DOCSLIB.ORG

The End Conscription Campaign 1983-1988: a Study of White

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The End Conscription Campaign 1983-1988: a Study of White THE END CONSCRIPTION CAMPAIGN 1983-1988: A STUDY OF WHITE THE END CONSCRIPTION CAMPAIGN 1983-1988: A STUDY OF WHITE EXTRA-PARLIAMENTARY OPPOSITION TO APARTHEID by MERRAN WILLIS PHILLIPS submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the subject HISTORY at the UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA SUPERVISOR: MR N D SOUTHEY JOINT SUPERVISOR: DR F A MOUTON NOVEMBER 2002 THE END CONSCRIPTION CAMPAIGN 1983-1988: A STUDY OF WHITE EXTRA-PARLIAMENTARY OPPOSITION TO APARTHEID by MERRAN WILLIS PHILLIPS submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the subject HISTORY at the UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA SUPERVISOR: MR N D SOUTHEY JOINT SUPERVISOR: DR F A MOUTON NOVEMBER 2002 I declare that "The End Conscription Campaign 1983-1988: A study of white extra-parliamentary opposition to apartheid" is my own work and that all the sources that I have used or quoted have been indicated and acknowledged by means of complete references. Preface The End Conscription Campaign (ECC) was a unique part of the anti-apartheid movement. Emerging from within the politically dominant white group itself, the ECC mounted opposition which threatened the apartheid state in an increasingly vulnerable area. While there is existing literature on the ECC, much of it emerged in the 1980s and had a highly proselytising tone, reflecting on the negative impact of militarisation on white society, and attempting to drum up support for the ECC. Other studies considered the ECC in the broad context of conscientious objection, or the anti-apartheid struggle, offering little insight into the peculiar challenges facing the organisation, or the particular opposition threat it posed. This study offers a contribution to understanding of the ECC by exploring new sources. Military commentators insisted that military manpower was not an issue during the 1980s. However, the Defence Force records currently open for research suggest that manpower was an issue of significant concern, particularly during the township uprisings of 1985 and 1986. Secondly, analysis of popular magazines demonstrates that escapism was an integral part of white culture in this period. This has significant implications for the ECC. Rather than countering a culture of militarism, much of its work lay in encouraging whites to acknowledge and articulate the pain and frustrations caused by conscription, which in turn encouraged calls for change. Thirdly, investigation of newspaper articles indicates the difficulty of anti-conscription opposition. White security fears remained a potent force, limiting the ability of the ECC to penetrate white society as a whole. The press offers a unique indication of where the ECC was successful in winning white support. Lastly, the ECC's use of popular culture was a highly significant aspect of its work. While much of the performance work is not part of the permanent historical record, the graphic legacy of the ECC has been preserved but has been analysed only partially to date. Acknowledgements I would like to thank the many people who have contributed towards this research: I have been so impressed by the willingness and enthusiasm of the library and archival staff who encouraged me to use their facilities to the full. I would like to thank my joint supervisor Dr F.A.Mouton, and particularly my supervisor Nicholas Southey who has been tremendously helpful in so many ways, from gaining access to Defence Force archives to offering consistently constructive criticism, and perhaps most importantly, patiently redirecting my many moans and whimpers into more productive activities! I have a particular debt of gratitude to those members of the ECC who shared their perspectives and experiences with me. Your input gave a whole new dimension to my thinking and I am very grateful for your time. To any ECC activists who read this: I am sure there will be aspects of this work with which you disagree, and areas you feel should have received more attention. Nevertheless, I hope it also brings you a renewed sense of achievement. The work of the ECC remains a model for the post-apartheid period too, demonstrating that people can and should take responsibility for the state of their society, and work courageously and creativity for justice, despite the institutional monoliths which obstruct such efforts and the rampant self-interest which governs all human societies. On a personal note I would like to thank my dear friend Margi. Without the stimulation of your company, and the example of your commitment to choosing integrity over compromise, I would never have had the courage to begin. To my husband Doug, your unfailing kindness and confidence in me have rescued me from many moments of feeling completely overwhelmed, and the fact that this is finished is due to your consistent support and encouragement. Apologies to Robyn and Garth for the many periods of distraction, growls, snarls and general computer hogging, but please note: even snails get there in the end! I also owe a great deal to Merriam Mokhare, whose ability to keep domestic chaos firmly at bay gave me space and time to work. I would like to dedicate this study to my dad, who once said that no normal person could use a word as pretentious as "exacerbate". You taught me to enjoy long philosophical journeys, and although you did not see the end of this one, it's been quite a ride! The financial assistance of the Division for Social Sciences and Humanities of the National Research Foundation (South Africa), towards this research is hereby acknowledged. Opinions expressed and conclusions arrived at, are those of the author and are not necessarily to be attributed to the National Research Foundation. Merran Phillips Bay Village Ohio USA November 2002 Contents *Preface ii. " Declaration of authorship iii. "Acknowledgements iv. " Contents v. * Summary vi. *ListofCharts vii. * List of Graphics viii. " List of Abbreviations ix. * Chapter One: The role of the South African Defence Force in perpetuating the apartheidstate 1. * Chapter Two: The emergence of conscientious objection: Early alliances and issuesleadingtotheformationoftheECC 21. " Chapter Three: November 1983 - July 1985: Building the ECC 39. * Chapter Four: July 1985 - June 1986: The campaign takes off 62. * Chapter Five: July 1986 - August 1988: A changing campaign under the state ofemergency 86. " Chapter Six: September 1988 - 1993: The end of the campaign 112. " Chapter Seven: Being heard I: Changing white attitudes to conscription as reflectedbythewhitecommercialpress 120. " Chapter Eight: Being heard I1: Changing white attitudes to conscription as reflected by white popular magazines 161. " Chapter Nine: A unique voice: The role of graphics in the conscription debate 176. *ChapterTen:Conclusion 221. *AppendixOne:ECCdeclaration. 228. * Appendix Two:"Weeping"byBrightBlue 229. * Source list 231. Summary The apartheid state was vulnerable to the opposition of the End Conscription Campaign (ECC) on two fronts. From 1967 universal white male conscription was introduced, and progressively increased until 1984. This indicated the growing threat to the apartheid state from regional decolonisation which offered bases for the armed liberation movement. From 1977 a policy of "reformed apartheid" attempted to contain internal black opposition through socio-economic upliftment, but the failure of this containment intensified the need for military coercion. Minority conscription created an ongoing manpower challenge, which the ECC exacerbated by making the costs of conscription explicit, thus encouraging non-compliance and emigration. Secondly, the National Party used a security discourse to promote unity among whites, offsetting both its conscription demands and its decreased capacity to win white political support through socio-economic patronage. After the formation of the Conservative Party in 1982, the state faced conflicting demands for stability from the right, and for reform from the left. The ECC's opposition intensified these political differences, and challenged conscription on moral grounds, particularly the internal deployment of the SADF after 1984. Through its single-issue focus the ECC was able to sidestep divisions which plagued existing anti-apartheid opposition, uniting a variety of groups in national campaigns between 1984 and 1988. Since it could not afford to accommodate the ECC's demands, and in view of growing white acceptance of aspects of the ECC's opposition, the state repressed the ECC to limit its public impact. By 1988 - in a climate of growing white discontent around the material and personal costs of conscription, economic decline, political instability and conscript deaths in Angola - the ECC's call for alternatives to military conscription encouraged a broader range of anti-conscription sentiment, prompting the state to ban it. vii List of Charts Chart 1 Frequency of conscription articles in the white press 1984 p.155 Chart 2 Frequency of conscription articles in the white press 1985 p.157 Chart 3 Frequency of conscription articles in the white press 1986 p.158 Chart 4 Frequency of conscription articles in the white press 1987 p. 160 Chart 5 Frequency of conscription articles in the white press 1988 p.161 List of Graphics Figure1Declaration poster p.180 Figure2 CapeTowndeclarationlaunch pamphlet p.184 Figure 3 Stop the call-up brochure p.184 Figure 4 Conscripts with no right to choose bumper sticker p. 185 Figure5 Bothaek'sgatvol poster p.185 Figure6 ConscriptionAdviceService advertisement p.185 Figure
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Human Rights and Political Transition in South Africa: the Case of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission1
    brazilianpoliticalsciencereview ARTICLE Human rights and political transition in South Africa: the case of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission1 Cristina Buarque de Hollanda Political Science Department, Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ), Brazil This article is dedicated to recounting the main initiative of Nelson Mande- la’s government to manage the social resentment inherited from the segregationist regime. I conducted interviews with South African intellectuals committed to the theme of transitional justice and with key personalities who played a critical role in this process. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission is presented as the primary in- stitutional mechanism envisioned for the delicate exercise of redefining social re- lations inherited from the apartheid regime in South Africa. Its founders declared grandiose political intentions to the detriment of localized more palpable objec- tives. Thus, there was a marked disparity between the ambitious mandate and the political discourse about the commission, and its actual achievements. Keywords: Human rights, transitional justice, Truth and Reconciliation Commission, South Africa Prologue: ethnographic note n the same day that I arrived in Johannesburg to start my research about the OSouth African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), in August 2008, I was invited by my hosts to a dinner with friends. The first night in the city gave me a clear idea of just how alive and controversial my theme of research was, even ten years after the Commission ceased its activities. In a restaurant in a wealthy neighborhood of the city, an unexpected gathering brought together friends of friends. On the long table that 8 bpsr Human rights and political transition in South Africa: the case of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission formed, there were only whites, with the exception of a South African born and raised in Soweto, who was sitting opposite me.
    [Show full text]
  • Constitutional Authority and Its Limitations: the Politics of Sexuality in South Africa
    South Africa Constitutional Authority and its Limitations: The Politics of Sexuality in South Africa Belinda Beresford Helen Schneider Robert Sember Vagner Almeida “While the newly enfranchised have much to gain by supporting their government, they also have much to lose.” Adebe Zegeye (2001) A history of the future: Constitutional rights South Africa’s Constitutional Court is housed in an architecturally innovative complex on Constitution Hill, a 100-acre site in central Johannesburg. The site is adjacent to Hillbrow, a neighborhood of high-rise apartment buildings into which are crowded thousands of mi- grants from across the country and the continent. This is one of the country’s most densely populated, cosmopolitan and severely blighted urban areas. From its position atop Constitu- tion Hill, the Court offers views of Hillbrow’s high-rises and the distant northern suburbs where the established white elite and increasing numbers of newly affluent non-white South Africans live. Thus, while the light-filled, colorful and contemporary Constitutional Court buildings reflect the progressive and optimistic vision of post-apartheid South Africa the lo- cation is a reminder of the deeply entrenched inequalities that continue to define the rights of the majority of people in the country and the continent. CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY AND ITS LIMITATIONS: THE POLITICS OF SEXUALITY IN SOUTH AFRICA 197 From the late 1800s to 1983 Constitution Hill was the location of Johannesburg’s central prison, the remains of which now lie in the shadow of the new court buildings. Former prison buildings include a fort built by the Boers (descendents of Dutch settlers) in the late 1800s to defend themselves against the thousands of men and women who arrived following the discovery of the area’s expansive gold deposits.
    [Show full text]
  • True Confessions, End Papers and the Dakar Conference
    Hermann Giliomee True Confessions, End Papers and Hermann Giliomee was Professor of the Dakar conference: A review of Political Studies at the University of Cape Town and is presently Professor the political arguments Extraordinary at the History Department, University of Stellenbosch. E-mail: [email protected] True Confessions, End Papers and the Dakar conference: A review of the political arguments As a social critic Breyten Breytenbach published two books of political commentary and political analysis during the mid-1980s without the opportunity of engaging with commentators at home. While True Confessions of an Albino Terrorist is part autobiography and part searing comment on prison life, End Papers is a more detached dissection of the major political and cultural issues confronting South Africa. Breytenbach was now one of the respected international voices on the political crisis in South Africa. The violent break-up of apartheid had changed Breytenbach’s social criticism. In the place of the earlier rejection and denunciation had come a willingness to engage and reason with his audience. The Dakar conference of 1987, which Breytenbach co-organised, offered an ideal opportunity for this. The conference was given wide publicity and was seen by some as the catalyst that broke the ice for the negotiations between the government and the ANC two and a half years later. Key words: Afrikaans literature, Dakar conference, National Party, African National Congress, South Africa, violence, negotiations. Introduction Shortly after being released from jail in 1982 Breyten Breytenbach published two non-fiction books, The True Confessions of an Albino Terrorist (1984) and End Papers (1986).
    [Show full text]
  • The Black Sash
    THE BLACK SASH THE BLACK SASH MINUTES OF THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE 1990 CONTENTS: Minutes Appendix Appendix 4. Appendix A - Register B - Resolutions, Statements and Proposals C - Miscellaneous issued by the National Executive 5 Long Street Mowbray 7700 MINUTES OF THE BLACK SASH NATIONAL CONFERENCE 1990 - GRAHAMSTOWN SESSION 1: FRIDAY 2 MARCH 1990 14:00 - 16:00 (ROSEMARY VAN WYK SMITH IN THE CHAIR) I. The National President, Mary Burton, welcomed everyone present. 1.2 The Dedication was read by Val Letcher of Albany 1.3 Rosemary van wyk Smith, a National Vice President, took the chair and called upon the conference to observe a minute's silence in memory of all those who have died in police custody and in detention. She also asked the conference to remember Moira Henderson and Netty Davidoff, who were among the first members of the Black Sash and who had both died during 1989. 1.4 Rosemary van wyk Smith welcomed everyone to Grahamstown and expressed the conference's regrets that Ann Colvin and Jillian Nicholson were unable to be present because of illness and that Audrey Coleman was unable to come. All members of conference were asked to introduce themselves and a roll call was held. (See Appendix A - Register for attendance list.) 1.5 Messages had been received from Errol Moorcroft, Jean Sinclair, Ann Burroughs and Zilla Herries-Baird. Messages of greetings were sent to Jean Sinclair, Ray and Jack Simons who would be returning to Cape Town from exile that weekend. A message of support to the family of Anton Lubowski was approved for dispatch in the light of the allegations of the Minister of Defence made under the shelter of parliamentary privilege.
    [Show full text]
  • A Comparative Study of Zimbabwe and South Africa
    FACEBOOK, YOUTH AND POLITICAL ACTION: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF ZIMBABWE AND SOUTH AFRICA A thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY of SCHOOL OF JOURNALISM AND MEDIA STUDIES, RHODES UNIVERSITY by Admire Mare September 2015 ABSTRACT This comparative multi-sited study examines how, why and when politically engaged youths in distinctive national and social movement contexts use Facebook to facilitate political activism. As part of the research objectives, this study is concerned with investigating how and why youth activists in Zimbabwe and South Africa use the popular corporate social network site for political purposes. The study explores the discursive interactions and micro- politics of participation which plays out on selected Facebook groups and pages. It also examines the extent to which the selected Facebook pages and groups can be considered as alternative spaces for political activism. It also documents and analyses the various kinds of political discourses (described here as digital hidden transcripts) which are circulated by Zimbabwean and South African youth activists on Facebook fan pages and groups. Methodologically, this study adopts a predominantly qualitative research design although it also draws on quantitative data in terms of levels of interaction on Facebook groups and pages. Consequently, this study engages in data triangulation which allows me to make sense of how and why politically engaged youths from a range of six social movements in Zimbabwe and South Africa use Facebook for political action. In terms of data collection techniques, the study deploys social media ethnography (online participant observation), qualitative content analysis and in-depth interviews.
    [Show full text]
  • Blurred Lines
    BLURRED LINES: HOW SOUTH AFRICA’S INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM HAS CHANGED WITH A NEW DEMOCRACY AND EVOLVING COMMUNICATION TOOLS Zoe Schaver The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill School of Media and Journalism Advised by: __________________________ Chris Roush __________________________ Paul O’Connor __________________________ Jock Lauterer BLURRED LINES 1 ABSTRACT South Africa’s developing democracy, along with globalization and advances in technology, have created a confusing and chaotic environment for the country’s journalists. This research paper provides an overview of the history of the South African press, particularly the “alternative” press, since the early 1900s until 1994, when democracy came to South Africa. Through an in-depth analysis of the African National Congress’s relationship with the press, the commercialization of the press and new developments in technology and news accessibility over the past two decades, the paper goes on to argue that while journalists have been distracted by heated debates within the media and the government about press freedom, and while South African media companies have aggressively cut costs and focused on urban areas, the South African press has lost touch with ordinary South Africans — especially historically disadvantaged South Africans, who are still struggling and who most need representation in news coverage. BLURRED LINES 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter I: Introduction A. Background and Purpose B. Research Questions and Methodology C. Definitions Chapter II: Review of Literature A. History of the Alternative Press in South Africa B. Censorship of the Alternative Press under Apartheid Chapter III: Media-State Relations Post-1994 Chapter IV: Profits, the Press, and the Public Chapter V: Discussion and Conclusion BLURRED LINES 3 CHAPTER I: Introduction A.
    [Show full text]
  • 198 Broadway 9 Now York, N.Y. 10038 * (212) 962-1210 These
    198 Broadway 9 Now York, N.Y. 10038 * (212) 962-1210 M. William Howard, President Jennifer Davis,Landis, Executiue Vice President Director REGIME DECLARES WAR ON THE CHURCH Elizabeth SAPARTHEID'I F ACTION FOR SANCTIONS NEEDED NOW September 1988 TO: All Concerned Persons of Faith FROM: Dumisani Kumalo, Religious Action Network coordinator On August 31 a massive bomb destroyed the headquarters of the South African Council of Churches and other anti-apartheid and human rights groups in Johannesburg, injuring 23 people. Six days later South African security police raided the Cape Town offices of the Anglican Church. There they seized a tape recording of a sermon by Archbishop Desmond Tutu urging South African Christians to boycott segregated local elections scheduled for October. He has called for the boycott "as a nonviolent way of expressing our opposition to the evil and injustice of apartheid." For this "crime" Archbishop Tutu could be sentenced to ten years imprisonment. The government has denied complicity in the SACC bombing, but church leaders have no doubt that, as Archbishop Tutu said, "This act was committed by the perpetrators or supporters of apartheid." Only hours after the blast, the Minister for Law and Order, Adriaan Vlok, attacked the church leaders as "wolves in sheep's clothing" who support "liberation theology" and "people's democracy." "The time has come," he warned, "to tear off their masks." These incidents are as clear as Minister Vlok's threat-South Africa's Christian, Jewish and Moslem communities must end their courageous witness against inhumanity and injustice or face increasing government-sponsored violence and oppression.
    [Show full text]
  • Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report: Volume 2
    VOLUME TWO Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Chapter 6 National Overview .......................................... 1 Special Investigation The Death of President Samora Machel ................................................ 488 Chapter 2 The State outside Special Investigation South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 42 Helderberg Crash ........................................... 497 Special Investigation Chemical and Biological Warfare........ 504 Chapter 3 The State inside South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 165 Special Investigation Appendix: State Security Forces: Directory Secret State Funding................................... 518 of Organisations and Structures........................ 313 Special Investigation Exhumations....................................................... 537 Chapter 4 The Liberation Movements from 1960 to 1990 ..................................................... 325 Special Investigation Appendix: Organisational structures and The Mandela United
    [Show full text]
  • Mirror, Mediator, and Prophet: the Music Indaba of Late-Apartheid South Africa
    VOL. 42, NO. 1 ETHNOMUSICOLOGY WINTER 1998 Mirror, Mediator, and Prophet: The Music Indaba of Late-Apartheid South Africa INGRID BIANCA BYERLY DUKE UNIVERSITY his article explores a movement of creative initiative, from 1960 to T 1990, that greatly influenced the course of history in South Africa.1 It is a movement which holds a deep affiliation for me, not merely through an extended submersion and profound interest in it, but also because of the co-incidence of its timing with my life in South Africa. On the fateful day of the bloody Sharpeville march on 21 March 1960, I was celebrating my first birthday in a peaceful coastal town in the Cape Province. Three decades later, on the weekend of Nelson Mandela’s release from prison in February 1990, I was preparing to leave for the United States to further my studies in the social theories that lay at the base of the remarkable musical movement that had long engaged me. This musical phenomenon therefore spans exactly the three decades of my early life in South Africa. I feel privi- leged to have experienced its development—not only through growing up in the center of this musical moment, but particularly through a deepen- ing interest, and consequently, an active participation in its peak during the mid-1980s. I call this movement the Music Indaba, for it involved all sec- tors of the complex South African society, and provided a leading site within which the dilemmas of the late-apartheid era could be explored and re- solved, particularly issues concerning identity, communication and social change.
    [Show full text]
  • Puun 1 9 8 3 0
    GENERAL ASSEMBLY GENERAL ASSEMBLY OFFICIAL RECORDS: THIRTY-SEVENTH SESSION SUPPLEMENT No. 24 (A/37/24) UNITED NATIONS New York, 1983 REPORT OF THE UNITED NATIONS COUNCIL FOR NAMIBIA NOTE Symbols of United Nations documents are composed of capital letters combined with figures. Mention of such a symbol indicates a reference to a United Nations document. The present volume contains the final text of the report of the United Nations Council for Namibia, which was originally issued in mimeograph form as documents A/37/24 (Part I) of I December 1982 and A/37/24 (Part II ) of 11 December 1982. CONTENTS Chapter Paragraphs ABBREVIATIONS .............................................................. LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL ...................................................... INTRODUCTION .................................................... PART ONE: WORK OF THE COUNCIL AS A POLICY-MAKING ORGAN OF THE UNITED NATIONS ................................... I. GENERAL ................................................... II. CONSIDERATION OF THE QUESTION OF NAMIBIA BY THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY .... .............................. .... A. Eighth emergency special session ...................... B. Thirty-sixth session ................................ III. SECURITY COUNCIL ..................................... IV. CO-OPERATION WITH OTHER UNITED NATIONS BODIES ............. A. Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples ...........................................
    [Show full text]
  • Military Despatches Vol 24, June 2019
    Military Despatches Vol 24 June 2019 Operation Deadstick A mission vital to D-Day Remembering D-Day Marking the 75th anniversary of D-Day Forged in Battle The Katyusha MRLS, Stalin’s Organ Isoroku Yamamoto The architect of Pearl Harbour Thank your lucky stars Life in the North Korean military For the military enthusiast CONTENTS June 2019 Page 62 Click on any video below to view Page 14 How much do you know about movie theme songs? Take our quiz and find out. Hipe’s Wouter de The old South African Goede interviews former Defence Force used 28’s gang boss David a mixture of English, Williams. Afrikaans, slang and Thank your lucky stars techno-speak that few Serving in the North Korean Military outside the military could hope to under- 32 stand. Some of the terms Features were humorous, some Rank Structure 6 This month we look at the Ca- were clever, while others nadian Armed Forces. were downright crude. Top Ten Wartime Urban Legends Ten disturbing wartime urban 36 legends that turned out to be A matter of survival Part of Hipe’s “On the fiction. This month we’re looking at couch” series, this is an 10 constructing bird traps. interview with one of Special Forces - Canada 29 author Herman Charles Part Four of a series that takes Jimmy’s get together Quiz Bosman’s most famous a look at Special Forces units We attend the Signal’s Associ- characters, Oom Schalk around the world. ation luncheon and meet a 98 47 year old World War II veteran.
    [Show full text]
  • Soldaat Van Die Woord "Ek Beskou Myself As 'N Agent Van Gewaarwording Van Afrika
    DIE NUWE STEM VIR 'N NUWE SUID-AFRIKA BJulie1989 Tel: (011) 836-2 151 Vlok skreeu wolf! oor protes Jacques Pauw netskollegas se histerieoor die beoogde veldtog haal en gese die veldtog sluit o nder m DIEminister vanWetenOrde, Adriaan van vreedsame vcrset as 'n "wolf-wolf­ in die ontwrigting van hospitaaldienste, Vlok, het gelieg toe hy beweer het dat skreeucry" en "tipiese Nat-lcragdadigheid voor die massa-besetting van busse en parke die bree demokratiese beweging van 'n vcrki esing" afgemaak. wat vir blankcs gereserveer is, 'n beplande Intussen verw ag die bree dcmokraticse opmars na die Uniegebou en die oorhan­ plan is om die verkiesing te ontwrig beweging grootskaalse aanhouding van sy diging van 'n pctisie, huisbcsoeke om deur kandidate met pctrolbomme aan aktiviste, verderc inperkingsbevele op sy leicrs kicsers te intimideer om nie te stem te val. Die Cosatu-dokurnent waaruit en meerorganisasies wat aan bande gelc gaan nie, petrolbornaanvalle teen kandidate Vlokaangehaal het,bevat geenoproep word. Die beweging vrees nou dat wat as 'n en die verbreking van inperk­ tot petrolbomaanvalle of geweld nie. vreedsame protes beplan is, weens die optrede ingsmaatreels deur ingeperktes. CosatuhetVlok gister uitgedaag om die van die staat in geweld mag eindig. In die oorspronklike Cosatu­ dokument waarin die oproepe tot ge weld Vlok het Dinsdagaand by'n politiekc ver­ dokumcnt word geenmelding van , gedoe n word en by die onlangse Cosaiu­ gadering gese die polisie bcplan ingrypende die bomaanvalle ofmtirnidasie ge- , kongres ve rsprei is, ten toon te ste!. Cosatu optrede teen 'n vcrsetveldtog wat deur die maak nie. se regsverteenwoordigers stel ondersoek in brec demokratiese bewcging georganisccr word Dit volg na die minister van oor Vlok se bewering .
    [Show full text]