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Change and Continuity: 100 Years of Statehood

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Change and Continuity: 100 Years of Statehood THE JOURNAL OF THE HELEN SUZMAN FOUNDATION ISSUE 57 • MAY 2010 O CUS F The Polity and CHANGE AND the Market: 100 years of struggle CONTINUITY: Jesmond Blumenfeld A Century of 100 YEARS OF the Press STATEHOOD Raymond Louw Ben Makhoswze Magubane Fixing the past: RW Johnson, John Higginson, Constitutional Ivor Chipkin Challenges Amanda Reichman Beyond Patriarchy Land, Liberty and and Militarisation Compromise Nozizwe Madlala-Routledge Merle Lipton On South African Reviews: Leon Louw, Na-iem Dollie, Identity Antoinette Handley, Ann Charles Simkins Bernstein, Anthony Egan, helen.suzman.foundation promoting liberal constitutional democracy Director and Editor-in-Chief Francis Antonie Principal Sub-editor Rachel Browne Sub-editors Kate Francis Timothy Kenny Editorial Advisory Board Wendy Appelbaum, Gillian Godsell, William Gumede, Raymond Louw, Howard Preece, Lawrence Schlemmer, Sipho Seepe, Mary Slack, Alfred Stadler and Richard Steyn Board of Trustees Hylton Appelbaum, Wendy Appelbaum, Doug Band, Colin Eglin, Jane Evans, Nicole Jaff, Patricia de Lille, Temba Nolutshungu, Modise Phekonyane, Gary Ralfe, Sipho Seepe, Mary Slack, Richard Steyn, David Unterhalter Design & Layout Alison Parkinson Printing: Colorpress (Pty) Ltd Focus is published by The Helen Suzman Foundation, Postnet Suite 130 Private Bag X2600 Houghton, 2041 Block A Anerley Office Park 7 Anerley Road Parktown, 2193 Email: [email protected] Website: www.hsf.org.za ISSN 1680-9822 The publication of Focus is made possible through generous funding provided by the Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Liberty CONTENTS Editorial: Francis Antonie 2 From Union to a Democratic South Africa: Change and Continuity? — Bernard Makhoswze Magubane 5 1910 and All That — RW Johnson 9 The Past Meets the Present: Picking the Eyes Out of The Country — John Higginson 15 Recalling 1910: A bridge too far — Ivor Chipkin 23 Beyond Patriarchy and Militarisation — Nozizwe Madlala-Routledge 26 Reflections on a 100 years of struggle between the polity and the market in South Africa — Jesmond Blumenfeld 32 Reflections on a Century of the Press — Raymond Louw 47 Fixing the Past: Constitutional Challenges — Amanda Reichmann 54 On South African Identity — Charles Simkins 64 Land, Liberation and Compromise in southern Africa — Merle Lipton 70 REVIEW FORUM Ann Bernstein: The Case for Business in Developing Economies • Leon Louw – The Real Agenda 76 • Na-iem Dollie – In the Service of Capital and Ayn Rand 78 • Antoinette Handley – Elusive Truths 81 Right of Reply: Ann Bernstein 84 David Welsh: The Rise and Fall of Apartheid • Anthony Egan – Beyond a Manichean View of South Africa’s Struggle 86 OBITUARY • Frederick Van Zyl Slabbert 89 • Sheena Duncan 91 • Count Otto Lambsdorff 92 The views expressed in the articles are those of the authors. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the Helen Suzman Foundation. 1 EDITORIAL This edition of Focus is dedicated to a series of reflections about 100 years of statehood in South Africa. In my invitation to contributors, I pointed out that the political events which led to Union are well documented and widely known; so was the deliberate marginalisation of the majority of South Africans during the deliberations that led to the establishment of Union in 1910. Indeed, it was this marginalisation which led to the formation of the ANC in 1912, and it was only after some 84 years after the foundation of the state, that a constitutional and political ‘normalisation’ and legitimacy were achieved. In 1910, the hope for a non-racial franchise (insofar as the Cape vote was formally colourblind) glimmered weakly. By 1936 African males were removed from the common voters’ Francis Antonie role and, 20 years later, Coloured males in the Cape were also removed. After that, is the Director of it would take a long generation, some 38 years, for the emergence of a universal democracy which would finally bring to realisation the liberal hopes of 1910. the Helen Suzman Foundation. The inauguration of Union on the 31 May 1910 was a muted affair given the death of King Edward VII earlier in the month. Nevertheless, there was a cautious optimism that the subcontinent could ‘move on’ from the legacy of the bitter imperial war which had only been concluded eight years earlier. The issue of ‘race’ – not as we think of it today – featured prominently in thinking at the time. As the South African Union Souvenir (1910) put it: “One great lesson stands out from the record; union was only realised at last, and could only be realised by the cordial and honest co-operation of both races, and only by the same spirit can its success be assured. The immense responsibility for making it a success rests upon the people themselves, and it will be the earnest hope of all who love this great country and who realise its marvelous possibilities, that this responsibility will be faithfully and solemnly recognised.” The ‘races’, here, were Boer and Brit – Blacks simply didn’t exist in this world view. Ben Magubane reminds us, trenchantly, just what this ‘marginalisation’ entailed, and why we should still consider our transition to be a work in progress. One of the striking features of current reflections on the South African state and society is how change and continuity are intimately and, perhaps, inevitably linked. Reviewing this history is important, especially insofar as it may help us to understand the immediate and long-term challenges that South Africa currently faces. Jesmond Blumenfeld’s thought-provoking reflections of 100 years of economic development and growth capture succinctly the theme of change and continuity in the struggle between the polity and market in South Africa. His observation - that the first 60 years of Union were, by conventional standards, relatively prosperous, but that the ensuing 30 years, until the millennium, brought almost unremitting decline – brings into stark relief the challenges which contemporary South Africa faces. His conclusion – that the historic struggle between the (broadly liberating) market forces and the (broadly stifling) hand of the polity appears to be continuing – is, as he puts it, ‘a matter of grave concern’. What makes his conclusion so startling is that there is nothing ‘inevitable’ about the policy options which we have chosen in our endeavours to achieve greater growth, reduce joblessness and create a more just and equitable society. Commemorating the occasion of 100 years of statehood is thus also an opportunity for taking stock and reviewing not only where we have come from, but also where we are trying to get to, and how we are to get there. But there are other reasons for remembering this centenary. 2 IDENTITY Bill Johnson argues that, in a sense, South Africans should be the case is still not clear. Chipkin may be celebrate 1910 every day because they are glad to live right in his interpretation of Pallo Jordan’s 1997 paper in a united country: in effect, we are the beneficiaries of on Affirmative action, corrective measures and the that act of Union. But he points to two ‘great matters’ Freedom Charter - that national unity would be delayed which still loom over us, namely, our relations with our as long as racism continues to be institutionalised; but immediate neighbours, and the federal impulse which the forging of a national identity presupposes that there was so thwarted in 1910. He sketches an alternate really isn’t a current one. federal history which is both alluring and persuasive, I suspect that Charles Simkins, in his discussion on especially his claim that the new democratic settlement South African identity would disagree. For Simkins, would be better guaranteed under federalism. identity, like patina, both individuates and embodies the conditions of survival. By this account, South Africans have an identity, and he cautions about the often …that no society can surely be flourishing “frantic and highly normative debates of the moment and happy, of which the far greater part of about identity”. He suggests that disappointment and anxiety drives these debates, and his counsel to us the members are poor and miserable — is - to imagine just how incoherent the South African a timely reminder of the immediate and project was at Union - is wise. He concludes his essay on Identity by suggesting four policy options which are long-term challenges South Africa faces. currently available to government. This is indeed sober territory. In his speech on his Budget Vote earlier this month, the John Higginson’s overview of South Africa’s “past President touched on this question of identity-through- meeting its present” weaves a narrative which takes belonging when he quoted Chief Albert Luthuli, who in historical dispossession and revolt – both black had declared more than half a century ago that: and white and, as with Magubane and Johnson, he argues that the new South Africa is still in the “(there) is a growing number of people who are coming making. Skills transfers, infrastructural development to accept the fact that in South Africa we are a multi and improved delivery of public services are central racial communality – whether we like it or not. I am to a national project of (re)construction. Higginson’s not prepared to concern myself with such questions quote from Adam Smith – that no society can surely as: ‘Where have you come from?’, ‘Do you come from be flourishing and happy, of which the far greater part the North?’, or ‘Did you come from Europe?’ It is not of the members are poor and miserable – is a timely important. What is important for our situation is that reminder of the immediate and long-term challenges we are all here. That we cannot change. We are all South Africa faces. here and no one desires to change it or should desire to change it”. A curious feature of this year, which has as its focus the World Cup celebrations of 2010, is just The President went on to add that the acceptance of how uncommemorated this 100 year milestone of common citizenship and equal claim to this country is statehood has been.
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