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Searchlight South Africa: a Marxist Journal of Southern African Studies Vol Searchlight South Africa: a marxist journal of Southern African studies Vol. 2, No. 7 http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.PSAPRCA0009 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org Searchlight South Africa: a marxist journal of Southern African studies Vol. 2, No. 7 Alternative title Searchlight South Africa Author/Creator Hirson, Baruch; Trewhela, Paul; Ticktin, Hillel; MacLellan, Brian Date 1991-07 Resource type Journals (Periodicals) Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Ethiopia, Iraq, Namibia, South Africa Coverage (temporal) 1991 Source Northwestern University Libraries, 320.509 68 S439 Description Table of contents: Ethiopia, the Falashas and Kurdistan: A Latter-day Tragedy; Colonialism and Imperialism; The Dogs of War; The Trial of Winnie Mandela; The Case of Samuel Mngqibisa; Review Article: Sobukwe and the PAC; The Split in the ANC, 1958; Swapo and the Churches: An International Scandal; Letter from Johannesburg Format extent 98 page(s) (length/size) http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.PSAPRCA0009 http://www.aluka.org SOUT SOUT No 7 July 1991 *JL 1.5 4., £3.I t.R..L. E3.50 41 1 Mayhem in the Townships The Trial of Winnie Mandela Swapo and the Churches Colonialism and Imperialism Sobukwe and the PAC SEARCHL GT SEARCHLIGHT SOUTH AFRICA Vol 2, No 3 (No 7) A Marxist Journal of Southern African Studies Editorial - Ethiopia, the Falashas and Kurdistan: A Latter-dayTragedy 1 Baruch Hirson - Colonialism and Imperialism 7 Mayhem in the Townships Editors - TheDogsofWar 19 Paul Trewhela - The Trial of Winnie Mandela 33 Tile Case of Samuel Mngqibisa 48 Baruch Hirson - Review Article: Sobukwe and the PAC 54 James Fairbairn - The Split in the ANC, 1958 60 The Namibian Whitewash Paul Trewhela - Swapo and the Churches An International Scandal 65 Braam Fleish - Letter from Johannesburg 89 Cover Picture: E Munch, The Screani 4 1 0-.&. - SEARCHLIGHT SOUTH AFRICA Published Quarterly Address: c/o 13 Talbot Av, London N2 OLS ISSN: 0954-3384 Editors: Baruch Hirson, Paul Trewhela, Hillel Ticktin, Bian MacLellan. Annual Subscriptions Individual £12 Institutions £24 - Special student offer £9 Abroad: add £4 p&p or $US/Canadian equivalent. Bank charges on foreign cheques are exorbitant. Please send dollar notes Notes to Contributors: Articles and reviews, accompanied by IBM ASCII tiles on disk - if possible - should be submitted to the editors, typed or printed out, in one-and-a-half, or double Spacing, lides should be between 4,000 and 7,000 words, but the editos will be flexible and will consider longer pieces. Short articles (other than letters) will only be accepted if they are of exceptioml interest. Pseudonymis may be used but we need to know the author's identity. If substantial alterations would improve an article or review, the editors will communicae with the author before proceeding with publication. h'c editolr's resetve the light to alter grammar, spelling, punctuation or obvious errors in the text. Where possible, references should be included in the text, with sources listed at the end of the article, giving author, title, publisher and date. We regret the lateness of issue after issue. But we will try to meet our publication dates and early submissions will ensure early inclusion. Letters commenting on recent articles in Searchlight South Africa, or relating to current events in South Africa, will be printed assow as possible. These contributions should not exceed 1,5) ords and may be shortened to fit available space. Reviews of books will be by invitation and must be ready for the follong issue of the joLinlal. A Note To Readers In this era, when the 'death of Maixism' has become the siren call o the edia and celebrated by the governments of Britain, the US and many E uropean states, the need to re-establish the values of socialism has become urgent. We associate ourselves with the publications we advetise because we believe them to be interested in reviving serious interest in the problems confronting US. ETHIOPIA, THE FALASHAS AND KURDISTAN: A LATTER-DAY TRAGEDY [he United States in Ethiopia Ethiopia once had a special significance for black South Africans. In 1935, Ahen Mussolini's Italy invaded that country there were mass demonstrations hn Cape Tobwn and a strike was threatened in the event of any Italian ships being loaded in the port. This was the latest seizure of territory in Africa by a European power and African resentment joined with anti-fascist anger in protesting against the Italians. The South African Communist Party brought out a special newspaper devoted to the struggle against this blatant act of aggression and the (Rotskist) Workers Party campaigned on the same issue. The western powers in Europe invoked sanctions against Italy and, short of oil, the Italians might have been induced to withdraw. But sanctions have not been known to work. In this case, the USSR, under Stalin seized the opportunity for earning foreign currency and sold oil to the Italian state. The Italians won in the end, after enduring humiliating defeats, largely because of its access to the most modern armaments of the time. Haille Selassie, upstart Emperor of Ethiopia, went in to exile and started on a round of missions to the League of Nations and the leaders of the Western world. He won nothing from the great powers, but he was the darling of the liberals and the left. These politicians had a champion at last, even if they were generally ineffectual in the metropolitan countries. Little did they know that they were the forerunners of generations of young people who would champion one or other small state, and that they would be the first of just as many generations of disillusioned lefties who believed that their efforts would lead to the uplifting of a poor oppressed people. Then came the war in Europe of 1939-45, in which Italy was on the losing side. When peace finally descended, the Emperor returned in pomp and glory and for a time Ethiopia dropped out of the news. But no news was not good news for the people in the Horn of Africa. Those subjected to the rule of this petty tyrant saw little difference between domination under Mussolini and domination under the Emperor and his pampered palace retinue. As for the liberal souls of the west, they had found new causes in which to sink their energies. And sink them they did. After one major failed coup, in December 1960, the Emperor was ultimately overthrown in 1984 and an army junta underCol Mengistu Haile Mariam took over. The event caused little stir in South Africa this time round. Ethiopia was too far away and events at home too pressing to occasion excitement in the townships. Also, the history of post-war Africa had cautioned against undue enthusiasm for yet another army coup. If there was any excitement it was among the Africa watchers in the ranks of the Communist Party. The army became a client state of the USSR, the leaders declared that they were Marxist-Leninists and received arms and money from Moscow. The Derge, as the leadership was called, set about building a new model army, with a 2 Searchlight South Afica, Vol 2, No 3 praetorian guard trained in North Korea. Giant stadia and prestige bud4, were built; and Ethiopia long the capital ofthe Organisation of African U now gave a new twist to the rhetoric of African liberation. To show the WIM where their allegiance lay (and whence came their supplies) they also set DP agiant statue of Lenin in the capital Addis Ababa. Oh, my countrymen!, W a vista that was for the children of Ethiopia. They might go hungry, butfather Vladimir was watching over them. There were other people in Ethiopia who did not have the benefit ofLea 's determined face: and they did not receive arms from the USSR. Yet thleytoo called themselves Marxist-Leniflists (which was a bit confLsing for those who followed the degraded messages coming out of Moscow). They rose in revolt. the people of Eritrea, of Ogaden and of Tigray, and for this the Comniiss condemned them. If the Derge claimed to be the 'true' conriunists (and they did have the statue of Lenin to conffirm that fact), then those that Opposed them were counter-revolutionaries. What most liberal observers preferred to ignore, was that the conflict had an ethnic or tribal base. The Tigrayans, despite their 'Marxist- Leninist' phraseology, built a trilal army to wres control from the Amharic people, represented first by Hai/le Selassie and then by the Derge. Strangely enough, there was one leading member o>f the Soluth Africa Communist Party, Ruth First, estranged wife of Joe Sloo, (who was said to have left or been expelled from the party) who publicly backed the Eritreans, Quite why she felt it necessary to support one set of petty-bou'geos nationalists against another, is one more mystery that might need footnoting one day.
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