ?hone: (2:2) 66 J• #8 FAX: (212) 979-1013 6 March 989 NOT BY BREAD ALO E 'The hunger strike is an organised THE GUARDIA~ and coordinated attempt to cast Frida~' March 3 1989 the authorities in a bad light and to blackmail them. The state cannot allow itself to be threat­ ened by means of hun~er strikes. ' - Adriaan Vlok, South African inister of Law and Order. The struggle for freedom in South Africa is centered on a countrywide hunger strike by the hundreds of people held in detentior. under Pre­ torian ukase which does not allow them recourse to any court of law. Adriaan Vlok has been forced to agree to release some hunger strikers lest they die on his hands, but the Detainees' Aid Cen­ tre in Johannesburg reports that of the 118 prisoners let go out of a nationwide total of some 850 '99 per­ cent' have been severely restricted in movement and forbidden to speak to the :\ lTU'w\d of 1.500 aUt'ndcd it :o.Vl'tOlall.:hun:h '~"\lU:l' In Lape Town Y~~lcrday In ,uppon uf lht, dClawt!'es ~till not reo. e<.I press. 'The detainees are b~ ~oulh walt~ oUI~lde wor~hlppers ha~~:ll simply being released into till' Alru.:an (,ovl'rnrnl'nl. :\ h.l.rgc number of polH;c the chun:h unlil all the another prison,' said Ms Audrey Coleman of the e­ tainees' Aid Centre.
    [Show full text]
  • Us Sanctions on South Africa
    i 584 .. ...-.. ... .... .. June 5, 1987 U.S. SANCTIONS ON SOUTH AFRICA.. THE RESULTS ARE IN I. INTRODUCIION The first results of Western economic and political sanctions against the government of South Africa are in: Apartheid's supporters have been strengthened while those seeking reforms have been weakened. "I'he evidence of this is abundant: ' . ++ In the whites-only election last month, the ruling National Party (NP)was returned with even greater control over the Parliament than before. ++ In the election, the racially moderate Progressive Federal Party (PW) was replaced as the official opposition party in the Parliament by the pro-apartheid Conservative Party (CP). This means that for the first time since the institutionalization of apartheid in 1948, the Pretoria government will be criticized in 'the Parliament not for moving too slowly to abolish apartheid, but for moving too quickly. ++ U.S. influence in Pretoria has been reduced, as the South African government has rejected what it views as unacceptable foreign interference in its internal affairs. ++ Economic sanctions have not damaged the South African economy severely. Most South African producers have found ' new markets for their products. Further, sanctions have caused a short-term stimulus, as the economy moves to create its own substitutes for former imports. ++ To the extent that the effects of sanctions have been felt in South Africa, they have been felt by blacks--precisely the people they were supposed to help. ++ Disinvestment by U.S. corporations doing business in South Africa also has set back the anti-apartheid campaign. U.S. corporatioh have sold their manufacturing plants and assets to South African businessmen at firesale prices.
    [Show full text]
  • Mirror, Mediator, and Prophet: the Music Indaba of Late-Apartheid South Africa
    VOL. 42, NO. 1 ETHNOMUSICOLOGY WINTER 1998 Mirror, Mediator, and Prophet: The Music Indaba of Late-Apartheid South Africa INGRID BIANCA BYERLY DUKE UNIVERSITY his article explores a movement of creative initiative, from 1960 to T 1990, that greatly influenced the course of history in South Africa.1 It is a movement which holds a deep affiliation for me, not merely through an extended submersion and profound interest in it, but also because of the co-incidence of its timing with my life in South Africa. On the fateful day of the bloody Sharpeville march on 21 March 1960, I was celebrating my first birthday in a peaceful coastal town in the Cape Province. Three decades later, on the weekend of Nelson Mandela’s release from prison in February 1990, I was preparing to leave for the United States to further my studies in the social theories that lay at the base of the remarkable musical movement that had long engaged me. This musical phenomenon therefore spans exactly the three decades of my early life in South Africa. I feel privi- leged to have experienced its development—not only through growing up in the center of this musical moment, but particularly through a deepen- ing interest, and consequently, an active participation in its peak during the mid-1980s. I call this movement the Music Indaba, for it involved all sec- tors of the complex South African society, and provided a leading site within which the dilemmas of the late-apartheid era could be explored and re- solved, particularly issues concerning identity, communication and social change.
    [Show full text]
  • I.D.A.Fnews Notes
    i.d. a.fnews notes Published by the United States Committee of the International Defense and Aid Fund for Southern Africa p.o. Box 17, Cambridge, MA 02138 February 1986, Issue No, 25 Telephone (617) 491-8343 MacNeil: Mr. Parks, would you confirm that the violence does continue even though the cameras are not there? . Ignorance is Bliss? Parks: In October, before they placed the restrictions on the press, I took Shortly after a meeting ofbankers in London agreed to reschedule South Africa's a look atthe -where people were dying, the circumstances. And the best enormous foreign debt, an editorial on the government-controlled Radio South I could determine was that in at least 80% of the deaths up to that time, Africa thankfully attributed the bankers' understanding of the South African situation to the government's news blackout, which had done much to eliminate (continued on page 2) the images ofprotest and violence in the news which had earlier "misinformed" the bankers. As a comment on this, we reprint the following S/(cerpts from the MacNeil-Lehrer NewsHour broadcast on National Public TV on December 19, 1985. The interviewer is Robert MacNeil. New Leaders in South Africa MacNeil: Today a South African court charged a British TV crew with Some observers have attached great significance to the meeting that took inciting a riot by filming a clash between blacks and police near Pretoria. place in South Africa on December 28, at which the National Parents' The camera crew denied the charge and was released on bail after hav­ Crisis Committee was formed.
    [Show full text]