A Dictionary of Jewish–Christian Relations An A to Z companion to 2,000 years of encounter between and Christianity, ADictionary of Jewish–Christian Relations is a pioneering work which explores and defines the many factors that characterise the historic and ongoing relationship between the two traditions. From Aaron to Zionism, the editors have brought together over 700 entries – including events, institutions, movements, people, places and publications – contributed by more than 100 internationally renowned scholars. The Dictionary, compiled under the auspices of the Cambridge-based Centre for the study of Jewish–Christian Relations, offers a focus for the study and understanding of Jewish–Christian relations internationally, both within and between Judaism and Christianity. It provides a comprehensive single reference to a subject which touches on numerous areas of study such as theology, religious studies, history, Jewish studies, literature and social and political studies, and will also attract the interest of a wide international readership beyond these disciplines.

Edward Kessler is a Founding and Executive Director of the Cambridge Centre for the study of Jewish–Christian Relations. He is the author of several works on Jewish–Christian relations including the acclaimed Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Sacrifice of Isaac (2004).

Neil Wenborn is a full-time writer and publishing consultant. He is the author of several biographies and is co-editor of the highly respected History Today Companion to British History.

A Dictionary of Jewish–Christian Relations

EDITED BY Edward Kessler and Neil Wenborn cambridge university press Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, , Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo

Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge cb2 2ru,UK Published in the of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org Informationonthistitle:www.cambridge.org/9780521826921

© Centre for the study of Jewish–Christian Relations 2005

This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provision of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press.

First published in print format 2005 isbn-13 978-0-511-13485-2 eBook (EBL) isbn-10 0-511-13485-1 eBook (EBL) isbn-13 978-0-521-82692-1 hardback isbn-10 0-521-82692-6 hardback

Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of urls for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate. Contents

List of maps page vi List of contributors vii Editors’ preface xiii Acknowledgements xvi List of abbreviations xvii Maps xix The structure of the book xxviii

A–Z dictionary 1

Bibliography 454 Index of names 501

v List of Maps

Ancient Palestine page xix The Roman Empire xx The xxii The Ottoman Empire xxiii The xxiv The State of Israel xxv The British Empire, excluding North American possessions xxvi

vi Contributors

Anna Sapir Abulafia Marcus Braybrooke Vice-President and College Lecturer in History, Lucy President of the World Congress of Faiths, Cavendish College, Cambridge, UK Co-Founder of the Three Faiths Forum, UK

David Abulafia Margaret Brearley Professor of Mediterranean History, University of Lecturer/Academic Board member, Jewish Cambridge, Cambridge, UK Cultural Centre; formerly Fellow in Jewish–Christian Relations, Selly Oak Colleges and Institute of Jewish James K. Aitken Affairs, London, UK Research Fellow, Department of Classics, University of Reading, and Honorary Fellow, Centre for the study James Carleton Paget of Jewish–Christian Relations, Cambridge, UK Lecturer in New Testament Studies, University of Cambridge, Fellow and Tutor of Peterhouse, Philip Alexander Cambridge, UK Professor of Post-Biblical Jewish Studies, University of Manchester, Manchester, UK Kenneth Cracknell Professor of Theology and Global Studies, Brite Hamutal Bar-Yosef Divinity School, Fort Worth, Texas, USA Professor Emerita, Ben-Gurion University, Beer-Sheva; Research Fellow, The Hartman Institute, Robert Crotty Jerusalem, Israel Adjunct Professor of Religion and Education, University of South Australia, Adelaide, Australia Michael Battle Assistant Professor of Spirituality and Black Church Philip Culbertson Studies, Duke University, Durham, North Carolina, School of Theology, Auckland University, Auckland, USA NewZealand

Anders Bergquist Philip A. Cunningham Vicar of St John’s Wood, London; formerly Executive Director, Center for Christian–Jewish Vice-Principal of Westcott House, Cambridge and Learning, Boston College, Boston, , Residentary of St Alban’s Abbey, St Alban’s, UK USA

Reimund Bieringer Alan Detscher Professor of New Testament Exegesis, Faculty of St Catherine of Sienna Parish, Riverside, Connecticut, Theology, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, Belgium USA

Barbara E. Bowe Audrey Doetzel Professor of Biblical Studies, Catholic Theological Christian–Jewish Relation and Encounter, Sisters of Union, Chicago, Illinois, USA our Lady of Sion, Canada-USA

Mary C. Boys Alice L. Eckardt Skinner & McAlpin Professor of Practical Theology, Professor Emerita, Lehigh University, Bethlehem, Union Theological Seminary, New York, USA Pennsylvania, USA

vii List of contributors

Artem Fedortchouk K. Hannah Holtschneider St Andrew’s Biblical Theological College, Moscow, Lecturer in Modern Judaism, New College, Edinburgh, Scotland

Eugene J. Fisher Colin Honey Associate Director, Secretariat for Ecumenical and Senior Research Associate, The Lonsdale Centre for Interreligious Affairs, US Conference of Catholic Applied Ethics, Melbourne, Australia Bishops, Washington, DC, USA MornaD.Hooker Martin Forward Lady Margaret’s Professor Emerita, University of Helena Wackerlin Professor of Religious Studies and Cambridge, and Fellow of Robinson College, Executive Director of the Wackerlin Center for Faith Cambridge, UK and Action, Aurora University, Aurora, Illinois, USA William Horbury Lawrence E. Frizzell Professor of Jewish and Early Christian Studies, Director, Institute of Judaeo-Christian Studies, Seton and Fellow of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, Hall University, South Orange, New Jersey, USA UK Helen P.Fry Rebecca J. W. Jefferson Honorary Research Fellow, Department of Hebrew Research Assistant, Taylor-Schechter Genizah and Jewish Studies, University College, London, UK Research Unit, University Library, Cambridge, Petr Frysˇ UK Director, Society of Christians and Jews (ICCJ), Robin M. Jensen Prague, Czech Republic The Luce Chancellor’s Professor of the History of Ruth Gledhill Christian Art and Worship, Vanderbilt University Religion Correspondent, The Times, London, UK Divinity School, Nashville, Tennessee, USA

Deirdre J. Good Ivor H. Jones Professor of New Testament, The General Theological Methodist Minister, resident in Lincoln; formerly Seminary, New York City, USA Principal of Wesley House, Cambridge, UK

Sergei Hackel Adam Kamesar Formerly Reader in Russian Studies, University of Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati, Ohio, USA Sussex, Brighton, UK, and Archpriest of the Russian Wolfram Kinzig Orthodox Church Professor of Ecclesiastical History (Patristics), Walter Harrelson Evangelical Theological Faculty, University of Bonn, Professor Emeritus, Vanderbilt University Divinity Bonn, School, and Adjunct University Professor, Wake Forest William Klassen University Divinity School, Southport, North Adjunct Professor of Religion, University of Waterloo, Carolina, USA Waterloo, Ontario, Canada C. T. R. Hayward Ruth Langer Professor of Hebrew, Department of Theology, Associate Professor of Jewish Studies, Theology University of Durham, Durham, UK Department, and Associate Director, Center for Hans Hermann Henrix Christian–Jewish Learning, Boston College, Boston, Director, Bischofliche¨ Akademie des Bistums Aachen, Massachusetts, USA Aachen, Germany Daniel R. Langton Michael Hilton Centre for Jewish Studies, Department of Religions , Kol Chai Hatch End Jewish Community, and Theology, University of Manchester, Manchester, London, UK UK

viii List of contributors

Christopher M. Leighton Steven J. McMichael Executive Director, Institute for Christian and Jewish Assistant Professor, Theology Department, University Studies, Baltimore, Maryland, USA of St Thomas, Saint Paul, Minnesota, USA

Amy-Jill Levine E. Rhodes and Leona B. Carpenter Professor of New Principal, College – Centre for Jewish Testament Studies, Vanderbilt Divinity School, Education, London, UK Nashville, Tennessee, USA IanMarkham Lee I. Levine Professor of Theology and Ethics, and Dean, Hartford Professor of Jewish History and Archaeology, Hebrew Seminary, Hartford, Connecticut, USA University, Jerusalem, Israel Justin J. Meggitt Jane Liddell-King Staff Tutor in the Study of Religion, Institute of Member of the English Faculty, University of Continuing Education, and Fellow, Hughes Hall, Cambridge, Cambridge, UK University of Cambridge, Cambridge, UK

Judith Lieu John C. Merkle Professor of New Testament Studies, King’s College, Professor of Theology, College of Saint Benedict, Saint London, UK Joseph, Minnesota, USA

Gareth Lloyd Jones David M. Neuhaus Professor of Theology and Religious Studies, Pontifical Biblical Institute (Jerusalem), Shalom Department of Theology and Religious Studies, Hartman Institute (Jerusalem) and Religious Studies University of Wales, Bangor, UK Department, Bethlehem University, Bethlehem, Palestinian Autonomy Andrew Louth Professor of Patristic and Byzantine Studies, Judith H. Newman University of Durham, Durham, UK Associate Professor of Old Testament, Emmanuel College, University of Toronto, Toronto, Canada Rachel McCann Associate Professor, School of Architecture, Stephen Nicholls Mississippi State University, Mississippi, USA Centre for German–Jewish Studies, University of Sussex, Brighton, UK John McDade Principal of Heythrop College, University of London, Peter Ochs London, UK Edgar Bronfman Professor of Modern Judaic Studies, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Virginia, Michael McGarry USA Rector, Tantur Ecumenical Institute for Theological Studies, Jerusalem, Israel John J. O’Keefe Associate Professor of Theology, Creighton University, Bernard McGinn Omaha, Nebraska, USA Naomi Shenstone Donnelley Professor Emeritus of Historical Theology and of the History of Christianity, David Patterson Divinity School, University of Chicago, Chicago, Emeritus President, Oxford Centre for Hebrew and Illinois, USA Jewish Studies, Yarnton, Oxford, UK

James S. McLaren John T. Pawlikowski Senior Lecturer, School of Theology, Australian Professor of Social Ethics and Director, Catholic University, Fitzroy, Victoria, Australia Catholic–Jewish Studies Program, Catholic Theological Union, Chicago, Illinois, USA Dennis D. McManus Senior Adjunct Professor, Department of Theology, Sarah J. K. Pearce Department of Classics, , Senior Lecturer and Director of the Parkes Institute Washington, DC, USA for the Study of Jewish/Non-Jewish Relations,

ix List of contributors

University of Southampton, John K. Roth Southampton, UK Edward J. Sexton Professor of Philosophy and Director of the Center for the Study of the Holocaust, Peter A. Pettit Genocide, and Human Rights, Claremont McKenna Director, Institute for Jewish–Christian College, Claremont, California, USA Understanding; Assistant Professor, Department of Religion, Muhlenberg College, Allentown, Miri Rubin Pennsylvania, USA Professor of European History, Queen Mary, University of London, London, UK Christine Pilkington Principal Lecturer in Religious Studies, Canterbury A. James Rudin Christ Church University College, Canterbury, Senior Interreligious Advisor, The American Jewish UK Committee; Distinguished Visiting Professor of Religion, Saint Leo University, Saint Leo, Florida, Stephen Plant USA Senior Tutor and Director of Studies, Wesley House, Cambridge, UK Marc Saperstein Charles W. Smith Professor of Jewish History and Marcus Plested Director of the Program in Judaic Studies, The Vice-Principal and Director of Studies, Institute for George Washington University, Washington, DC, Orthodox Christian Studies (Cambridge Theological USA. Federation) and Research Fellow, Faculty of Divinity, John F.A. Sawyer University of Cambridge, Cambridge, UK Emeritus Professor, University of Newcastle upon Daniel Polish Tyne, Newcastle upon Tyne, UK Rabbi of congregation Shir Chadash, Poughkeepsie, Joachim Schaper New York, USA Reader in Old Testament, School of Divinity, Didier Pollefeyt History and Philosophy, University of Aberdeen, Professor of Catechetics, Religious Education and UK Jewish–Christian Dialogue, Faculty of Theology, Simon Schoon Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, Belgium Minister of the Reformed Church, Gouda; Professor of John D. Rayner Jewish–Christian Relations, Theological University, Honorary Life President of Liberal Judaism; Emeritus Kampen, Netherlands Rabbi of the Liberal Jewish , London, UK Stefan Schreiner Stefan C. Reif Professor of History of Religions and Jewish Studies Professor of Medieval Hebrew Studies, Faculty of and Director of Institutum Judaicum, University of Oriental Studies; Director, Genizah Research Unit, Tubingen,¨ Tubingen,¨ Germany University Library; Fellow of St John’s College – Frank Shaw University of Cambridge, Cambridge, UK Formerly Visiting Assistant Professor of Classics, St John Rogerson Francis Xavier University, Antigonish, Nova Scotia, Emeritus Professor of Biblical Studies, University of Canada Sheffield; Canon Emeritus of Sheffield Cathedral, Franklin Sherman Sheffield, UK Founding Director, Institute for Jewish–Christian Understanding, Muhlenberg College, Allentown, Minister, Synagogue, Berkshire, Pennsylvania, USA UK Michael A. Signer Daniel Rossing Abrams Professor of Jewish Thought and Culture, Director, Jerusalem Center for Jewish–Christian Department of Theology, University of Notre Dame, Relations, Jerusalem, Israel Notre Dame, Indiana, USA x List of contributors

David Sim Christine Trevett Senior Lecturer, School of Theology, Australian Professor, School of Religious and Theological Catholic University, Victoria, Australia Studies, Cardiff University, Cardiff, UK

Norman Solomon Murray Watson Member of the Oxford University Teaching and Lecturer in Sacred Scripture, St Peter’s Seminary, Research Centre in Hebrew and Jewish Studies, London, Ontario, Canada Yarnton, Oxford, UK David Weigall R. Kendall Soulen Formerly Head of Department of History, Anglia Professor of Systematic Theology, Wesley Theological Polytechnic University, Cambridge, UK Seminary, Washington, DC, USA Michael Weisskopf Lecturer in Russian-Jewish history, Department of Joann Spillman Slavic Studies, Hebrew University, Jerusalem, Israel Professor of Theology, Rockhurst University, Kansas City, Missouri, USA Susan White Harold L. and Alberta H. Lunger Professor of Spiritual Sacha Stern Resources and Disciplines, Brite Divinity School, Fort Reader in Jewish Studies, School of Oriental and Worth, Texas, USA African Studies, University of London, London, UK George R. Wilkes Kenneth Stow Lecturer, Centre for the study of Jewish–Christian Professor of Jewish History, University of Haifa, Haifa, Relations; Affiliated Lecturer, Divinity Faculty, Israel University of Cambridge, Cambridge, UK

Jesper Svartvik Isabel Wollaston Docent and Senior Research Fellow, Lund University Senior Lecturer, Department of Theology, University and the Swedish Research Council, Lund, Sweden of Birmingham, Birmingham, UK

Lucy Thorson Abigail Wood Program Director, Cardinal Bea Centre of Jewish School of Humanities, University of Southampton, Studies, Gregorian Pontifical University, Rome, Italy Southampton, UK

Liam M. Tracey Melanie J. Wright Professor of Liturgy, St Patrick’s College, Maynooth, Academic Director, Centre for the study of Ireland Jewish–Christian Relations, Cambridge, UK

xi

Editors’ preface

Since the beginning of the twentieth century the munity of faith today. Such an encounter with living relationship between Judaism and Christianity has and faithful Judaism can be profoundly enrich- changed dramatically and is one of the few pieces of ing for Christian self-understanding’ (Guidelines for encouraging news that can be reported today about Lutheran–Jewish Relations, 1998). Consequently, there the encounter between religions. The rapprochement is today wide recognition within Christianity that the in relations and the development of a new way of think- formation of is dependent upon a ing were pioneered by a small number of scholars and right relationship with Judaism. Every bishop is now religious leaders in the first half of the century. How- commended to ‘promote among Christians an atti- ever, it was the impact of the Holocaust, the creation tude of respect towards their “elder brothers” so as of the State of Israel, the development of the ecu- to combat the risk of anti-semitism, and ...should menical movement and the work of the Second Vat- be vigilant that sacred ministers receive an adequate ican Council (1962–5) which in combination made the formation regarding the Jewish religion and its rela- changes more widespread. As a result, Christianity, so tion to Christianity’ (Congregation for Roman Catholic long an instigator of violence against Jews, rediscov- Bishops, Directory for the Pastoral Ministry of Bishops, ered a respect and admiration for Judaism, and the 2004). once close relationship, which had become a distant For their part, many Jews initially responded with memory, has been to a large extent restored. For Jews, distrust to the modern changes in Christian teaching the traditional view that they were on their own and about Judaism; others engaged in dialogue with Chris- that Christianity was an enemy has been replaced by tians for defensive reasons, in order to tackle prejudice arealisation that partnership with Christianity is pos- and . There were, of course, individual sible and that both faiths share a Messianic vision of Jewish figures who promoted a positive view of Chris- God’s kingdom on earth. tianity, such as Martin Buber who reminded Jews that At the same time as gaining a new appreciation was a fellow Jew,their ‘elderbrother’.But in recent of Judaism, Christianity during this period acknowl- yearstherehavebeenstirringsofanewandmuchmore edged its contribution to antisemitism and the detri- widespread interest in Christianity among Jews, illus- mental impact of the legacy of the Adversus Judaeos trated by the publication in 2000 of Dabru Emet (‘Speak (anti-Jewish) literature. It no longer holds that Jew- Truth’), a cross-denominational Jewish statement on ish interpretation of scripture was false or has been relations with Christianity which asserts, for example, replaced by Christian interpretation. This is illustrated that ‘Jews and Christians seek authority from the same by the teaching of the Roman , which book – the Bible (what Jews call “Tanakh” and Chris- now states: ‘The Jewish reading of the Bible is a pos- tians call the “Old Testament”)’. The eight-paragraph sible one, in continuity with the Jewish Sacred Scrip- statement demonstrates awareness of a common pur- tures...areading analogous to the Christian read- pose with Christianity. Furthermore, the impact of the ing which developed in parallel fashion.’ (The Jew- papal visit to Israel, also in 2000, made an indelible ish People and their Sacred Scriptures in the Christian mark on the Jewish psyche. Bible, 2002). The Churches are also aware of the need Of course, there continue to be divisions and quar- to learn about developments in post-biblical Judaism, rels over, for example, attitudes towards the State of as demonstrated by the World Lutheran Federation’s Israel and its relationship with the Palestinians as well assertion that ‘Christians also need to learn of the rich as with its other Arab neighbours. Evidence of increas- and varied history of Judaism since New Testament ing antisemitism, particularly in Europe and the Mid- times, and of the Jewish people as a diverse, living com- dle East, has also led to a corresponding increase in

xiii Editors’ preface

Jewish sensitivity to criticism, particularly Christian new subject of study. Although the distinctiveness, criticism. In addition, the consequences of 9/11 and even uniqueness, of the relationship between the two the upsurge of violence in the Middle East are caus- faiths has long been noted by Jews and Christians ing a strain on relations. Nevertheless, it seems clear alike, there has until now been no single work that that in the mainstream of both traditions many of the explores and defines the many factors that go to make principal divisive issues have been either eliminated or up this relationship. The dramatic developments of taken to the furthest point at which agreement is pos- the last half-century have led to a greater degree of sible. The efforts of Catholics and Protestants towards mutual respect, as witnessed in the widespread use respect for Judaism project attitudes that would have of such familial terms as ‘elder and younger broth- been unthinkable a few decades ago. Christian theol- ers’. Yet these terms remain vague and undefined. ogy has been profoundly revised at the official level: They illustrate the fact that the uniqueness of the all Churches are now committed to the fight against relationship is far easier to proclaim than to define, antisemitism, and the vast majority are actively com- let alone explain. The contributors to this Diction- mitted to teaching about the Jewishness of Jesus, and ary,drawn from a wide range of disciplines, back- the problem of mission to Jews has been significantly grounds and countries, are therefore involved in a reduced. ground-breaking endeavour. In uncovering the ele- Yetitisnot only questions of faith that have pro- ments of the long and continuing relationship between vided the basis for relations between Judaism and Judaism and Christianity, we hope that the Dictionary Christianity. Jews and Christians do not exist only in will contribute significantly to the definition of, and religious communities – they also live in the world. will act as a focus for, a new field of study. The Jewish–Christian encounter has influenced and That field is by its very nature interdisciplinary, and been influenced by the evolution of civilisation and a key feature of the Dictionary is that it not only focuses culture, both for good and for ill. Take, for example, on subjects – whether historical, theological, political the record of the German Mennonite community. As or cultural – within the Jewish–Christian encounter Melanie Wright has shown, although core elements itself, but also reflects broader historical, theologi- of Anabaptist theology – radical Church–state sepa- cal, political or cultural subjects through the prism of ration and pacifism – should (if one assumes that that encounter. Thus, it includes not only the sort of having the right theology leads to right action) have entries the reader might expect to see in a work of prevented them from participating in Nazism, Ger- this kind – baptism, Hebrew Bible, New Testament, man Mennonites abandoned their heritage in order Messiah, Holocaust – but also entries on such top- to support Hitler. To understand this one needs to ics as architecture, abortion, the Ottoman Empire, turn not to theology, but to the socio-political realm. Russian literature, music. Just as ‘Holocaust studies’ Many of the Church’s members were returnees from is accepted today as a field within which people use the Soviet Union and consequently, in the context tools and insights from a range of different disci- of the new ethnic politics, keen to prove their iden- plines, so Jewish–Christian relations both involves and tity as true Germans. They believed that failure to impacts upon many other fields of study. The entries do so would have had negative consequences for the in the Dictionary include inter alia events, institutions, Church.1 movements,people,places,publicationsandtheology, The Dictionary of Jewish–Christian Relations is the and the extensive network of cross-references between first work comprehensively to address not only the them itself serves to dramatise – and, we hope, tempt theological, but also the philosophical, historical, the reader to explore – the variety and interconnect- sociological and political dimensions of the ongoing edness of the subject’s many aspects. For example, it encounter between Judaism and Christianity. Surpris- should no longer be possible for a student of English ing as it may seem, while the history of that encounter literature to claim an understanding of The Merchant stretches over two millennia, it represents a relatively of Venice without understanding the perception of Jews and Judaism in sixteenth-century England, or for a 1 Wright, M. J., The Nature and Significance of Relations biblical scholar to address the development of Chris- between the Historic Peace Churches and Jews during and tian scriptural interpretation without an examination after the Shoah, in Porter, S., and Pearson, B. W. R. (eds), Christian–Jewish Relations through the Centuries (Sheffield, of Jewish interpretations of scripture. Nor is it possi- Sheffield Academic Press, 2000), 410–12. ble for a historian to study modern history without xiv Editors’ preface taking into consideration the impact of the Holocaust Christian encounter. The Dictionary seeks to lay bare or the creation of the State of Israel. The Dictionary will those roots, as well as to trace their outgrowth in therefore be of interest not only to Christians and Jews, the encounter itself. It is based on the latest schol- but also to all those who are interested in the contribu- arly thinking and does not attempt to flatter or to veil tion to, and continuing influence upon, contemporary unpleasant truths, for only accurate descriptions of society of the encounter between the two traditions. the Jewish–Christian encounter can provide a basis At the same time, however, the Dictionary deliber- for positive relations in the future. It is to be hoped ately avoids offering either a Jewish approach to the that the Dictionary will contribute both to the self- relationship or a Christian one; nor, while it neces- professed need within Christianity to develop a closer sarily deals with the subject, is its principal focus on and more understanding relationship with Judaism dialogue between the two religions – dialogue is a sub- and to the need within Judaism to update its own tradi- sectionofJewish–Christianrelationsbutnotitsequiva- tions and make more widely known its teachings about lent. In other words, the guiding criterion for the choice Christianity. of entries has not been their significance to the under- Finally, the transformation of Jewish–Christian standing of Judaism or Christianity (or even both); relations has significance for the wider interfaith rather, it has been their significance to the encounter encounter. The contemporary encounter intends not between Judaism and Christianity. No doubt, as with to abolish differences but to develop a partnership – for any work of this kind, there are other subjects we might Jews a h. evruta and for Christians a common mission – have included, as well as differences in emphasis and to tackle one of the great challenges of the twenty-first approach between related subjects, but every entry century: the encounter between all faiths. The chal- aims to describe and evaluate the importance of its lenge takes place daily not only in the seminary or the subject to the encounter, and that importance is the place of worship, but also in the classrooms of the pri- touchstone against which both its inclusion and its mary,secondary and tertiary sectors as well as in popu- treatment have been rigorously tested. lar culture and in the workings of intercommunal and In providing a broader basis for a discourse about international relations. The establishment of Jewish– Judaism and Christianity than has ever been achieved Christian relations as a field of study will not lead to before, the Dictionary will, we hope, not only help consensus or uniformity, nor will it tell us all we want establish boundaries for the field of study, but will or need to know about the relations between the two also provide a valuable insight into the relationship traditions. However, a better understanding of the rela- between the two traditions. The significant growth of tionship will lead to the realisation that, while Judaism Holocaust studies, as well as growing Christian recog- and Christianity are separate, they are also profoundly nition of Christianity’s contribution to antisemitism connected. The Dictionary of Jewish–Christian Rela- and the Holocaust, has burdened the study of Jewish– tions and its bringing together of Jewish and Chris- Christian relations with emotion and apologetic. The tian scholars from around the world is one more sign same burden has increased the general ignorance that a new relationship has begun. If this can happen among adherents of both religions of the historical between Judaism and Christianity it can surely happen and theological roots of the contemporary Jewish– in the encounter with other religions as well.

xv Acknowledgements

It will be no surprise that editing a book of this scale an interest in the work of the Centre for the study of has been hard work. That it has also turned out to Jewish–Christian Relations. be so rewarding is due to several institutions and a As for individuals, it is no easy task to thank prop- significant number of people. erly everyone who encouraged us from inception. We would like to acknowledge the Centre for Indeed, if anyone should keep within their word- Advanced Religious and Theological Studies of the limit, it should surely be the editors. However, of the Faculty of Divinity of the University of Cambridge, many factors that made this work rewarding the who agreed to support and house the Dictionary; most important was our contact with contribu- the publishers, Cambridge University Press, and tors, who were willing to give their time and energy especially Kevin Taylor, Kate Brett and Gillian Dadd, to a project that must often have seemed to con- each of whom has taken a great deal of care in see- sume more of both than they had anticipated. Their ing the project to completion; the Centre for the patience and willingness to take on board edito- study of Jewish–Christian Relations, and especially rialsuggestions,onnumerousoccasions,aregreatly its staff, who have supported us and sustained our appreciated. We particularly thank Professor John morale throughout the three years during which the Pawlikowski, who read through the manuscript at Dictionary was in preparation; Deborah Patterson adraft stage and offered wise advice, and also Petr Jones for helping to set the project off the ground in Frys,ˇ whose ready and efficient help in the final sta- its early stages; finally, to the British Academy, who ges of the project, not least with preparing the generously made a grant to support the research, as bibliography, was invaluable. To you all, we thank did the Posen Foundation, which has always taken you.

xvi Abbreviations

Mal. Malachi b. Babylonian Talmud New Testament m. Mishnah Matt. Matthew t. Toseftah Mark Mark y. Jerusalem/Palestinian Talmud Luke Luke Hebrew Bible/Old Testament John John Gen. Genesis Acts Acts Exod. Exodus Rom. Romans Lev. Leviticus 1–2 Cor. 1–2 Corinthians Deut. Deuteronomy Gal. Galatians Josh. Joshua Eph. Ephesians Judg. Judges Phil. Philippians Ruth Ruth Col. Colossians 1–2 Sam. 1–2 Samuel 1–2 Thess. 1–2 Thessalonians 1–2 Kgs 1–2 Kings 1–2 Tim. 1–2 Timothy 1–2 Chr. 1–2 Chronicles Titus Titus Ezra Ezra Phlm. Philemon Neh. Nehemiah Heb. Hebrews Esth. Esther Jas James Job Job 1–2 Pet. 1–2 Peter Ps./Pss Psalm(s) 1–2–3 John 1–2–3 John Prov. Proverbs Jude Jude Eccl. Ecclesiastes Rev. Revelation Song Song of Songs Apocrypha Isa. Isaiah Bar. Baruch Jer. Jeremiah 1–2 Esd. 1–2 Esdras Lam. Lamentations Jdt. Judith Ezek. Ezekiel 1–2 Macc. 1–2 Maccabees Dan. Daniel Sir. Sirach Hos. Hosea Tob. Tobit Joel Joel Wis. Wisdom of Solomon Amos Amos Old Testament Pseudepigrapha Obad. Obadiah 1En. 1Enoch (Ethiopic Apocalypse) Jon. 2En. 2Enoch (Slavonic Apocalypse) Mic. Micah Jub. Jubilees Nah. Nahum L.A.B. Liber antiquitatum biblicarum Hab. Habakkuk (Pseudo-Philo) Zeph. Zephaniah Pss. Sol. Psalms of Solomon Hag. Haggai T. Dan Testament of Dan (Testaments of the Zech. Zechariah Twelve Patriarchs)

xvii List of abbreviations

New Testament Pseudepigrapha Irenaeus Ps.-Clem. Pseudo-Clementines Haer. Adversus haereses Philo Jerome Conf. De confusione linguarum Comm. Gal. Commentariorium in Epistulam Contempl. De vita contemplativa ad Galatas libri III Fug. De fuga et inventione Comm. Habac. Commentariorium in Habacuc Leg. Legum allegoriae libri II Legat. Legatio ad Gaium Comm. Isa. Commentariorium in Isaiam libri Migr. De migratione Abrahami XVIII Mos. De vita Mosis Epist. Epistulae Opif. De opificio mundi Ruf. Adversus Rufinum Josephus Vir. ill. De viris illustribus Ag. Ap. Against Apion John Chrysostom Ant. Jewish Antiquities Adv. Jud. Adversus Judaeos J. W. Jewish War Justin Life The Life 1Apol. Apologia 1 Apostolic Fathers Dial. Dialogus cum Tryphone Barn. Barnabas Origen Did. Didache Cels. Contra Celsum Diogn. Diognetus Comm. Jo. Commentarii in evangelium Herm. Mand. Shepherd of Hermas, Mandate Joannis Ign. Magn. Ignatius, To the Magnesians Comm. Rom. Commentarii in Romanos Ign. Phld. Ignatius, To the Ep. Afr. Epistula ad Africanum Philadelphians Fr. 1 Cor. Fragmenta ex commentariis in Ign. Smyrn. Ignatius, To the Smyrnaeans epistulam 1 ad Corinthios Ign. Trall. Ignatius, To the Trallians Fr. Luc. Fragmenta in Lucam Mart.Pol. Martyrdom of Polycarp Hom. Gen. Homiliae in Genesim Greek and Latin Works Hom. Jos. Homiliae in Josuam Ambrose Hom. Num. Homiliae in Numeros Abr. De Abraham Princ. De principiis Enarrat. Ps. Ennarationes in XII Psalmos Pliny the Elder davidicos Nat. Naturalis historia Aquinas Pliny the Younger Summa Summa Theologica Ep. Epistulae Augustine Ep. Tra. Epistulae ad Trajanum Adv. Jud. Tractatus adversus Judaeos Pseudo-Tertullian Civ. De civitate Dei Adv. omn. Adversus omnes haereses Enarrat. Ps. Enarrationes in Psalmos haer. Clement of Alexandria Quintilian Paed. Paedagogus Decl. Declamationes Cyprian Suetonius Dom. or. De dominica oratione Claud. Divus Claudius Test. Ad Quirinium testimonia adversus Tertullian Judaeos Adv. Jud. Adversus Judaeos Eusebius Apol. Apologeticus Hist. eccl. Historia Ecclesiastica Cor. De corona militis Vit. Const. Vita Constantini Marc. Adversus Marcionem Gregory of Nazianzus Paen. De paenitentia Ep. Epistulae Pud. De pudicitia xviii Maps

S

N Golgotha? I

A S Baalbeck T T Pool of M Bethesda N N ha O zet A Be U N r A o a y O E B it Gethsemane A k E C L w M e - e I N Mount of Church of the Olives B R T N Holy Sepulchre b 2 Zion N Tomb of I A Golgotha? ur 3 e b 4 Jehoshaphat O h U 1 Su and Absalom 5 T Tomb of Zacharias N T SYRIA Asmonaean A Palace C Herod’s Akra n Sidon B I Xystus ro N Palace or d Damascus e E Tomb of Upper Lower C O L Herod City f City o

6 I M e

Dormition l i R a D AMASCENE Serpent 8 n

7 V Pool a t E Tomb of i David L Mount of N H 9 s V n Offense a e l d le r Tyre y a o G f Hinnom l ya Aceldama Ro E

(Field of Blood) a

Hill of Evil Council I h L Waters Plan of Jerusalem A c T of O a Jerusalem under the Kings H Meram S a P I

N Wall of Hezekiah on Mts A M T TRACHONITIS am I s N A A Wall of Herod Agrippa H N Akko Capernaeum A 1. Pool of Amygdolon (Hezekiah?) L GESHUR L 2. Temple F BASHAN

n U o O Sea f Zebul O 3. Holy Rock (site of the of burnt offerings) in o B Pla Tiberias of A 4. Solomon’s Palace P G G BATANAEA GALILEE Galilee O

5. House of Lebanon M S

T Sepphoris uk ASALMANUS T m 6. Solomon’s Pool ar G

C Y OR 7. David’s House M A Nazareth R ZALMON MTS 8. House of the Mighty Men R A M 9. Pool of the Aqueduct (Siloam) Plain of Jair E 0 500 1000 km L Jezreel Jezreel HAURAN Mt G 0 500 1000 yards ilbo Caesarea a AURANITIS n GILEAD o

r

a

a h

S

e SAMARIA y

f e A

o n S

l a

n Mt Ebal d l

i Shechem r

o a a n l Mt Gerizim J

P V M E a I A GALAADITIS

R h e AD H ILE Jaffa P Shiloh a G n E F N b O T S A a Lod N a T U r r M

O A r a M O l Jericho

e A e R t h

i E p Jerusalem ASIA MINOR ASSYRIA M Mt.Nebo Ashdod Mt of Olives M d e I A Hittites h R e H Bethlehem h E Ashkelon S a A T A d D fJUDAEA u B U J M M J S o A f F a o I O n e P

s F i S Hebron s S Cyprus L a N e O A Gaza I l n d Damascus I P A r T Tyre e a

S N d H l e

U i N

D

I

P O W M Masada A Jerusalem

T Ishmaelites IDUMAEA N MOAB

Beersheva U O

NEGEB M Amalekites Midianites (SOUTHERN COUNTRY) Dominions of David S 0 10 20 30 km GEBAL ar and Solomon m ed b i GEBALENE 0 100 200 300 km 0 10 20 miles A k r a b EDOM 0 100 200 miles

Ancient Palestine

xix Maps

Caledonia

Antonine Wall

Hadrian's Wall

(Late Celtic 'La Tène' culture) Hibernia Eburacum (York) Deva (Chester) Britannia Glevum (Gloucester) Verulamium (St.Albans) Aquae Sulis (Bath) Londinium Noviomagus Colonia Ulpia Traiana Vetera (Xanten) Venta Belgarum Calleva Germania (Winchester) Atrebatum Colonia Agrippina (Silchester) Belgica (Cologne) Durocortorum (Saalburg) (Reims) (Igelsäule) Augusta Lutetia Treverorum Augusta (Paris) (Trier) Vindelicorum (Châtillon-sur-Seine) (Augsburg) Gallia Carnuntum Alesia (Alise-Ste-Reine) Raetia (La Tène) Iuvavum Aquincum Augustodunum Aventicum (Salzburg) (Budapest) (Autun) (Avenches) Noricum Savaria Mediolanum Augusta Teurnia Pannonia (Saintes) Lugdunum Praetoria Brixia Virunum (Lyons) (Aosta) (Brescia) Aquileja Vienna Verona Tergeste Burdigala Segusio Mediolanum (Trieste) Lucus Augusti (Bordeaux) (Suso) (Milan) Vasio (Vaison) (Lugo) (Pont du Gard) Bononia Pola Arausio (Orange) Illyricum Nemausus Faesulae (Nimes) Glanum (Saint Remy) Ariminum Bracara (Braga) Arelate Conimbriga Narbo (Arles) Salona (Condeixa-a-Velha) Arretium (Arezzo) Palatium Salmantica Caesaraugusta Clusium Diocletiani Pons Segovia (Saragossa) Emporiae Italia (Split) (Alcántara Abula (Ampurias) Tibur Roma (Ávila) Toletum Corsica Praeneste Tarraco Ostia Aletrium (Tarragona) Cora Beneventum Ebora Hispania Norba Venosae Emerita (Boscoreale) Brundisium Pax Iulia (Mérida) Herculaneum (Beja) Pompeii Tarentum Italica Córdoba Sardinia Paestum Baleares Hispalis (Seville) Carales (Cagliari) (Piazza Segesta Armerina)

Hippo Regius Selinus Tauromenium (Bône) Carthago Agrigentum Syracusae Sitifis Cirta Sicilia Volubilis (Sétif) Thugga AfricaCuicul Madaurus Lambaesis Melita Ammaedera (Malta) Thamugadi Theveste Thysdrus (Timgad) (Tébessa)

Oea (Tripoli) Sabratha Leptis Magna

The Roman Empire at the time of greatest expansion, 138 CE

0 150 300 450 600 km 0 50 100 150 200250 300 350 400 miles

The Roman Empire

xx Maps

ais

n

a

T

Ty ra es s en h t s y r Napoca Bo (Cluj) Panticapaeum (Kertch) Potaissa Phanagoria Dacia Chersonesus Taurica Sarmizegetusa Troesmis Chersonesus Sirmium (Mitrovica) ube) Iberia an Tropaeum Albania Ister (D Trajani Pontus Euxinus Phasis Odessus Naïssus Sinope (Nis) Sardica Mesembria (Sinop) Trapezus (Sofia) (Trabzon) s Anchialus Araxe Artaxata Hadrianopolis Stobi (Edirne) Pontus Armenia Philippi Byzantium Lychnidus Nicomedia (Izmit) Amasia Thessaloniki (Istanbul) Nicaea Ancyra Brusa (Ankara) Caesarea Buthrotum Assus (Kayseri) Tigranocerta Dodona Pergamum (Bergarna) Cappadocia Amida T Regnum Nicopolis (Diyarbakir) ig Delphi Asia Archelais ri Chaeronea Nisibis s Arbela Calydon Smyrna Hierapolis Tyana Edessa Athenae (Izmir) Iconium Anazarbus Corinthus Ephesus (Konia) Perge Tarsus Antiochia (Efes) Termessus Aspendus Euphrate Hatra Olympia Miletus Side (Antakia) s Delus Oenoanda Seleucia Resapha Persarum Pieria Daphne Lindus Attalea Dura-Europos (Antalya) Ctesiphon Rhodus Cyprus Creta Palmyra Seleucia Heliopolis (Baalbek) Gortyn Damascus Mare Internum Tyrus Saccaea (Shaqqa) Caesarea Bostra Gerasa (Djerash) Apollonia Scythopolis (Beth Sheân) Philadelphia (Ammân) Ptolemais Hierosolyma Madeba Cyrene Areopolis Berenice (Jerusalem) Hebron Alexandria Petra (Nabataeorum) Memphis

Fayum Oxyrhynchus

Antinoopolis N i lu s

0 150 300 450 600 km 0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 miles Syene

xxi Maps

Åbo Ferapont Vologda Romanovo- (Turku) Borissoglebsk Staraja Tikhvin Belozersk Rybinsk V Ládoga o Kostromá lga Uglitch Yaroslavl Reval Spas (Tallin) Novgorod Nerénitsa Veliki-Rostov Yuryev Polskiy Tartu Suzdal (Dorpat) Pskov Vladimir Murom Dmitrov Tver Troitse-Sergjeva-Lavra Svenigorod Moscow (Zagorsk) Gotland Volokolamsk Kolomna Riga Mozhaysk Rjazan Vyazma Serpuchov Kaluga

Vitebsk O Tula Smolensk k a

Vilnyus Mohilev Orël D o

n Gdansk

Kursk

Vist ula Turov Gniezno Chernigov Magdeburg Warsaw Ovrutsch Od Vyshegorod e Saxony r Kiev E Pereyaslav lb e Wroclaw Dnie per Lvov Prague Cracow

Regensburg Uzˇ horod Kosˇice Putna Sucevit¸a (Kaschau) Suceava Vatra Moldovit¸ei Vienna Homor Voronet¸ Neamt¸u Kertch Salzburg e

b

u

n a Transylvania D Cluj (Klausenburg) Feodosiya Cherson Sibiu Bras¸ov (Hermannstadt) (Kronstaadt) Torcello Grado Murano Cozia Vallachia Trieste Hurezu Curt¸ea Venice Bistrit¸a Govora de Arges¸ Porecˇ Oltenia Ababa Manassija Pliska Ravenna Kalenic´ Madara Zara Traù Ravanicˇa Trnovo (Trogir) Zicˇa Ljubostinja Bojana Preslav Sebenico Studenica Caricˇin Grad Pirdop Mesemvrija Split (Spalato) Sopoc´ani Serbia Sofia Hissar Bulgaria Pec´ Gracˇ anica Constantinople Decˇani Rila Plovdiv (Istanbul) Matejicˇ Nagoricˇino Bacˇkovo Kotor Nerezi Perusticˇa Rome (Cattaro) Melnik Markov Stobi Philippi Nicaea Prilep Serres Thessaloniki Pons Ohrid Athos Sangarii Apulia Hagi Werria Göreme Saranta Meteora

Calabria Vutrinton Binbirkalesi Rossano Arta Nea Ephesus (Barata) Cosenza Nikopolis Hosios Moni Loukas Skripou Daphni Chios Latmos Mons Korykos Stilo Meriemlik Palermo Megaspileon Athens Miletus Messina Kalavryta Merbaka Patmos Monreale Cefalù Paros Sicily Mistra Geraki Cyprus Rhodes Nicosia

0 150 300 450 600 km Kriti (Crete) Byzantine Empire, 550–1600 0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 miles

The Byzantine Empire

xxii Maps

Azov A T E O F C KINGDOM OF HUNGARY A N R I M D H E a K SEA OF A

Mohacs n u MOLDAVIA AZOV b e Temesvar Sav t a r s e emun) Crimea r (Z A lin K m l a Se rade u Braila ir Taman

lg t Tergovist c a T Jaice Be Orsova a h Mitrovitza A j Bakchiserai? Kaffa Severin I (Sirmium) Smederevo H u BOSNIA A C Bucharest r (Semendria) W A L L b be anu o Spalato Vidin Giurgevo D Silistria D Mostar Nish Herzegovina Nicopolis Sistova SERVIA Sofia (Nikopol) Tirnovo Varna Montenegro Prishtina (Sredetz) (Trnova) Rep. of Cattaro Bulgaria Ragusa Kossovopotie RE A PI (Amselfeld) Philippopolis EM Scutari I O (Plovdiv) E Sinope Uskub Adrianople TIN le N Marit N op Kroia (Skopia) T za (Edirne) A tin Z an Amasra ) A Y t s Durazza T Chirmen B s (Amastris) ly Okhrida n Ha B m e l o ( D u Seres O i a Bodasto C Samsun ON L a Scutari EMP BIZ ni ak IRE OF TRE R o M Ismid (Nicomedia) m A d Saloniki Thasos Ir Amasia e (Nicaea) il Karahissar Kastoria c (Thessalonica) A Isnik iz Otranto a G N S K a E Butrinto Kanina M al Brusa k E M P I R Larissa lipo ar Terjan li ia (Sanga Corfu Lemnos r i Angora Sivas r Parga Eskishehr u Thessaly s k (Dorylaeum) ) Prevesa Arta e Santa Maria Lesbos Manissa b D.o (Magnesia) Kaisariéh r DESP. OF (Leukas) Lepanto f A Negropont t Alashehr Akshehr Akserai (Caesarea) a ROMANIA (EPIRUS) he (Euboea) ns (Philadelphia) (Philomelium) (Archelais) i Cephalonia Patras D Corinth Chios Smyrna C D e re I e s A Athens de ) KARAMAN R D s p E Ephesus Men r p R de Zante . . Argos ean C O o o (Ma Konia D f f A M P N Nauplia Milassa (Miletus) O a i K Adalia S s DUCHY Tarsus t t Adana M r n S a r (Attalia) Modon a Karaman s i g I I A Monem- OF h N Coron t vasia N s I NAXOS o Selefke Antioch O Eup M h Cerigo f N S ra te t Rhodes A s . J O o R

h F

Candia n M

KINGDOM OF Famagusta T E CYPRUS H

Nicosia L E

Crete Tripoli U

K

E 0 100 200 300 400 500 km S The Ottoman Empire 1451–81 0100 200 300

The Ottoman Empire

xxiii Maps

ARCTIC OCEAN

Norwegian Y Kola Sea A Pustozersk W

U

R A O N N E r D Ob I a E Archangel d l W o R r S Dv FINLAND o in a M g E

v o Solvychegodsk Tobolsk B o Colony ofu Khanate of Dagö N Stroganov n I E s t o n i a St Petersburg Perm Ösel t

Livonia Novgorod S a C a o Pskov Yaroslavl e u S r Riga la c n Nizhni- i l t i d Tver Khanate of B a Novgorod Kazan Vladimir n Polotsk Volga Ufa Danzig Königsberg Vilna Wh Moscow it s West Prussia PRUSSIA e Kazan Lithuania Smolensk R Simbirsk G East Prussia Minsk u r Posen Tula S e s at s i l Poland e Bl i ack a s Warsaw R i d u a n Pinsk ss Orsk la i POLANDo a P Novgorod- le Chernigov itt Lublin Sieversk Voronezh Uralsk L R East Prussia AUSTRIA Lod e G om d a er l a i ia R c u Kiev Tarnopol e i s a s g a l ia e m P a i n i o U k r V o r do Buda Pest l C ia Zarev B f e o HUNGARY s M s e a t T o RA r a NS l YL a VA d Nikolaev n N b a IA a a v i h a d K Astrakhan i a i Belgrade r u Khanate of Astrakhan W allachia a

T Servia Bucharest a Crimea g u r C Ust-Urt b Sevastopol o Yalta Kuban Bulgaria D a K Sofia A C a b s Transcaspian Varna Black Sea bk a a r d O ha u i a s c D p ia a s a u g District Rumelia Mingrelia s h i T ntinople M e sta ia t s a on Sinope rit s t C Ime Tiflis a

T Georgia n n G O Shirvan r Trebizond Baku S

e i Erivan g M a e b Kara e c Athens A Armenia

a e N Azerbaijan Astrabad E G h M i l n P a n r a I R E M a z a n d e Crete P Rhodes E Teheran R Cyprus S I A Mediterranean Sea Extent of Russia under Catherine II Towns within the Pale barred to Jews without special residence The Pale of Settlement, Russian permits 0 250 500 750 1000 km Jews were confined to this area Other cities and towns by laws of 1795 and 1835. 0 200 400 600 miles

The Russian Empire

xxiv Maps

34 36 LEBANON 38 UNDOF 0 20 40 60 km Zone 0 20 40 miles Golan Nahariyya Heights SYRIA (Israeli Acre occupied) Lake Mediterranean Haifa Tiberias Sea Nazareth

H. adera Netanya

Nablus n

a

d

r

o Petah Tiqwa J Tel Aviv-Jafo . 1949 Bat Yam Holon WEST Treaty 32 BANK Line 32 Rishon LeZ. iyyon Ramallah * Ashdod Jericho Jerusalem

Ashqelon Bethlehem GAZA Hebron Dead * Sea STRIP Gaza City 1949 Armistice 1950 Line Armistice Line Beersheba

Dimona

NEGEV JORDAN

EGYPT

30 30

Israeli-occupied with *current status subject to the Israeli-Palestine Elat Interim Agreement Gulf of 34Aqaba 36 38

The State of Israel

xxv Maps

Franz Josef Land Spitzbergen D N A L ARCTIC

N

E

E

R G Novaya Zemlya Kara Sea Barents Sea

Lapland Norwegian Y A N Sea E Obdorsk W Archangel D R ICELAND E Finland O W

S N Stockholm

a St Petersburg Perm e S RUSSIAN North Sea ic BRITISH ISLES lt Ba Moscow Omsk Dublin Orenberg London Berlin RUSSIA GERMANY Warsaw Kiev Paris EUROPE Vienna Budapest Odessa FRANCE AUSTRIA-HUNGARY Astrakhan C a s ITALY Black Sea p i Rome Constantinople a TURKESTAN SPAIN n PORTUGAL Baku S Lisbon e Madrid M e d ASIA-MINOR a i t e r r a N Algiers MALTA n CYPRUS Teheran STA e a NI O n S Baghdad A C Tripoli e a H Kabul C PALESTINE IRAQ G O ALGERIA PERSIA F R TRANS- A O M JORDAN KUWAIT Delhi LIBYA EGYPT QATAR

R Karachi INDIA e SAUDI TRUCIAL d ARABIA STATES MUSCAT & S Bombay e OMAN a ADEN Khartum PROTECTORATE Arabian Sea GAMBIA SUDAN Madras Bathurst Aden

T NIGERIA N Zeila O O Addis Ababa GOLD G O SOMALILAND Monrovia O R ABYSSINIA SIERRA LEONE COAST Lagos E Colombo M AFRICA Accra A CEYLON C

UGANDA KENYA CONGO STATE Mombasa Chagos Zanzibar Seychelles Archipelago TANGANYIKA

ANGOLA A TLANTIC NORTHERN NYASALAND RHODESIA R A INDIAN SOUTHERN C S RHODESIA A G SOUTH Bulawayo A Mauritius OCEAN BECHUANA- D WEST A LAND AFRICA M

UNION OF Durban SOUTH AFRICA

Cape Town

0 10002000 3000 4000 5000 km

0 1000 2000 3000 4000 miles

The British Empire, excluding North American possessions

xxvi Maps

Severnaya Zemlya OCEAN New Siberia

Turukhansk SIBERIA

Yakutsk

Okhotsk Bering Sea EMPIRE Krasnoyarsk Sea of ASIA Okhotsk Irkutsk

MONGOLIA MANCHURIA

Vladivostok

Pekin K Sea of O R Japan CHINESE EMPIRE E JAPAN A Tokyo TIBET CHINA PACIFIC Chungking Shanghai

Canton Calcutta OCEAN BURMA Hong Kong A Bay of N A Bengal M PHILIPPINE SIAM Rangoon ISLANDS Bangkok Manila Andaman Is Saigon Caroline Is Marshall Is South China Nicobar Is Sea EAST INDIAN ARCHIPELAGO

Gilbert Is Singapore Borneo

NEW Phoenix Is GUINEA Solomon Is Ellis Is OCEANIA Cocos Is Samoa New Fiji Is OCEAN Hebrides

New Tonga Caledonia AUSTRALIA

Kermadec Is

Sydney

British Empire, 1905 NEW ZEALAND British possessions Wellington British mandated territories Hobart British protected territories

xxvii The structure of the book

ADictionary of Jewish–Christian Relations is an A to additional information to inform their understanding Z companion to 2,000 years of encounter between of the subject in hand. We have not, for example, cross- Judaism and Christianity. From Aaron to Zionism, referenced every mention of God or the Bible, even it consists of entries on theological, historical and thoughbotharethesubjectofindividualentries.Again, cultural topics – including events, institutions, move- wherever possible without artificiality we have tried to ments, people, places, publications and theology – ensure that cross-references fall within the body of the contributed by more than a hundred scholars world- text of an entry and that they take the same form as wide. the heading of the entry to which they cross-refer. In As we explain in the Preface (see page xiiixiii), the some cases, however, we have included ‘See alsos’ at selection and treatment of every entry has been rig- the end of an entry for such other entries as the reader orously tested against the criterion of its significance may find it particularly helpful to read in conjunction to the Jewish–Christian encounter. However, while we with that entry. We have also permitted some inexact have tried to ensure that the length of each entry corre- cross-references where it would have been artificial sponds broadly to the importance to the encounter of to do otherwise and where following up the inexact the subject of that entry, the very interconnectedness cross-reference will anyway take the reader to the same of the entries has led us to remain flexible in our judge- point in the book as would an exact cross-reference: mentoftheinternalbalance.Therecanbenodoubting, for example, eschatological to eschatology,orPhar- for example, the epoch-making significance of the Sec- isaism to Pharisees.Wehave included what seem ond Vatican Council in the history of Jewish–Christian to us a minimum of cross-reference headings (e.g. relations. However, the Vatican II entry is connected Christian Zionists see Zionists, Christian; Election at so many points to the subjects of other individual see Chosen People), and an even smaller minimum entries that we have sought to avoid undue repetition of cross-references to cross-reference headings. Again, by allowing cross-references to do some of its work for the watchword has been the avoidance of artificiality: it. Much the same applies, for example, to the entry the cross-references are there to enhance the reader’s on Germany, where there would have been little point understanding of the subject, not as an exercise in spu- rehearsing the significance to the encounter of Hitler, rious editorial standardisation. The mode we and the Nazism and the Holocaust, all of which form the sub- contributors have tried to achieve in each entry is per- ject of individual entries and are thus cross-referred to haps best characterised as resonant economy, and the from the Germany entry. cross-referencing is intended as an important part of Indeed, it is an index of the interconnectedness of the resonance. the field of Jewish–Christian relations itself that every The Dictionary includes numerous biographical entry in the Dictionary includes cross-references to entries, for people as various as Church Fathers and other entries. Such cross-references are printed in bold musicians, artists and , and medieval in the text. As with any book of this kind, there is a fine kings. In selecting whom to include we have again editorial line to be walked between, on the one hand, been guided by the relationship of the parts to the providing helpful routes of access for the reader from whole. We have not, for example, included entries for a eachentrytothebodyoftheworkasawholeand,onthe wide range of modern scholars whose work has had an other, giving the impression that the truth always lies impactonJewish–Christianrelations,sincethereexists elsewhere. We hope we have trodden that line as sure- anoverarchingentryonmodernscholarshipinJewish– footedly as possible. We have aimed to include cross- Christian relations which deals thematically with the references only where they may provide readers with work of many of these scholars. Similarly, we have not xxviii The structure ofthe book included entries for composers or writers whose rele- naries of this kind sensibly include short bibliogra- vance is already educed in the entry on music or the phies at the end of individual entries. In the present various entries on national literatures, unless the work dictionary, however, we have again taken into account of that composer or writer is of sufficient significance the interconnectedness of the subject and, rather than to the encounter to warrant a dedicated entry: Bach, court a prohibitive degree of repetition between bib- Wagner, Shakespeare and Bialik are examples of indi- liographical entries, we have included a single bibli- viduals who escape the gravitational pull of their ography at the end of the whole work, subdivided by generic entries to secure an individual place in the sun. the broader theological and historical categories into Since it would have been artificial to include cross- which the individual entries fall. No bibliography of reference headings for all those people who are men- this kind can be comprehensive, but we hope that it tioned in other entries but do not have a dedicated will serve both to support references in the entries and entry, we have provided an index of people to enable as a helpful source of further reading. the reader to find all references to individuals wher- ADictionary of Jewish–Christian Relations embod- ever they may fall in the book; where the individual ies the latest scholarly thinking in the field of Jewish– in question has a dedicated entry the page reference Christian relations and in the many other disciplines for that entry is given in bold in the index. Again, on which it draws. We and the contributors have been within the limits of artificiality, life and/or regnant at pains to ensure, however, that it remains accessible dates are given in the text after the first mention of notonlytoscholars,butalsotoanyoneinterestedinthe any people not themselves the subject of individual historical and continuing encounter between Judaism entries. and Christianity. We hope the decisions we have made It is an important part of the intention of the Dic- about the structure of the book will have gone some tionary to act as a springboard for further explo- way towards achieving that aim, but we would always ration of the field of Jewish–Christian relations, and be interested to hear suggestions from readers as to a detailed bibliography is crucial to that purpose. how its accessibility might be enhanced in future Here too we had a choice to make. Many dictio- editions.

xxix

AAAA

Aaron Aaron, as a point of contact between Jews and Aaron is a figure represented in both Testaments Christians, was acknowledged in the Letter to and referred to typologically in both. His priestly the Hebrews as the founder of the Jewish priest- role is the dominant feature shared by Judaism and hood, who offered acceptable sacrifice to God. Christianity, but in the latter this role is appropri- The anonymous author appropriated the still- ated in order to highlight the superiority of the developing Jewish tradition and contrasts the once- priesthood of Jesus. Thereafter, because the Jewish and-for-all priesthood of Jesus (which was claimed tradition continued to stress his priestly status, he to derive from the priesthood of Melchizedek) with faded out of the Christian tradition. the inferior yet legitimate priesthood of Aaron. In the book of Exodus Aaron appears as the There is no polemic intent against Aaron in brother of Moses and Miriam, playing a subordi- Hebrews. Two texts, Ps. 2.7 and 110.4, are used to nate but important role as spokesperson for Moses show that God designated Jesus as the unique Son before the Pharaoh, although in the earliest literary and High Priest. His self-sacrifice, analogous to the strata of the Torah there is no evidence that he is sacrifice of the High Priest on the DayofAtone- a priest.His priestly role becomes clear only in the ment,isdepictedasacovenant-inauguratingevent, later so-called Priestly Document, in the descrip- fulfilling the expectations of the new covenant in tion of the construction of the Tabernacle and the Jeremiah. In this way, the Levitical priesthood, as designation of himself and his sons as hereditary subsumed in Aaron, was claimed by Christians to priests (Exod. 28–29; Lev. 8). A negative appraisal be superseded, as was also the Torah, conceived in of Aaron in the Jewish tradition centres on the cultic terms; since the Levitical priesthood served story of the Golden Calf (Exod. 32) and, later, his the Torah, a new priesthood required a new Torah. opposition to Moses in Num. 12. However, in Written in the diaspora,probably in Alexandria for later rabbinic tradition his image is entirely pos- aRoman congregation, Hebrews demonstrates the itive. He was praised because of his elevation to supersessionist direction of Christian thinking in the high priesthood and he became the paradigm the late first century CE. of the priesthood. Further, as spokesperson for See also typology ROBERT CROTTY Moses he was lauded as a lover of peace who Abelard, Peter (1079–1142) could reconcile disputes (Hillel in Avot 1.12). In French philosopher, theologian, teacher, abbot and the mystical tradition he became one of the seven poet: he regarded Judaism as philosophically and invisible holy guests (ushpizin) whom observant spiritually inferior to Christianity, yet expressed Jews welcomed to their tabernacles on Sukkot. rare compassion for Jewish suffering. Controversial The priestly tradition and Chronicles established and influential, Abelard was a supreme dialectician, the principle that he was the necessary ances- applying Aristotelian logic by rationally analysing tor, through Eleazar and Ithamar, of all legitimate contrasting authorities and emphasising intentions priests. The priestly genealogy of Aaron and the behind deeds. Abelard had personal contact with confusing narrative tradition, with its pejorative Jews, knew limited Hebrew derived from Jerome, and laudatory elements, would have developed and argued (to Heloise, his former beloved, now an within the post-exilic priestly group rivalry in the abbess) that nuns should learn Hebrew. Although late eighth century BCE between Aaronides and in Dialogus inter philosophum, Judaeum et Chris- Zadokites. tianum his fictive Jew empathised with Jewish

1 Abner of

oppression and envisaged a biblically promised even a duty when the mother’s life or health is blissful future, Abelard believed that the minutiae of seriously threatened. Roman Catholicism does not Mosaic Law burdened Jews, distracting them from allow for this exception, except on the rare occa- genuine love of God. MARGARET BREARLEY sions when the principle of double effect applies Abner of Burgos (c.1270–1340) (i.e. abortion is not the intended outcome, but may Apostate and anti-Jewish polemicist. Baptised happen as an unintended consequence of a proce- aged 50 as Alfonso of , in his writ- dure to save the mother’s life). Like much of Protes- ings Abner urged Jewish conversion and inten- tant Christianity, on the other hand, Reform and sified existing anti-Jewish polemics, becoming a much of Conservative Judaism regard the fetus as major source for later apostates and Spanish Chris- potential life, not, until the moment of birth, as an tian anti-Judaism.Following Raymond Martini’s independent entity. While there is a variety of opin- Pugio Fidei,Abner’s tractates attacked Jews, the ion among these Jewish and Protestant authorities, Talmud and Judaism. Abner urged anti-Jewish there is general agreement that the life and health measures, including conversionist preaching and of the mother take precedence over the potential segregation of Jews from Christians, influencing life of the fetus. Alfonso XI of Castile (r.1312–50) to outlaw the Both Jews and Christians, while divided on the Aleinu prayer (1336). Abner’s eclectic theology application of moral principles, base them on bib- stressed messianism, predestination and astrologi- lical revelation. While many Protestant Christians cal influence, interpreted aggadah christologically, and Jews argue the importance of preserving free- and viewed Christians as the ‘true Israel’. Joseph dom of choice for women, and thus oppose legal ibn Pollegar (Pulgar) (first half of the fourteenth restrictions on abortion as an attempt to impose the century) and Hasdai Crescas wrote texts refuting religious law of one group upon others in a plural- Abner. MARGARET BREARLEY istic society, many other Christians and Jews argue Abortion that the unborn, no less than other ‘marginalised’, Both Judaism and Christianity base their under- economically or physically disadvantaged groups, standing of the sacredness of human life on Gen. 1, deserve legal protection. Catholics see the pro-life which has made possible a serious dialogue on struggle as a ‘seamless garment’ with related issues the issue of abortion in recent years. In 1977, for such as euthanasia, capital punishment, nuclear example, an ongoing dialogue group co-sponsored war and life-threatening poverty. Reform Jews and by the American Jewish Committee, the Board many Protestants see the issue in the context of the of Rabbis of Southern California and the Roman right of individual conscience and pluralism itself. Catholic Archdiocese of Los Angeles issued a joint Liberal Protestants and progressive Jews, therefore, statement, Respect for Life, while in 1980 the lobby politically together to ensure the legal right Catholic/ReformedChristiannationalconsultation to abortion, while Catholics, Evangelical Christians did the same. Both pointed to the shared under- and Orthodox Jews lobby for legislation to protect standing of the human person as ‘the image and the rights of the unborn. likeness of God’ as uniting Christian with Christian See also medical ethics EUGENE J. FISHER and Christian with Jew.Both call on religious groups Abraham to work together to contribute what they share ‘to The biblical figure of Abraham unites and divides influence civil discourse’,to promote ‘positive alter- the three great monotheistic religions. Judaism, natives to abortion’ such as adoption, and to ‘over- ChristianityandIslamalltracetheirspiritualances- come problems of poverty, inequality, and sexual try to Abraham, viewing him as a paradigm of the exploitation’. Both view the ideal society as one in human–divine relationship and the consequences which women would see few, if any, abortions to be of the search to live in the presence of God. necessary. The biblical narrative, from Gen. 11.10–23 to Catholicism, Evangelical Protestantism and 25.7–11, describes Abraham’s life, which is marked Orthodox Judaism regard the unborn fetus as by encounters with God and particularly by God’s human. Orthodox Judaism would prohibit most promise of the continuity of his family line, who abortions on moral grounds, but, following will inherit the land. This has become a key Maimonides, considers abortion to be a right and theme throughout the history of Jewish–Christian

2 Abraham relations. The Bible associates Abraham’s name (par. 9), reinforce the division between those who with the divine blessing as the progenitor of the believe in the Christ and are spiritual, and those Israelites, and Moses asks God to remember the who adhere to the covenant of circumcision of the ‘promises to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob’ when flesh. retelling his intervention on behalf of Israel because Philo of Alexandria,acontemporary of Paul, of their sin at the Golden Calf (Deut. 9.27). The bequeathed an interpretation of Abraham that promise of the land covenant as part of the promise would find its way into both Christianity and Rab- to Abraham, Isaac and Jacob is mentioned in Deut. binic Judaism. The Abraham narratives are an alle- 34.4andJosh.24.3,andhisuniquestatusisrepeated gory for the journey of the soul towards spiritual by Isaiah in his declaration that ‘God redeemed and moral perfection. For the Rabbis, like Philo, Abraham’ (29.22 and 41.8, where Abraham is called every detail in the Abraham narratives constitutes ‘My beloved’). a significant part of the divine promise to the Jew- The NewTestament reveals both continuities ish people for all generations. However, the Rabbis, and discontinuities with these images. Matthew whileendorsingthemoralandspiritualdimensions and Luke affirm that Jesus descends from the of Philonic allegory, emphasise the concrete details seed of Abraham but the Gospels introduce a in the life of Abraham. They claimed that the Torah disjunction: in Matt. 3.17 John the Baptist says that was revealed for the sake of Abraham (Gen. Rab. ancestry from Abraham is not sufficient to avoid the 12.9). Abraham was greater than Noah because he divine wrath. Abraham, Isaac and Jacob will be at walked with God rather than before him (Gen. Rab. the eschatological banquet, but those who are chil- 30.10). In an effort to demonstrate the universalism dren of ‘the kingdom’ will be thrown into utter dark- ofJudaism,AbrahamandSaraharedepictedasmis- ness (8.11). The dichotomy between the followers sionaries converting their pagan contemporaries to of Jesus and those who reject him is reflected in the the God of Israel (Gen. Rab. 39.14). Abraham’s cir- image of Abraham in the Gospel of John. Some of cumcision at an advanced age is a sign that even ‘the Jews’ (see hoi Ioudaioi)argue that their ances- proselytes to Judaism should not avoid the com- tor Abraham assures them freedom from sin; how- mandment (Gen. Rab. 46.2). The binding of Isaac ever, the Gospel asserts that unbelieving Jews are is concrete evidence that Abraham was obedient plotting to kill Jesus. This is not God’swork, and they to God by his faith as well as actions. These rab- are children of Satan. Jesus ultimately asserts that binic views, along with more systematic retelling ‘Before Abraham was, I AM’ to demonstrate that his of the Abraham narratives in midrash Pirke Rabbi identification with God as Father (I AM) surpassed Eliezer,reveal a response to Christian appropria- that of Abraham’s seed (8.39–58). tions of Abraham. Paul’s assessment of Abraham has been a signif- The Koran describes Abraham as the hanif, the icant point of contention in Jewish–Christian rela- God-seeker par excellence.Muslims revered Abra- tions. In the letters to the Galatians and Romans, ham as a holy figure, and traced their lineage back he puts Gen. 15.6, where belief in God was to his son Ishmael. Muslim traditions elaborate ‘accounted to him as righteousness’, at the foun- the biblical narratives, understanding the object dation of Abraham’s covenant that would bring of Abraham’s sacrifice to be Ishmael rather than rewards and promises. Subsequent revelations to Isaac. Abraham, such as the commandment of circum- Both Jews and Christians claim Abraham as cision (Gen. 17) or the revelation of the Law to their own spiritual mentor and guide. Throughout Moses (Exod. 19), were valid until the coming of most of their history, these traditions have been Jesus, whose death and resurrection brings all peo- in contention about the propriety of the inheri- ple into the covenant of Abraham (Gal. 3.23–29; tance of the promises. These promises for Chris- Rom. 4). Paul associates those who believe in the tians are grounded in the faith Abraham revealed in covenant entered by circumcision with the children Gen. 15.6, rather than in the concrete acts of obe- of Hagar or slavery, while those who enter through dience to God that led Abraham to be circumcised Christ are truly descendants of Isaac, children of and ultimately to bear the burden of nearly sacrific- the promise (Gal. 4.21–30; Rom. 4). Narratives of ing his son Isaac. Jews have continued to look to the the early Church, such as the Epistle of Barnabas entire narrative of Abraham which will ultimately

3 Abrahams, Israel

yield the blessings of continuity of the Jewish peo- in the Church, view priestly absolution as a usurpa- ple and their peaceful dwelling in the land of tion of a role that is God’s alone. The Jewish roots Israel. of Christian sacramental religion lie in Solomon’s The Vatican II document Nostra Aetate (1965) prayer of dedication of the Temple (2 Chr. 6), when proclaimed the ‘stock of Abraham’ as the point of he asks that the Temple rituals may be univer- origin for a new relationship between Christians sally effective in conveying divine mercy and power, and Jews. This turn to biblical origins was part of a and in the atonement rituals of Tabernacle and Catholic return to scriptural traditions in Vatican II. Temple. YetJewish claims to be the inheritors of the land Both Jewish and Christian traditions emphasise of Israel through the promises of Abraham have the reality of divine forgiveness as an experiential been the source of controversy between Jews and moment in the life of Israel and Church, and they Christians as well as with Muslims. However, some both know words of divine absolution linked to rit- Jews, Christians and Muslims seek reconciliation of uals of repentance. Linked to the DayofAtone- their differences by appealing to the fact that each ment, the promise to Israel in Lev. 16.30 (‘atone- tradition harks back to the biblical Abraham. The ment shall be made for you, to cleanse you; from resolution of their theological and communal dif- all your sins you shall be clean before the Lord’) ferences will depend upon how carefully they nego- is the basis of later beliefs in both traditions: for tiate the virtues of Abraham that belong to all three the Jewish community in post-70 CE it inspires the traditions and appreciate the particular claims powerful liturgy of the cleansing of Israel’s sins made by each of them. MICHAEL A. SIGNER on Yom Kippur, and for the Christian community Abrahams, Israel (1858–1925) it comes to be applied to Christ’s (priestly) self- Scholar of Rabbinic Judaism, co-founder of the offering for sins (Heb. 9.24f.). Judaism, permeated Jewish Quarterly Review and leader of Liberal byadeep conviction that God forgives all who Judaism in England. Abrahams was appointed repent of their sins, does not understand its rit- Senior Tutor at Jews College in 1881 and in 1902 uals in relation to divine mercy in the sacramen- became Reader in Rabbinics at Cambridge Univer- tal ways of the Catholic and Orthodox Churches. sity, where he influenced a generation of students, There, words of absolution spoken by a priest in both Jews and Christians. He succeeded in mak- the name of the Church consciously continue Jesus’ ing Rabbinic Judaism better understood by Chris- ministry towards sinners: the Gospels, recognising tian students and academics. His Studies in Phar- that God alone does this, present Jesus as declar- isaism and the Gospels (First Series 1917,Second ing that sins are forgiven (Mark 2.5; Luke 7.48; John Series 1924)made an important contribution to 5.14), giving the power of ‘binding and loosing’ to contemporaryChristianattitudestowardsRabbinic human beings (Matt. 18.18) and bestowing on the Judaism. apostles a post-resurrection command to forgive See also Progressive Judaism EDWARD KESSLER sins in his name: ‘if you forgive the sins of any, Absolution they are forgiven’ (John 20.23). Judaism post-70 CE Absolution is a characteristically Christian cate- retains a deep religious perception of the reality of gory: a priest, conditional on a penitent confessing divine mercy in relation to Israel: on Yom Kippur sins,vowing immediate reform of life and accepting the gates of mercy are opened, sins are cleansed a penance, says to him/her, ‘I absolve you from your and reconciliation achieved with God. So what dis- sins in the name of the Father, and of the Son and tinguishes the two traditions is not their compar- of the Holy Spirit’. Roman Catholic and Orthodox ative appreciation of God’s forgiveness, but how Christianity understand ‘the words of the priest as this is mediated: Jews do not regard the people instruments of the divine power because it is the of Israel as empowered to convey divine mercy divine power that works inwardly in all the sacra- in the way that Christians think that the Church mental signs’ (Aquinas, Summa III, 84.3). In these does. JOHN MCDADE traditions, the absolving words of the priest are the Abulafia, Abraham (1240–after 1290) external sign (sacrament)ofdivine forgiveness. Born in Saragossa, Abraham ben Samuel Abulafia Other Christian traditions, less sacramental and was the founder of an influential school of resistant to the idea of a distinct priestly ministry Kabbalah, which had a strong impact in southern

4 Adam

Italy and Sicily. While in Spain he was condemned in Eden (2.15–3.24), as myth, expressing impor- as a deluded pseudo-prophet. His contemplative tant ideas about the human condition. In both techniques sought to bring the soul of man close creation narratives, the emphasis is on the partic- to God, and drew on methods and ideas of Spanish ular responsibility given to human beings, enjoy- and German Jewry, and also, perhaps, on other reli- ing a unique relationship with God (the phrase ‘in gions. He had Messianic pretensions, and the most God’s image’ in Gen. 1.27 receives much atten- famous episode in his life was a visit in 1280 to tion, especially in Christian doctrine), to care for Nicholas III (1277–80), to whom he proposed to other creatures and the land. In both Jewish and reveal himself as a prophet and redeemer of the Christian ethics, these biblical texts have long been Jews. He was arrested, but the death of the pope used as the basis of environmental concern. It is led to his release; he went to Sicily and Malta, argued by some modern ethicists that the stress disappearing around 1291. A prolific author, his on human ‘dominion’ over nature has replaced a work secured a new readership in the Renais- sense of responsibility, encouraging exploitation of sance, both among Christians (Pico della Miran- the earth’s resources. Even in traditional sources, dola studied his writings closely) and among the Adam’sbehaviour is taken as a paradigm for human mystics of Safed; long dismissed as a false Messiah, conduct in general. So the Mishnah (e.g. Sanhedrin he was rehabilitated in the twentieth century by 4.5) asserts that our descent from one man means Gershom Scholem (1897–1982) and Moshe Idel that whoever destroys or saves a single life destroys (b. 1947). DAVID ABULAFIA or saves the whole world. The NewTestament simi- AD/BC see CE/BCE larly interprets the story as typology, viewing Adam Adam as archetypal man who brings sin into the world. In The figure of Adam in Jewish–Christian relations Christian thought Jesus is seen as the fulfilment of serves both to unite and to divide. From a Jewish what God intends for humankind. He is the second perspective, Adam becomes the forerunner of the Adam who is needed to redeem the human condi- Jewish people as a whole. We read in Genesis Rab- tion. This is particularly important in the Christol- bah 19.7, commenting on Gen. 3.7, ‘When Adam ogy of Paul.InRom. 5.12–21 and 1 Cor. 15.22, 45–49 sinned it [the Shekinah,God’s presence] departed Adam is described as the source of sin and death. to the first level of the heavens’. It can be argued The first man, made from earth or dust, is the pro- that Adam’s experience in the Garden represents totype of all humanity, since all are of dust and are God’s relation to Israel ‘worked out in miniature’ mortal. Christ, as the second Adam (or ‘last’ Adam (G. A. Anderson, The Genesis of Perfection 16). God in the sense of ‘most complete’), is also mortal and grieves over the nation’stransgression and longs for so dies but is then raised by God as the ‘first fruits of obedience from the whole people for paradise to those who have died’. Paul argues this as the basis be restored. For the Christian, Adam points not to of the Christian belief in the Resurrection:‘for as all a whole people but uniqely to the figure of Christ. die in Adam, so all will be made alive in Christ’. The However, Adam is regarded in both Judaism and Kabbalah speaks of Adam’s sin creating a cosmic Christianity as the first human being, and his story, flaw, disturbing God’s intended harmony. Adam’s told in the opening chapters of Genesis, is signif- descendants must seek to restore cosmic harmony. icant theologically. There are two distinct biblical Jewish sources generally, however, have no concept accounts of Adam’s origin (1.26–30, in which Adam of original sin, but depict human beings as con- is the climax of creation, and 2.4a–9). The Hebrew stantly struggling between good and evil impulses. word adam, which always appears in the singular, Most of the Church Fathers,bycontrast, develop means ‘man’. In the first account, the definite arti- Paul’s ideas in terms of a ‘fall’ from grace. Notably cle is used (ha-adam), suggesting that it is not a Augustine, and later Calvin, take the story of Adam proper name here (unlike in 4.25 and 5.1–5, where as implying the innate corruption of human nature. the definite article is dropped). He comes from the The Rabbis in Talmud and midrash suggest that earth (adamah), according to Gen. 2.7. Until the Adam encompasses both male and female charac- nineteenth century, he was generally held to be a teristics and that he was created an androgynous historicalfigure,butmostJewsandChristianstoday creature, Eve, the first created woman, being taken read the stories, including the second narrative set from Adam’s‘side’ rather than ‘rib’ (Gen. 2.22). Both

5 Adenauer, Konrad

Jewish and Christian writers have variously drawn ical works contain lengthy anti-Jewish sections; on this part of the story to emphasise, on the one and the voluminous Christian writer Origen writes hand, either male priority/patriarchy (his needs much that could be construed as straightforwardly are met in receiving woman as a partner) or, on anti-Jewish, but never wrote a work Adversus the other hand, gender equality (man is incomplete Judaeos). While we first meet the term Adversus without woman). CHRISTINE PILKINGTON Judaeos only in the third century, here as the title Adenauer, Konrad (1876–1967) of a work by Tertullian, literature of this kind pre- German politician and statesman. Konrad Ade- dates that period. nauer is best known for his initiative as the first There is no book or letter in the NewTesta- Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany ment devoted to an anti-Jewish subject. In some to pay reparations to the State of Israel and to senses this is not surprising for, in spite of the pres- the Conference on Jewish Material Claims against ence of some texts that speak negatively of peo- Germany (Luxemburg 1952). His involvement with ple termed ‘hoi Ioudaioi’, it is not clear how many JewsdatedfromatleastasearlyashisyearsasMayor of the New Testament’s authors would have seen of Cologne (1917–33), when he was removed from themselves as non-Jews (the term ‘Christian’ only office by the Nazis and went into hiding at Maria appears twice in the entire collection). So a figure Laach monastery.As Mayor, Adenauer formed good like Paul, subsequently to be seen as a key figure in relations with the leaders of the Jewish community. the separation of Judaism from Christianity, and a He was also a member of the Zionist organisation man not averse to criticism of non-Christian Jews, Pro-Palastina¨ Komitee. As President of the Catholic couldstilldescribehimselfasa‘HebrewofHebrews’ Church Congress in Germany (Katholikentag) in (Rom. 11.1). But however we regard the identity of 1922, Adenauer campaigned for cooperation with individual early Christian authors, there is a certain the non-Catholic majority. When the Nazis came to amount of material in the New Testament, what- power in 1933, antisemitic campaigns in Cologne ever its original intention, that came subsequently branded him a Blutjude (‘blood-Jew’) and a rep- to be exploited for its perceived anti-Jewish con- resentative of the Zionist movement. While hid- tent. In this respect one might highlight from many ing, and then without a steady job during the Nazi possible examples Paul’snegative comments on the years, Adenauer and his family were dependent on law (see especially Gal. 3–5); John’s harsh com- the financial assistance of Jewish friends, who were ments about ‘Ioudaioi’ (see especially John 8.45), among the few to maintain their friendship dur- Matthew’s attack upon the Pharisees (Matt. 23) ing this time. Briefly reinstated by the Americans and his clear attribution of blame for the death of as Mayor of Cologne in 1945, Adenauer encouraged Jesus to the Jews (Matt. 27.25); and the author of Cologne Jews to return to their city from Theresien- the Epistle to the Hebrews’ strong condemnation stadt. As Chancellor he saw it as his moral duty to of the cult (see especially Heb. 10) and his explicit offer reparations, recognising that the moral guilt endorsementofthebettercharacteroftheChristian and personal and communal loss could never be covenant. repaid. K. HANNAH HOLTSCHNEIDER Some scholars have argued that the earliest Adversus Judaeos literature examples of Adversus Judaeos literature in the spe- The term ‘Adversus Judaeos literature’ refers to cific sense referred to above would have been in a body of Christian polemical texts specifically the form of so-called ‘testimony books’ (see testi- directed against the Jews, which were written from monia), collections of citations from the Hebrew the first century to at least the eighteenth cen- scriptures with some commentary appended, in tury CE. Such literature appears in the form of whichtheconfluenceofancientpromiseandChris- systematically arranged tracts, or an account of a tian fulfilment and concomitant rejection of non- dialogue or of a public debate. Some would not Christian Jews was made plain. Such books would wish, however, to restrict the term to texts dedi- have looked somewhat like the third-century work, cated specifically to this theme, arguing that there attributed to Cyprian of Carthage, Testimonia ad is much material Adversus Judaeos in Christian Quirinum, and they would originally have been writings that ostensibly are concerned with other inspired by the Jewish custom for creating florile- subjects (so, for instance, many Christian exeget- gia of texts as witnessed in 4QFlorilegia at Qumran.

6 Adversus Judaeos literature

Although this theory has been questioned on a ple in Jerusalem c.362 CE, exemplified in the writ- number of grounds, not least the absence of any ings of Chrysostom, Gregory of Nyssa (330–c.395), evidence for such anti-Jewish testimony books and CyrilofAlexandria); enumeration of bibli- before Cyprian, the theory is right to highlight the cal evidence for the view that Jesus is rightfully essentially biblical character of Adversus Judaeos termed the Messiah (Justin, Dial. 48f.; Cyprian, literature. Test. 2.1–7; Aphrahat, Homily 17); and, connected Actual extant texts that have a strongly Adver- with the previous theme, a defence of Christian sus Judaeos character are first witnessed with Barn- trinitarianism, or, more particularly, the status of abas (c.132 CE) (see Apostolic Fathers) and then Jesus as the Son of God, and this often against more clearly with Justin Martyr’s Dialogue with Jewish accusations that Christians were guilty of Trypho (c.160 CE), ostensibly an account of a dis- idolatry in worshipping Christ. While much of cussion between Justin and a named Jew, Trypho, thisancientChristiananti-Jewishpolemicreflected and his companions in Ephesus a little time after specific Christian concerns and did not seek to pick the Bar-Kokhba revolt (the dialogue form, which up on anti-pagan polemic against Jews (often accu- was well known in antiquity, may have first been sations laid against Jews could also be laid against used in an anti-Jewish setting in The Dialogue Christians; and the fact that Christians shared part of Jason and Papiscus,now lost, and sometimes of their Bible with the Jews made their attitude dated as early as the 130s CE). This type of writ- towardsJudaismacomplexanddouble-edgedone), ing is then regularly evidenced in Christian litera- there were some continuities, not least in aspects of ture throughout the patristic and medieval periods Christian criticism of Jewish laws and in their keen- and beyond, in a variety of languages and forms, ness to play up the Jews’ fallen state. and from the pen of such Christian luminaries as In the western medieval tradition this material Chrysostom, Augustine and Luther.Somehave was reused and to a certain extent updated. A par- sought to posit a change in emphasis after the ticular new feature is the increasing use of rabbinic arrival of Constantine, with a sharper, more con- material brought to a climax in the thirteenth cen- demnatory tone now in evidence. This can be over- tury by Raymond Martini in his Pugio Fidei, where played, however, as can the claim that the con- an attempt is made to prove Christianity out of tents of such literature changed from this time. In Talmud and midrash.Soon afterwards we witness fact there is considerable continuity in the themes a similarly tendentious use of Jewish mystical writ- discussed. ings, especially the Zohar (see mysticism). These themes concern the redundancy of the Scholarly discussion of this literature has made Jewish law, argued for in a variety of ways, either much of the related questions of its purpose and by reference to the law’s limited duration, its par- audience. To some scholars, notably Harnack, ticularist and post-Abrahamic character, its inap- R. Ruether (b. 1936), D. Rokeah (b. 1930) and to a propriateness now that the Temple had fallen or, slightly lesser extent H. Schreckenberg (b. 1933), finally, its allegorical intention (see, inter alia, Barn. the literature is quite unconcerned with its osten- 2, 9, 10 and 15; Justin, Dial. 18–24; Tertullian, Adv. sible aim, the conversion of Jews, and gives voice Jud. 3–6; Novatian, On the Jewish Meats); the lost much more clearly to internal Christian needs, status of Jews as the chosen people and the cor- many of which were taken up with proving the bibli- responding assertion that the Gentiles/Christians cal basis of Christianity. In asserting that Christian- are now the chosen people (see, inter alia, Barn. ity was the fulfilment of promises in the Hebrew 13–14; Tertullian, Adv. Jud. 12–14; Cyprian, Test. 19– scriptures, it was necessary, so the argument goes, 23; Pseudo-Cyprian, De Montibus et Sion)–insuch to argue against those – that is, the Jews – who discussions the Christian church was presented as would interpret those same scriptures in a contrary the new Israel and the rightful owners of the scrip- way. Christian Adversus Judaeos literature simply tures, and much was made of the fact that since 70 gives voice to the anti-Jewish tendency of Chris- CE the Jewish Temple had been destroyed and their tian parenesis. In a variation on this argument, land occupied (in this context we should note the some have wanted to assert that a pagan audience harsh and febrile reaction of Christians to Julian might be more appropriate for such literature, not the Apostate’s attempts to rebuild the Jewish Tem- least because pagan critics of Christianity, such as

7 African theology

the second-century Celsus,asrecorded in Origen’s the life cycle, and the family and community – Contra Celsum, saw Christians as renegades from expressed, for example, in African sacrifices at Judaism, implicitly denying Christian claims to be births, weddings, funerals and other religious cer- thetrueIsrael.Inpositingsuchviews,thesescholars emonies, hand-washing ceremonies and the rite of have highlighted the repetitive and stereotypical circumcision –provides a natural link between character of the content of Adversus Judaeos liter- Judaism and Christianity. Western missionaries ature, the unreal representation of both Jews and were infactreluctanttousetheOldTestamentinthe Jewish opinion (is not Justin’s Trypho, for instance, instruction of converts, fearing that its atmosphere portrayed as a bit too amenable to Christian views would be too close to indigenous African culture when he asserts that he could believe in a suffer- and converts might feel that there was no need to ing Messiah in Dial. 90?), a point that becomes proceed to the NewTestament. clear in those dialogues where Jews end up con- An African Christian–Jewish consultation took verting to Christianity. Emphasis is also laid upon place in Cameroon in 2001, under the auspices the apparent lack of evidence for Jewish–Christian of the WorldCouncil of Churches, and pointed contact and on the fact that material from Adver- to a number of ‘convergences’ in African theology sus Judaeos writings can end up in texts that are not and Judaism, other than the centrality of the bib- of that genre (a famous example here might be the lical text and story. These included the similari- fact that parts of Tertullian’s Adversus Judaeos end ties between the concept of shalom and Ubuntu up almost word for word in Book 3 of his Adver- (humaneness or humanity), the role of the word sus Marcionem). Responses to such positions have and of palaver (discussion, consensus-formation) come from scholars such as Jean Juster (c.1886– and the idea of tikkun (repair) and the theology of 1916) Marcel Simon (b. 1907) and William Horbury reconstruction. (b. 1942). They have argued that the Jewish commu- African theology is unhindered by many of the nity was too large and significant to avoid, that there concerns underlying Jewish–Christian dialogue in is in fact more evidence than some would allow Europe. An example is the topic of memory, since for contact between Christians and Jews, that the Jews and Africans have experienced a similar his- Adversus Judaeos literature is not without variety, tory of exclusion, exploitation and violence (from and that on occasion it betrays genuine knowledge antisemitism and the Shoah to the slave trade, of the Jewish community and its practices. While apartheid and the Rwandan genocide) as well as of admitting that some anti-Jewish statements appear survival. In this context, the biblical account of the in settings of a strictly parenetic kind and so may be Exodus and the journey from bondage to freedom said to assume no Jewish opponent, the fact that plays a central role in African as well as in Jewish there is literature Adversus Judaeos should be taken theology. EDWARD KESSLER seriously. Such a view comes closer to seeing this Afterlife literature as evidence for Jewish–Christian contact. Traditionally, Judaism and Christianity both have In recent times, and broadly in line with this view, affirmed belief in an afterlife, and Christian expres- some have argued that the same literature is seeking sions of this belief are, to a large extent, rooted to assert a clear-cut distinction between Jews and in Judaism. The ancient Israelite belief in Sheol,a Christians, which in fact did not reflect the reality netherworld abode of the dead – whether they had on the ground, where interaction and exchange, as been righteous or wicked in life – had little influence Chrysostom implies in his Adversus Judaeos, was on either RabbinicJudaism or Christianity.Instead, much more commonplace. beliefs in the resurrection of the dead, expressed in See also anti-Judaism; antisemitism a few late passages in the Hebrew scriptures (most JAMES CARLETON PAGET explicitly in Dan. 12.2), and in the heavenly immor- African theology tality of the soul, found in the apocryphal writings Developed by sub-Saharan black Africans, African of the Second Temple period, were developed in theology appears at first glance to demonstrate lit- both traditions. There are a wide variety of tradi- tle awareness of the Jewish–Christian encounter. tional Jewish beliefs regarding the soul after death, However, African emphasis on the OldTestament, the resurrection of the body and the nature of the such as the biblical understanding of creation, ‘worldtocome’(olamha-ba).Thismakesitvirtually

8 Aleinu impossible to articulate a generally accepted Jewish Aggadah see midrash view of an afterlife. It is clear, however, that the Agobard (779−840) emphasis on the sanctity of this life has always Archbishop of Lyons, author of several letters crit- been more important in Judaism than belief in icising the integrationist policy toward Jews of an afterlife, and, therefore, the latter is less cen- Carolingian Emperor Louis the Pious (778−840) tral to Judaism than to Christianity, which is and – with other colleagues – a treatise On Jewish based on belief in the resurrection of Jesus and Superstitions and Errors. Agobard accused Jews of on the resurrection of believers to new life in flauntingtheirsuccessandrevilingChristianity,and Christ. called for the enforcement of earlier legislation that In both Judaism and Christianity, resurrection of consigned them to a status of clear subservience. the body has been understood both literally and He was especially scandalised by reports that Chris- metaphorically. When taken metaphorically, it has tians turned to Jews for blessings over their crops often been understood in terms of spiritual immor- and preferred Jewish preachers to their own. His tality.Even when resurrection of the body has writings reveal a knowledge of post-biblical Jewish been understood literally, theologians have usually literature, which he strongly condemned. Agobard’s meant not merely the resuscitation of the body but vigorous efforts to reverse the pro-Jewish imperial the transformation of it. Also, in both traditions, it policy were not successful. MARC SAPERSTEIN has generally been believed that the righteous are Akedah see binding of Isaac rewarded with eternal life while the wicked are pun- Akiba (c.40–c.135) ished. But the idea of eternal damnation has not An outstanding tannaitic sage, famous for his con- been taught in Judaism as it has been in Chris- tribution to both the evolving hermeneutical prin- tianity, and Judaism has consistently affirmed the ciples in halakhah and the texture of aggadah. belief that the righteous of all nations will be saved, During the second Jewish revolt he supported Shi- whereas traditional Christianity has taught (though mon bar Koseba, acclaiming him to be BarKokhba, with various interpretations) that there is ‘no salva- ‘Son of the Star’ (a Messianic title; see Num. 24.17). tion outside the Church’. One of many points of contact between the Jewish Despite traditional Jewish affirmations of an andChristiantraditionsisthestatementassignedto afterlife, one of the ways that Christian apolo- Akiba in Leviticus Rabbah 1.5, which has a clear-cut gists of the Middle Ages attempted to demonstrate parallel in Luke 14.7–11: both these passages illu- the superiority of Christianity over Judaism was to minate the importance of humility with a parable contrast what they claimed to be the unambigu- about a guest who, having taken the lowest place at ous Christian promise of immortality with ambigu- a feast, is invited by the host to move to the table of ous Jewish promises of an afterlife. Some Jewish honour. JESPER SVARTVIK philosophers responded by claiming that Judaism Aleinu does contain the unambiguous promise of immor- ‘Itisincumbent upon us’, the first Hebrew word of tality, while many other Jews have suggested that a an important Jewish prayer. Originally composed preoccupation with and certainty about the here- for the liturgy for the New Year (Rosh Hashanah), after may be indicative of spiritual immaturity: fail- since the late Middle Ages it has been used at the ure to face the finality of death; failure to acknowl- conclusion of all three daily worship services. The edge the limits of what can be known; failure to first part proclaims the obligation of Jews to praise appreciate fully the value of life this side of the and extol God, who has made them different from grave; failure to obey God out of love rather than the other nations. A contentious passage follows: for the sake of earning eternal reward and avoid- ‘For they [the nations] bow down before vanity and ing eternal punishment. Even today, in the con- emptiness (hevel va-rik,Isa. 30.7) . . . while we bow text of irenic interfaith encounters, many Chris- down...before the King of kings of kings, the Holy tians express surprise at how Jews minimise the One blessed be He’. A medieval apostate claimed importance of belief in an afterlife, while many that since the numerical equivalent of the letters Jews express bewilderment at what they consider in va-rik equal the value of the letters in Yeshu a Christian preoccupation with an afterlife. (Hebrew for Jesus), the phrase was an encoded JOHN C. MERKLE slander against Christian worship.

9 Alexander II

railed vitriolically against the prayer; Jewish lead- agreat city, becoming the capital of the Ptole- ers insisted that it referred only to pagan idolatry. maic Empire and retaining its importance under In 1703 the Prussian government ordered that the the Romans, under whose sway it passed in 31 BCE. offending clause be eliminated, and it was dropped The city fell to the Arabs in 642 and has remained from the Ashkenazi (though not from the Sephardi) under Muslim control ever since. Alexandria has liturgy. The remainder of the prayer is a stirring long been the home of very significant Jewish and expression of the hope for universal, all-inclusive Christian communities, both of whom have made recognition of the one true God. a distinctive (and in some respects analogous) con- MARC SAPERSTEIN tribution to their respective traditions. The Jewish Alexander II (d. 1073) presence in the city dates back to its beginnings. Pope (1061–73). He wrote that unlike Saracens, who Jews were guaranteed religious freedom, civil rights were active enemies, Jews ‘were always prepared and a substantial degree of autonomy by Alexander to be subservient’ and should be allowed to live in and his successors. The community grew rapidly, peace. Citing the precedent of Gregory the Great, numbering perhaps 500,000 by the second century Alexander’s formulation – perhaps elicited by the BCE. Alexandria fostered an immensely creative Jews of Rome, who looked to the bishop of the city engagement between Jewish and Greek culture, as their secular ruler – was incorporated about 1140 witnessed perhaps most iconically in the transla- into Gratian’s legal textbook, the Decretum,asthe tion of the Hebrew Bible into Greek, the famed canon Dispar nimirum est (23.8.1). Afterwards, the Septuagint which also became the OldTestament concept of Jewish acquiescence was cited repeat- of the Christian community. This interaction with edly, notably by the ex-General of the Domini- the Greek world can also be seen in Philo, whose cansHumbertofRomansattheSecondEcumenical brilliant expression of the Jewish faith using the lan- Council of Lyons in 1274. KENNETH STOW guage and conceptual tools of the Greek philosoph- Alexander III (c.1105–81) ical tradition laid the foundations for much subse- Pope (1159–81). He presided over the Third Lateran quent (and mainly Christian) theological endeav- Council, 1179, which declared all Christian testi- our. Relations with the pagan inhabitants of the mony against Jews valid ‘since ...Jews[must] be city deteriorated in the Roman period, as witnessed subservient’, forbade Christian servants in Jewish in the persecution launched under Gaius Caligula homesandtheerectingofnewsynagogues.Allthese (r.37–41) and the prominent role of the Jews of laws had antecedents in the canonical collections Alexandria in the abortive rising of the Jewish Dias- of (c.965–1025), Ivo of Chartres pora(114–17),afterwhichthecommunitywasdras- (1040–1116) and Gratian (c.1140) (see Alexander II). tically reduced in size and influence. It is after this Alexander III enforced these rules, overcoming timethattheChristiancommunityofthecitybegins opposition from the French kings LouisVII and, ini- to come into focus. A number of early Christian tially, Philip Augustus (r.1180–1223); by 1283, royal texts, such as the Epistle of Barnabas (a text with charters prohibited Jews from holding Christian close affinities to the Jewish tradition; see Apos- servants; before 1179, the opposite was expressly tolic Fathers), are often associated with Alexandria. permitted. Following the Summa Coloniensis Alexandria nurtured some of the key theologians of (2.136) – an anonymous collection of canons pre- the early Church. Clement (c.150–c.215) was cer- pared in Cologne in 1169 – Alexander was pos- tainly familiar with Jewish customs, theology and sibly seeking to prevent ritual impurity, acquired exegetical traditions, making extensive use of Philo. through ‘overfamiliarity’, including dining in com- Origen knew the Jewish tradition extremely well mon, which disqualified Christians from receiving and took the trouble to learn Hebrew,aswitnessed the Eucharist.Out of context for a twelfth-century in his famous Hexapla.Inhis lambasting of the pope, Alexander assumed converts might ‘back- pagan philosopher Celsus,Origen notes the superi- slide’ unopposed into Judaism. KENNETH STOW orityoftheJewishwayoflifeoverthatofthepagans– Alexandria an unusual line of argument. Relations between Founded in 332 BCE by Alexander the Great (d. 323 Jews and Christians appear to have steadily wors- BCE) on the Mediterranean coast of Egypt close ened under the Christian Empire. There are reports to the Nile Delta, Alexandria rapidly emerged as of clashes during the episcopate of Athanasius.

10 Allegory

The fiery polemic of his later successor, Cyril of one thing and signifying something other than Alexandria, inflamed an already heated situation. what is said’, though it can also be a compositional Under Islamic domination, the city lost importance technique, as for instance in Prudentius’s (348– to Cairo, but Jewish and Christian communities c.410) Psychomachia, where the virtues are por- remained very visible parts of the city’sfabric, albeit trayed as biblical figures. Such allegorisation was rarely in close contact. In recent years the Greek and used to interpret the poets, especially Homer, as a Jewish communities have almost vanished, largely way of distilling a meaning of contemporary rele- due to economic pressure exerted by Nasser’s Arab vance from texts (such as poetical texts) deemed socialist government and the promise of a better life to be inspired: the apparent (or ‘surface’) mean- in Greece or Israel. This has left the Coptic Chris- ing of the text is either discarded or more com- tians as the only significant non-Muslim commu- monly regarded as pointing to a deeper meaning. nity in what was once a city famed for its multiplic- Such a practice is found in both Jewish and Chris- ity of cultures (and, sadly, for the tensions between tian exegesis from the beginning, though the actual them). MARCUS PLESTED term allegoria is not always, or even often, found. Alfonsi, Peter (1062–c.1144) Both halakhah and aggadah are ways of going Born in Huesca, Spain, as a Moses HaSefaradi, beyond the apparent significance of the text and Peter converted to Christianity in 1106 under the finding a meaning relevant to contemporary con- patronage of King Alfonso of Aragon, and moved to cerns. In Christian usage, whether called allegory or England where he served as court physician to King not (mostly not), interpretation of the Greek Septu- Henry I (r. 1100–35). He wrote The Scholar’s Guide, agint translation of the Hebrew scriptures came to which transmitted many motifs and themes from treat the text as, in one way or another, prophetic Arabic culture into Latin literature. His Dialogue of of the coming of Jesus as the Messiah or the Christ. Peter named Alfonsi with Moses the Jew was one of Initially passages in the prophets were interpreted the most widely read anti-Jewish polemical works in this way (which was thought of as identifying the of the medieval period. Written as a ‘conversation’ real object of the prophetic words, not as any kind of between the two personae of the author before and allegory), but gradually such a process was applied after his conversion, it traces Peter’s growing disen- to the whole of what came to be called the ‘Old chantment with Judaism, his exploration of alterna- Testament’.Adistinction came to be made between tives and his conclusion that Christianity was the the ‘literal meaning’,that is what a text meant when religion that best corresponded to reason (ratio) correctly construed, and its ‘spiritual’ meaning; in and the laws of nature. While these themes corre- this context Paul’s remark ‘The letter kills, but the spond to those of his contemporaries Peter Abelard spirit gives life’ (2 Cor. 3.6) was often quoted. The and Anselm of Canterbury,Peter offers a more ‘spiritual meaning’ can clearly be regarded as alle- pointed critique of Judaism as based on a literal- gorical, in the strict sense, though other words were ist anthropomorphic concept of God through his more commonly used: anagoge,aninterpretation translations of aggadic sections from rabbinic lit- that lifts the reader to God, a moral interpreta- erature, which he calls doctrina. This attack upon tion that derives a moral lesson (in some respects the Talmud as a source of Jewish refusal to recog- not unlike halakhah), or more generally theoria, nise Jesus as the Christ was also used by Peter the contemplation (leading to a deeper meaning). It Venerable and leads to more extensive criticism of has become common in scholarship to distinguish rabbinic sources by the mendicant orders in the between the Alexandrian school of exegesis (see later Middle Ages. Chapter 6 of the Dialogue offers Alexandria), which favoured allegory, and the Anti- aproof of the Trinity utilising the Hebrew letters ochene school (see Antioch), which eschewed it. YHWH and may be early evidence for Christian use But common to these two schools was the con- of the Jewish mystical tradition. Peter’s Dialogue viction that the meaning of the Old Testament was (ch. 7) presents one of the first systematic critiques revealed in Christ, as the fulfilment of the promises of Islam. MICHAEL A. SIGNER made to Israel. Christians frequently accused the Allegory Jews, who rejected the derivation of such a mean- Allegory (allegoria)isamode of interpretation of ing from their scriptures, of being literal-minded, a text widely used in antiquity meaning ‘speaking not seeing beyond the literal meaning of the

11 Alonso de Espina

scriptural text. This is not to be taken as a method- joining the Eighth Crusade (1268) he ordered the ological criticism: it simply means that the Jews arrest of all Jews within his territories, their prop- rejected a deeper meaning of the scriptures that erty to be assessed and a huge ransom imposed. pointed to Christ and the coming of the messianic In 1269 he compelled all Jews to wear the Jewish age; in their own exegesis ‘allegorical’ methods were badge (see yellow badge)onpain of heavy fines. practised. Indeed, the debate (e.g. in the fourth cen- Shortly before his return in 1271, his deputy admin- tury) about ‘allegory’ among Christians is scarcely istrators expelled the Jews of Moissac. Yet, a typi- methodologicalatall,butratherconcernedwiththe cal Christian prince, Alphonse summoned a Jewish way in which Origen,inparticular, supported het- physician from Spain to cure his failing eyesight. erodox opinions (on creation, eschatology and the MARGARET BREARLEY nature of the soul)bymeans of allegory. In seeking Altar a deeper meaning in the scriptures, Christians and As well as being a simple piece of furniture, the altar Jews were at one, and Christians often borrowed functions as a multivalent symbol in both Chris- from Jewish exegetical traditions, a striking exam- tianity and Judaism. For the early Christian move- ple of such being the interpretation of the Song of ment it began as a piece of furniture for their table Songs. fellowship, in which they remembered the pre- See also typology ANDREW LOUTH and post-resurrection meals of Jesus, especially Alonso de Espina (d. 1469) that meal later remembered as the ‘Last Supper’. Franciscan writer and preacher. Alonso de Espina The altar developed throughout Christian history wrote his Fortalitium Fidei around 1460 after a complex set of meanings. Some of these evoca- spending time as an itinerant preacher. Espina is tions have been drawn from the Hebrew scriptures also known for his activity as a proponent of the with their traditions of altars as places of sacrifice Spanish Inquisition, which was set up for the erad- and incense, and have profoundly influenced the ication of heresy, especially heresies associated Christian understanding and design of the altar. with Jewish converts (Conversos or Marranos). Particularly important in this regard was the image Until recently, the supposition has been that Alonso of the stone four-cornered altar in the Temple at was a Converso, based primarily on elements of Jerusalem. The altar grew from being a table of Hebrew found in the Fortalitium Fidei, but this wood set in the midst of the worshipping assem- claim has been found to be false, based primarily bly, on which the gifts of bread and wine were on internal evidence gathered from this same text. placed for the celebration of the eucharist,tobeing The text collects and synthesises much of the previ- a place of sacrifice where the unbloody sacrifice ous medieval Adversus Judaeos literature. Book III of the eucharist re-enacts the bloody sacrifice of of the five-book work, entitled De bello Judeorum the cross of Jesus. These meanings have changed, (‘Concerning the war of the Jews’), is made up coexisted and been in conflict over the centuries. of 12 chapters or ‘considerations’ which, viewed One could argue that in Judaism the reverse pro- in their entirety, constitute an ‘encyclopedia’ of cess happened, with the altar of the Temple being the different types of polemics against the Jews, replaced with the table of the home, serving as the including in the twelfth consideration the escha- focal point for sharing meals and performing the tological role of the Jews at the end of time rituals of . LIAM M. TRACEY and the second coming of Jesus Christ that will American Jewish Committee see result in the conversion of the Jews. The For- Jewish–Christian relations, institutions; United talitium Fidei was a resource for subsequent States of America preachers and writers in the history of Christian American literature see literature, American anti-Judaism. STEVEN J. MCMICHAEL Amidah Alphonse of Poitiers (1220–71) The Amidah is the central component of rab- Ruler of Poitou, Auvergne and Toulouse. In crusad- binic liturgy, recited at every service. The prayer ing zeal, Alphonse emulated his brother, Louis IX was decreed mandatory by Rabban Gamaliel II of France, but his anti-Judaism was more venal. in the late first century CE. Its recitation com- While on Saint Louis’ Crusade (1249) he decreed pensates for the absence of the Temple and its the expulsion of Jews from Poitou. To finance his sacrifices. Although some of its themes appear

12 Anabaptists

elsewhere earlier, there is no evidence that the by the writings of Martin Buber and Gustav Amidah itself existed or was regularly recited in the Landauer (1870–1919) on Hasidism and anarchism Second Temple period. Unlike Jewish table cere- respectively), are also heirs to the Anabaptist monies, ritual scripture reading or even the bless- tradition. ings that accompany the Shema, the Amidah seems Despite diverse geographical and theological ori- hardly to have influenced the emerging liturgy of gins, Anabaptists share common emphases that the Church. A Greek version of the prayer’s Sabbath give their relations with Jews a distinctive character. text apparently underlies a late-fourth-century For example, in sixteenth- and seventeenth- Christian liturgical compilation, the Apostolic Con- century Europe, Anabaptist radicalisation of the stitutions 7.33–38. Given the close relations now Reformation concept of the ‘priesthood of all posited between Jews and Christians in these cen- believers’ fuelled interest in biblical interpreta- turies, the very uniqueness of this source suggests tion, fostering encounters with Judaism. Hans that the Amidah was not widely recited yet, even by Denck and Ludwig Hatzer’s¨ 1527 translation of the Jews. The significant differences between the texts Prophets depended heavily on Jewish tradition, suggest that the Amidah’s text was still very fluid. consciously avoiding Christological interpreta- However, because Christians, after the destruc- tions of the text. Although most pre-twentieth- tion of the Temple, understood the eucharist to century Anabaptists were in some way superses- replace the Temple sacrifices, they may have felt sionist,anemphasis on voluntarism and radical no desire to adopt this prayer. In addition, its Church and state separation meant they generally weekday text presents an eschatological vision of avoided organised mission to Jews. The preference areconstructed Jewish state, complete with Tem- for lebendiger Glaube (‘lived faith’/implicit theol- ple and Messianic Davidic rule, which is funda- ogy) and exemplary biographies (typically, martry- mentally inconsistent with Christian eschatology. ologies) over systematic articulations of doctrine The extent to which this vision can be under- means that there is no extensive anti-Judaism stood as a response to Christian claims requires within the Anabaptist textual tradition. Moreover, deeper investigation. The angelic liturgies, the Jew- the Anabaptists’ history of persecution and suffer- ish Kedushah (which appears, among other places, ing at the hands of other Christians led at times to in the third blessing of the Amidah) and the Chris- attitudes of relative tolerance; Spinoza lodged with tian Sanctus/Trishagion probably share a common Mennonites in the seventeenth century. source in Second Temple period apocalypticism. Anabaptist behaviour during the Holocaust var- The weekday text’s twelfth benediction, the birkat ied. Some Mennonites (mostly recent refugees from ha-minim, and occasionally other elements of its the Soviet Union, keen to prove their German cre- Messianic vision, were objects of Christian criticism dentials) rejected their traditional pacifism and and censorship through the ages. Some contem- supported Hitler.Many others in Europe and the porary liberal versions of the Amidah broaden its Americas were bystanders,reluctant to partici- horizons to pray not only for the people Israel but pate in ‘worldly’ affairs. The Bruderhof, unyield- also for all humanity. RUTH LANGER ing opponents of Nazism, fled to England in 1937. Anabaptists There they sheltered Jewish refugees, whom they Anabaptism began as a Christian reform movement taught agricultural skills in preparation for kibbutz in Western Europe. The label Anabaptist means life. The Bruderhof continue communications and ‘re-baptiser’, and dates from 1525, when a group exchange visits with Kibbutzim. of adults were baptised in Zurich. According to In recent decades, positive contacts between theiropponents,theparticipants(havingbeenbap- Anabaptists and Jews have developed. Dutch tised as infants) were ‘re-baptised’, whereas the Mennonite Frits Kuiper (1898–1974) founded Nes reformers held that only adult ‘believers’’ baptism Ammim (now run by Reformed Christians) as a was valid. Today’s descendants of the Anabap- Christian witness and expression of repentance tists include the various Mennonite Churches, the in Israel.American Mennonite theologian John Amish and the Hutterites. Excommunicated by Howard Yoder (1927–97) studied the parting of the Hutterites in 1990, the Bruderhof, who origi- the ways extensively, and argued for a reconcep- nated in twentieth-century Germany (influenced tualisation of Anabaptist history – locating what

13 Anacletus II

Anabaptists identify as the ‘fall’ of Christianity in historians of the Church have written about him its schism from Judaism, rather than (as tradition- with contempt. MICHAEL A. SIGNER ally) in the Constantinian conflation of Church Ancient authors and state. As in other churches, there is disagree- Interest in Greek and Roman writers’ views on ment within Anabaptism between those who would Judaism arose in the nineteenth century when Judaise Christianity (see Judaising Christians), the first collection of sources was produced by non-Judaisers who affirm Christianity’s Jewish T. Reinach (1860–1928). He sought to show that roots and Judaism as means of relating with God, antisemitismwas‘asoldasJudaism’itself,andsuch and others, who emphasise the need for Jews to views of an eternal antisemitism, bolstered by the convert to Christianity. ancient evidence, have been influential. They came Anabaptist–Jewish relations are little studied: to be questioned by James Parkes and Jules Isaac, historian Franklin Littell (b. 1917) has written on who recognised the contribution made by Christian Anabaptists, but does not discuss them in his work teaching to the history of antisemitism and down- on the Holocaust. The response of some Christians played the hostility in ancient writers. Greeks and to the views of Anabaptist dialogue participants is Romans display positive and negative attitudes to characterised by a lack of sympathy. Conversely, both Jews and Christians. From the third century modest growth in Anabaptist influence on wider BCEGreekwritersinEgypt(e.g.pseudo-Hecataeus) Christianity is exemplified by the WorldCoun- seem to have expressed hostility to Jews, focused cil of Churches’‘Decade to Overcome Violence’, on the figure of Moses, and these attitudes perhaps and the popular mediation of John Howard Yoder’s arosefrompoliticalconflicts.Atthesametimesome thought by Protestant theologian Stanley Hauerwas writers were impressed by the Jewish belief in one (b. 1940). god (e.g. Theophrastus (c.371–287 BCE)), compara- See also Historic Peace Churches ble to pre-Socratic notions of the one being. Nev- MELANIE J. WRIGHT ertheless, the Jewish way of life did lead to accusa- Anacletus II (c.1090–1138) tions of separateness and unfriendliness. How far Antipope. Pietro Pierleone was Antipope to Inno- these were widely held beliefs is unclear, and it is cent II (r.1130–43) from 1130 to 1138. His Jewish difficult to detach the political motives from the grandfather Benedict converted to Christianity and genuine beliefs of the writers. Whatever the original married a Christian woman, and the family became intentions, the recording of some of these views by powerful in papal politics. Pierleone was involved Christian writers did lead to their influence later. in ecclesiastical missions and presided at the coun- The arrival of Christianity also led to some harsh cils of Chartres and Beauvais. In the papal elec- accusations, especially as the Romans considered tion of 1130 he was elected by a small faction of new cults as suspicious and dangerous (cf. Pliny Romans, while his opponent Innocent II was sup- the Younger (62–c.115 CE) and Tacitus (c.55–after ported by the councils of Reims and Pisa as well as 117 CE) on Christian superstitio). The Greek writer most European royalty, the only exceptions being Theophrastus’s belief, for example, that Jews com- William X Duke of Aquitaine (1099–1137) and Roger mitted human sacrifice was adopted by later writ- of Sicily (1093–1154), who was Anacletus’s brother- ers and applied to Christians. Celsus in the sec- in-law. The opposition to Anacletus, which notably ond century wrote an attack on Christianity that included Bernard of Clairvaux, focused on his Jew- still needed to be refuted nearly a century later ish ancestry and his ‘Jewish physiognomy’, calling by Origen, and the Neoplatonic philosopher Por- him ‘Judaeo-Pontifex’.They accused him of the sys- phyry (c.232–c.304) in the third and the Emperor tematic robbery of chapels and churches with the Julian in the fourth century each attacked Chris- help of the Jews, as well as of incest. The Jewish tianity. As a result Christians sought to emphasise community of Rome seems to have supported his their own antiquity (e.g. Justin Martyr) and the role office. Eventually, the population of Rome turned of Christians in the Roman Empire at the expense against him, and he maintained the papal office of Judaism. Many Roman discussions of Christian- until his death only with the help of Roger of ity reflect issues that became central to Christian- Sicily. His pontificate was the source of medieval ity itself. Thus the antiquity of Christianity and its legends about a Jewish Pope. However, modern relation to Judaism was raised by Roman writers, as

14 Angels

were questions of God in the world, the civil posi- cate a particular verse, or descriptions of contem- tion of Christianity and the divinity of Jesus.Galen porary Jewish mourning customs. Many of these (129–c.211) was the first to indicate that the view passages reflect the explanations given by con- of creation had to be altered to take into account temporary Jewish exegetes such as Rashi,Rabbi Christian views of God, leading to the doctrine of Joseph b. Simeon Kara (1060/70–1130/40) or Rabbi creatio ex nihilo. Samuel b. Meir (1085–1174). These Jewish scholars We have in many ways moved away from the represented the new exegetical trend of Peshat or nineteenth-century interest in ancient views of plain meaning as the basis for interpretation, rather Jews and Christians, which were motivated by soc- than relying exclusively upon explanations trans- ial issues of that time, and are beginning to see the mitted in the name of the Rabbis in the Talmud or complexity of relationships between groups in anti- midrash. Andrew rejected Jewish explanations that quity. There has been a renewed interest, nonethe- asserted the eschatological restoration of the Jews, less, in the origins of antisemitism, but the political but his exegesis marks a significant advance in the circumstances of the time help to place the ancient development of Christian biblical interpretation statements in their context. JAMES K. AITKEN based on Hebrew and Jewish sources. Andrew of Crete (c.660–740) See also Victorines MICHAEL A. SIGNER Byzantine Churchman and hymnographer. The Angels first decade of Islamic rule in the Middle East Angels (angelos = Septuagint rendering of Hebrew saw a revival of Jewish–Christian tension, mani- malakh,retained by Jerome in the Vulgate as fest in Andrew’s sermons in which he bears witness angelus; hence angel in common English use) as to Emperor Leo III’s (r.717–41) persecution of the messengers and agents of divine purpose play an Jews, and his liturgical poetry which expresses anti- important role in many expressions of Jewish and Jewish sentiment against those who had rejected Christian belief and worship. Texts in the Hebrew theMessiah.Anative of Damascus, he was tonsured Bible before the time of the Second Temple already amonk at the monastery of the Resurrection in speak of divine beings among whom the Lord sits Jerusalem and spent some time in Constantinople in judgement (Ps. 82), of those who execute his pur- before being consecrated Archbishop of Gortyna poses on earth, and of cherubim, seraphim and and Metropolitan of Crete. He was renowned as a ‘living creatures’ who surround and worship the preacher and is one of the earliest composers of the Lord in glory. Such ideas are greatly developed in form of liturgical poetry called the ‘canon’, a series the Second Temple period, especially in apoca- of verses embellishing the biblical canticles at the lyptic writings and in the Dead Sea Scrolls.Some morning service of matins. ANDREW LOUTH common themes can be traced within a complex Andrew of St Victor (d. 1175) of ideas that is too rich and varied to categorise Biblical exegete who provided the most sustained neatly. commentaries on the Hebrew Bible since Jerome. Hierarchiesofangelsbecomeincreasinglypartic- Andrew was most likely born in England, but ular and elaborate, enhancing the sense of divine entered the Abbey of Saint Victor in Paris where he transcendence, and esoteric knowledge of the was influenced by the writings of Master Hugh of angelic hierarchy becomes of advantage to those St Victor (d. 1142). He later returned to England who can get it. This theme is greatly developed in as abbot of Wigmore in Herefordshire, where he later writing, both Jewish (e.g. in heikhalot mys- died. Andrew’s primary significance as a biblical ticism) and Christian (e.g. in the Celestial Hier- interpreter was his exclusive focus on the books archy of Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite (c.500 of the Hebrew Bible and their literal sense. He CE), the most influential early Christian work on entered into conversations with Jews, most likely angels). The dualistic concept of the world as a in Paris, and recorded their understanding of bib- moral battleground between opposing forces of lical words and phrases in his own commentaries. good and evil (fallen) angels did not persist in Chris- The information from Jews in Andrew of St Victor’s tian thought, but the transformation of the bib- biblical commentaries ranges from translations of lical Satan/diabolos (‘Interposer’) into the leader biblical words into Old French, paraphrases of of the fallen angels and principal power of evil in passages in the Talmud or midrashim that expli- creation has enjoyed a longer career. Again, the

15 Anglicanism

action of priests in the earthly Temple copies the ops are in communion. Cohesion is strengthened liturgy of angelic priests in a heavenly Temple. by the Lambeth Conference, held every ten years Enoch and Daniel had looked forward to com- and attended by all bishops, and by the Anglican munion with angels in the final consummation of Consultative Council. Recent Archbishops of Can- things; the authors of 1QH 3.19–23 or 4Q400–407 terbury have all been committed to seeking good saw themselves as participating in the angelic life relations with the Jewish people and supportive of now.SuchideaspersistinChristiantraditions,espe- the work of the Council of Christians and Jews. The cially through the use of the Sanctus (based on the 1988 Lambeth Conference issued a detailed state- vision of the seraphim in Isa. 6.3) at the eucharist. ment on Judaism and relations with the Jewish peo- Angels may also be attached to individual humans ple, entitled Jews, Christians and Muslims: The Way as companions and guardians. This idea is devel- of Dialogue.Inadifferent context, the 1988 Lam- oped in the book of Tobit(c.200 BCE?) and has flour- beth Conference affirmed Israel’s right to recog- ished in both religions, enjoying an unexpected nised and secure borders and the Palestinians’ right floweringinthetraumaoftheFirstWorldWar.While to self-determination. The Anglican Consultative in popular versions of Kabbalah angels might also Council sponsors a Network of Inter Faith Concerns be approached through invocations and incanta- for the Anglican Communion (NIFCON). In recent tions, there was no corresponding technology for years Anglicans have increasingly rejected tradi- influencing guardian angels in popular Christian- tional anti-Jewish teaching. Several Anglicans, such ity, where intercessions were more likely to be made as Herbert Danby,James Parkes and Peter Schnei- through saints than angels. The role of angels as der (1928–82), made important contributions to the divine messengers and agents persists through all new approach. The importance of dialogue is now these developments, and they are thus encountered widely recognised. Three Anglican–Jewish consul- in the NewTestament (e.g. Luke 1.26; 2.8–14; Acts tations have been held. Co-chaired by the Chief 5.19). ANDERS BERGQUIST RabbiandbyeithertheArchbishopofCanterburyor Anglicanism the Archbishop of York, they concentrated on social Anglican relations with Jews and Judaism vary and moral issues and avoided theological discus- considerably, partly because the Anglican Com- sion. In 1980 at Amport House, Andover, the sub- munion’s 70 million members are widely spread, ject was ‘Law and Religion in Contemporary Soci- with individual congregations to be found in 164 ety’; in 1987 at Shallowford House near Stafford countries, and partly because the 38 provinces discussion centred on the moral issues raised by of the Anglican Communion are self-governing AIDS and on the report ‘Faith in the City’; in 1992 at churches, headed by a primate or presiding bishop. St George’s House, Windsor, there were papers on In the United Kingdom and North America, where Israelandonmission,anddiscussionof‘Guidelines there are sizeable Jewish communities, Angli- on Jewish Christian Relations’ which were even- can churches attach considerable importance to tually published by the Council of Churches for Jewish–Christian relations. Statements on the sub- Britain and Ireland in 1994. The appropriateness of ject by the Anglican Church of Canada, for example, missionary efforts to convert Jews and attitudes to date back to 1927. In Africa and Asia, however, Israel/Palestine are still matters of strong debate in there are few Jews, and churches show little inter- the Anglican Communion. Anglicans have played est in Judaism. Indeed, some churches in India a full part in national and international ecumeni- have suggested that passages from the Hindu cal bodies in their discussions with Jews, especially scriptures should replace readings from the Old through the WorldCouncil of Churches. Testament.Moreover, Anglicans in Africa and Asia, See also Church of England who struggled against imperialism, identify with MARCUS BRAYBROOKE the Palestinians in what they see as their libera- Anointing tion struggle and show little sympathy with Israel. Applying vegetable, or specifically olive, oil to per- This is especially true of Anglicans in the Middle sons or objects for healing or blessing has a long East, most of whom are Arabs (see Arab Christian- history in both the Jewish and Christian tradi- ity). The focus of unity for Anglicans is the Arch- tions. In the Jewish tradition rituals of anointing bishop of Canterbury, with whom all Anglican bish- accompanied the investing of kings and priests (e.g.

16 Anthropomorphism

Exod. 28.41; 30.30; 1 Sam. 10.1; 15.1; 2 Sam. 2.4) ing Jews, voiced by a student, Boso. It is highly and the consecrating of sacred objects like the altar unlikely that Anselm had substantial contact with and tabernacles (e.g. Num. 7). In the daily life of Jewish thinkers, and thus these objections are ancient times the respectable host anointed the literary devices. They are, however, serious and head of his guest upon welcoming him to his home. sophisticated, and Anselm treats them with respect. Furthermore, healers employed the soothing and In this way Anselm differs from most of the healingqualitiesofoiltoassuagethesufferingofthe authors of the Adversus Judaeos tradition, who afflicted (Isa. 1.6; Luke 10.34). In Christianity some ridicule the views of their (usually fictive) Jewish traditions of both East and West imitate sacramen- opponents. JOANN SPILLMAN tallytheexampleofJesus(e.g.‘They[thedisciplesof Anthropomorphism Jesus] drove out many demons and anointed many The Jewish–Christian encounter has frequently sick people with oil and healed them.’ Mark 6.13); engaged with the problem of ‘anthropomorphism’. naturally, Jesus drew upon his own Jewish experi- Anthropomorphism is the propensity to liken God ence for such a healing gesture. to a human or to attribute human characteristics As with so many dimensions of its life, that to God, and is found often in the Bible. As G. B. parts of the Christian community have adopted and Caird (1917–84) noted, the vast majority of the bib- adapted a Jewish practice like anointing reflects the lical language that refers to God is anthropomor- interweaving of Jewish and later Christian practice. phic (The Language and Imagery of the Bible, 174): Furthermore,thatJesusishonouredastheanointed God displays the whole range of human actions and one – christos in Greek, maˇsiah. in Hebrew, Messiah characteristics, and in terms of occupation, God in English – shows the intimate intersection and is everything from a king to a potter (Language, disagreement between the communities. While the 175). As a result, both Judaism and Christianity have physical gesture of anointing is secondary, one may strands that make use of these anthropomorphic note that identifying who is the anointed one – has images in theology and worship, as for example he come or is he only to come in an accompany- the rabbinic aggadah and the mystical tract Shiur ing future messianic era? – has fuelled polemics Komah,andsomeChristianmusic(especiallymod- between the communities for centuries. ern worship songs) and mystical writers (for exam- As they seek to find less intellectualist, more ple St John of the Cross). bodily religious expression, Western Christians are When it comes to formal theology, especially in retrieving anointing with oil. This is especially true its medieval forms, both Judaism and Christian- of religious women with feminist sensitivities. For ity found anthropomorphism problematic. Mai- example, women in the Jewish and Christian tradi- monides in the twelfth century was a significant tions, bonding in a feminist quest for common reli- influence on the Christian theologian Aquinas gious expression even as they recognise and honour in the thirteenth (David B. Burrell, Knowing the their own traditions, have found in the anointing Unknowable God), arguing that the biblical images ritual a meaningful expression of the more holis- capture the human experience of God, not how tic, less rationalistic approach to religion. While the God is in Godself. Both maintained that God is Jewish tradition has, like the Protestant tradition, timeless (literally there is no duration in God) abandoned anointing with oil in its rituals, the fem- and therefore immutable (there is no change in inist enterprise may well provide a new context for God) and as a result agree that it is impossible retrieving this ancient practice among Jews and all for God to resemble the creation. Aquinas took Christians. MICHAEL MCGARRY issue with Maimonides about God-talk, however: Anselm of Canterbury (c.1033–1109) Maimonides suggested that God-talk should be Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury, reformer, the- confined to negative assertions; Aquinas suggested ologian and philosopher, famous primarily for his the doctrine of analogy, which attempts to tran- ontological proof for the existence of God and scend the options of ‘univocally’ (a word when also his doctrine of the incarnation and atone- applied to God has exactly the same meaning as ment of Christ. He addresses parts of a major it has in its human context) and equivocally (the treatise on incarnation and atonement (Cur Deus word has a different and unrelated meaning) (Eric Homo?)tothe objections of ‘unbelievers’, includ- Mascall, Existence and Analogy).

17 Antichrist

There have been interesting patterns of influ- shippers and servants of Antichrist/Satan, inimical ence between Christians and Jews in these debates. to Christ and destined for hell. Christian theologians sympathetic to the classical Post-Reformation theology de-emphasised Anti- position find support amongst some Jewish the- christ. While millenarian expectations of malign ologians, while those Christians sympathetic to a Jewish/Antichrist alliance occasionally still surface more dynamic picture of God have an equal num- in marginal dispensational/pre-millennial Protes- ber of revisionist theological Jewish supporters. The tant groups, they are promulgated widely through attraction of anthropomorphic imagery is that the Protocols of the Elders of Zion and Protocols- the image of God is both intimate and dynamic; influenced films and literature. the attraction of the classical account of God is that MARGARET BREARLEY it preserves the perfection of God. Many modern Anti-Christian Jewish teaching Christians and Jews operate somewhere in between Although negative assessments of Christianity can these two poles. The impact of A. N. Whitehead be found in ancient authors, the first apparent (1861–1947) and the emergence of process thought attack came from the second-century pagan Cel- in Christian theology have had an impact on both sus in his True Word,asrecorded in Origen’s Con- Jewish and Christian accounts of God. tra Celsum. There are a number of criticisms of IAN MARKHAM Christianity in rabbinic literature too, ranging from Antichrist attacks on ‘heretics’ and idolatry, which might in Christian concept of satanic princely ruler as part be aimed at Christians, to negative portray- arch-enemy of Christ in the end-times; a recur- als of Jesus.But the first tract against Christians rent anti-Jewish motif. Rooted in Persian and was the Toledot Yeshu,aparody of the Gospels Babylonian mythology and adapted from Jewish that is attested from the tenth century but prob- sources (Daniel; Maccabean identification of Anti- ably originates earlier. If the traditions of this text ochus IV Epiphanes as the ultimate wicked king), are traceable earlier, it would indicate that there Christian notions of Antichrist occurring in let- was a current of anti-Christian teaching in the rab- ters of St John and 2 Thessalonians were first binic period, but probably for many Jews Christians applied to historical enemies of the Church (Nero, were not an issue at all: references to Christianity in Gnostics). the Talmud are very few. The lack of a strong anti- While medieval and Reformation polemicists Christian tradition reflects a degree of separation, intermittently identified political opponents – indi- but where it is found it indicates contact. Jewish vidual popes, emperors (especially Frederick II) opposition would have been a response to Chris- (r.1215–50), even (for sectarians) the clergy – as tian teaching and missionary activity, and reflects Antichrist, the Jews were permanently linked to a similar expression of identity and internal edu- Antichrist. Scholastics (Thomas Aquinas, Alber- cation. In the Byzantine period such texts tend to tus Magnus (c.1200–80)) asserted Antichrist’s Jew- be in Hebrew (perhaps translations from Arabic ish identity and ability by magical ‘miracles’ and originals), implying they were aimed at an inter- rebuilding the Temple to convince all Jews of nal Jewish audience. After the rise of Islam we find his Messiahship. Popular imagination envisaged many more examples of anti-Christian texts. The Antichrist as a demonically conceived Jewish bas- Alphabet of Ben Sira (probably ninth century) con- tard. Medieval Christian art,dramaand ser- tains the tale of the miraculous birth and prophecy mons consistently identified Jews as Antichrist’s of the ancient writer Ben Sira, intended as a par- followers; his satanic attributes – animality, gross- ody of the life of Jesus. Jewish polemical litera- ness, cunning, uncleanness, sorcery – were pro- ture appears to have developed in Islamic lands, jected onto Jews. Natural disasters, famines, and its language was Arabic, reflecting the influ- plagues and wars were interpreted as ‘signs of the ence of Arabic polemical literature. Where we have times’ heralding Antichrist’s imminence; height- Hebrew texts, such as a Genizah fragment (e.g. ENA ened millenarian fears of his prophesied Jewish NS 50 fol. 9), their grammar sometimes reflects cohorts could erupt in mass violence against Jews. an Arabic original. The earliest medieval polemi- Christianmythsofbloodlibelandhostdesecration cist was Daw¯ ud¯ ibn Marwan¯ al-Muqammas (ninth– stemmed partly from perceptions of Jews as wor- tenth century), a Jew who converted to Christianity

18 Anti-Judaism

and, upon returning to Judaism, wrote two Mostscholarsregardwhatappearstobeanti-Jewish polemical works against Christianity; he included polemic in the New Testament as a reflection of anti-Christian material in his theological study deep internal disputes within Judaism at the time of ‘Ishrun¯ Maqala¯ .Inthe tenth century Saadiah Gaon its composition. But these scholars also insist that (882–942) also included anti-Christian arguments such polemic became anti-Judaic after Christian- in his writings but without composing a separate ity and Judaism had formally separated. They also treatise. One of the most popular works of the time point to a number of texts in the Gospel of John and was the Book of Nestor the Priest, said to have been the letter to the Hebrews that must be seen as fun- written by a Christian priest who had converted to damentally anti-Judaic. The noted biblical scholar Judaism. The text, whose original date is uncertain, Raymond Brown (1928–98) argued that such texts has survived in both an Arabic and a Hebrew ver- cannot remain part of Christian education today, sion, and in its argument draws extensively from the a point subsequently endorsed by Cardinal Joseph NewTestament (particularly the Gospels) and the Bernardin,amajor episcopal leader in Christian– NewTestament Apocrypha, quoting sometimes in Jewish dialogue. Hebrew and sometimes in Greek.Itisquoted by Whatever the situation with regard to the New Jacob ben Reuben (southern France) in the twelfth Testament, anti-Judaism clearly becomes a central century, and used by Joseph Kimhi (c.1105–70) component of Christian teaching as we enter the and David Kimhi, and Sa‘d ibn Mansur ibn Kam- time of the Church Fathers.Anumber of Christian muna (Baghdad, 1280). The popularity of such texts scholars, including Robert Wilken (b. 1936), David ensured a long history for the tradition of anti- Efroymson(b.1931)andRosemaryRadfordRuether Christian polemic, and many more texts continued (b. 1936), have uncovered a prevailing anti-Judaic to be written for centuries. Later works include a bias at the core of patristic literature. While notable sixteenth-century Hebrew translation of Matthew’s exceptions such as Clement of Alexandria (c.150– Gospel that negates statements in the New Testa- c.215) can be found, the great patristic writers such ment, and the seventeenth-century Italian writer as Bishop Melito of Sardis, Tertullian, Origen, Ire- Judah Briel (c.1643–1722). JAMES K. AITKEN naeus and Eusebius all made anti-Judaism an inte- Anti-Defamation League see Jewish–Christian gral part of their explanation of the Christian faith. relations, institutions; United States of America In his homily Peri Pascha (‘Concerning the Pascha’) Anti-Judaism Melito compared the celebration of the Passover There has been considerable controversy over the with that of Easter.For Melito the events of Jewish use of the terms ‘anti-Judaism’ and ‘antisemitism’. history merely served as prototypical models for the Some employ them interchangeably. Others prefer great event of Easter; but having fulfilled this role to limit ‘anti-Judaism’ to religious and theological with the coming of Christ they serve no useful spir- defamation of Jews and Judaism, which might not itual purpose. This is the beginning of the Christian always translate into personal hatred. Still others theology of supersessionism that regarded Judaism have argued that the term ‘anti-Judaism’ is used by as a religious wasteland. Tertullian presented Jesus some to soften the impact of actual antisemitism. It astheMessiahwhomJewsoughttohaverecognised is not likely that this controversy will end soon. Cer- but did not, resulting in their subjection to divine tainly, there is some basis for a distinction based wrath. Origen’s approach was marked by the claim on actual experience. We know, for example, that that Jews refused to believe in Jesus as the Saviour during the Holocaust there were Christians who because they lacked a spiritual sense of the scrip- held traditional theological views about Jews and tures that would allow them to go beyond the literal Judaism and yet risked their lives to save Jewish meaning. Irenaeus explained Jewish law as neces- people. Anti-Judaism is here used to refer to the sary for a time because of human sinfulness; but the pre-Enlightenment period as well as to theological coming of Jesus and the destruction of Jerusalem approaches to Jews and Judaism since the begin- signalled that the time of the Jews and their law ning of modernity. was over. The most important and comprehensive Considerable discussion has ensued over the anti-Judaic document was Justin Martyr’s Dialogue years regarding the presence of anti-Judaism in the with Trypho.Itbecame a model for discussions NewTestament.Noclear consensus has emerged. about Judaism in the ancient Church and sowed

19 Anti-Judaism

the seeds for an anti-Judaic attitude that would port to their legal protection. But subsequently the cometodominatethethinkingofthechurchesfrom strong anti-Judaic attitude of the Church Fathers the fourth to the twentieth century. Justin’s writ- returned to dominate Christian societies. St Agob- ings were the first real expression of the idea that ard of Lyons reinstituted the harsh language against Jewish social misfortunes are the consequences of the Jews begun by John Chrysostom, and the divine punishment for the death of Jesus (see dei- Crusaders,ontheir way to liberate the Holy Land cide, charge of); as a result, Jews will never be able from Muslims, often attacked Jewish communities to escape suffering in human society, remaining en route in areas such as the German Rhineland. confined to a marginal and miserable existence. The notion of Jewish ritual murder (see blood libel) This theology became the source for the ‘wander- also arose, charging that each HolyWeek Jews killed ing Jew’imagery so prevalent in Christian popular a Christian, usually a child, as a sacrificial offering thinking and art.Afinal example is Eusebius, who for Passover. With the establishment of the Inqui- in his early fourth-century work Ecclesiastical His- sition in the thirteenth century and the ensuing tory confines the role of the Jews to that of witness- struggle with heretics, Jewish writings were cen- ing to divine justice. sored and suppressed (see censorship). The Tal- In 323 CE Christianity was granted a special mud was condemned and Albertus Magnus (1200– position within the Roman Empire.Judaism the- 80) ordered the burning of all copies. By the end of oretically continued as a legal religion (see reli- the thirteenth century the mass murder of Jews had gio licita), but this legal status was frequently become a common occurrence in Germany and ignored. By the time Emperor Constantine con- France. verted to Christianity in 329, the imperial gov- The classical anti-Judaic teachings of Christian- ernment had already begun to institute restrictive ity combined with new forms of political, cultural measures against Jews. By the end of the fourth cen- and biological antisemitism as we enter the mod- tury the civil status of Jews was in serious danger ern era. Classical anti-Judaism came to an end only and their image had greatly deteriorated. The Jew with the declaration by the was now viewed as a semi-satanic figure, cursed that Jews were to be regarded as still in the covenant by God and specially set apart by the civil govern- after Christ, that they could not be held collectively ment. It was in the fourth century that Christian responsible for the death of Christ, and that Jesus preachers turned upon Judaism with great vehe- and the early Church were profoundly impacted by mence. Foremost among these preachers was John the Jewish teachings of their time. Gregory Baum (b. Chrysostom, whose denunciations of the Jewish 1923), who served as an expert at the Council, has people were delivered in eight sermons in which he termed chapter 4 of the conciliar declaration Nostra accused the Jews of all imaginable crimes and vices: Aetate the most remarkable about-face in the ordi- the devil lived in Jewish homes, the synagogue was nary teaching of the Church to take place at Vatican an assembly of animals. Chrysostom attributed this II.TheexampleoftheCatholicChurchwasrepeated to the Jews’ assassination of Jesus: God has always in almost all Protestant denominations, who from hated the Jews and they will forever remain without the mid-1960s also issued documents repudiating Temple or nation. The Christian picture of Judaism the Church’s classic anti-Judaic theology. developed in the fourth and fifth centuries gave There are no developments within Orthodox the churches for centuries a pseudo-religious basis Christianity regarding the legacy of Christian anti- for countless persecutions of the Jews. Misguided Judaism that parallel what has occurred over the Christians considered themselves chosen to assist past 40 years in Roman Catholicism and main- God in fulfilling the curse upon the Jews and felt line Protestantism.Some individual Orthodox they were free to engage in attacking Jews with a leaders such as the Patriarchs of Constantinople divine seal of approval. All was not total darkness and Moscow have issued statements against anti- for Jews during the ensuing centuries: the Visigoths semitism in connection with international confer- and Lombards basically accepted the protection ences, and some individual scholars have spoken accorded the Jewish community in the Theodosian out as well. But there has been no sustained effort Code, and several popes, such as GregorytheGreat, as yet to review educational materials and theolog- while intent on converting Jews, gave public sup- ical literature as there has been in the two other

20 Antioch

major branches of Christianity. This is an extremely to the Frankist movement, led by Jacob Frank, sensitive issue in Orthodox Christianity given the whose mystical festivities were alleged to be special status of patristic literature in the Orthodox accompanied by sexual orgies. And more broadly, Christiantradition.EvangelicalChristianChurches ReformJudaism is often accused of antinomianism have also not confronted the legacy of Chris- becauseofitswillingnesstoharmonisethetradition tian anti-Judaism to the same extent as mainline of Judaism with modernity. Protestant denominations, though there have been Of the variety of different ways in which the somewhat greater efforts on their part than in the term has been used, including the view that tra- Orthodox Churches. In connection with the contro- ditional moral expectations are not binding, the versyoverMelGibson’sfilmThePassionoftheChrist most significant for the Jewish–Christian encounter (2004) some Orthodox Christian scholars and Evan- is the view that the Jewish law is not binding. By gelical Christian publications have acknowledged this definition, with the exception of Messianic a need for Christianity to deal with anti-Judaism Jews and Seventh-Day Adventists all Christians are far more directly than has been the case until antinomian to some degree, and this antinomian- now. JOHN T. PAWLIKOWSKI ism has sometimes fuelled or been used to jus- Antinomianism tify antisemitism. However, arguments in the New Antinomian literally means ‘against the law’. For Testament over the status of the Torah are mir- the Jewish–Christian encounter this has principally roredincontemporary Judaism, where there are been a term used by Christians to define a key dif- heated internal debates about the relationship of ference with Judaism. Thus, in Christian theology, the requirements of the Torah to contemporary the term is used to describe those who believed behaviour. IAN MARKHAM that God’s action in Christ had liberated the Chris- Antioch tian from the requirement to observe the moral law. One of the great cities of the Roman Empire, eventu- Paul,writing in Rom. 3.8, is sensitive to this criti- ally capital of the of the East (Oriens). It was, cism, describing it as a slander that he is advocating from the early days of Christianity, and remained the doing of evil ‘that good may come’. one of the most important places of encounter However, some Christian groups adopted a form between Jews and Christians, for it had a large Jew- of antinomianism. Certain forms of Gnosticism ish community; indeed it was in Antioch that Jewish exercisedlibertyinrespecttosexuality,andinNorth converts to Christianity were first called ‘Christians’ Africa in the second and third centuries the Adamite (Acts 11.26). An early Christian bishop of Antioch, sect condemned marriage and worshipped naked. Ignatius, who died a martyr in Rome c.107, displays In 1537 to 1540 Martin Luther (who coined the both the influence of Jewish apocalyptic traditions term) argued against Johann Agricola’s(1494–1566) and opposition to too deep an attachment to Jewish negative view of the law.Luther maintained that traditions (even the OldTestament)onthe part the law had three purposes: first, it revealed sin; of Christians. As Christianity developed, Antioch second, it established fundamental social decency; became one of the principal sees of the Christian and third, it provided a rule of life for those who Church, mentioned as such along with Rome and have been redeemed in Christ. For Lutherans, this Alexandria at the first Ecumenical Council, held was confirmed at the Formula of Concord in 1577. in Nicaea (canon 6). The development of a body Later, in Puritan America, Anne Marbury Hutchin- of Eastern canon law in the fourth century seems son (1591–1643) was condemned as an antinomian to have taken place in Antioch. With the establish- in 1637 for teaching that the ‘covenant of grace’ was ment of Constantinople as the new capital of the set apart from the ‘works of the law’. In many of Roman Empire, Antioch seems to have become an these cases a contrast was drawn with Judaism, as ally of the new capital rather than a rival, as was the the religion that was ‘under law’. case with Alexandria, and some of the early patri- In fact there are also groups within Judaism archs of Constantinople were drawn from Antioch that have been described as antinomian. The (e.g. John Chrysostom and Nestorius (r. 428–31)). seventeenth-century Sabbetaians, so called after Greek Christianity has often been presented in their Messianic leader Shabbetai Zvi, had anti- terms of a rivalry between Antioch and Alexan- nomian sympathies. The Sabbetaians gave birth dria, though how genuine this rivalry was may be

21 Antisemitism

doubted. Both were, however, centres of learning, Antisemitism and it seems safe to say that while Alexandria, with Antisemitism is here defined as a post- its magnificent library, was famed for philosophy Enlightenment phenomenon following upon and scientific achievement, Antioch was famous for earlier forms of anti-Judaism, though this is not its rhetorical schools. Its greatest pagan rhetorician a differentiation all scholars would accept. Anti- was Libanius (314–c.393), who lamented that the semitism as used here thus refers to denigration Christians had prevented his pupil, John Chrysos- of Jews rooted in a new form of thinking about tom, from becoming his successor. The Christian biology and genetics, as well as in certain political ‘Antiochene School’, traditionally seen in opposi- and cultural trends associated with the emergence tion to the ‘Alexandrian School’,is often regarded as of modernity in Europe. More recent forms of having been particularly influenced by the Jewish antisemitism have also appeared in certain sectors community in Antioch, and although there is little of the African-American community in the United doubt that Antiochene exegetes were aware of Jew- States,aswell as in the Arab world and within ish exegetical traditions, it is doubtful if they were radical forms of Islam in the Western world. But as deeply indebted to such traditions as the Alexan- antisemitism in the post-Enlightenment period drian Origen. Theodore (c.350–428), later bishop of often still involved a deep-seated disdain for Jews Mopsuestia, was the most important of the Anti- and Judaism based in Christian beliefs. Passion ochene exegetes (revered in the later Church of the plays, which were becoming more commonplace East as ‘the interpreter’); his unwillingness to accept in this era, intensified anti-Jewish attitudes, and as Christian prophecies many passages tradition- even pre-modern forms of anti-Judaism often ally regarded as such by most Christians may well seemed to portray Jews as evil at the very core of have been due to Jewish sensitivities. The Jewish their being, often linking them with Satan. For presence in Antioch was significant, and apparently example, the later writings of Martin Luther on the attractive to members of the Christian community Jews certainly leave the distinct impression of them in the latter decades of the fourth century. Such as a demonic and depraved people in a way similar Judaising on the part of Christians provoked from to more modern forms of antisemitism. While Chrysostom, then a priest at the Golden Church, these writings have been specifically repudiated a series of sermons that contain ugly expressions by the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America of anti-Jewish sentiment. The Jewish presence in (1984), as well as Lutheran churches in Europe, Antioch may well have been strengthened dur- Argentina and Australia and in a more general way ing the short reign of Julian the Apostate (361–3), by the Lutheran World Federation, they show that for Julian’s attempts to restore traditional religions historically speaking no absolutely clear-cut dis- (which apparently included Judaism and envisaged tinction between anti-Judaism and antisemitism is the restoration of the Temple in Jerusalem) took possible. place during his long stay in Antioch (May 362– The coming of the modern era, with its theme of March 363), prior to his fateful expedition against social liberation, did result in a measure of political the Persians. It is most likely echoes of this recently freedomforindividualJewsincertaincountries,but restored Jewish confidence that inspired Chrysos- not for the Jewish people as a community. So long tom’s attack. Antioch retained its importance dur- as Jews identified themselves primarily as individ- ing the fifth and early sixth centuries, but suffered ual citizens they were accorded a measure of civil from an earthquake in 526 and never fully recov- rights in the countries most directly impacted by ered from temporary seizure by the Persians in the Enlightenment, such as France and Germany. 540 and its virtually permanent acquisition by the But their ability to exist within these societies with Arabs in 636–7. In 609 there was a massacre of Jews, a strong sense of communal identity was still highly who seem however to have been caught up in the circumscribed. In some countries, such as Russia, rivalry between the circus factions fomented by the home to a very substantial Jewish population, the Emperor Phocas (r. 602–10), rather than the victims situation worsened for Jews with the appearance of any attempt at forcible baptism, something that in 1905 of the so-called Protocols of the Learned soonbecamearecurrentfeatureofByzantineimpe- Elders of Zion.Written by Russian antisemites, the rial policy. ANDREW LOUTH Protocols claimed the existence of a powerful Jewish

22 Antisemitism cabal that was plotting to take control of global soci- Jews as a threat to the Christian culture of Europe ety. The Protocols still circulate in some countries (though studies on Protestant educational materi- today. als undertaken at Yale University in the late 1950s In the nineteenth and early twentieth cen- also revealed a strong strain of antisemitism in turies antisemitism took on yet another form in mainline American Protestantism). This was espe- many parts of Christian Europe, such as France, cially the case in Germany in the first part of the Germany and Poland.While not as widespread twentieth century. The German Christian move- in North America, this form of antisemitism did ment during the time of the Third Reich argued surface in the teachings of such groups as the Ku for a fundamental coalescence between Christian- Klux Klan, who identified Jews, along with Catholic ity and Nazism.While this movement was opposed and African Americans, as groups perverting by the so-called Confessing Church in Germany, authentic Christianity. This new form of anti- identified with (1886–1968) and Diet- semitism accused Jews of being supporters both of rich Bonhoeffer, its outlook on the Jews was never Communism and of liberalism, which many Chris- specifically repudiated in the Confessing Church’s tians regarded as equally diabolical forces threat- central document called the Barmen Confession. ening the continued existence of the Church in Leading Protestant scholars such as Gerhard Kit- Europe. Jews were accused of being at the heart of tel and Martin Noth (1902–68) wrote of Judaism as what was termed Freemasonry, a movement that a‘dead’ religion after the appearance of Christ. In advocated religious freedom, a notion especially Orthodox Christianity there were strong outbreaks repugnant in official Catholic circles where it was of antisemitism in Russia throughout the nine- roundly condemned by the popes of the period. teenth and early twentieth centuries. Even today, Jews were also charged with being a major source of antisemitism is frequent in popular expressions of social immorality in society as purveyors of pornog- Orthodox Christianity in Russia, with the few voices raphy. Though Christian leaders generally did not speaking out against it often subjected to intense accept the bio-racism advocated by the geneticists criticism. Antisemitism generally remains an unex- of the time, their attack on Jews as a fundamen- amined problem in the Orthodox Churches, where tally corrupting force in society came very close at the historic anti-Jewish theology of the patristic times to the description of Jews found in biologi- writers forms a central source of religious iden- cal writings of the day. In Catholic Poland supposed tity. Antisemitism, sometimes in the guise of anti- Jewish association with Freemasonry became espe- Zionism, has also appeared in the last several cially intense, as it did in France. In Poland Freema- decades in Middle East Churches in connection sonry, which was often regarded as controlled by with the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. While Arab Jews, infuriated Polish Catholic nationalists, who Christians in the Middle East certainly have the were concerned that Catholic hegemony over the right to critique policies of the State of Israel they life of the nation would be severely diminished if regard as unjust, such criticisms become highly Freemasonry expanded its influence in the coun- problematic when they are expressed in the clas- try. In France the new, modern form of anti- sical antisemitic images of Christianity, such as the semitism has its roots in part in the notorious depiction of Palestinians as Jesus being crucified by Dreyfus Affair, which generated a growing disdain the Jews. for Jews in French society, Catholic nationalists In the last four decades many churches have included. To the French nationalistic and religious attempted to confront their legacy of antisemitism. right Dreyfus the Jew symbolised all the liberal, In 1989 the Vatican’s Pontifical Commission for alien and de-Christianising pressures on the tradi- Justice and Peace issued a major statement tional Christian order in the country. The Catholic denouncing racism as sinful and clearly plac- Church through its media gave considerable sup- ing antisemitism and anti-Zionism high on its port to the anti-Dreyfus sentiment sweeping list of continuing manifestations of racist ide- France. ologies. In fact, it termed antisemitism the most Protestant Churches generally shared in the tragic form of such racist outlooks. And Pope John modern antisemitic outlook on Jews and Judaism. Paul II provided decisive leadership in the effort Like the Catholic Church, they regarded liberal to conscientise the global community regarding

23 Aphrahat

the fundamental sinfulness of this social disease. Aphrahat (mid-fourth century CE) During a visit to Hungary in 1991, conscious of a Little is known of the life of Aphrahat ‘The Persian resurgence of antisemitism in certain parts of post- Sage’. Coming from the region of Mosul and Nin- Communist Europe, he denounced antisemitism eveh in the upper Tigris valley, he might have had and all forms of racism as a sin against God and contact with Jews in the area, especially with the humanity, a denunciation repeated in his book rabbinic academy at Nisibis nearby, but his writ- Crossing the Threshold of Hope.Tocommemo- ings reflect no knowledge of rabbinic issues and rate the hundredth anniversary of the Rome syn- what he says of Judaism could have been derived agogue in 2004, with antisemitism on the rise from the Bible alone, although there are some in many places in Europe, he sent two curial traces of Jewish biblical exegesis.Apparent credal cardinals to the anniversary celebration to read formulations in Aphrahat could be of Jewish ori- his statement which once more condemned anti- gin, and although some of the contents are bibli- semitism in decisive language. In 1998 the Vatican cal, he might have had real knowledge from con- issued its long-awaited statement We Remember, tact with Jews in the region. In many of the last which dealt with antisemitism and its role in the 12 of his 22 ‘Demonstrations’, replete with bib- Holocaust.While the document does clearly lical and especially OldTestament allusions, he acknowledge antisemitic attitudes within Chris- presents arguments against Judaism around the tianity that contributed to the Nazi attack on the themes of circumcision,Passover, Sabbath,mes- Jews, it tended to portray such attitudes as held sianism,dietarylawsandZionism.HeseesJudaism by people on the fringes of the Church rather as having been supplanted by Christianity, such than acknowledging that these ‘wayward’ Chris- that Jews are, for example, mistaken in celebrat- tians, as it terms them, took their perspective on ing the Passover (Demonstration 12) because in Jews from what they heard in sermons and saw in Christ through the eucharist lies the true Passover. Christian art.Many Protestant Church statements Chastity too, an important issue for Syriac Chris- have likewise denounced antisemitism as funda- tians,isadvocated and used as a further exam- mentally immoral. The 2001 comprehensive doc- ple of the error of Judaism in its command to ument on Christian–Jewish relations issued by the propagate life. These anti-Jewish Demonstrations Fellowship of Reformation Churches in Europe (see were composed in 344 during the persecution of Leuenberg Church Fellowship) quotes a number Christians by the Zoroastrian King Shapur II of of documents from its member churches which Persia (r.310–79) in response to the rise of Constan- clearly condemn antisemitism. The statement from tinian Christianity, which might indicate an inten- the Synod of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in tion less to persuade Jews of error than to prevent the Rhineland released in 1980 (see Rhineland Christians defecting to Judaism as a ‘safe’ religion Synod)ishighlighted, as is a 1998 declaration free from persecution. A primarily Christian tar- of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Austria get audience might also account for the only mod- which insists that the Christian Churches must erate engagement with rabbinic interests in the share responsibility for the Holocaust and are Demonstrations. JAMES K. AITKEN duty-bound to resist any personal or social man- Apocalypticism ifestations of antisemitism. The Churches have yet The concept of apocalypticism as a type of religious to come to the point where they see antisemitism thought is based on the existence of ‘apocalyptic’ as an integral part of the Catholic tradition, literature (from Gk. apokalypsis,‘unveiling’, ‘reve- something that requires comprehensive spiritual lation’), ‘a genre of revelatory literature with a nar- chemotherapy today if Christianity is to retain its rative framework, in which a revelation is mediated moral credibility. As the great Christian pioneer in by an otherworldly being to a human recipient, dis- combating antisemitism James Parkes put it, it was closing a transcendent reality which is both tempo- ‘the Christian Church alone, which turned normal ral, insofar as it envisages eschatological salvation, xenophobia and normal good and bad commu- and spatial, insofar as it involves another, supernat- nal relations between two human societies into the ural world’ (J. J. Collins (ed.), Apocalypse: The Mor- unique evil of antisemitism’. phology of a Genre, 9). There are ‘historical’ apoc- JOHN T. PAWLIKOWSKI alypses ‘concerned with the rise and fall of nations

24 Apocryphal New Testament and with the end of history and the world’ and religious activity instigated by apocalyptic expecta- ‘cosmic’ or ‘mystical’ apocalypses which explore tions include those connected with the expulsion ‘the eschatology of the individual and the fate of from Spain and the movement of Shabbetai Zvi. the soul after death’ (J. J. Collins (ed.), The Ency- The resurgence of apocalyptic ideas in late clopedia of Apocalypticism,vol.1, xiv). Apocalyp- ancient and medieval Christianity had far-reaching tic literature was produced, to name just some consequences. Thus, the Crusades are not least a examples, by ancient and medieval Judaism and product of the lively expectation of the eschatolog- Christianity, Islam and the Graeco-Roman, Iranian, ical battle in the Holy Land. Apocalyptic thought Mesopotamian and Egyptian religions. Apocalypti- also inspired some of the great reform movements cism as a religious concept extends beyond these inside and outside the Church. The teachings of boundaries, since apocalyptic themes also occur in Joachim of Fiore systematised apocalyptic thought non-apocalyptic genres. and fuelled eschatological speculation. Leading fig- The origins of Jewish apocalypticism are found ures of the Reformation were deeply influenced by in post-exilic prophecy. Zech. 1–8 and similar texts apocalypticism, predominantly Thomas Muntzer¨ afford us some insights into ‘proto-apocalyptic’ (c.1489–1525), but also Luther. thought. The Hellenistic period saw the first flow- Christian apocalypticism lives on in some non- ering of apocalyptic literature. Milestones are the conformist and pietistic traditions, whereas in Ethiopic Enoch, in which are found the oldest Jew- Judaism Shabbetai Zvi’s heresy and end discour- ish apocalypses, and Dan. 7–12, the only biblical aged further apocalyptic thought and activity. witness to apocalypticism proper. The rise of apoc- JOACHIM SCHAPER alypticism resulted from the loss of a firm theologi- Apocrypha calandpoliticalorientationinthepost-exilicperiod Literally ‘hidden away’, the apocrypha are books and from the experience of religious persecution included in the canon of the Roman Catholic under Antiochus IV (r.175–164 BCE). Church and Orthodox Church but not in the Protes- Ancient Judaism produced a rich array of apoc- tantorJewishBible.Theyconsistof13workswritten alyptic works. Eschatological expectations were from the Second Temple period and were included central, but wisdom literature and priestly tra- in the Septuagint, but by the end of the first cen- ditions also made profoundly important contri- tury had been rejected by Jews as scripture. The butions. Among the Qumran texts (see Dead Sea term was first applied by Jerome, because the books Scrolls), particularly the War Scroll and the Damas- were not included in the Hebrew canon. Christians cus Document provide impressions of apocalyptic have tended to take more interest in the apocrypha thought. Early Jewish mysticism and Gnosticism than Jews, and only after the sixth century was there have points in common with the apocalyptic tradi- occasional Jewish interest in certain books (e.g. Ben tion, and early Christianity,in the first two centuries Sira)orstories (e.g. Hannah and her seven sons), (before the conscious suppression of apocalypti- parts of which found their way into the Talmud cism in mainstream Christianity), was deeply influ- (cf. Gittin 57b). In the sixteenth century there enced by Jewish apocalyptic literature. All regional was a revival of Jewish interest in the apocrypha varieties of early Christianity, amongst them those among scholars such as Azariah dei Rossi (c.1511– of Syria-Palestine, Asia Minor and Egypt, produced c.1578) who translated the Letter of Aristeas into apocalyptic writings, the most famous being the Hebrew. book of Revelation, which inspired later concepts See also Apocryphal New Testament; Pseude- of apocalypticism and the practice of the groups pigrapha EDWARD KESSLER that promoted them. Apocryphal New Testament Whereas the Talmudim and the ‘classic’ This term points somewhat imprecisely to the exis- midrashim are not touched by apocalyptic tence of books, mainly from the second century thought, Judaism in late antiquity and in the early CE, although possibly in the case of some parts of medieval period once again produced apocalyptic the Apocryphal Gospels from the late first century, literature, which in turn influenced the Kab- which were not incorporated in the Christian canon balah, leading to an amalgamation of mysticism but that are later amplifications of or inventions and apocalypticism (G. Scholem). Outbreaks of based on or constructions that develop features of

25 Apologetics

the canonical books. This suggests a rough distinc- (r.117–138 CE), influenced by Greek and Roman tion between, on the one hand, Apocryphal books rules and customs. They demonstrate a move away such as Apocryphal gospels, passion, birth or child- from Judaism and developed around the same time hood narratives, acts of Pilate or of particular apos- as the Adversus Judaeos literature. Scholars have tles, and Christian apocalypses, and, on the other debated whether there is a relationship between hand, Apostolic literature such as 1 and 2 Clement, Christian apologetic and anti-Jewish writings. The letters of Ignatius and Polycarp and the Didache. apologists felt the need to defend Christianity from The parallels between Jewish and Christian apoc- avariety of different groups, including the state, alypses are evident, particularly where both are the philosophers and Christian heretics, as well as concerned with signs and portents in relation to Jews. By explaining itself to a society in which Jews the imminence or otherwise of the last times (see belonged and were noticeable (ancient authors apocalypticism). Some Apocryphal gospels that noted the existence of Jewish custom in Chris- amplify the narratives of Jesus’ death and resurrec- tian teaching and practice) Christians faced the tion, such as the second-century Gospel of Peter, dilemma that Judaism represented the heritage of increase the responsibility of the Jewish people and Christianity and provided its means of access to of Herod for the crucifixion. There is, however, claims of antiquity, which was crucial to legitimacy one fragmentary gospel, the Gospel of the Saviour in the eyes of the ancient world. The response of (known usually by the description ‘the unknown the apologists was to differentiate Christianity from Berlin Gospel’), which reveals its friendship to the JudaismandtocounterJewishteaching,resultingin Jewish people as the Saviour prays that his death an association between Christian apologetics and may be at the hands of others than the people of polemic. Israel. Apologetic writings also shed light on pagan per- Difficulties arise, however, in evaluating Apoc- ceptions of Christianity and Judaism: for exam- ryphal literature in relation to Judaism because ple, Celsus acknowledges both the origins of Chris- of the imprecision of the often used classifica- tianity in Judaism and Christians’ rejection of tion ‘Jewish-Christian’. Even in the case of the these origins, but finds nothing commendable in Gospel of the Nazarenes, where there is evidence of either (Cels. 2.1.4). Although apologetic writings Nazarenes who observed the Law and read scrip- may appear to be written for a non-Christian (or tures in Hebrew,anactual connection between non-Jewish audience), it seems likely that the pri- that gospel and a specific group is not proven. mary readership comprised Christians (or, in the Other Apocryphal gospels, particularly those found case of Jewish apologetic, Jews) seeking a clearer at Nag Hammadi, such as the Gospel of Thomas understanding of their faith. For Christian apolo- and the Gospel of Truth, betray a strong Gnos- gists Judaism represented an obstacle to Christian- tic influence. It has been claimed on the basis of ity’s credibility, and writers attacked Jews as ‘bar- the Apocryphal gospels that Gnosticism entered barians’, referring to the rebellions against Rome, Christianity via Judaism. Despite some associations such as BarKokhba’s revolt in 132–5, and for fail- between Gnosticism, James, brother of Jesus and ing to understand their own scriptures and the ‘Jewish Christianity’, such a claim overlooks the prophecies they detected therein. Justin Martyr is possibility that Gnosticism did not emerge as a typical in claiming that true understanding lies single movement but flourished in many different with Christians, and that the scriptures therefore forms. IVOR H. JONES belong no longer to Jews but to Christians alone Apologetics (Dial. 29). EDWARD KESSLER A literary form used particularly by early Christian Apostasy authors such as Justin Martyr and Origen to sup- The Greek term apostasia simply means to sepa- port and explain Christian teaching both to a Chris- rate, to stand away from or to rebel, but it has a tian and to a non-Christian audience. The genre is specifically religious connotation in both Judaism based on early Jewish apologetical writings such and Christianity. as those of Philo of Alexandria (e.g. Apology on In Judaism apostasy entails the deliberate forsak- behalf of the Jews) and Josephus (e.g. Ag. Ap.). The ing of God and/or his commandments in direct first Christian apologies appeared under Hadrian contravention of the Sinai covenant. The wilful

26 Apostolic Fathers rejection of God was considered to be the definitive Christianity. After the time of Constantine,Jewish act of apostasy (Deut. 32.15; Josh. 22.18–19; 2 Chr. conversion to Christianity was often considered by 33.19; Isa. 30.1; Jer. 2.19). The apostasy of the people Jews to be an act of apostasy. In turn the Chris- of Israel is a constant theme in the Hebrew Bible tian emperors and Church councils deemed Chris- (Judg. 2.11–15; 3.7; 1 Kgs 12.28–32; 16.30–3; 22.51–3; tian converts to Judaism as apostates, and laws 2 Chr. 12.1; 28.1–4; 33.1–9, 21–3). God raised up were enacted and punishments dispensed to pre- judges and prophets to remind his people of their vent such conversions. DAVID SIM covenant responsibilities (cf. Judg. 2.16–19; 1 Kgs Apostle 18.17–18; Jer. 1.13–16; Ezek. 2.1–7), and he dis- The Greek apostolos,‘one sent out’, is occasion- pensed punishments for continued disobedience. ally attested in Greek literature, where it refers to a However, the merciful God of Israel was prepared messenger or envoy; it corresponds to the Hebrew to forgive his people and restore the covenant rela- shaliah. (‘sent’; sometimes translated ‘agent’), such tionship with them. This could be achieved by true as a High Priest’s representative to Diaspora com- repentance characterised by the worship of God munities. The Church appropriated the secular alone and the observance of his Law (1 Kgs 8.46–53; term (see 2 Cor. 8.23) and added to it connotations Ezek. 18.30–1; Dan. 9.3–19). of missionary work and healing. In the NewTestament apostasy (apostasia) For Paul (2 Cor. 12.12) an apostle establishes denotes the deliberate rejection of God (cf. Heb. legitimacy through ‘signs’; Paul himself claims the 3.12), the renunciation of the principles of the title based on his vision of and commission by the Christian faith (Heb. 6.6; cf. 1 John 2.19), and is con- risen Jesus (1 Cor. 9.1; 15.7–8; Gal. 1.1). For Luke sidered to be a necessary component of the end (6.13; see Mark 3.14) ‘Apostles’ denotes, as a subset events (2 Thess. 2.3; 1 Tim. 4.1; cf. Matt. 24.10–12; of ‘disciples’, the 12 men Jesus commissions. Matt. 2Tim. 4.3–4). It was an important issue in early 10.2–4, Mark 3.16–19, Luke 6.13–16 and Acts 1.13 Jewish–Christianrelations.InActs21.21PaulofTar- list, with variants, the 12 apostles; the number sym- sus is accused of teaching apostasy from Moses bolises the 12 tribes of Israel.Whether the apostles by advising Jews not to observe the (Mosaic) reg- represent a ‘new’ or ‘true Israel’ and so displace the ulations. While this particular charge is seemingly Jewishpeople,orwhethertheyaretobeseenincon- false – Paul taught that Gentile Christians are not tinuity, remains debated. Discrepancies in the lists bound by the Torah, but he accepted the right of indicate that the number was of greater importance Jewish Christians to observe the Law if they chose than the individuals. to do so (cf. Rom. 14.1–15.13) – it is true that Paul Acts 1.13 includes among qualifications for apos- himself opted not to keep the Mosaic command- tolic office being an eyewitness to Jesus from his ments (1 Cor. 9.20–1; Rom. 14.14, 20). On the con- baptism by John and thereby limits the apostolic temporary Jewish understanding of apostasy, many role to Jews. Acts authorises Paul’s apostolic role Jews would have viewed Paul as an apostate. For both by depicting Paul’s commission by Jesus and their part some Christians viewed the Jewish rejec- by having him approved by the apostles based in tion of the Christian message as an act of continu- Jerusalem.Bythe second century the term ceased ing disobedience to the will of God, and so implic- to designate an office, although Church documents itly as an act of apostasy (e.g. Mark 2.1–12; Matt. and leaders continued to speak of direct links to the 22.1–10). In an important exception to this view, apostolic authority of that first generation. Paul explains the unbelief of his fellow Jews not in AMY-JILL LEVINE terms of their wilful rejection of God, but as a nec- Apostolic Fathers essary component in the divine plan of salvation The designation of a group of writings, dating (Rom. 11.7–12). from approximately the 90s to the mid-second cen- At some point in the rabbinic period, the Rab- tury CE, as ‘Apostolic Fathers’ is not ancient and bis inserted the Birkat ha-minim into the twelfth probably goes back to the seventeenth century. benediction of the synagogue service. The reason Normally included in this collection are 1 and 2 for the introduction of this malediction against Clement, Barnabas, Polycarp, the seven epistles of apostates and heretics is not clear, but it may Ignatius (the so-called middle recension), Hermas have been a reaction to the rise and success of and the Didache.Insome collections we also find

27 Apostolic Fathers

fragments attributed to Papias, the Martyrdom of sacrifice (Barn. 2), dietary laws (Barn. 10), Sabbath Polycarp and Diognetus.Amongst other things, this (Barn 15) and circumcision (Barn. 9), going so far collection provides us with a potentially useful set as to attribute Jewish understanding of the last of ofdocumentsforourunderstandingofthedevelop- these to an evil angel (Barn. 9.4). According to the ing relationship between Judaism and Christianity, same author, the Jewish covenant relationship with lodged, as they are, between the time of the writ- God was lost as a result of the worship of the Golden ing of the last books of the NewTestament and the Calf (Barn. 4 and 14). For him it is self-evident, as work of the early Christian apologists such as Justin appears to be the case in some New Testamenttexts Martyr. (Matt. 27.25; Acts 2.23), that the Jews are the killers It is in the writings of the Apostolic Fathers that of Christ (Barn. 6, 7 and 8; see deicide, charge of). In we first meet the terms ‘Judaism’ and ‘Christianity’ the Martyrdom of Polycarp the Jews appear as per- used together, implying the existence of two quite secutors of the Christians, in this respect imitating separate entities (Ign. Magn. 10.3, although we can- their forebears’ treatment of Christ as recorded in not be sure whether Ignatius was the originator of the Gospels, helping, amongst other things, to stoke this contrast). But such precise statements of divi- the flames of Polycarp’s executionary pyre (Mart. sion are only witnessed elsewhere in the Didache, Pol.13); and Diognetus indulges in a full-scale where we find the word ‘Christian’ but not its oppo- assault upon the superstitious and ritualised char- site ‘Jew’ (Did. 12.4), and the probably much later acter of Jewish worship, but here, in contrast to Diognetus (Diogn. 3f.) and Martyrdom of Polycarp Barnabas, with no reference to the Hebrew scrip- (Mart. Pol. 12–13) where we find the terms ‘Jew’ tures (Diogn. 3 and 4). and ‘Christian’. No reference to such entities is To some scholars such polemic should be taken found in Barnabas (here the terms ‘them’ and ‘us’ to imply the presence within the Christian com- are preferred, although on a number of occasions munity of those who were inclined to follow Jewish the probably early third-century Latin translator practices or even to convert to Judaism. More direct renders them by ‘Jew’ and ‘Christian’), Hermas, 1 evidence of a Judaising influence in the commu- and 2 Clement, and Polycarp.Some scholars have nities addressed comes, for instance, in Barn. 3.6, taken the absence of such designations to imply with its reference to being ‘shipwrecked’ by con- either that the authors of these texts did not enter- version to ‘their’, i.e. the Jewish, law, and from the tain a developed sense of themselves as somehow same work the textually problematic 4.6 where, on separate from Judaism (in this reading Barnabas one reading, the author appears to refer to those gives evidence of inner-Jewish polemic)or, partic- who regard the Christian and Jewish covenants as ularly in the case of Hermas and 1 Clement, that the same thing. An aggressive attitude on the part they regarded Jews and Judaism as of no real con- of Jews to Christians is less in evidence, although cern to them. These remain nothing more than it can again be inferred (cf. in particular Ign. arguments from silence, but the first suggestion at Phld. 6.1). least warns us against the universal adoption of However we understand the polemic of some the schema of clear division implied particularly of these texts, almost all of the Apostolic Fathers in Ignatius, possibly in the face of an alternative betray a strong indebtedness to Judaism in terms of view. their ideas and the manner in which they express Insofar as these writings refer to Judaism, they themselves. So, for instance, 1 Clement, which, as are negative in tone. So, for instance, in Ignatius it has already been mentioned, does not refer to is explicitly stated that ‘it is monstrous to talk about Jews, can be taken, with its strong reliance upon Jesus Christ and practise Judaism’ (Magn. 10.3) and scripture, its penchant for Septuagintal language, that ‘if anyone interpret Judaism to you, do not lis- and its clear relationship to aspects of Hellenistic ten to him’ (Phld. 6.1). Didache appears to refer Jewish culture, to possess a strikingly Jewish char- to the Jews as hypocrites, exhorting his commu- acter. The also probably Roman Hermas, although nity not to fast on Mondays and Thursdays ‘with in a different way, provides evidence of a similarly the hypocrites’,but instead on Wednesdays and Fri- close relationship to a Jewish ideological world, as days (Did. 8.1) (see fasting), and Barnabas,amongst also do Barnabas and the Didache, the former in other things, attacks Jewish literal understanding of particular betraying knowledge, whether direct or

28 Arab Christianity

not, of extra-biblical Jewish traditions and meth- in fragments that survive in the Cairo Genizah ods of biblical exegesis (see in particular chs 7 and collection. JOACHIM SCHAPER 8, where he appears to show knowledge of non- Aquinas, Thomas (c.1225–74) biblical material on the DayofAtonement, and Dominican philosopher, theologian and foremost ch. 12 with its emphasis upon the coming of the medieval Scholastic; ‘doctor angelicus’; canon- kingdom and the defeat of Amalek, where similar ised 1323, declared ‘Doctor of the Church’ 1567. knowledge is betrayed). The classic, authoritative exponent of authentic TheApostolicFathers’contributiontoourunder- Catholic doctrine (Leo XIII, Encyclical, 1879), he standing of evolving Jewish–Christian relations is discouraged overly harsh anti-Jewish measures. at best fragmentary. Only in some of the texts is Influenced by Aristotle’s newly discovered meta- the issue of central importance, and we cannot physical writings, he opposed the teaching of infer from these texts clear conclusions about the Averroes (1126–98), Aristotle’s Muslim interpreter, subject, in particular on the question of Jewish who asserted the contradictory nature of faith and reaction to Christianity. But already these texts, reason. He systematised theology, grounded in tra- like those of their predecessors in the New Testa- ditional authority and faith, yet flexibly utilised ment, show up the complex character of Christian Aristotelian emphasis on reason and knowledge interaction with the Jewish tradition, at one and of natural laws. He argued that while certain doc- the same time contemptuous of the latter and yet trines (the Trinity, original sin etc.) derive pri- dependent upon it for the expression of its own marily from revelation, others (God’s existence, identity. providence) are ascertainable through natural rea- See also AdversusJudaeos literature;anti-Judaism; son. Aquinas polemically defended the Mendicant Early Church JAMES CARLETON PAGET orders. In Summa contra Gentiles,hecreated a Aquila (second century CE) sophisticated, encyclopedic manual against Mus- Supposed to have been a pupil of Rabbi Eliezer and lims and Jews designed for the use of missionar- Rabbi Joshua ben Hananiah or of Akiba and a rel- ies; Aquinas argued solely from reason, using bib- ative of the emperor Hadrian (r.117–138), Aquila lical texts only to confirm arguments, except when was of ‘pagan’ stock and joined the Church before justifying specifically Christian doctrines premised he converted to Judaism. He is known as an emi- on scripture. He read Jewish thinkers sensitively, nent translator of the Hebrew Bible. The old the- particularly IbnGabirol and Maimonides.InDe ory that identifies Aquila and Onkelos, who pro- regimene Judaeorum Aquinas affirmed that since duced a Targum which is in some respects similar Jews are destined to perpetual slavery due to their to Aquila’s Greek translation, is no longer tenable. sin, sovereigns may regard Jewish goods as their Aquila revised an earlier version of the Greek Bible, ownproperty, but should use money confiscated presumably the kaige recension. His translation, from Jewish usurers for pious purposes. Although which is said to have been produced in the first Aquinas supported imposing the Jewish badge (see quarter of the second century CE, is characterised yellow badge), upheld coerced conversions and by an extremely literalist approach. It served the proposed substituting manual labour for money- need of the Jewish community for a more precise lending (see usury), he opposed undue fiscal rendering of the Hebrew than that offered by the harshness towards Jews and removal of children Septuagint, and even its kaige recension, in order from parents as contrary to natural law. Later Jew- better to refute Christian exegetical claims with ish ‘Thomists’, championing Maimonides against regard to the Bible. Since its literalism is so pro- Averroes, translated his Summa Theologia into nounced that only readers with some knowledge of Hebrew. MARGARET BREARLEY Hebrew can have benefited from Aquila’s render- Arab Christianity ing, it seems likely that it was used as a reference Christian Arabs constitute minorities in numerous work. Aquila’s version thus seems to have served as Arab countries (Lebanon (over 30 per cent), Egypt, a tool in Jewish–Christian polemics.Itwas,how- Syria, Iraq, Jordan and the Palestinian Territories ever, praised by such eminent Christian scholars as (2–12 per cent)) and in Israel (2 per cent). Until Jerome and Origen and has been preserved mainly recently they shared this minority status with Jews in the third column of Origen’s Hexapla, but also in the Arab world. Today, relations between Arab

29 Arab Christianity

Christians and Jews are difficult because of the played an essential role in the nineteenth-century political conflict between the Arab world and Israel. renaissance of Arab culture. Christian Arabs were Although Arab civilisation since the seventh cen- also instrumental in promoting Arab national- tury has been intricately connected to Islam, Chris- ism, as a secular and modern movement. Chris- tians and Jews contributed to its flowering. By the tian Arabs (and some Jews) also played an impor- seventh century many Arab tribes had converted tant role in the formation of the Arab Commu- to Judaism or Christianity, and after the advent nist parties. In the cultural domain, especially in of Islam numerous Christians and Jews became music, Christians and Jews often worked alongside Muslims. Muhammad (c.570–632) met Christians Muslims. and Jews and they influenced nascent Islam. Zionism and the State of Israel deeply affected When the Muslims invaded the ancient Chris- the denominational mosaic in the Arab world. Cer- tian heartland many Jews and ‘heterodox’ Chris- tain Israeli leaders sought to win over Christian tians (Monophysites, Nestorians) welcomed them, Arabs by underlining joint Jewish and Christian preferring them to oppressive Byzantine or Zoroas- minority status in a Muslim-dominated region. trian rule. Gradually reduced to minority status, Israel has actively supported Christian separatist Jews and Christians were guaranteed protected sta- forces in Lebanon and in Sudan. However, Christian tus (dhimma) and a certain degree of autonomy Arabs generally remain integrated within the Arab and preserved their places of worship in return for a world. Whereas non-Arabs headed most Churches head tax. Christians and Jews progressively adopted in Arab lands until recently, Arabs have increas- Arabic.BythetenthcenturyJewsandChristianshad ingly risen to roles of leadership. Christian Pales- translated their scriptures into Arabic and begun tinians have also played an important role in the writing in Arabic. The renowned translation of the Palestinian resistance movements. The political Hebrew Bible into Arabic by Saadiah Gaon (882– situation partially explains the opposition of the 942) was even adopted by the Coptic Church in Arab Catholic representatives at Vatican II to the Egypt. However, relations between Christians and positive changes in Church attitudes to the Jews. Jews were often marked by competition for the Almost no Jews live in the Arab world today, and in favour of the Muslim rulers. Israel/Palestine Jews and Christian Arabs generally The Crusades further divided Christians in Arab find themselves on opposing sides of the political lands. Whereas Christians in these lands, together divide. Palestinian liberation theology has sought with Muslims and Jews, were often victims of the to formulate Christian Arab thinking within this Crusaders, some Christians sided with the armies context. from Europe. In later centuries, Christians in Arab In Israel efforts to create a dialogue between lands were further split by the penetration of Chris- Christian Arabs and Jews have met with some suc- tian missionaries from the West: Catholic mission- cess. Certain structures for dialogue focus on the aries created Eastern rite communities in union common search for peace and justice, while oth- with the Catholic Church, and Protestant mission- ers seek to promote awareness of shared religious, aries created local Protestant churches. The Roman historical and cultural heritage. The 2000 Synod of CatholicPatriarchateofJerusalemwasalsorevived. the Catholic Churches in the Holy Land published a Some Western missionaries brought with them document on inter-religious dialogue that tackled strains of European Christian anti-Judaism.Dur- for the first time the specific agenda for an Israeli ing the long centuries of Ottoman rule, the various Jewish–Arab Christian dialogue. Catholic Patriarch Christian and Jewish communities enjoyed internal Michel Sabbah (b. 1933), the first Arab in this role, autonomy. and Lutheran Bishop Munib Younan (b. 1950) have During the nineteenth century European pow- established Church structures for relations with the ers, eager for influence in the area, intervened on Jews. Greek Catholic priest Emile Shoufani (b. 1947) behalf of both Christians and Jews. At this time has led a movement to promote understanding of Christian Arab and Jewish emigration from the the Shoah among Arabs in Israel. The uniqueness of Middle East began in earnest. The setting up of Jewish–ChristiandialogueinIsraelis,ofcourse,that European-sponsored Christian schools created an Jews are the dominant majority and Christians are a educated class of Christians (and also Jews) who marginal minority. In addition, almost all dialogue

30 Architecture

includes Muslims as an essential party (see tria- nomadic tabernacle into durative stone. Each Tem- logue). DAVID M. NEUHAUS ple reiterated the arrangement of the tabernacle Aramaic with its porch, Holy Place and Holy of Holies, con- One of the (Northwest) Semitic languages that are cretising a progression through degrees of sacrality closely related to Hebrew,Aramaic came to be the to reach the most sacred goal at the end. language spoken by Jews in Israel in the Persian The synagogue may have developed as a space period. Although Greek gradually replaced it as the of communal Jewish worship as early as the Baby- lingua franca for many Jews, Aramaic was still spo- lonian exile (586–538 BCE), but the earliest syna- ken in the Galilee and was the official language gogue thus far excavated, in Delos, Greece, dates of communication in the Seleucid empire. It was from the first century BCE. The Christian Church Jesus’ first language, but it is probable that he also developed in the first century CE, with the earli- spoke Greek, especially when communicating with est excavated example, in Dura Europos (Salhiyeh), non-Jews. Apparent influences of Aramaic in New Syria, dating from the third century CE. Excavations Testament Greek might well be attributable more of a single street in Dura Europos have uncovered to such a bilingual situation than to a direct transla- three separate houses accommodating a Mithran tion from lost Aramaic sources. The Jews in Babylon sanctuary, a Jewish synagogue (from 245 CE) and a continued to speak Aramaic, and large portions of Christian church (c.230 CE). The spatial arrange- rabbinic literature are composed in it. In the time ment and surface articulation of both the syna- of BarKokhba (first half of second century CE) Ara- gogue and the church reveal their domestic origins maic seems to have been preferred to Hebrew, and and the adaptation of the domestic building type although there were attempts to write in Hebrew, to accommodate the experience of worship, which these reflect considerable Aramaic influence. often demanded various auxiliary spaces in addi- Syriac is a dialect of Aramaic spoken by Syrian tion to the main worship hall. Christians, and to this day (neo-) Aramaic has con- developed to accommodate com- tinued to be spoken by Jews and Christians. As the munal prayers and the reading and interpretation language of Jesus, and a language common to both of scriptures. They were typically plain on the exte- Judaism and Christianity throughout their history, rior, both to emulate the Temple and, later, to Aramaic is a neglected shared heritage of the two avoid attracting notice within the larger Chris- faiths. JAMES K. AITKEN tian civic environment. They were also designed Archaeology see architecture; Dura Europos; to minimise distraction, orienting seating towards Sardis the centre. Injunctions against graven images were Archisynagogus see leaders of the Jews, first adhered to and later relaxed, but synagogues externally appointed never integrated art in the manner of Christian Architecture churches. Because experience of the sacred transcends the Early churches allowed worshippers to hear the particularitiesofspecificcultures,JewishandChris- reading of the mass and to partake in a com- tian religious architecture shares many characteris- mon meal, the holy eucharist,representing accep- tics, both with each other and with the architecture tance of the sacrifice of Christ’s body and blood. of other religions. A vertical spatial axis recalls the Unlike synagogues, where the ark and the bimah connection between the human and divine realms, (the raised platform from which the Torah scrolls while a horizontal axis concretises the experience were read) could be in either the short or the long of searching for or approaching God. Communality walls and the bimah could be centrally located, with God and with others is experienced in cen- in the Christian church entry and altar generally tralised spaces, and God’s ineffable spirit is alluded occupied opposing short walls, emphasising the to in our experience of light, or the play of light directionality of the longitudinal axis. The plain across material surfaces. exteriors of churches gave way to increasingly The moveable tabernacle and court accommo- resplendent fac¸ades as the religion gained power in dated the religious experience of the early, nomadic Europe. Jewishtribes.ConstructionoftheJerusalemTemple Classical-era synagogues and churches drew by Solomon, Zerubbabel and Herod translated the architecturally from Roman civic architecture,

31 Architecture

particularly the or hall of justice. The syn- ric. The Christian liturgy,inwhich worshippers agogue at Sardis,Turkey (third to fourth centuries heard the mass and then filed forward to receive CE) is basilican in form with a colonnaded forecourt the eucharist, encouraged retention of the longitu- leading to the Jerusalem-facing entry wall. The dinal basilican form, while Jewish worship spaces arrangement parallels Old St Peter’sin Rome (c.320– became increasingly centralised to accommodate 30). Both are axially laid out, with a frontal entrance communalprayerandthereadingofthescrolls.The into the forecourt and a font in the centre of the Ashkenazi synagogue at Worms, Germany (orig. court – the Jewish font recalling the brazen laver 1175), and Worms Cathedral (1110–81) illustrate in the Temple’s forecourt and the Christian font to the divergence of the two types. The cathedral is a accommodate baptism.Both the Jewish prayer hall fairly straightforward development of the basilican and the Christian nave occupy the central longi- plan of Old St Peter’s, with the omission of the fore- tudinal space in these buildings, with shallow sin- court and axial entry reflecting the German variant gle side aisles flanking the prayer hall and double of opposing east and west apses and using lateral side aisles flanking the nave. Each building termi- entries, and stands apart from the urban fabric. The nates in a semicircular apse, where Jewish elders synagogue, in contrast, blends into the streetscape, sat facing the Jerusalem wall and its two aedicu- with the men’s prayer hall reached through a court- lar Torah shrines, and where the Christian pope sat yard and the women’s prayer hall through a sim- facing eastward towards the altar and the congre- ple opening onto the street. Both church and syna- gants. The primary spatial difference is the church’s gogue have vaulted ceilings and arched windows, cross-arm,ortransept,whichmediatesbetweenthe and their carved column capitals are stylistically nave and the apse, while the mediating space in similar. But their spatial characters are different, the synagogue does not project cross-axially. The with the axial cathedral displaying the loftiness and church’s arrangement developed into a grandeur of the architecture of a dominant religion canonicalcruciformplansymbolicofChrist’scross. and the more centralised synagogue retaining the The synagogue contains a bimah in the centre of scale of Christianity’s domestic, civic and religious the prayer hall, while the church features a raised meeting rooms. platform, or bema, directly before the apse. In the Centralisation was a major preoccupation of church, an altar is located on the bema at its junc- Renaissance architecture, and churches adapted ture with the higher apse. Curiously, the synagogue (but never abandoned) their longitudinal plans to also contains a decorative stone table reminiscent widen at the crossings, thus emphasising the cen- of an altar, located at the centre of the juncture tre, while synagogues evolved to include women’s between the prayer hall and the mediating bay galleries centering on and overlooking the men’s before the apse. This table is unparalleled in other prayer halls. The Sefardi Portuguese Synagogue, or synagogues. Esnoga, in Amsterdam (1671–75) featured the first The spatial resemblance between these two integral women’sgallery, and the neoclassical Bevis houses of worship is remarkable, indicating that the MarksSynagogue in London (1701) restated the architectural precedent of the Roman basilica was arrangement of the Esnoga. Churches and syna- more influential than liturgical differences between gogues of the Renaissance and neoclassical peri- the two religions at the end of the classical era. ods displayed rationally inspired classical columns As the power of Christendom increased in Europe, and orders, with the neoclassical period evolving synagogue and church began to diverge archi- to emphasise clean lines and restrained ornament. tecturally. Churches experimented with both cen- While St Paul’sCathedral (1675–1710) in London, by tralised (notably San Vitale in Ravenna, 526–47) and Sir Christopher Wren, is larger, more spatially artic- longitudinal forms, with the basilican form remain- ulated and more ornate than the Esnoga and Bevis ing predominant, and grew increasingly articulated Marks, all three have spatial commonalities. All are on the exterior, taking pride of place as freestand- longitudinal buildings with a tall central space and ing monuments in the civic realm. Synagogues, lower side aisles, in the tradition of European Chris- aware of their precarious position within the dom- tianchurches.Themoststrikingspatialdifferenceis inant Christian culture, adopted relatively incon- St Paul’sgreat central dome, which marks the cross- spicuous exteriors to blend into the urban fab- ing of the nave and the transept. The orientation

32 Argentina of seats provides another important spatial differ- seats to face inward from all directions towards a ence, with the cathedral’s seats facing the short central altar, thus moving closer to the synagogue’s wall of the eastern apse while the synagogues’ arrangement around a central bimah. Thus the benches run parallel to the long walls, facing church has joined the synagogue in an emphasis inward. on experiencing God in our midst rather than as a Synagogues and churches in the eighteenth and distant goal symbolised by the axial procession to nineteenth centuries reflect the stylistic revival- an altar. RACHEL MCCANN ism of the era. Both Christianity and Judaism pro- Argentina duced examples of Romanesque, Gothic and Moor- At the end of the sixteenth century Portuguese ish revivals. While Romanesque revivalism, with its and Spanish Catholics of Jewish descent, primarily roundarchesandrelativeseverity,seemedneutrally Conversos but also Marranos, established them- neoclassical and therefore suitable for either reli- selves in Argentina. Over the following centuries gion, the Gothic style, exemplified in St Giles in they almost wholly assimilated into the domi- Cheadle, Staffordshire (1841–46) by A. W. N. Pugin, nant Catholic community. The bulk of the Jewish and All Saints, Margaret Street, London (1849–59) immigration occurred from 1880 onwards when by William Butterfield, was enthusiastically appro- pogroms in Russia forced many Jews to flee. There priated by churches as the truest expression of are presently 230,000 Jews in a country of 37 million, Christianity. Jewish congregations tended to avoid of whom 80 per cent are Catholic. Gothic revivalism in favour of the Moorish style, Jews first established themselves in the interior which had eastern roots and lacked explicit asso- of the country as farmers, but from 1918 onwards ciations with Christianity, and erected examples became industrial workers and, together with Ital- such as the Dohany´ utca synagogue (1854–59) in ian Catholics, formed the first trade unions. In the Budapest by Ludwig von Forster¨ and the Tempio 1920s nearly 80,000 immigrants arrived, establish- Maggiore (1874–82) in Florence by Falcini, Micheli ing themselves in Buenos Aires and other major and Treves. The revivalist churches and synagogues cities. During this time there was significant anti- feature pointed or multifoil arches, carved stone, semitism, and in response the Jewish community polychromatic brickwork, and patterned interior created the Delegation of Jewish-Argentinean Asso- surfaces. Although they are different in ornamental ciations (DAIA). Because Argentina was willing to detail, the overall effect and spatial characteristics accept high levels of immigration, numerous Nazis are similar. settled in the country shortly before and after the With the abstracted, simple volumes of mod- Second World War. The Jewish community faced ernism, religious architecture returned to its origi- periods of antisemitism as well as of peaceful coex- nal existential themes of path, centre, vertical axis istence with the Catholic majority; the abduction and light in an attempt to transcend cultural par- of Adolf Eichmann in 1960 and the consequent trial ticulars with timeless architectural form. The triple in Jerusalem a year later aroused anti-Jewish senti- chapels at Brandeis University in Waltham, Mas- ment. Under the Peronista government (1946–68) sachusetts (1954) by Harrison and Abramowitz per- aregistry of non-Catholic cults was established, haps best illustrate the commonalities that under- and Catholic religious instruction in public schools lie Judaism, Christianity and by extension other was introduced. Jewish (and Protestant) students experiences of the sacred. The three chapels form were required to take classes in morality, generally a cluster of religious buildings, each chapel dis- taught by a Catholic teacher. Following the intro- tinct yet part of the larger whole formed by the duction of democracy in 1985, the constitution was Jewish, Protestant and Catholic communities. Each revised and the president and vice-president no simple, abstract form defines a space of worship longer needed to be Catholic. The new constitu- distinct from the larger world yet connected to tion forbade racial discrimination, but antisemitic it through light and views to nature. An increas- attacks have continued to be commonplace: a ingly close architectural relationship can also be bomb destroyed the Israeli Embassy in 1992, and noticed in the Catholic Church’s recent revised two years later the Jewish Community Centre in design guidelines for new churches, which spec- Buenos Aires was destroyed, killing over 100 peo- ify a centralised plan that arranges congregational ple. In 1997 Cardinal O’Connor (1920–2000) of

33 Arianism

NewYork visited Buenos Aires and in a major the decrees of Nicaea were by no means immedi- speech, delivered in Spanish in the Cathedral, ately accepted by all bishops and theologians. It was denounced antisemitism in the strongest terms. widely felt that the term homoousios´ was not well Dialogue between Argentinian Jews and suited to describe the relationship between Father Catholics began earnestly after Nostra Aetate and Son, because it was not found in the Holy Scrip- in 1965. Before then the Catholic leadership tures and because it was unclear whether it meant officially disapproved of an inter-religious rela- substantial identity or some form of likeness. The tionship, and some indifference to the relationship period between Nicaea and Constantinople, there- between Catholics and Jews has remained. Argen- fore, saw a very heated and often confusing debate tinian representatives have participated in the between the defenders of Nicaea (among whom Jewish–Christian meetings organised by the Latin Athanasius) and its opponents (who were by no American Council of Bishops (CELAM), the Anti- means all Arians). The hegemony of certain views in Defamation League and the Latin American Jewish this debate largely depended on the religious poli- Congress. The Argentinian Episcopal Conference cies of the ruling emperors. opened a department for the relationship with The dispute continued until it was finally set- Judaism and other faiths. The Latin Rabbinical tled in 381 at the Second Ecumenical Council Seminary in Buenos Aires has organised meetings of Constantinople, which took up the distinction between rabbinical students and teachers and between ‘substance’ (Greek ous´ıa) and ‘person’ their counterparts in Christian seminaries (both (Greek hypostasis´ , prosopon´ ): Father, Son and Holy Catholic and Protestant). The Universidad Austral Spirit were described as three persons sharing the hosted seminars between Jews and Christians, same(divine)substance.TheCreedofConstantino- and one notable meeting in 1999 discussed ple (often erroneously called the Nicene creed) Historical Experience: Reckoning of the Soul and subsequently became the most widespread of all Reconciliation, which focused on reconciliation creeds. In the West a form of Arianism survived after the Generals’ Junta. However, the country’s among the Goths (see Visigoths), and in later cen- difficult social and economic situation has made turies Arianism remained an attractive theological Jewish–Christian relations a low priority for most position in Christian dissident circles. ‘Arian’ views Argentinians. (which often had little in common with the ideas of See also South America EDWARD KESSLER Arius himself) were advocated by radical Reform- Arianism ers in Upper Italy and Eastern Europe (Socini- Arianism derives from Arius, a presbyter from ans, Antitrinitarians, Unitarians) in the sixteenth Alexandria (d. c.336), who claimed that the divine and seventeenth centuries and later by English Son was not begotten from the Father but created Unitarians. from nothing and was therefore not coeternal with There has been considerable debate about the the divine Father. Arius may have been indirectly extent to which the development of Trinitarian doc- influenced in certain respects by Jewish or Jewish- trine in the fourth century was not only a reaction Christian speculation about God, but also by the against Arianism, but must also be considered anti- theology of Origen.Arianism ignited the Trinitar- Jewish. This is, however, true only insofar as Arius ian controversy of the fourth century. apparently attempted to preserve a strict monothe- Arius’s main opponent was, first, his bishop ism, and an attack on this monotheism was there- Alexander (d. 328) and later Alexander’s successor fore by implication also an attack on Jewish ideas Athanasius of Alexandria. The controversy esca- of God. Arius himself, however, felt no particular lated to such a degree that in 325 the emperor Con- sympathies with Judaism; instead his monotheism stantine felt obliged to convene a synod at Nicaea was probably primarily motivated by philosophical (later called the First Ecumenical Council) in order (Neoplatonist) concerns. to pacify the Church. The Creed of Nicaea stated See also Son of God; Trinity WOLFRAM KINZIG that Father and Son were ‘of the same substance’ Art (Greek homoousios´ ) and explicitly rejected Arius’s Throughout their histories, both Judaism and doctrines;Ariuswascondemnedandsentintoexile. Christianity experienced periods when represen- Constantine’s endeavour failed, however, because tational art was either repressed or repudiated.

34 Art

Because of Christianity’s Jewish roots, historians as figured mosaic pavements in fourth- to sixth- have often assumed that the basis for Christian reti- century synagogues in modern-day Israel (some cence about graphic and plastic arts was Jewish an- of them featuring such pagan motifs as zodiacs, iconism and the prohibitive language of the second King David playing a harp, and traditional person- of the TenCommandments:‘You shall not make ifications of the four seasons), similarly revealed for yourself an idol, whether in the form of any- a far from uniform attitude among Jews in var- thing that is in heaven above, or that is on the earth ious parts of the ancient world toward the pro- beneath, or that is in the water under the earth’ duction and use of representational and figurative (Exod. 20.4). Christians, in other words, were acting art. like faithful Jews when they avoided visual imagery. Although from the mid-third century onwards The absence of extant, definitively Christian visual both Jews and Christians produced visual art, art prior to the beginning of the third century CE has Jewish production seems to have been far more then been taken as evidence of Jewish influence on limited in quantity and variety than that of Chris- the earliest centuries of the Church and of Christian tian artisans. Based on existing evidence, the use observance of this Mosaic injunction. of figurative art in Judaism was never widespread, Based on this assumption, historians often and seems to have disappeared almost completely account for the emergence of identifiably Christian between the seventh and the thirteenth centuries, iconographic motifs in the early third century as a period that coincides with the Iconoclastic Con- evidence of the estrangement of Church and syna- troversy in Christianity. The reappearance of Jew- gogue and of gradual Christian accommodation to ish figurative art in the Middle Ages is supple- pagan practices and popular culture, coupled with mented by reports that some rabbis in twelfth- and growing rejection of Mosaic Law.Recent scholar- thirteenth-centuryEuropepermittedpaintingsand ship has challenged these explanations, however, even sculptures of humans and animals, while yet citing other cultural forces that may have origi- others disapproved of them in religious and even nally deterred the development of Christian visual domestic settings. Although some scholars have art, in particular the economic and social instabil- speculated that the absence of evidence for Jewish ity of the emergent Christian community. Never- art in the intervening centuries suggests deliber- theless, certain early Christian writers saw Jewish ate destruction more than religious inhibition, the aniconism as a model for Christian resistance contrast with Christian output is noteworthy. From to the idolatry of their surrounding culture. The the fourth through the thirteenth centuries Chris- Alexandrian Christian teacher Origen, for exam- tian art forms grew rapidly in both West and East, ple, defended the Jews to the pagan critic Celsus adding new styles and motifs, decorating churches, by comparing polytheism’s worship of corruptible sacred books and personal or domestic objects. images of humans and animals with Jewish pro- Despite the most thoroughgoing periods of icon- hibition of artists and image-makers of any kind oclastic destruction and repression in the ninth (Cels. 4.31). and sixteenth centuries (see iconoclasm), Chris- Further complicating the question of the influ- tian art has never completely disappeared, even ence of Jewish aniconism on Christian attitudes to temporarily. art is the fact that, during the time that identifi- And despite this record of survival, Christian the- able Christian art began to emerge, Jewish repre- ologians, like their Jewish counterparts, continued sentational art was likewise being developed. For to worry about the temptations of artworks placed example, while most Jewish catacombs of Rome in a religious context. For example, while Pope were decorated with non-figurative symbols such Gregory the Great insisted on the value of paint- as the menorah, shofar or Torah ark, the iconogra- ings on the walls of churches to instruct those who phy found in the catacomb of the Vigna Randanini could not read the lessons in the books, he cau- also featured borrowings from Roman pagan art, tioned against the dangers of these images by insist- including the figure of Fortune, peacocks and small ing that his clergy take care to prohibit anyone nude boys (putti) harvesting grapes. Discoveries of from mistakenly worshipping the pictures them- the past century, such as the splendidly decorated selves (Ep. 9.105, and Ep. 11.13). Similarly, Rabbi third-century synagogue at Dura Europos,aswell Meir ben Barukh (d. 1293) in thirteenth-century

35 Art

Rothenburg warned against Jewish prayer books the Septuagint.Artisans working in cosmopolitan that contained images of animals and birds, since centres such as Antioch or Alexandria, where the those who used those books would turn aside to practice of illustrating classical texts had been well contemplate the pictures rather than inclining developed, would have crafted such manuscripts. their hearts to God in heaven (Tosafot to b. Yoma These texts would then have been the source for 54a). Thus, even though they might acknowledge both early Christian iconography and the artistic a didactic or pious purpose for visual art, author- programme of the Dura Synagogue. ities from both religions remained concerned that If these theories were correct, the case would such art, misunderstood or misused, could become be considerably strengthened for the mutual influ- a source of sin rather than edification for those ence and cooperation between Christian and Jew- same unsophisticated viewers they were meant to ish artists in the third through sixth centuries. How- aid. ever, certain problems arise with a Jewish source Because of their common scriptures, Christians thesis. First, no such prototypical illustrated Jew- and Jews occasionally illustrated the same story,but ish Bible has been discovered; furthermore, the in different ways with distinct (although related) links often proposed between the lost originals and purposes. For example, most early Christian visual later Christian illuminated Bibles are all Christian presentations of Abraham’s offering of Isaac por- manuscripts, such as the fifth- or sixth-century Cot- tray the moment when God’s voice (shown as a ton Genesis and the ninth-century Ashburnham hand descending from the sky) stays Abraham’s Pentateuch. Second, when the frescoes from the upraised knife. Based on its common juxtaposition Dura Synagogue are compared with early Chris- with scenes from Jesus’ passion, along with com- tian catacomb paintings, or even with later Chris- parison to early exegesis of and homilies on the tian manuscripts, they show marked distinctions story, scholars have asserted that in these images in style, content and composition. For example, Isaac is the prototype of Jesus, and the sacri- in the Dura Synagogue the finding of Moses by fice serves as an artistic reference to (or substitu- Pharaoh’s daughter is represented with a more tion for) the crucifixion.Inaroughly contempo- pointedly Eastern or Persian, and with a far more rary Jewish representation of the binding of Isaac complex and richly detailed, composition (includ- (Akedah) above the Torah shrine in the Dura Euro- ing showing the princess as naked and in the water pos synagogue, Isaac is already lying upon the with the child) than the same scene in the Via Latina flaming altar. To the viewer’s left we see a rep- Catacomb. The rare occurrences of midrashic ele- resentation of the (by then destroyed) Temple in ments in Christian art, such as the representa- Jerusalem. tion of Jacob’s dream showing him resting his However, the existence of the Dura Synagogue head on three stones (Genesis Rabbah 68.11), may frescoes, along with the high frequency of scenes point more to Christian familiarity with the rab- or characters from the Hebrew scriptures in Chris- binical literature than to an iconographic proto- tian iconography, as well as some later midrashic type. Thus, little evidence exists to assert a com- or extra-canonical elements found in the Chris- mon Jewish source in antiquity for later Jewish tian compositions, has led some scholars to posit and Christian art. Instead, both religions seem the existence of Jewish prototypes for much more likely to have developed independent styles Christian art. J. Strygowsky (1862–1941), at the turn and motifs, while yet sharing a set of core sto- of the twentieth century,was one of the first to argue ries from their sacred literature and its traditional for such a Jewish source. Since then, a number of elaborations. art historians, including C. R. Morey (1877–1955) Nevertheless, a general influence of Christian art and K. Weitzmann (1904–93), have concluded that upon Jewish (and vice versa) cannot be denied dur- the imagery of early Christian illuminated Bibles, ing the Middle Ages, when the two cultures lived in and perhaps even the iconography of the Christian close proximity. Following a long hiatus, Jewish art catacombs in Rome, were based on artwork that emergedagainwiththedevelopmentofmanuscript had been produced for illustrated Jewish Bibles or illumination, beginning in the ninth century with other texts – in particular illustrated versions of the simple geometric and calligraphic forms, includ- Pentateuch,Octateuch, or even an entire copy of ing some so-called carpet pages (thus still avoiding

36 Art

figurative art). The oldest known illuminated derisive, but came to be seen by later viewers as Hebrew manuscript – a codex of the Prophets – a negative attribute, specifically pointing to his comes from Tiberias; dated to the late ninth cen- Jewishness. tury, it was probably produced for the Karaite The visual allegory of Ecclesia and Synagoga, sect. Although illuminated Qur’ans may have influ- probably based on an earlier Christian allegor- enced these earliest examples, later illuminated ical reading of Lamentations’ personification of Hebrew manuscripts, for example those originating Jerusalem as a downtrodden widow, was an espe- in thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Spain,were cially widespread and powerful image from the as often influenced by the Gothic style of Western Carolingian era forward, proclaiming Christian Christian works. replacement of Jews as God’s covenanted people. Passover haggadoth were undoubtedly the most The frequent juxtapositions of the image of the importantoftheHebrewilluminatedmanuscripts, defeated Synagoga and the scene of crucifixion and many of them contain full-page coloured illus- points to another common Christian presentation trations of the exodus from Egypt. Meant for pri- of Jews as responsible for the death of Christ, a motif vate, non-liturgical use, some of these haggadah that becomes common in Western Christian visual manuscripts may have been luxury items made art. Jews as Christ-murderers – deicides – and as by Christian workshops for Jewish clients. At the mockers, torturers or executioners are frequently same time, although barred from joining Christian shown in Christian representations of the Passion. workshops,independentJewishartistsrosetosome In other images, however, Jews are equally reviled prominence and produced books of their own, as moneylenders or usurers (see usury), associates including illuminated Bibles, illustrated commen- of Satan and the Antichrist,orascompanions of taries of Rashi, mahzorim,Passover haggadoth, witches and demons engaging in the profaning of and more secular works (including the writings of Christian sacraments (host desecration)orritual Maimonides and Hebrew translations of Avicenna’s murder – a theme whose literary parallels are the medical textbook). Some scholars have tried to blood libel legends. Jews are also shown with a explain the so-called ‘bird’s head’ haggadoth as sow, either sucking on her teats or performing other products of a Jewish workshop, made especially for obscene acts. Possibly a reference to the Jewish oath Christian clients, while others interpret them rather in a medieval court of law, which was taken on a as a Jewish attempt at avoiding representation of a dead sow’sskin, this image was particularly degrad- human figure. ing, especially to Jews who viewed the pig as an From the thirteenth century onwards, Chris- impure animal. Later on, the illustrations of pop- tians portrayed Jews in their visual art, usually ular literature, including the famous Jewish char- with some degree of negative stereotyping and acters of Shakespeare and Dickens (Shylock and often with outright derision. Christian visual art Fagin), were arguably more antisemitic than the tended to show Jews as having pointed chins, forked texts themselves. beards, distorted facial features (e.g. hooked noses) By contrast to these defamatory images of Jews or physical deformities. Jews were shown wearing made by Christians, the great Protestant artist Rem- peculiar or foreign-looking costumes, peaked or brandt van Rijn (1606–69) was known for his unusu- funnel-shaped hats (Judenhute)oryellow badges ally sensitive portrayal of Jews, both in portraits of identification. Even biblical patriarchs such as and in representations of biblical scenes, based Abraham and Moses were given negative attributes. upon Jewish acquaintances he made in his native For example, Christian artists endowed Moses with Amsterdam. Perhaps the most famous of these is horns that, although originally meant to suggest his late painting titled ‘The Jewish Bride’, which his honour and power (probably based on a mis- represents the bridal couple with both dignity and translation of the Septuagint description of Moses’ tenderness. In the twentieth century some Jewish shining face in Exod. 34.29), soon came to sig- artists also took up Christian themes, including the nify ignominy and even disrepute. The horns on Russian artist Marc Chagall, who included images Michelangelo’s (1475–1564) famous monumental of Jesus’ crucifixion (often showing Jesus wearing a sculpture of Moses in Rome’s San Pietro in Vin- Jewish prayer shawl in place of a loincloth) in some coli may not have been originally intended as of his paintings reflecting on his childhood in a

37 Asceticism

Russian Jewish village, and the sculptor Jacob alienated some Jewish readers, who accused him Epstein (1880–1959), who adapted the image of the of apostasy. However, he influenced later authors, pieta` (Mary holding her dead son) and of the risen includingIsaacBashevisSinger(1904–91).Aschalso Christ as war memorials. Epstein also produced a explored contemporary Jewish–Christian relations, sculpture of Lazarus emerging from his tomb for for example in East River (1948), which is about Jews NewCollege, Oxford. ROBIN M. JENSEN and Catholics in New York. MELANIE J. WRIGHT Asceticism Asia Minor The Greek word askesis originally referred to physi- Roman province covering the south-west of mod- calexerciseortraining.Itgraduallycametodenotea ern Turkey; the term is often used more loosely for rigorouswayoflifethatforsookworldlycomfortsfor the more extensive area bounded by the Black Sea spiritual ends. Asceticism as a permanent lifestyle to the north and the Mediterranean to the west has never been a prominent feature within the Jew- and south, and so including Anatolia. It has been ish tradition, which has generally viewed the world an important area for Jewish–Christian encounters. and its pleasures as a gift of God to be enjoyed. There were Jewish communities in several of the Yet the Jewish scriptures demand that on certain cities in the region by the third century BCE, and occasions abstinence was necessary on a tempo- Josephus gives a full account of the protected rights rary basis. For example, fasting was an impor- allowing them to follow their traditional law and tant requirement of the DayofAtonement (Lev. practice in his time. Numerous Jewish inscriptions 16.29; 23.26–32), while abstention from wine was and remains, including a synagogue at Sardis and observed by priests serving at the altar (Lev. 10.8– the record of a charitable organisation at Aphro- 9). In the late Second Temple period, more perma- disias, witness to the continuing vitality of Judaism nent ascetic practices began to be observed in some through Late Antiquity until the barbarian inva- Jewishcircles.TheEssenesrenouncedworldlyplea- sions of the seventh century. These communities sures and embraced celibacy, and John the Bap- appear well integrated within the city, often reflect- tist adopted an ascetic lifestyle (Mark 1.6; Matt. ing contemporary civic values, including poten- 11.18). Asceticism was not an important feature of tial high status for women, while maintaining their early Christianity. Paul of Tarsus advocated mar- separate identity through the centuries. Like most riage for those who desired it (1 Cor. 7.8–9, 25–8), Diaspora communities they used only Greek and while the Deutero-Pauline literature is critical of the Septuagint, with Hebrew beginning to appear Christians who adopt ascetic practices (Col. 2.23; later. According to the Acts of the Apostles, the area 1Tim. 4.1–5). In the ensuing centuries, however, an was evangelised by Paul of Tarsus; letters from him important monastic movement characterised by a and his successors to churches in the area show rigorously ascetic and celibate lifestyle developed that they were predominantly Gentile in origin and within Christianity. By the late medieval period, were the site of conflicts over observation of Jewish some groups of hasidic Jews had embraced certain law (e.g. Galatians). However, the number of other asceticobservances,almostcertainlyinimitationof works associated with the region, including the Christian monasticism.Yet, in general terms, Johannine writings, Revelation and Ignatius’s epis- Judaism and Christianity have different under- tles, suggest that Christianity here was both lively standings of ascetic practices. In Judaism they are and diverse. Further east, Phrygia was the home of concerned with atonement, while in Christianity Montanism, a prophetic movement founded in the they serve to strengthen the religious conviction of second century CE, claiming to be the place of the the believer. DAVID SIM descent of the new Jerusalem.For the history of Asch, Scholem (1880–1957) Jewish–Christian relations in the early period, other Yiddish novelist and dramatist. Asch was born in key figures and events associated with Asia Minor Poland but spent much of his life in Israel, the UK includePolycarp(c.70–155/160),bishopandmartyr and the USA, gaining American citizenship in 1920. of Smyrna (see Apostolic Fathers), Justin Martyr’s Many of his works dealt with Christian origins, for encounter with Trypho (traditionally at Ephesus), example, The Nazarene (1949), The Apostle (1943) Melito of Sardis and a number of the Apologists. As and Mary (1949). The focus of these novels, and well as the explicit polemic some of these articulate, in particular Asch’s depiction of Jesus as a rabbi, they also betray a variety of continuing contacts and

38 Athanasius of Alexandria

social interaction, as do inscriptions and particu- Christian relations. For example, the fear of Jewish larly epitaphs, mainly from the second to the fourth assimilation into Christian society has often led centuries CE: some of these, in their invocations Orthodox leaders to discourage the possibility of of ‘God [or Zeus] most high’ and their concerns close contact between members of the two faiths, for penitence and forgiveness, seem to express a while it has also acted as a significant brake on shared piety or religiosity, which defies description developing interfaith relations even amongst Pro- as exclusively Jewish or ‘pagan’ or ‘Christian’, sug- gressive rabbis. Although it is invariably the Jewish gesting patterns of cross-fertilisation between the community that has been the minority in Chris- three. JUDITH LIEU tian lands, Church leaders have also worried that Asian Christianity their flock may be influenced by Jews in their midst. Christianity is a minority religion in Asia, with Their main concern was a lessening of faith and the exception of the Philippines, and is primarily the introduction of heretical ideas. This fear lay concerned with its relationship to the major Asian behind the fact that the entry of Roman Catholicism religions rather than with Jewish–Christian rela- into dialogue with Jews and Judaism was delayed tions. However, the significance of minority status, until the 1965 publication of Nostra Aetate.With as shared by both Asian Christianity and Judaism, the onset of the emancipation and the waning of and especially the claim of a particular relation- the sharp religious and social divisions between ship to God in a world of religious pluralism, was Jews and Christians that had existed previously, exploredinaWorldCouncilofChurchesmeetingin the practical problems of assimilation became par- 1993. ticularly acute for Jews. Some converted to Chris- For some Asian theologians, like Sri Lankan tianity, although primarily as a means of social S. Wesley Ariarajah (b. 1941), the relationship with advancement, while many others let their Jewish Judaism is no different from the Christian relation- identity lapse and failed to educate their children ship with any other faith tradition and Judaism has Jewishly. The growth of secularism after the Sec- no role to play in the Church’s theological under- ond World War meant that the Church, too, faced standing of Jesus’ ministry. Ariarajah has described amajor challenge. Alongside changing Christian the effort to return Jesus to his Jewish context as attitudes towards and increasing appreciation of a‘futile attempt’ to create Christian faith expres- Judaism (a process that began in the early twen- sion in a non-European context. He acknowledges tieth century), and the growth of Jewish–Christian Jesus’ connections with the Jewish community of dialogue, the secular challenge led some to call his day, but in his view these carry no theological for a ‘common mission’ and for ministers in both significance. Other Asian thinkers, however, such as faiths to see each other as allies against a common Vietnamese–American scholar Peter Phan Van Loi enemy, and religious indifference as a greater threat (b. 1951), explore the contextualisation of Christian than religious differences. These factors combined theology in differing cultural settings and maintain to lessen the sense of rivalry that characterised that Jesus’ Jewish context remains indispensable past relations and to pave the way for joint study for an accurate understanding of his basic teach- groups or seminars on issues of common inter- ings. Scholars such as Phan Van Loi, while develop- est, both at national leadership level and in local ing a theology suitable for an Asian context, argue areas. JONATHAN ROMAIN that this cannot succeed without an effort to under- Association of Saint James see Saint James, stand the original message of the NewTestament Association of and that this in turn is impossible without a deep Athanasius of Alexandria (c.298–373) appreciation of Jewish religious thought at the Churchman and theologian. Probably a native of time of Jesus and of the composition of the New Alexandria and for nearly half a century Pope or Testament. EDWARD KESSLER Patriarch of Alexandria, Athanasius’s attitude to Assimilation the Jews can probably be taken as typical of his Assimilation – the absorption of a person or group place and time. Most likely educated among the into a surrounding culture – has long been viewed, early Egyptian monks, he is first heard of as one particularly by critics of Jewish–Christian dialogue, of the of Alexander, Patriarch of Alexandria as a dangerous consequence of modern Jewish– (c.313–28), in the entourage at the Council of Nicaea

39 Atheism

(325). In 328 he succeeded Alexander as Patriarch. of the word is of becoming at one with another. The He spent the rest of his life fighting for what he, and alienation may be between one person and another the later Church, regarded as Christian orthodoxy, or between a person and God. This idea plays a provoking the wrath of the Emperor, who exiled him central, though very different, role in the beliefs from his see four times. Although in his time Alexan- and practices of both the Jewish and Christian reli- dria still had a large Jewish community,there is little gious traditions. The fundamental understandings evidence of contact with Jews in Athanasius’s writ- of both traditions derive from the Torah. ings. One of his early works, his apology for Chris- In the Torah, people were enjoined to make tianity in two parts, Contra Gentes and De Incar- atonement both for wrong behaviour and for (spir- natione, deals at length with Jewish (and ‘Greek’, itual) defilement. This atonement is done in two i.e. pagan) objections to Christianity, but whether ways. For wrongs done to other people one had to he is dealing with genuinely contemporary Jewish pay reparations and participate in a rite of sacrifice. arguments, or indulging in a literary topos inspired The shedding of blood is clearly an important part by his conception of the work as an apologia crucis, of the expiation process, perhaps as an expres- ‘a scandal to Jews and folly to Gentiles’ (1 Cor. 1.24), sion of the vicarious exchange of the life of the cannot be decided. He accuses those he called Ari- sacrificial animal for the life of the person mak- ans, whom he regarded as rejecting Christ’s divin- ing atonement. For wrongs against God, includ- ity, of‘Judaising’, meaning that, like the Jews, they ing defilement, sacrifice was sufficient. Implicit in reject Christian claims for Christ.Inhis interpre- this system is the understanding that in wrongs tation of the sacrifice of Isaac in his Festal Letters against another person God is also an aggrieved (no. 6), he displays awareness of rabbinic inter- party, and even while reparations were made to pretations of the episode, though whether he has that aggrieved party appropriate atonement to God derived this directly from the rabbis is again not was required as well. In Leviticus (16.29–34 and clear. ANDREW LOUTH 23.27–32) atonement is given concrete expression Atheism in the form of the DayofAtonement. Later, the lit- In ancient times, pagans called both Christians and erary prophets placed less emphasis on the rituals Jews atheists because they rejected belief in the of sacrifice and more on the reformation of one’s official gods of the Roman Empire and refused to behaviour. These fundamental teachings of the participate in sacrifices and ceremonies in their Torah played out very differently in the traditions honour. Yet the challenge faced by both Judaism of Judaism and Christianity because of different and Christianity came from pagan superstition, understandings of two critical issues: the essential not godlessness. Even in the Middle Ages when natureofhumanbeingsandtheefficacyofvicarious thinkers such as Aquinas and Maimonides formu- atonement. lated ‘proofs’ of God’s existence, their targets were The conventional Jewish understanding of those who advanced heretical views of God, such human nature sees people as having two incli- as denying his unity, or creative power, rather than nations, one calling people to the good and the arguing that he did not exist. In its modern sense of other to wrong actions. People, having free will, a general denial of the existence of God, Jewish as are capable of responding to the one inclination well as Christian theologians have addressed them- or the other. To such an understanding of human selves to the questions raised by atheism. How- nature ‘sin’isless a condition than a description of ever, unlike in the case of secularism, Jews and wrong actions chosen. The consequences of such Christians have considered the issues separately, actions are not ineradicable. Rather, they can be even though related concepts such as death of God reversed by what the rabbis came to call teshuvah. theology have resulted in joint Jewish–Christian Teshuvah literally means turning: it functions as reflection. DAVID WEIGALL the equivalent of the English words atonement or Athens see Greek language and culture repentance. The rabbis reiterate the biblical under- Atonement standing that for wrongs against God this process Atonement involves the process of reconciliation of atonement is sufficient, but for wrongs against and the transcending of alienation. The literal sense another person atonement is not complete until

40 Atonement the wrongdoer has confronted the injured party, Alongside the emphasis on belief in Jesus as made compensation for the wrong and asked for the key to salvation, and its implications of vicar- forgiveness.InChristian thought the understand- ious atonement, a contrasting stream of Chris- ing of atonement is conditioned upon a differ- tian thought emphasised the possibility of making ent understanding of human nature. People are ‘satisfaction’ to God for our sins. The tension understood to be conceived in sin, and held in the between the polarities of faith and works is artic- bonds of original sin, what Augustine calls ‘inher- ulated in the epistle of James, which emphasises ited corruption’. The death of Jesus (born with- works, in contrast to Paul, who represents the faith out defilement by original sin) is understood as end of the continuum. That tension is seen in the an atonement necessary to save people in a way doctrinal struggles between the Catholic Church that, because of their fallen state, they cannot save and the various Protestant denominations, and themselves. within the various Christian bodies themselves. The second significant issue that divides Jew- Certainly, there is no single, definitive position that ish and Christian approaches to atonement is the can be called the Christian understanding of atone- issue of vicarious atonement. The rabbis require ment or the means of achieving it. Still, the weight the involvement of the individual in their own of Christian thought is on the faith end of the teshuvah. Thus, they note that it is not sufficient spectrum, while the weight of Jewish thinking, like to make verbal confession without intending to James,isclearlyandconsistentlyonthe‘works’end. change one’s actions. Rather, the individual has the Despite significant differences in ideology responsibility for initiating the process of teshu- between Jewish and Christian traditions, there vah and of monitoring its effectiveness. Teshuvah is considerable agreement in the actual religious is the result of the individual’s choice and the fruit practice of the two communities. Words of atone- of the individual’s actions. The practice of vicari- ment are found in the liturgies of both traditions. ous atonement came to an end in Judaism with the Both liturgies offer the faithful the opportunity to cessation of sacrificial cult when the Temple was confess their sins to God and to seek forgiveness destroyed. In Christian teaching, however, the pas- from God for those failures. And, as a practical mat- sion of Jesus is often depicted as the great act of ter, both Jewish and Christian practice includes a atonementinhumanhistory.Jesus’deathbecomes, strong emphasis on reconciliation between people in effect, a vicarious atonement on behalf of all and between the individual and God. Both tradi- those who believe in him. Indeed, Jesus’ death is tions include concrete practices to ritualise the act often depicted as an extension of the sacrificial rites of atonement: the rite of Confession in the Catholic of the Temple, in which one life is offered up on Church,thevariousformsofatonementritualinthe behalfofanother.InMatthew(26.28f.),Mark(10.45) Protestant traditions, and the Day of Atonement – and Luke (24.25) – but not in John – Jesus presents along with other ritualisations of confession – in himself, or is presented, as an atonement offered Judaism. on behalf of all humanity. Similar understandings Any discussion of the phenomenon of atone- find expression in the epistles in such statements ment in the Jewish and Christian traditions would as ‘Christ died for us’ (Rom. 5.8). Paul elaborates be incomplete without noting the fact that in on these themes in Rom. 3.24f., Heb. 7.27, 9.11–28 recent years the issue of atonement and the spe- and 10.10–14, and elsewhere. In such a perspective cific term teshuvah have taken on significance it is not the action of the believer that is signifi- in the Jewish–Christian dialogue itself. Various cant, but the action taken on the believer’s behalf. Christian bodies have made atonement to the This means, in effect, that reconciliation with God Jewish people for their role in the history of anti- proceeds independent of any human action. As Jewish teaching and actions, culminating in the such it is not a process that takes place within Holocaust.Emblematic of this is a statement by human beings, but is, instead, a condition initi- Cardinal Edward Cassidy, the use in which of the ated by God. In this system people cannot initi- Hebrew term has continued to resonate in Jewish– ate the process of reconciliation; all they can do is Christian relations: ‘That anti-Semitism has found receive it. a place in Christian thought and practice calls for

41 Augustine of Hippo

an act of Teshuva and of reconciliation on our the acceptance of Christ as Messiah marked them part.’ DANIEL POLISH as no longer the principal elect of God. Instead, Augustine of Hippo (354–430) the Church was to be the new Israel by adop- Bishop and teacher, the most influential thinker tion through Christ, while Jews were to be put on Jews and Judaism amongst the Church Fathers. protectively under the ‘yoke’ of Christian rule, at Born in Carthage of a Berber mother and a Roman least for the sake of their possible conversion.Sec- father, Augustine chose a career of teaching and ond, Augustine taught, along with Paul (cf. Rom. practising rhetoric,eventually at the imperial court 11.26), that Judaism is the vehicle for the salva- at Milan. His conversion to Christianity after years tion of the whole world, though now through the of religious seeking is well documented in his Church. Finally, a synthesis of Augustine’s thinking Confessiones (c.395); his lifelong interest in the refu- gives rise to what many scholars have accurately tation of all other religions would mark him as an called the ‘witness doctrine’ or belief that the Jews apologist of Christianity, but as one who saw a serve as ‘witnesses’ to the victory of the Church as unique role for Jews and Judaism in the salvation the true Israel, to the mercy of God who preserves of the Church and the world. them in spite of all adversity, and to the truth of Augustine’s notions of Judaism seem to arise the Hebrew scriptures as foretelling the coming of principally from the careful study of the Old Christ. DENNIS D. MCMANUS Testament, with little knowledge of but a great Auschwitz desire for Hebrew (De Doctrina Christiana (c.396), Auschwitz/Oswie´ cim, a town in south-east Poland, 34.cc.15–122), in addition to sporadic acquain- near Krakow,´ has become the symbol of the mur- tance with rabbinic opinion and limited interac- der of Jews by the Nazis during the Second World tion with Jews of North Africa (cf. Epistula 8). War. Before this region was newly invested with His thoughts on Jews and Judaism are scattered the Nazi ideology of a ‘perfect’ ‘Germanic’ agricul- throughout his immense corpus of writings, though tural society and, in the process of engineering this, five compositions are especially focused on this became the location of the infamous death camp at topic: Epistula 196, in which he reviews the Abra- Birkenau, Oswie´ cim had a long and varied history hamic covenant and its relationship to Christians of Jewish–non-Jewish interaction. The Jewish cen- and Jews; the treatise Adversus Judaeos (429), con- tre of present-day Oswie´ cim tells of a history that cerned centrally with ‘Judaising’practices amongst encompasses Christian–Jewish hostility as well as Christians; the Contra Faustum Manichaeum (397– cooperation and mutual appreciation. In 1939 the 8), a debate against the Manichean leader, Faustus Jewish population of Oswie´ cim constituted 60 per (c.340–before 400), in which Augustine tries to con- cent of the town’s inhabitants. Under the leader- nect the mark of Cain to the Jews in their special ship of Heinrich Himmler (1900–45) the native Pol- relationship to the church; Sermo 91, which argues ish farming population was deported and Germans the Messiahship of Jesus; and Sermo 112, which from the Reich and the Baltic were ‘resettled’ there. likens the Jews to the prodigal son of Luke 15.11–32, Industrial workers were retained for the German while at the same time describing them as beloved war effort, but their local leaders and other Poles of God. In addition, there are many other places in were imprisoned, tortured and executed in army Augustine’s writings that contain significant refer- barracks built partly for the purpose. The Jewish ences to, or brief discussion of, Jews and Judaism, population of the town was deported to ghettos in such as the De Civitate Dei 18.46, the Ennarationes the Lod´ zr´ egion, the synagogue being closed and in Psalmos (392–420) and various letters such as burned in 1940. From autumn 1941 Auschwitz I Epistulae 40, 75 and 82. (Stammlager), located adjacent to Oswie´ cim, Perhaps the most significant teaching Augus- expanded to include the area of the former vil- tine left to the Latin West about the Jews was his lage of Birkenau where Soviet POWs built the con- conviction that they serve a threefold, symbiotic centration camp (Auschwitz II) and, adjacent to role with the Church in the salvation of the world. this, the Buna factory of IG-Farben (Auschwitz III). First, though Jews are understood to be irrevoca- Beginning as a place for the brutal oppression of bly in covenant with God, their alleged blindness to the Polish population, their torture, murder and

42 Austria

use as slave labourers until death at Auschwitz I, of Sion, who established a Centre for Christian– Auschwitz II became a place of ‘selection’ of Jews Jewish Relations in Melbourne in 1963 and thence- to be deployed for slave labour, and from 1942 forward became an active force in forging relations a place of the murder of Jews from many Euro- between the two traditions in Melbourne and Syd- peancountries,mainlyatBirkenauwhereincoming ney. After some abortive attempts, the Victorian transports of Jews were ‘selected’ to slave labour or Council of Christians and Jews was established in murder in one of the five gas chambers with adja- 1985; its most significant achievement has been cent crematoria. Current figures state that between the publication of Rightly Explaining the Word of spring 1942 and November 1944 about 1.1 million Truth, guidelines for Christian clergy and teachers Jews were murdered at Auschwitz-Birkenau. The in their use of the Christian scriptures’ references to fact that Christians were among both the murdered Jews and Judaism. Subsequently Councils of Chris- and the murderers complicates interpretation of tians and Jews were formed in New South Wales, the significance of Auschwitz for both communi- Western Australia, South Australia, the Australian ties. Oswie´ cim as a place of Jewish–Christian coex- Capital Territory and Queensland. In 1991 the Vic- istence and interaction, and Auschwitz as a place torian and New South Wales Councils united to where both Jews and Christians suffered and died, form the Australian Council of Christians and Jews, occupies an important place in Jewish and Chris- amember of the International Council of Christians tian memory, and since the late 1980s has as a and Jews. ROBERT CROTTY result become a focus for conflict in the Carmelite Austria controversy. K. HANNAH HOLTSCHNEIDER The population of Austria, currently around 8 Australia million, is overwhelmingly (78 per cent) Roman Today about 70 per cent of Australians claim to Catholic, whether practising or nominally, com- be Christian and 0.4 per cent Jewish (although pared with 5 per cent Protestant. During the Ref- the latter figure is undoubtedly an underestimate ormation deep inroads were made by Protes- since some Jews avoid the optional census figure tantism, but by the end of the seventeenth century on religious adherence). Originally Jews were, like the Counter-Reformation had strongly reasserted most Australian Christians, of British stock, but Roman Catholicism, not least owing to the activ- from the 1880s Eastern European Jews came as free ities of the Jesuits and the continued loyalty of settlers and German and Austrian Jews migrated the Habsburg rulers. Although, under the influ- from the 1930s. Prior to 1945 most Jewish–Christian ence of the Enlightenment,Emperor Joseph II encounters were informal, even ecumenical dia- had extended a limited degree of toleration to logue between Christian denominations being a the Jewish population (as well as to Calvinism rarity at this time. There were exceptions such as the and Lutheranism), no synagogue was allowed until activity of the Melbourne rabbi Hermann Sanger 1832, and traditionally Jews were debarred from (1910–80), a refugee from Germany, who estab- the legal profession and civil service and from lishedLiberalJudaismandfosteredpersonalfriend- permission to buy land. Only in 1867 did the ships with Christian clergy. However, after 1945 Austrian constitution guarantee freedom of reli- Australian Christians became more aware of their gion and conscience for all. The number of Jews Jewish neighbours due to reports of the Holocaust in Austria (currently about 8,000) increased dra- and the establishment of the State of Israel. The matically from 6,200 in 1860 to 175,000 in 1910, Jewish preponderance in Melbourne and Sydney reflecting immigration from other areas of the led to these two cities being the natural centre for Austro-Hungarian Empire, notably , Gali- any dialogue. The earliest formal forum was the cia and Hungary.Bythe outbreak of the First Fellowship for Biblical Studies, established in Mel- World War Jews constituted 12 per cent of the pop- bourne in 1950. While, as would be expected, more ulation of Vienna, where figures such as Gustav Christian scholars than Jewish have been members, Mahler (1860–1911) and Sigmund Freud were mak- the Fellowship has encouraged Jewish–Christian ing a contribution of global significance to mod- religious dialogue on an intellectual level. Another ern culture and thought. Vienna was also home to decisive factor has been the work of the Sisters Theodor Herzl, founder of political Zionism. The

43 Avicebron

same period saw the marked rise of demagogic the ensuing argument coincided with Pope John antisemitism, notably illustrated by the career of Paul II’s announcement of a Commission to exam- Karl Lueger (1844–1910), Mayor of Vienna and ine the Holocaust. Unsurprisingly, antisemitism leader of the so-called Christian Social Party. The and the Holocaust remain important issues in rump state of Austria that emerged from the col- Jewish–Christian relations in Austria today. lapse of the Habsburg Empire in 1918, becom- DAVID WEIGALL ing a republic, was riven by political tensions, Avicebron see Ibn Gabirol, Solomon ben Judah often leading to violence, between Socialists on Avodah zarah the one hand and Christian Socialist believers in Rabbinic, halakhic designation of all non-Jewish Catholicism, authoritarian government and Ger- religious cults, which are assumed in the Mishnah man nationalism on the other. Supporters of the and Talmud to be polytheistic and idolatrous (avo- latter were frequently highly antisemitic, with the dah zarah means ‘foreign worship’). The prohibi- animus of clerical antisemites, who tended to tion of worshipping avodah zarah applies also to be opposed to modernity and liberal capitalism, non-Jews, as it is one of the Noachide laws.From directed primarily against secularised Jews. In the the Talmudic period to the present day, halakhists 1930s the Fatherland Front–amovementcall- have generally ruled that Christianity is to be cat- ing for Austria to be converted into a corporately egorised as a form of avodah zarah (e.g. b. Avo- organised ‘Social Christian German state’ – steered dah Zarah 6a and 7b; Maimonides, Laws of Avo- Catholicism along a right-wing course. There was dah Zarah 9.4). The reason for this ruling is rarely a counter-current, exemplified by the foundation discussed or even spelled out; it would appear, how- of a Christian society to combat antisemitism in ever, that worship of Jesus has been interpreted 1891, the publication in the 1930s of the Catholic as worship of a human being, or the Trinity as magazine The Fulfilment which sought to resolve polytheistic (as implicit in Albo, Sefer ha-Ikkarim misunderstandings between Christian and Jew,and 3.25). Few halakhists have argued that Christians the writings of the Christian author Hermann Bahr are not avodah zarah worshippers: Meiri (the con- (1863–1934) who derided antisemitism as ‘the mor- text and meaning of his argument remain however phine of little people’, but Austrian Jews were too unclear) and some post-Emancipation authorities. divided and their Christian allies too few to be By contrast with Christianity, Islam is generally cat- effectiveagainsttheantisemiticonslaught.Withthe egorisedasnotavodahzarahandhencealegitimate Nazi occupation in 1938, the Anschluss, Austria was non-Jewish religion (Maimonides, Laws of Forbid- incorporated into Germany as the ‘Ostmark’, and a den Foods 11.7). Avodah Zarah is also the name train of anti-Jewish violence was unleashed, lead- of a Mishnaic and Talmudic tractate, which deals ing to arrests, emigration, deportation and, in the not with the actual prohibition of idolatrous wor- Second World War, mass extermination. Of those ship (which is almost taken for granted in rabbinic Jews who remained in Austria very few survived literature), but rather with restrictions on drawing the Holocaust.Immediately after the Second World benefit from avodah zarah through trade and other WarAustria was commonly regarded as ‘Hitler’s social relations with non-Jews. These restrictions firstvictim’,butthisoverlookedwidespreadpopular were partially relaxed in the Middle Ages (espe- enthusiasm for incorporation into the Third Reich. cially by the Tosafistsof Northern France), when the Hitler was an Austrian and, as Chancellor Vranitsky Jews of Europe had become heavily dependent, for (b. 1937) admitted publicly in his visit to Israel in their subsistence, on commercial interaction with 1993, Austrians had been not only victims but also Christians. Avodah zarah remains a topic for debate ‘willing servants of Nazism’. This was highlighted amongOrthodoxJewsinvolvedinJewish–Christian by the controversy surrounding Kurt Waldheim dialogue – for example, the vigorous discussion fol- (b. 1918), United Nations Secretary-General and lowing the refusal of American Orthodox scholar then President of Austria (1986–91), who was and interfaith activist David Berger (b. 1943) to sign accused of complicity in Nazi war crimes in Greece the declaration Dabru Emet. and Yugoslavia. His visit to the Vatican in 1986 and See also idolatry SACHA STERN

44 BBBB

Babylonian Talmud see Talmud The Essence of Judaism,anextended response to Bach, Johann Sebastian (1685–1750) Harnack’s The Essence of Christianity (1900). Baeck Renowned composer of vocal and instrumental confronts Christianity with the charge of being a music.Bach was self-consciously Lutheran, and ‘romantic religion’,centring on feelings and obliter- served for the greater part of his career as organ- ating the idea of a Jewish ethical imperative accord- ist and choirmaster of Lutheran parishes in vari- ing to which human beings need to act in response ous German cities, notably the St Thomas Kirche to the call of faith. Baeck claims that Christian- in Leipzig. In view of this, the question has been ity relies on the idea that, since all salvation is raised whether Luther’s anti-Jewish views may have accomplishedinJesusChrist,correctdoctrineover- been reflected in Bach’s music. Particular atten- rides the need for right action. Contrasting Chris- tion has been given to the St John Passion, with its tianity with Judaism, Baeck argues that Judaism use of the collective term ‘the Jews’ to designate is the highest form of religion, the Torah encap- the enemies of Jesus, although the forceful settings sulating the demands of an ethical life. Teach- of ‘Let him be crucified’ and ‘His blood be on us ing at the Hochschule fur¨ die Wissenschaft des and on our children’ in the St Matthew Passion are Judentums in Berlin, he also served as a com- also problematic. It is plain, however, that the chief munity rabbi, rising to the position of president fault lies with the NewTestament texts themselves, of the Allgemeiner Deutscher Rabbinerverband. which Bach was not at liberty to alter. As to the non- Baeckdeclinedoffersofimmigrationtobedeported biblical texts of the chorales and arias, which pro- with his community to Theresienstadt concentra- vide an interpretive commentary on the unfolding tion camp in 1943. He survived and emigrated story, modern scholarship has revealed that Bach’s to London where he continued his teaching and libretto has a markedly less anti-Jewish tone than rabbinical career. In his later years Baeck became his source material, especially the ‘Brockes Pas- increasingly involved in Jewish–Christian dialogue sion’ (B. H. Brockes, Der fur¨ die Sunde¨ der Welt on an academic and community level. Baeck’s gemarterte und Sterbende Jesus,Hamburg, 1712). views of Christianity show the influence of his Bach’s chief concern was not to blame the Jews teachers Heinrich Graetz (1817–91) and Hermann but to drive home the guilt of sinful humanity as Cohen.Since 1954, Leo Baeck Institutes have been a whole for Jesus’ crucifixion: ‘I, I and my sins . . . founded in the United States and Britain, promot- have brought upon you the sorrow that has struck ing research on his work and furthering the study of you’ (St John Passion,No. 11). Toguard against anti- Judaism. K. HANNAH HOLTSCHNEIDER semitic implications, some performances today Balaam include an educational component designed to put Balaam, who was hired to curse Israel but suc- the New Testament texts and Bach’s treatment of cumbed to the will of God (Num. 22–24), was por- them in historical context, and to remind audiences trayednegativelyinJewishwriters(Philo,Josephus, of the new sensitivities needed in a post-Holocaust Pseudo-Philo, rabbinic writings) and in the New era. FRANKLIN SHERMAN Testament (2 Pet. 2.15–16; Jude 11; Rev. 2.14), even Baeck, Leo (1873–1956) though his oracle (Num. 24.17) foretold the coming Rabbi and community leader. Educated in Reform of the Messiah (a contradiction that Origen con- Jewish seminaries in Breslau and Berlin, Baeck tended with). Rabbinic literature, possibly in con- completed a doctorate on Spinoza with Wil- troversy with Christians, sees him as a Gentile seer, helm Dilthey (1833–1911). In 1905 he published symbolic of all that is evil among the nations. In this

45 Balfour Declaration

context, Balaam the seer may on occasion represent who made up around 90 per cent of the population aveiled reference to Jesus. JAMES K. AITKEN (10 per cent of whom were Arab Christians), and Balfour Declaration how she sustained her commitment to a national Inaletter dated 2 November 1917 and addressed home for the Jewish people throughout the dif- to Lord Rothschild, a prominent English Jewish ficult Mandate period. It also partly accounts for Zionist, the British Foreign Secretary Arthur James why the British government was more receptive Balfour (1848–1930) publicly declared the support than other European powers to the Zionist cause of the British government for the Jewish claim and why they were predisposed to be persuaded by to Palestine: ‘His Majesty’s government view with the arguments of Zionist leaders, including Chaim favour the establishment in Palestine of a national Weizmann.Weizmann himself later explained that home for the Jewish people and will use their best Britishstatesmen‘believedintheBible,thattothem endeavours to facilitate the achievement of this the return of the Jewish people to Palestine was object, it being clearly understood that nothing areality, so that we Zionists represented to them shall be done which may prejudice the civil and agreat tradition for which they had an enormous religious rights of existing non-Jewish communi- respect’. DANIEL R. LANGTON ties in Palestine or the rights and political status Balkans enjoyed by Jews in any other country.’ The Dec- This term refers to both the Balkan Peninsula in laration gained international legal status when it south-eastern Europe and the countries of that was incorporated into the provisions for the British region bounded by the Adriatic, Aegean and Black Palestine Mandate in 1922. Gentile or Christian Seas. The majority of people are either (Eastern) Zionism undoubtedly contributed to the creation Orthodox Christians, Roman Catholics or Muslims, oftheDeclaration.Thiswasfoundeduponaroman- with the Eastern Orthodox faith divided into self- ticised, mythologised view of the Jewish people and governing national churches. Jews have lived in this was encouraged by the piety and popular millenar- area from the Hellenistic period onwards. From the ianism of various Evangelical movements.Since fourteenth to the nineteenth centuries the region the time of Cromwell’s readmission of the Jews to was under the control of the Turkish Ottoman England in 1655, the English had been fascinated Empire, during which time Jews and Christians with the idea of the restoration of the Jews to the both formed recognised minorities and shared PromisedLand.Inthetwentiethcenturytherewere a similar situation of toleration and occasional many British politicians and publicists, including threats, with Sarajevo, in which the Jewish com- Balfour and Prime Minister Lloyd George, whose munity was established in the early sixteenth cen- intimate familiarity with scripture allowed them tury,generally a good example of happy coexistence to see their support of Zionism as fulfilment of between the Abrahamic faiths. a historical mission. Balfour in particular allowed This situation changed radically in the twentieth his religious philosophy to shape his politics and century, during which the region – always a focus was profoundly impressed by the peculiarity of the of major international rivalry, internecine ethnic Jewish experience down through the centuries, in conflict and political fragmentation – was crucially which he saw a ‘deep underlying principle of self- unstable. In 1939 only 0.5 per cent of the popula- determination’ pointing to ‘a Zionist policy’. To tion of Yugoslavia were Jewish, and antisemitism such men the announcement that signalled their existedmainlyinnationalistCatholicclericalcircles intent to return the Land to the ancient people in Croatia and pro-fascist populist groups in Serbia. of Israel,anannouncement made just as British However, the German intervention in Yugoslavia forces were poised to capture Jerusalem from the in the Second World War led to massacres of the Ottoman Turks, appealed as a grand symbolic ges- Jewish population, particularly in Jasenovac con- ture of historic justice. It would be simplistic to centration camp and by deportation to Auschwitz. regard the Declaration solely or even mainly in Less than one fifth of the Jewish population escaped terms of religious agendas. Nevertheless, the inter- the Holocaust –atthe end of the war there were section of religion and politics at this point cannot only some 15,000 survivors, many of whom emi- be ignored in any account of why Britain set aside grated to Israel. There was near-total destruc- the interests of the Arab inhabitants of the land, tion of Greek Jews during the Nazi occupation,

46 Baptism

especially in Macedonia and Thrace, while in it has been revealed to him that ‘God had given Romania no fewer than 420,000 Jews were killed even to the Gentiles the repentance that leads to in this period either as a consequence of pogroms life’ (Acts 11.18). In the early centuries of theolog- in which the Romanian authorities participated or ical reflection on initiation Christian writers often through deportation to the camps. As a result of this used the analogy of circumcision in interpreting decimation, and the historical pre-eminence of the the religious significance of baptism. Like circum- fault-line between Christian and Muslim commu- cision, baptism signalled inclusion in the covenant nities,thesavageconflictsofthe1990sasYugoslavia community, sealed in blood; in the case of baptism, disintegrated are of more significance to interfaith however, the blood was not the blood shed in the relations generally (and their vulnerability to polit- rite of circumcision but rather the blood shed by ical manipulation), than to Jewish–Christian rela- Jesus in his crucifixion.Both baptism and circum- tions in particular. DAVID WEIGALL cision were also thematically linked to the exodus. Baptism Just as the blood of circumcision was connected to Baptism is the principal mode by which an individ- the blood on the doorposts of the houses of those ual is initiated into the Christian community, and enslaved in Egypt, so were the waters of baptism a sign and guarantor of that inclusion. It involves at connected to God’seternal promise to redeem con- the very least a water rite, and at one time or another firmed in the waters of the Red Sea. By the fifth in Christian history declarations of repentance, century, however, these theological ties with Chris- forms of professions of faith, anointing with oil and tianity’s Jewish past had been largely lost. Baptism the laying on of hands. Christian denominations was generally understood as the act by which sal- can be roughly divided between those who bap- vation was guaranteed, both by assuring the eradi- tise babies (with sponsors making the baptismal cation of sin, and particularly what had come to be promises on their behalf) and those who baptise called ‘original sin’ (that is the sin of Adam and Eve adults upon mature admit of faith. Only two Chris- transmitted to every human being at conception), tian groups, the Society of Friends (see Quakers) and by inserting the person into the Church, where and the Salvation Army, eliminate the water rite the salvific work of Jesus Christ was exclusively altogether from their initiation practice. operative. Because of the fear that a child might Christian baptism traces its roots both to the Jew- die unbaptised, and thus suffer eternal damnation, ish practice of proselyte baptism (increasingly com- babies began routinely to be baptised quam pri- mon by the first century CE) and to the action of mam (‘as soon as possible’), effectively detaching John the Baptist, whose preaching in the Judean baptism from the ongoing process of Christian nur- desert concerning the coming Reign of God called ture and the life of faith. for baptism in the Jordan River as a sign of repen- The persistent, early link between Christian tance (see Matt. 3; Mark 1.1–11; Luke 3.1–21), as exclusivism and baptism has had important conse- well as to the mikvah, the periodic ritual baths quences for the history of the relationship between for purity. The earliest followers of Jesus adopted Christians and Jews. Although the principle of free- a similar water rite, probably accompanied by the dom from coercion in religious matters has become candidate’s acknowledgement of Jesus as Messiah, quite well established in the modern period, for as a way of marking conversion and commitment centuries forced baptisms were not uncommon in to discipleship. While submersion in water (which the encounter between dominant Christian pop- is the root meaning of the Greek word baptizein) ulations and religious minorities.Inmany peri- seems to have been the practical norm in the early ods of the Church’s history Jews were baptised period, by about the seventh century Christians against their will both because of the strong and were commonly using smaller amounts of water in pervasive conviction among Christians that with- the rite. Already in the earliest period of Christian out baptism their souls were doomed to perdi- history questions are being raised about whether tion, but also because of the belief that eternal anyone other than Jews could be considered candi- rewards would be granted to those who added dates for baptism. The apostle Peter is criticised by to the numbers of the redeemed, by whatever the Christian community in Jerusalem for associ- method. The history of these coerced conversions ating with the uncircumcised, but he argues that continues to cast a shadow on Christian–Jewish

47 Bar Kokhba

relations, as it does on the wider Christian witness tory of the use of baptism as a weapon in relations to peace and freedom. Baptism has often had a sig- with people of other faiths. SUSAN WHITE nificantplaceontheagendaofthevariousChristian Bar Kokhba (d. 135) renewal movements. Those who have believed that (Nomdeguerre of Simeon Bar Kosiba.) Messianic the scriptural evidence for baptism should be abso- claimant and leader of Jewish resistance to Roman lutely normative for Christian congregations have rule. Simeon Bar Kosiba headed the disastrous Jew- called for the rejection of infant baptism, for the ish revolt of 132–5 which, despite some initial suc- restoration of total submersion as the only appro- cesses, was eventually crushed by a concerted and priate mode of baptism, and for the imposition costly Roman military effort. The assumed name of strict behavioural and doctrinal norms for any BarKokhba (‘son of the star’) appears to derive from persons seeking admission to the Christian com- aMessianic interpretation of Num. 24.17. Many at munity through baptism. In other cases, groups the time followed Rabbi Akiba in recognising Bar anticipating that God would bring an imminent, KokhbaasthepromisedMessiahwhowoulddeliver apocalyptic end to the world saw baptism as the Israel from bondage to Rome. Recovered coinage means by which the righteous would be identified styles Simeon the ‘Prince of Israel’ and also makes and, thus, spared the inevitable tribulation. While use of the star motif. Later Talmudicsources refer to these sectarian approaches to baptism have caused him, with hindsight, as Bar Koziba (‘son of the lie’). deep divisions within the Church, insistence on The decisive defeat of the revolt effectively put paid firm adherence to specific Christian doctrines or to any practical hope for Jewish independence or a clearly defined conversion experience has also for the rebuilding of the Temple.Italso forced large helped to undermine the theological foundations numbers of Jews out of Judea, especially to Babylo- of forced baptisms. nia. The then emperor, Hadrian (r.117–38), took the Baptism continues to be among the most con- opportunity to rebuild Jerusalem as the thoroughly troversial aspects of Christian theology and prac- Hellenistic Aelia Capitolina and to deny Jews entry tice, and it is not always easy for Jews and Chris- to the city – an act of great symbolic importance tianstotalktogetheraboutquestionsofcommunity even if not always rigorously enforced. Bar Kokhba identity and the God–human relationship with- is universally reviled in Christian sources: Eusebius out these internal debates coming into play. At the treats him as a ludicrous charlatan, while Justin same time, the attempt on the part of many Chris- Martyr,writing in the years immediately following tian thinkers to recover the Jewish antecedents of therevolt,indictsBarKokhbawiththegravercharge Christian baptismal theology has meant that some that he ‘gave orders that Christians alone should be common ground is beginning to be established. led to cruel punishments unless they would deny Over the past quarter-century, this ancient shared Jesus Christ and utter blasphemy’ (1Apol. 31). Bar imagery has begun to find a place in newly revised Kokhba’sown attitude to Christians, as witnessed in rites of initiation. For example, variations of the the (very brief) letters discovered in the 1950s and sixteenth-century reformer Martin Luther’s ‘Flood 1960s, provides no positive evidence of any definite Prayer’ now appear as the central prayer of bless- anti-Christian bias. MARCUS PLESTED ing over the water in the baptismal liturgies of Barmitzvah many Christian denominations. In this prayer, the Term commonly used since the 1560s (Shulhan whole history of God’suse of water in redemption is Arukh, Orah Hayyim 55.10) for the coming of age chronicled, beginning with the parting of the waters of a Jewish boy on reaching 13. Coming of age in creation, the delivering of Noah and the mira- ceremonies have been celebrated throughout his- cle at the Red Sea. Despite seemingly insurmount- tory in all societies, and barmitzvah began among able differences of theological opinion, the power Jews living in Christian societies. However, the of baptism in the religious imaginations of Chris- precise nature of the Jewish–Christian encounter tian people cannot be overestimated. It seems clear, that led to barmitzvah remains elusive, and mer- however, that the place of baptism in the future of its further research. The age of 13 is mentioned Jewish–Christianrelationsislikelytobedetermined in various medieval rabbinic sources (Avot 5.24; notonlybythevariegatedpatternsofcontemporary Genesis Rabbah 63.10). A curious account by one baptismal theology and practice, but also by the his- Hermannus quondam Judaeus, a born Jew who

48 Beatitudes

became a Christian, appears to describe his bar- of debate and acceptance. When in 1960 Jules Isaac mitzvah in Cologne around 1120. Later in life Her- asked Pope John to address the Catholic Church’s mannus came to view his experience as a step on relationship with the Jews as part of the Council’s the road to baptism into the Church. Apart from agenda, the Pope agreed and referred him to Bea this, there is no evidence of any special ceremony for more detailed discussions. Later that year Bea to mark the event until the fourteenth century in asked Nahum Goldman (1895–1982), the President Provence and Germany. The popular demand for of the World Jewish Congress, to solicit the input of a such a ceremony may be connected with new pro- cross-section of international Jewish groups toward hibitions on children taking part in formal worship. amemorandum that could inform the Council’s In the early Church communion was administered discussions. Bea himself strongly advocated such a to children, but the Fourth Lateran Council (1215) document, and under his guidance a draft ‘Decree limited it to those old enough to understand. Sim- on the Jewish People’ was prepared. Some con- ilarly, there is evidence from the thirteenth cen- sidered it politically and theologically unwise, and tury of boys leading Jewish prayers, but by the fif- a storm of protest and threats from Arab states teenth century it was frowned upon. Once there resulted in its being withdrawn; at the instigation was a formal date to begin from, the need for a of the Pope and Bea, however, the schema was ceremony grew. Barmitzvah seems to offer a num- later restored, as part of Nostra Aetate.Bea person- ber of parallels with Christian confirmation, but ally presented and argued for the relevant sections, this was and still is celebrated at a younger age by which proved to be among the most emotionally Christians. I. G. Marcus (1996) compares barmitz- and politically charged of the Council’s texts, and vahtothe Catholic ceremony of oblation, when his interventions were widely seen as decisive in the boys aged 12−14 entered a religious order. A bat- final outcome. In 1966 Bea published his own com- mitzvah for a girl is an innovation of Progressive mentary, La Chiesa e il popolo ebraico (‘The Church Judaism, and has been extended in recent years and the Jewish People’), addressing the sensitive to some Orthodox synagogues. The coming of issues of ‘deicide’ and the claim of Jewish responsi- age ceremonies practised at age 13 in Ameri- bility for Christ’s death, as well as the spiritual and can Unitarian Churches are clearly influenced by historical links between the Jewish and Christian the popularity of barmitzvah in American Jewish peoples. LUCY THORSON & MURRAY WATSON culture. MICHAEL HILTON Beatitudes Barnabus, Epistle of see Apostolic Fathers The beatitudes witness to the common faith tradi- BCE see CE/BCE tion of Judaism and Christianity. The word ‘beati- Bea, Augustin (1881–1968) tudes’, from the Latin, encompasses a body of say- Roman Catholic cardinal, biblical scholar, ecu- ings with a particular form. The technical term menist. Born in Germany, Bea worked as a Jesuit for beatitudes is ‘macarism’, from the Greek for priest, taught biblical theology at the Gregorian ‘blessed’ or ‘happy’; the Hebrew parallel is ashre. University in Rome and was rector of the Pontifi- The general meaning of all these terms is ‘in a rela- cal Biblical Institute (1930–49). One of Pope Pius tionship of righteousness with God’. Beatitudes are XII’s closest theological advisors, he was named a found in many ancient literatures, including Egyp- cardinal by Pope John XXIII in 1959. In March 1960, tian, Greek and Jewish. The Hebrew Bible contains in the wake of Pope John’s announcement of Vati- 45 beatitudes, mostly in the Psalms and Proverbs. can II,hepetitioned for the creation of a new Vati- More are found in the Septuagint, the Intertesta- can body to coordinate and promote Catholic ecu- mental literature, and the Essene and Gnostic cor- menical efforts; the Secretariat for Christian Unity pus, so the literary form was familiar to Judaism was formally established in June, with Bea as its first long before Jesus. The NewTestament contains president (its responsibilities were later broadened 37 beatitudes, though some are repeats. The two to include Jewish–Catholic relations). Bea’s reputa- most famous collections are Luke 6.20b–23 and its tion as churchman and scholar made him one of the apparent expansion, Matt. 5.3–12. Both are con- most respected voices in the discussions of Vatican nected to the ‘Sermon on the Mount’. Generally, II, and he was instrumental in steering many of the beatitudes in the Hebrew Bible assume that the more controversial documents through the process behaviour’s reward is in the present, while the

49 Begin, Menachem

NewTestament beatitudes promise a future, or Paris. He was to be widely published in his life- eschatological,reward. Scholars argue whether the time. His existentialism shared some concepts with beatitudes in the Sermon on the Mount are original Martin Buber, whom he knew. In The Study of His- to Jesus or not. PHILIP CULBERTSON tory (1923; Eng. trans. 1936), Berdyaev devoted a Begin, Menachem (1913–92) chapter to the unique role of Judaism. This did Israeli statesman. Born in Brest-Litovsk and edu- not prevent his use of borrowed phrases elsewhere cated in Warsaw, from 1944 until 1948 Begin was on ‘the Jews’ refusal to accept Christ’ (1934). At leader of the Jewish Irgun Zvai Leumi which was the same time he insisted that no authentic Chris- engaged in armed revolt against the British Man- tian could permit himself to harbour hatred for the date in Palestine. After the foundation of the State Jews; such racism could only be described as anti- of Israel he set up the Herut (Freedom) Party and Christian (1938). Though Berdyaev’s views on the was subsequently twice elected prime minister, in subject were well known, his European reputation 1977 and 1981, initiating the widespread settlement prevented his arrest during the German occupation of Gaza, Judea and Samaria. His decision to invade (1940–44), but several of his closest friends were Lebanon in 1982 was widely condemned interna- seizedforthesupporttheygavetoJews.Twoofthem tionally and prejudiced Jewish–Christian relations (Mother Maria Skobtsova (1891–1945) and Father in the world at large, though the Israeli action also Dimitrii Klepinin (1900–44)) are numbered with led to the formation of links with Christian groups the Righteous Gentiles (1987); both were canon- such as the Christian Falange. He was awarded the ised as martyrs by the Orthodox patriarchate of Nobel Peace Prize, signing a peace treaty with Egypt Constantinople (2004). SERGEI HACKEL in 1979 after the Camp David Accords. The first Bernard of Clairvaux (1090–1153) significant Israeli politician to woo the American Mystic,theologian,activeinecclesiasticalactivities, Christian right, Begin was instrumental in the rise Bernard continued the tradition of ambivalence of Christian Zionism in the United States. towards Jews and Judaism that began with Augus- DAVID WEIGALL tine and Gregory the Great.While preaching the Bell, George (1883–1958) Second Crusade (1146), he intervened to protect English clergyman, ecumenist and opponent of German Jewry from the monk Randulph. He repu- antisemitism.AsBishop of Chichester (1929–57), diated the views of PetertheVenerable and empha- Bell’s involvement in the ecumenical movement sised the difference between fighting the Mus- gave him unusually detailed knowledge of Ger- lims, which he regarded as legitimate, and inflicting many during the 1930s and 1940s. He was instru- physical harm on the Jews, which he argued against. mental in persuading international Church opinion Bernard also objected to Peter’s desire to strip the as early as 1933 to condemn antisemitic actions by Jews of their material possessions, arguing that Jews the Nazi government, defending the right in inter- should only abolish the interest on loans to cru- national law to intervene in the internal workings saders. He admonished the Christians with the tale of a state where human rights are violated. He cam- of Peter the Hermit who persecuted the Jews during paigned to welcome Jewish refugees from Germany. the First Crusade. However, Bernard intervened in His interest in German Jews was largely humanitar- the papal election of 1130 in support of Innocent II ian and focused chiefly on ‘non-Aryan Christians’ (r.1130–43) against his rival Anacletus II due to the (i.e. those with Jewish ancestry who were prac- latter’s Jewish origins. Bernard’s sermons and mys- tising Christians). He launched a national appeal tical writings reveal the standard anti-Judaic motifs in 1936, though it faltered and was replaced by that were well established in Christian tradition: he a Church of England Committee for ‘Non Aryan emphasised Jewish carnality, the inability of Jews to Christians’. STEPHEN PLANT exercise proper reason, and their stubborn disbe- Benediction see blessings and curses lief. The sermons on the Song of Songs develop the Berdyaev, Nikolai Aleksandrovich (1874–1948) allegorical rivalry between Church and synagogue Russian philosopher. Berdyaev began his career as (see Ecclesia/Synagoga). MICHAEL A. SIGNER aMarxist thinker, but soon reverted to Russian Bernardin, Joseph (1928–96) Orthodox Christianity,critically assessed. After Cardinal archbishop of Chicago (1982–96). Com- expulsion from Russia (1922), Berdyaev settled in mitted to human dignity and conciliation,

50 Bible

Bernardin took up Nostra Aetate’s call to Laws’ in 1882. A third novella, Big Harry, also con- dialogue with the Jews within the structures tains elements of Jewish–Christian relations, but in and programmes of the Archdiocese. A prominent, amore humorous vein. A recent English transla- courageous and credible teacher of the twentieth- tion of Bialik’s novellas has rekindled interest in his century American Catholic Church, he brought work. DAVID PATTERSON Chicago’s leading Jewish and Protestant leaders Bible together in an ecumenical council, Religious Derived from biblia, the Greek plural of ‘book’, the Leaders of Metropolitan Chicago (which now also term Bible is used by both Jews and Christians to has Muslim representation). Through a variety refer to that collection of books held to be sacred of bilateral efforts he supported the relationship by their respective traditions and, by most, to be between the two communities with structures of inspired by God. In the Jewish tradition this is implementation and continuity which involved the Tanakh, or the 45 books of the Hebrew scriptures, relational, pastoral and scholarly dimensions. At including the Torah, the Prophets and the Writings. his death prominent Jewish leaders offered in the In the Christian tradition, the Bible is made up not cathedral, as part of the official wake and funeral, only of the Old Testament/Tanakh, but also of the AJewish Farewell – Words of Tribute and Respect, NewTestament: 27 books which recount the life of in which Bernardin was mourned as the perfectly Jesus of Nazareth and the formation of the early righteous man, a friend and a brother. Church, and include letters from Church teachers AUDREY DOETZEL to the new communities in Asia Minor.ForChris- Bialik, Hayyim Nachman (1873–1934) tians, both Old and New Testaments are God’s rev- Perhaps the greatest Hebrew poet in the past 600 elation to humankind, first to the Jewish people (as years, Bialik also wrote novellas and stories of the found in the Hebrew scriptures) and then to the highestquality.BorninRadiintheUkraine,hemas- Gentile world through Jesus and his followers and tered traditional Hebrew literature at an early age, interpreters. and was attracted by the movements of enlighten- Self-evidently, the Bible has been critically ment and early Zionism.From 1900 he resided in important in Jewish–Christian relations through Odessa, but in 1921 he was allowed to leave Russia the ages. Indeed, one might well claim that a for Germany through the efforts of Maxim Gorky major fissure between Jews and Christians has been (1868–1936). In 1924 he settled in British Mandate caused precisely by opposing or mutually exclu- Palestine,wherehewasreveredasthenationalpoet. sive interpretations of scripture. Typically Chris- Following the Kishinev pogrom in 1903, inspired tians have seen the Hebrew scriptures as simply byaChristian blood libel,Bialik composed a short aprelude to the NewTestament or as exhausted poem, ‘On the Slaughter’, and in 1904 a long poem, by their Christological meaning. Considering the ‘In the City of Slaughter’,which represent a shriek of OldTestament to be mostly a series of foreshad- pain and disgust at the bestiality of a mob howling owings and prophecies of Jesus, many Christians for blood. His description of the cowardice of the concluded that the Jews were either stupid in victims led to the formation of Jewish self-defence not understanding their own scriptures or sin- units. Two of his novellas, Behind the Fence and ful in not recognising Jesus as Messiah.Further- The Shamed Trumpet, deal specifically with Jewish– more, Bible translations,produced by each com- Christian relations in Russia. The plot of the former munity in isolation from the other, have supported is a stereotypical Romeo and Juliet theme trans- the perspective of each. Whether in the Hebrew posed to a provincial Russian town. The lovers are Tanakh, the Greek Septuagint, the Latin Vulgate children of rival families, but also divided by reli- or Luther’s German translation, both communi- gious and social class: the son of a small-scale Jew- ties have found different meanings in their differ- ish lumber merchant and a Christian foundling ent versions. It can accurately be said, therefore, oppressed by a grim and cruel Russian peasant that the Bible has both divided and united Jews and woman. The Shamed Trumpet describes the tragic Christians. uprooting of a Jewish family from a Volhynian vil- Among many issues in the Jewish–Christian lage on the eve of Passover as a result of the promul- encounter with the Bible are the following. First, gation of the notorious antisemitic ‘temporary May there is the complex issue of by which name

51 Bible translations, ancient

Christians should refer to that part of their Bible the Catholic viewpoint, and primarily from a his- that they share with the Jewish people (see Old torical perspective, such major biblical themes as Testament). Second, while the order of books in the relationship between the Testaments, the unity the Hebrew scriptures differs for Christians and of both Testaments and what pastoral implica- Jews, more important and fundamental are dif- tions these might have for Christians. The pub- ferences in interpreting the Old Testament. The lication of both documents reflects the maturity overwhelmingly Christological interpretation that to which contemporary Jewish–Christian relations Christians bring to it, Jewish scholars say, renders have come, while pointing out the need for future it an almost completely different book. The mean- discussion on the Bible’s central place in both ing and interpretation of the Hebrew scriptures can traditions. thus be a fruitful subject of dialogue between Jews Finally, Jews and Christians have often benefited and Christians. Third, twentieth-century Christian from sharing their respective community’s attitude scholars have discovered Jewish understandings of towards the Bible in the ordinary life of their mem- their scriptures to be an indispensable component bers. Christians often think that their reading of the of their meaning. Ignored or derided in the past, Hebrew scriptures is paralleled, both in interpreta- this ‘surplus of meaning’, from the Christian view- tion and centrality, in the Jewish community. They point, has emerged as a significant enrichment and may ask, for instance, How do Jews understand the deepening of the Bible’s meaning. Fourth, from the ‘Suffering Servant’inthe book of Isaiah? Jews, for latter half of the twentieth century many Jewish their part, often are puzzled by some Christians’ scholars began to explore the New Testament as literalist and fundamentalist readings of the scrip- a fertile resource for understanding Second Tem- tures without the necessary (from the Jewish per- ple Judaism of both Palestine and Asia Minor, and spective) interpretation of the Talmud.Some ask, conversely insights from Jewish studies of Jesus, for instance, If Christians consider our scriptures Paul and religious practices of the Apostolic Age to be the Word of God, why do they not observe of the Church have deeply enriched Christian stud- the Sabbath?Such questions suggest that both may ies. Fifth, a promising area for collaboration is the benefit from listening to, and learning from, the search for the meaning of divine inspiration of the other on the place and authority of the Bible in their Bible and, for some, the issue of its consequent respective traditions. inerrancy. While both issues tend to be emphasised See also biblical criticism; biblical interpretation; more within the Christian community, in a post- biblical theology MICHAEL MCGARRY modern world some conservative sectors of the Bible translations, ancient Jewish community also wrestle with them. Finally, The earliest extant Christian writings come from cooperative projects between Jewish and Christian Paul of Tarsus, and are composed in Greek. Their biblical scholars have helped Christians deal with frequent, sometimes lengthy quotations of Jewish problematic texts in the New Testament (see, for scriptures are periodically identical with the Septu- example, anti-Judaism) and have addressed com- agint of the texts being cited; but often they diverge monly experienced problematic texts in both Tes- from that translation, even quite extensively. The taments (such as those involving violence, sexism, same observation holds true for the rest of the slavery or racism). NewTestament, and the writings of the Apostolic Among contemporary expressions of Jewish and Fathers and the Apologists. All these documents Christian dealings with the Bible and the other raise questions about the identity and character of are two very important documents. Dabru Emet: the Greek versions of scripture they cite, and reveal AJewish Statement on Christians and Christian- a complex state of textual affairs. Light is thrown ity (2000) affirms, among other things, that ‘Jews on this by a scroll of the Twelve Prophets translated and Christians seek authority from the same book – into Greek found in the Nahal Hever scrolls cor- the Bible (what Jews call “Tanakh” and Christians pus, indicating that already before the fall of the call the “Old Testament”)’. In 2001, the Vatican’s Second Temple Jewish scholars were aware of dis- Pontifical Biblical Commission issued the state- order in Greek translations of the Bible, and had ment The Jewish People and their Sacred Scrip- attempted to rectify it. This scroll regularly rep- tures in the Christian Bible, which addresses from resents the Hebrew particle gam,‘also’, as kaige,

52 Bible translations, ancient

‘and at any rate’, and is closely related to another lation of Chronicles refers to revisions by Lucian revision of the Septuagint attributed to Theodotion (d. 312 CE), Hesychius (fl. c.300 CE) and, by impli- (fl. end of second century CE): kaige-Theodotion is cation, other scholars. now the name given to this recension. Kaige itself The complex and variable relationships between (dated first century BCE) evidently represents an Jews and Christians revealed in respect of the Greek early stage of recensional endeavour which contin- versions is apparent also in the history of the Syr- ued into the second century CE. From the early part iac Bible translation made from the Hebrew called of that century (c.125 CE) comes the revised Greek Peshitta.Recent research suggests that some books version of Aquila, which was influenced by kaige- in this version (especially Chronicles) may have Theodotion. It was issued in two editions, bears been translated into Syriac by Jews whose attach- the character of the exegetical school of Akiba, and menttorabbinicnormswasslender,andthatJewish marks a determined attempt to represent the let- converts to Christianity may also have had a hand ter and spirit of the original Hebrew in Greek in as in the production of certain other books. Be that as faithful a way as possible. At this time, Christian it may, the translators of Pentateuch and Prophets use of inaccurate Greek translations was becom- in particular from time to time show affinity with ing widespread, non-Jews without knowledge of Jewish exegetical tradition extant in Targum and Hebrew making up the overwhelming majority of the classical midrashim, particularly the former. Church membership. By the middle of the century Their dependence on written forms of such tradi- Justin Martyr could use Greek Testimonia texts tion is unlikely, but it cannot be denied that they which differed from the Hebrew biblical originals had access to Jewish circles where learned expo- and allege that his Jewish interlocutors had tam- sition of the Bible was known, and subsequently pered with the text of scripture by omitting impor- embodied in the version. The case of Proverbs, tant details. A further revision of the Greek Bible however, is remarkable, in that the Targum of that at the end of the second or beginning of the third book depends upon the Peshitta; here particularly century CE by Symmachus (fl.probably late sec- it would seem that there was some close associa- ond century CE), possibly an Ebionite, more likely tion between Jews and Christians. In addition, the aJew, sought to preserve the ‘literal’ approach of Syriac translators sometimes had recourse to the Aquila’s version in a more elegant and literary style; Septuagint, although the influence of the Greek interestingly,itappearedapproximatelyatthesame varies considerably from book to book. In the Apoc- time as the redaction of the Mishnah, which explic- rypha the translators worked from a Hebrew text of itly permits translation of the scriptures into Greek BenSira (late third to early second century BCE), (Megillah 1.8). but otherwise translated from the Septuagint. Syr- While the third century witnessed a decline of iac familiarity with and dependence upon Jewish Jewish interest in Greek translations of the Bible, exegetical tradition continued in the work of the the Christian scholar Origen addressed the serious early Syriac commentators Aphrahat and Ephrem; implications of the Church relying on a ‘Septuagint’ but both these scholars were capable of scathing that poorly reflected the underlying Hebrew and attacks on the Jews from whom they had derived sought to recover the ‘original’ Greek translation. this learning. Even so, influence of this contact To this end he acquired some knowledge of Hebrew between Jews and Syriac Christians may be per- and collected the Greek witnesses known to him, ceived in other less polemical Christian writers, producing his famous Hexapla, indicating in its most notably Eusebius of Emesa (d. c.359), whose Septuagint column Greek additions and omissions quotations of ‘the Syrian’ and ‘the Hebrew’ in his in respect of the Hebrew. This enterprise brought commentaries often betoken knowledge of a Syr- him into direct and apparently amicable contact iac Bible translation or information derived from a with Jews; but the resulting text of his Septuagint, Jewish source. which he also published with the versions of Aquila, In the West the first Latin versions of the Bible Symmachus and Theodotion in his Tetrapla, was appeared in North Africa and southern Gaul: this only one of a number of Christian recensions of Old Latin (Vetus Latina)rendering was a trans- this version known at the end of the fourth century, lation of the Septuagint, and survives in vari- when Jerome in his preface to the Vulgate trans- ous forms which themselves may possibly reflect

53 Bible translations, modern English

originally distinct versions, although attempts to tion 1985). Modern Jewish versions of the Bible have prove the independence of North African and Euro- therefore been partly directed by a desire to eman- pean translations cannot be judged successful. cipate Jewish scriptures from a burden of Christian Augustine speaks of the Itala as a European form biblical interpretation. of the Old Latin, apparently distinct from the North Modern Christian versions are very numerous, African; but the version as a whole is probably best and only the most significant are mentioned here. regarded as having developed slowly over a period The mid-twentieth century saw heroic single- of time, being often revised in the light of such Sep- translator versions and also revisions in the KJV tra- tuagint manuscripts as became available. A certain dition such as the Revised Standard Version (RSV) amountoftraditionalJewishmaterialappearsinthe (NT 1946, OT 1952, Apocrypha 1956), which was Old Latin, and it has been suggested that the ulti- very widely used in the late twentieth century. The mate source of this may be found in the synagogues New RSV (1989) took account of recent develop- of North Africa and the oral interpretations of scrip- ments in biblical scholarship and tried to be alive ture given during the service, taken up and used by to feminist concerns in its use of gender-inclusive Christians. Here, perhaps, we encounter Christian language for human beings. This has been the pol- attendance at synagogue worship, something dis- icy of most Bible translations since. couraged by the bishops, but which seems to have Entirely new Christian translations have been flourished at popular level. made, independent of the KJV/RSV tradition. The Particularly in the West, peculiar renderings, or NewEnglish Bible (NT 1961, OT 1970) was an Angli- even downright mistranslations of Hebrew words, can venture, overhauled as the Revised English could produce unfortunate effects. Famous is the Bible (1990). The Jerusalem Bible (1966) is impor- Vulgate of Exod. 34.35 describing Moses’ face tant as the first English Bible authorised for Roman as ‘horned’, a mistaken interpretation of Hebrew Catholic use since the Rheims-Douai Bible of karan,‘shone brilliantly’, as keren, ‘horn’, such 1582/1610. The New International Version (1978) that Michelangelo’s (1475–1564) famous statue of has enjoyed wide popularity especially among Moses shows him with horns protruding from his evangelical Christians, as have Today’s English Ver- forehead. C. T. R. HAYWARD sion and the Good News Bible. Modern English Bible translations, modern English versions have on the whole been directed by a Christian readers of the Bible in English did not desire to make the Bible available in English that move away from the Authorised/King James Ver- is idiomatic and accessible, and informed by recent sion (KJV) (1611) until the late nineteenth cen- textual scholarship. Questions have recently been tury, with the Revised Version (RV) (NT 1881, OT raised as to whether it is possible to mitigate the 1885, Apocrypha 1895). Jewish readers had by then anti-Jewish strain of some customary translations been expressing dissatisfaction with the KJV for (e.g. whether ‘the Judeans’ would not be a better almost a century, in revisions and commentaries rendering than ‘the Jews’ of hoi Ioudaioi in John’s intended to remove ‘Christian mistranslations’ – narrative of Jesus’ death), but these concerns have especially in Gen. 1.2, Isa. 7.14 and Ps. 2.12, which yettomake their mark on the Christian versions had been points of controversy as far back as Justin most widely used. ANDERS BERGQUIST Martyr’s Dialogue with Trypho. Thus we find the Biblical criticism KJV corrected by Isaac Delgado (1789), Selig New- A comprehensive term that encompasses a wide man (1839) and Abraham Bemisch (1851–6). Isaac variety of scientific methods to analyse biblical Leeser’s 1845 revision was especially influential for texts. These analytical methods can be divided into the principles it set out: the Jewish Publications two broad categories. Historical criticism seeks to Society (JPS) Bible (1917) is a revision of the RV situate a biblical writing in its historical context. on Leeson’s principles. After the Second World War, Historical critical methods study the social, cul- the JPS sponsored an entirely new version of the tural and political milieus in which a text was com- Bible, prepared by Jewish scholars from the orig- posed; component sources that may be discernible inal text, and quite independent of any Christian in the text; precedents in neighbouring societies; version – the New JPS Version (Torah 1962, Prophets archaeological data; and indications of the editing 1978, Writings 1982; gathered in a one-volume edi- or redacting of the text over time. Literary criticism

54 Biblical criticism is concerned with the text as it now stands and world. The ‘documentary hypothesis’ most fre- how it engages readers. Literary critical methods quently associated with Julius Wellhausen – which study the structures and features of the text; the holds that the Pentateuch is the result of the editing strategies the text employs to persuade readers of together of four major distinct ‘sources’ composed its claims; the readers the text proposes to address; over disparate centuries – was used not only to dis- and the characteristics of today’s readers and their miss Jewish claims of Mosaic authorship but also specific questions and concerns. to reinforce the prevalent cultural denigration of Since the Christian Bible includes the scriptures Judaism itself. Examination of the presuppositions of ancient Israel and accounts of the birth of the of the modern interpreter that are characteristic Church within first-century Judaism, its interpreta- of some forms of literary criticism provides tion is a crucial factor in shaping Christian attitudes a corrective to such polemical use of critical towards Jews and Judaism. The rise of biblical criti- tools. cism, therefore, has had enormous consequences – European Jews thus experienced biblical criti- originally negative, but more recently very cism being hostilely used against their own tradi- positive – for Jewish–Christian relations. tions. This, combined with the differences between Different critical methods have gradually devel- the critical and rabbinic thought worlds, caused oped since the nineteenth century when the use Jews generally to be wary of biblical criticism. Over of biblical criticism blossomed in European Protes- time the liberal Jewish movements have more read- tant circles. Indeed, biblical criticism only became ily utilised biblical critical methods, while more tra- possible with the appearance after the Enlight- ditional Jews have tended to see biblical criticism as enment of a historical and a psychological con- irrelevant for Torah study. sciousness, which recognises that people’s ideas The use of critical methodologies is of great sig- andattitudesareculturallyconditionedandshaped nificance for Jewish–Christian relations. Greater by subjective experiences. textual evidence from the Late Second Temple Some biblical critics held a rationalist perspec- period (see Dead Sea Scrolls) and critical efforts tive that was very sceptical of transcendent bibli- to determine the social settings of Christian bib- cal claims that, by definition, were not verifiable by lical books have shed new light on the NewTesta- empirical means. Their work was seen as a threat ment’s presentation of Jews as well as on the origins to Christian faith by some Church leaders because of Christianity and Rabbinic Judaism.Historical it delegitimated the authority of the Bible. This critical studies have determined that much nega- led to the condemnation of biblical criticism by tive or ‘anti-Jewish’ speech stems from the rhetor- Roman Catholic officials in the late nineteenth and ical conventions of the period and from debates early twentieth centuries and the rise of Protes- occurring among Jews both within the Church and tant fundamentalists who insisted that the Bible with Jews outside the Church. For example, there is was the literal and infallible word of God. How- a widespread scholarly consensus that the Gospel ever, since the 1943 encyclical Divino Afflante Spir- of John was composed in a largely Jewish Church itu of Pope Pius XII, the Roman Catholic Church that at one point in its history became estranged has mandated the use of all forms of biblical crit- from the local Jewish community. The anger and icism by Catholic scholars. This has led to a dra- argumentative rhetoric of this internecine strug- matic revitalisation of Catholic biblical scholar- gle is apparent in the Gospel’s frequent negative ship. Some fundamentalist Christian communities use of hoi Ioudaioi (= ‘the Jews’) and its exclusivist have moderated earlier views by restricting the assertion that only believers in Jesus would escape Bible’s freedom from error to matters of faith and condemnation. morals and no longer to more scientific or histori- Critical scholarship has also disclosed that the cal assertions. There remains considerable diversity Late Second Temple Period Jewish world was far among the various Christian traditions about the more diverse than previously thought. The creative use of biblical criticism and the nature of biblical interplay of apocalypticism and eschatology with authority. Temple- and Torah-centred Jewish traditions in the Rationalist biblical critics in the nineteenth cen- cultural context of Hellenism and the political rule tury shared the supersessionism of the Christian of the Roman Empire was the setting in which

55 Biblical interpretation

the earliest churches and forebears of the rabbis at work even within its own pages (cf. Exod. 34.28 functioned. Biblical critical research unearths how and Deut. 4.13). Extra-canonical texts, such as the such ideas as God’s rule, Messiahs, resurrection, Dead Sea Scrolls and the Pseudepigrapha,reveal a election, redemption, incarnation, angels and variety of methods by which interpreters of the Sec- scriptural interpretation unfolded differently in ond Temple Period made meaning of ancient texts. Rabbinic Judaism and Christianity. In the first century BCE, Hillel synthesised these Historical critical studies are also crucial for into seven rules for the exposition of texts; later rab- understanding the four Gospel passion narratives. bis expanded these principles to 13 and then to 32. Vulnerable to persecution by the Roman Empire as Methods alone, however, do not determine an illegal sect, the Gospels’ authors tend to exon- meaning. Rather, the presuppositions of the inter- erate Roman officials for Jesus’ execution with the preting community shape the construal of texts; the result that Jewish characters play a larger role than way the NewTestament draws on texts from the Old is historically probable. The results of such critical Testament provides a case in point. As Jews, the investigations of the passion narratives have been early followers of Jesus looked to the scriptures to incorporated into some official Christian teach- articulate and make sense of their emerging beliefs. ing documents. It should also be noted that crit- Later they drew upon these texts in their own writ- ical research into the ministry of the historical ings in accord with Jewish modes of interpretation. Jesus, apart from the circumstances of the crucifix- Yet they approached the scriptures with a distinc- ion, affects how the Christian religious imagination tive premise: Jesus was Messiah and Lord. Thus conceives of his mission and his interactions with began an intra-familial debate about the right way Jewish contemporaries. to interpret Torah. It should be noted that studies of teaching mate- Several generations later, however, this debate rials have demonstrated that the use or absence intensified into a serious rivalry between Chris- of critical biblical scholarship is the greatest sin- tians, an illicit religious minority in the Roman gle determinant of whether Jews and Judaism Empire until 313, and their sibling Judaism, long are presented positively or negatively in Christian established and well respected. Much of the Chris- textbooks. tian challenge revolved around the scriptures. Questions still remain about how to relate bib- Christian teachers such as JustinMartyr, Tertullian lical critical studies to the Christian doctrinal and Origen argued that the Jews misinterpreted tradition.TheresultingtensionscanimpactJewish– their own scriptures by reading them literally. As a Christian relations. This is true both for the pas- consequence, the Jews were blind to God’s ways, toral and doctrinal implications of New Testament unable to read the prophecies correctly, that is, texts and for the relationship between the two to see the prophets as pointing to Jesus. In the ‘testaments’ of the Christian Bible (see biblical course of argument, Christian apologists levelled theology). PHILIP A. CUNNINGHAM charges that proved long-lasting and destructive: Biblical interpretation Jews were mired in the Law and lacked faith. Chris- Jews and Christians may share a significant portion tians had become the true spiritual Israel – verus of the Bible, but their differing interpretations lie at Israel – superseding Jews. Thus they were now the the heart of the tensions and conflicts between the sagacious interpreters of Israel’s scriptures: ‘For we two communities, as well as within each commu- believe and obey them, whereas you, though you nity. These differences are also the source of mutual read them, do not grasp their spirit’ (Justin Martyr, enrichment, particularly today when many Jew- Dialogue with Trypho, c.135). Others framed their ish and Christian scholars collaborate. The contin- arguments more abrasively. The Epistle of Barn- ued vitality of Jewish–Christian relations depends abas portrayed Jews as ‘wretched people who went in large measure on each community understand- astray’ (16.1); therefore, God abolished their rites ing and appreciating interpretive similarities and and practices, establishing instead a covenant with dissimilarities, without exaggerating either. the followers of Jesus. As a classical text of antiquity compiled over Typology,awidespread mode of reading multi- many centuries, the Bible invites and requires inter- ple levels of meaning in texts, became an important preting.Readerscandiscernaninterpretiveprocess tool in the Christian apologetic arsenal. Augustine’s

56 Biblical theology aphorismsummarisesitspremise:‘IntheOldTesta- lical interpretation, and not only in translation and ment the New Testament lies hid; in the New Testa- exegesis. Scholars join forces to study topics that ment the Old Testament becomes clear’ (Questions have been the source of division (e.g. joint anal- on the Heptateuch 2.73). Accordingly, the story of yses of the Dead Sea Scrolls, the concept of the the near-sacrifice of Isaac (Gen. 22) became a type Messiah, and anti-Judaism in Christian writings). of the crucifixion of Jesus, the exodus through the Aradical change in attitude toward Jewish inter- RedSea a type of baptism, and Noah’s ark a type pretation is evident among many scholars and in of the church. The events and characters of the Old some Churches. A 2001 document from the Vati- Testament foreshadowed what Christ fulfilled; the can’s Pontifical Biblical Commission acknowledges prophets predicted his Messianic character. Thus, that‘ChristianscanandoughttoadmitthattheJew- the early Church writers established an endur- ish reading of the Bible is a possible one, in conti- ing theological trajectory that denied legitimacy to nuity with the Jewish Sacred Scriptures from the Jewish readings of scripture. Second Temple period, a reading analogous to the Jewish interpreters preserved the Bible for their Christian reading which developed in parallel fash- own community and countered Christian claims ion’ (The Jewish People and their Sacred Scriptures by exposition of both the literal meaning of pas- in the Christian Bible, II, A, 7). Christians can ‘learn sages (peshat) and the ethical and mystical layers much from Jewish exegesis practiced for two thou- (darash). The famous dictum attributed to Rabbi sand years’. BenBag-Bag in the Mishnah exemplifies the rab- Mutual study cannot (and should not) resolve the binic genius of attentiveness to every dimension of differences that shape the particularities of each a text: ‘Turn it, and turn it and turn it again, for community. The canon, both in content and order, everything is in it’ (Pirke Avot 5.22). The Talmud will remain a boundary marker, as will the differ- and collections of midrashim (creative interpreta- ing presuppositions each community brings to the tions of both legal and narrative materials) became interpretive process. Talmud and commentary will the principal lenses through which Jews interpreted continue to shape Jewish readings, paralleled to an the Bible. The tragedies of history offered another extent by Roman Catholic and Orthodox empha- lens: the twelfth-century liturgical poem structured sis on tradition, but differing from many Protestant around the binding of Isaac in Gen. 22 (the Akedah) readings, especially in evangelical and fundamen- laments the massacres unleashed by the Crusades. talist circles. The Late Middle Ages also witnessed the emergence Nonetheless, significant commonalities must be of eminent interpreters such as Rashi,Abraham recognised. Both Jews and Christians regard their ibn Ezra and David Kimhi. Their learned biblical respective scriptures as a revelatory text. Both read commentaries enriched Jewish life and influenced them in a liturgical context. Both interpret the Bible Christian scholars such as Nicholas of Lyra, and as essential to their identity and practice: form- Hugh and Andrew of St Victor to give greater weight ing persons in an understanding of who they are to the literal meaning of passages and thereby off- and how they are to live as Jews and Christians in set the excesses of typology and allegory among the present in anticipation of the fullness of God’s Christian exegetes. The Reformation extended this reign. MARY C. BOYS emphasis,precipitatingtheadventofhistoricalcrit- Biblical theology icism in the nineteenth century (see biblical criti- Biblical theology is primarily a Christian endeavour cism). Although both Jewish and Christian schol- to develop an overarching theological framework ars use historical criticism in its more developed that encompasses both the OldTestament and the forms today, in its early years it was deeply anti- NewTestament of the Christian Bible. Although Jewish in its assumptions about the legalism of this synthetic effort is sometimes called ‘Old Tes- post-exilic or ‘late’ Judaism (Spatjudentum¨ ) and tament theology’, it essentially seeks to relate the the Christocentric character of ‘salvation history’ scriptures of ancient Israel to the Christian New (Heilsgeschichte). Testament. The project directly impacts Jewish– The refinement of critical methods in the twenti- Christian relations since ‘the meeting between the eth and early twenty-first centuries has made possi- people of God of the Old Covenant, never revoked ble remarkable collaboration in every aspect of bib- by God, and that of the New Covenant, is at the same

57 Biblical theology

time a dialogue . . . between the first and the sec- nowhere close to knowing how to write an Old Tes- ond part of [the church’s] Bible’ (John Paul II,17 tament theology’ (Blenkinsopp, ‘Tanakh and New November 1980). Testament’, 113). The construction of a theological synthesis of the The need for a new paradigm is evident in biblical books in the Tanakh has not appealed to the many attempts to develop different nomen- Jewish interpreters, but in recent times some Jew- clature than the traditional ‘Old Testament’ and ish scholars ‘have not “moved on” from Bible to ‘New Testament’, but despite the lack of termino- Talmud but have remained focused on the Bible, logical consensus, it may be that some essential applying their reading of the Bible to everything components or principles for constructing a post- else they learn’ (Tikva Frymer-Kensky, in Bellis and supersessionist Christian biblical theology are now Kaminsky (eds), Jews, Christians and the Theology emerging: of the Hebrew Scriptures, 113). The significance of this for a Jewish ‘biblical theology’ remains to be 1. The independent theological validity of Israel’s seen. scriptures in their own ancient contexts must When supersessionism dominated Christian be affirmed. This would seem to be required by theology, Christians concluded that the Old Tes- the Christian rejection of Marcionism (see tament had religious value only insofar as it pre- Marcion). pared for the coming of Christ and the Church. 2. There should be a Christian acknowledgement Thus,the‘Old’Testamentwas–withrareexceptions ‘that these Scriptures are the Holy Scriptures of such as the work of Andrew of St Victor – Judaism as well as of Christianity’ (Rolf thoroughly subsumed by Christians into New Tes- Rendtorff, in Bellis & Kaminsky, 144). This tament perspectives and categories. However, the means, for example, that Jewish and Christian rise of historical criticism (see biblical criticism) interpreters need to grapple with the in the modern period eventually contributed to theological consequences of the different a new Christian appreciation of the independent orderings of the biblical books in the canons of spiritual wealth of the biblical and post-biblical the Old Testament and the Tanakh. Jewish traditions. The attendant recognition of 3. Since ‘the New Testament often does no more the multiplicity of not easily harmonised theolog- than resume’ the scriptures of ancient Israel ical perspectives in the Old Testament made the (Pontifical Commission for Religious Relations effort to devise an overarching biblical theology with the Jews, Notes, II, 7, 1985), Christians even more problematic. In addition, postmodern would miss much of great spiritual worth if they understandings that the meaning of a text derives were to encounter ancient Israel’s scriptures from a dialectical interaction between a text and only through the limited New Testament its reader(s) undermined the modernist ideal of a citations of them. A biblical treatment of why univocal textual meaning. Thus, the Church’s tra- the innocent suffer, for example, would be ditional Christological reading of the Old Testa- inadequate if only New Testament texts were ment could be described as ‘a retrospective per- considered and Job, Ecclesiastes, Isaiah and ception whose point of departure is not in the text certain Psalms were ignored. as such, but in the events of the New Testament 4. False polarisations, such as supposedly proclaimed by the apostolic preaching’ (Pontifical between ‘law’ and ‘gospel’, should be avoided. Biblical Commission (PBC), The Jewish People and ‘The Hebrew Bible is full of gospel, and their Sacred Scriptures in the Christian Bible, §21, Christian tradition, not only Catholic but also 2001). Rabbinic readings of the Tanakh were thus Protestant, is far from being without law’ ‘parallel’ and ‘analogous’ (PBC, §22) to Christian (Rendtorff, in Bellis and Kaminsky, 149). readings of the Old Testament, raising the ques- Dichotomous perspectives inevitably tion of why a biblical theology developed by looking oversimplify the polyvalent richness of the backwards through New Testament lenses should scriptures and the Jewish and Christian be automatically superior to alternative readings. traditions. The task of relating the two Testaments is so vexing 5. It is futile for a biblical theology to pursue that one scholar has concluded that ‘we are as yet comprehensive substantive themes given the

58 Birkat hamazon

myriad of perspectives in the scriptures of (Genesis Rabbah 56.3), an interpretation clearly ancient Israel. Rather, those scriptures should influenced by the NewTestament description of be understood as bearing witness to a Christ carrying his cross to the crucifixion. There continuing theological dialogue and are a number of other examples of rabbinic inter- interaction between God and humanity, pretations being influenced by Christian teaching. especially the people of Israel.Biblical Like Jesus, Isaac was willing to give up his life; was theologians should resist the temptation to not forced by human hand to carry the cross but bring either ontological or historical closure to carried it freely; was not forced to offer himself their theologising, but ought to affirm an as a sacrifice but willingly gave himself up to his open-ended, multi-dimensional model (Walter father; was described as weeping bitterly when told Brueggemann, in Bellis and Kaminsky, 100–5). by Abraham that he was to be sacrificed. Like Jesus, Isaac shed his blood, and is depicted at the gates of Clearly, the work of biblical theology is in a period Hell. Finally, the Akedah was described as atoning of transition that holds the promise of significant for all, Jew and non-Jew, in a similar way to Paul’s transformation in the years ahead. concept of baptism. Thus, Jewish interpretations of PHILIP A. CUNNINGHAM the binding of Isaac cannot be properly understood Bidding prayers see intercessions without reference to the Christian context. The rab- Billerbeck, Paul see Strack–Billerbeck rabbinic bis were not only aware of, but were influenced by, commentary Christian exegesis. Binding of Isaac (Akedah) For their part, Christian scholars were influenced Abraham’s attempted sacrifice of Isaac (Gen. 22) by rabbinic interpretations. For example, Romanos portrays Abraham’s relationship with God and how Melodos in his description of Isaac being tied hand his faith in and commitment to God was demon- and foot uses the same wording as the Mishnah’s strated by his willingness to sacrifice his long- description of the tamid offering. The prevention awaited son at God’s command. Little attention is of movement on the part of Isaac is not repeated given to Isaac in the well-known biblical account, elsewhere in the patristic writings and is paralleled which has been important from at least as early only by rabbinic interpretations. as the third century CE when it was read at Rosh EDWARD KESSLER ha-Shana and Easter;itisalso mentioned in the Bioethics see medical ethics eucharist ceremony. Birkat hamazon Classical interpretations of the binding of Isaac Grace after meals. Christian liturgists searching illustrate exegetical interaction between Christian for the origins of the eucharist and its accompa- and Jewish interpreters. The rabbis and Church nying prayers have frequently looked to the Jew- Fathers reflect a great deal on the story. In the rab- ish birkat hamazon. The Last Supper was a Jew- binic writings, Isaac is no longer portrayed as a ish festive meal. Second Temple period evidence peripheral figure but becomes equal, if not supe- suggests that meals, particularly for holidays, rior, to Abraham. The rabbis portray Isaac as the had become an important focus of Jewish ritual willing martyr who volunteers to give up his life life. Some groups gathered regularly as h. avurot, for his people. Indeed, such is the merit of Isaac’s (table) fellowships or associations, with their own action that Israel benefits from it in the future. For distinctive sets of rituals, including blessings the Church Fathers, Isaac is interpreted typologi- before and after eating. The earliest rabbinic wit- cally. Beginning with the Epistle of Barnabas,Isaac ness, the Mishnah,presumes that when a group is compared to Jesus and is a model of the Christ eats together they will conclude with a commu- who was going to suffer, a typology developed in nal grace consisting of an invocation and three detail by Melito and Origen. blessings. The details of these blessings emerge The rabbinic portrayal of Isaac parallels a num- only in later texts: they praise God for provid- ber of aspects of the Christian understanding of ing sustenance, thank God for covenantal ele- Jesus. Most striking is the description of Isaac carry- ments including the land, and petition God for ing the wood for the sacrifice on his shoulders as ‘a mercy, especially the rebuilding of Jerusalem. man who carries his cross (z. aluv)onhis shoulder’ The rabbis date a fourth blessing praising God’s

59 Birkat ha-minim

fundamental goodness to 135 CE; over the centuries censors, sensitive also to the blessing’scurse of con- much more was added. verts to Christianity and its prayers for the down- If Jesus with his apostles and the subsequent fall of persecuting governments and of Israel’s ene- gatherings of early Jewish Christians considered mies,forcedchangestothisprayer(seecensorship). themselves h. avurot,itishighly likely that their Many twentieth-century texts pray for the downfall meal-based rituals adapted this model. One would of ‘evil’ and of God’s enemies and omit all reference expect to see traces of this in the emerging eucharis- to apostates and minim. RUTH LANGER tic liturgies of the early Church. Leading scholars Black Christian–Jewish relations havesuggestedparallelsbetweenthestructuresand Because of the history of slavery in the Americas, themes of early Christian eucharistic prayers and BlackChristiansareawareofasharednarrativewith the later documentable texts of the birkat hamazon. Judaism of oppression and God’s deliverance. Dur- However, there is simply no evidence to prove or ing the civil rights era in the United States,rela- disprove their suppositions. We know almost noth- tions between Black Christians and Jews deepened. ing about the variety of Jewish (or Christian) litur- For example, many of the marchers and Freedom gical practices in the period when the eucharist Riders in the 1960s were Jews and Black Chris- emerged. RUTH LANGER tians. The Reverend James Bevel (b. 1936), a leader Birkat ha-minim of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference The Talmud (Berakhot 28b–29a) records that the in Selma, Alabama, wore a kippah at several civil birkat ha-minim (the malediction of the sec- rights rallies, and Rev. Martin Luther King (1929– tarians/heretics) was established under Rabban 68) supported human and civil rights for Jews, used Gamaliel II’s direction in the late first century as the Jewish experience in his speeches and called an apparent addition to the Amidah as its twelfth for Baptists to stop trying to convert Jews. When blessing. The occasion for this enactment and its King spoke at the Conservative Rabbinical Assem- original object has been the subject of significant bly’s convention in 1968, he was greeted by over scholarly speculation. The suggestion that it was a a thousand rabbis singing ‘We Shall Overcome’ in specific response to Christianity, explaining John’s Hebrew. King was planning to join Rabbi Abra- references (9.22; 12.42; 16.2) to the eviction of Chris- ham Joshua Heschel for a Passover seder in 1968, tians from the synagogue, is now largely rejected. but was assassinated before such fellowship could Epiphanius (c.315–403) and Jerome are the first occur. These examples provide a glimpse of a pos- Church Fathers to refer to it unambiguously, and itive social relationship between Black Christians they know that it curses Jewish Christians, calling and Jews. them minim and Nazarenes. No Jewish texts pre- Therehavealsobeendifficultiesinthesocialrela- date the ninth century CE, when some, but not all, tionship, however, particularly in the United States, do indeed specify these categories, among others. a country in which colour racism is a more pro- One version from the Cairo Genizah, likely recited found problem than antisemitism.Some Blacks by Jews living under Islam,reads: ‘May there be see Jews as robbing them of their identity as ‘most no hope for the apostates, and may the arrogant oppressed group’ as a result of the Holocaust, and empire be uprooted, smashed, and brought low for their part Jews express concerns at the contro- speedily in our days, and may the noz. erim and the versial comments of Black Christian leaders such minim be immediately lost.’ The precise applica- as Rev. Louis Farrakan (b. 1933) and Rev. Jesse tion of the blessing’s terms depended on the his- Jackson (b. 1941). One of the most influential fig- torical realities of the worshippers. Noz. erim and ures in Black Christian–Jewish relations, Hubert minim probably originally referred to Jewish Chris- Locke (b. 1934), has written about the similari- tians, but likely later came to refer to Gentile Chris- ties between the experiences of Blacks and Jews in tians as well. Minim at times seems also to refer not Western societies (diaspora; legal restriction; post- to a specific group, but rather to Jewish heretics in emancipation marginality). Noting German race general. For Jews living in Christian lands, whose ‘scientists’’work on Black people, he has challenged text did not include the more specific noz. erim, the notion of the Holocaust as a uniquely Jew- minim often did designate Christians. From at least ish experience and argues for solidarity between as early as the mid-sixteenth century Christian Black Christians and Jews, urging them to challenge

60 Blasphemy

Western nations to live up to their claims of justice by the Yersinia pestis,abacterium that resides in and equality. the stomachs of fleas, and thus spreads through From a biblical and theological perspective, there the movement of small mammals, whose furs form are a number of common themes that are cen- their habitat. Spreading from central Asia to the tral to both Black Christian and Jewish identi- shoreoftheBlackSea,theepidemiccrossedEurope, ties. For example, for an oppressed people faith killing at least a third and probably closer to a in God requires the vision to see that God will half of the European population. The densely set- deliver them out of oppression as God delivered tled urban communities – where most Jews lived – the Israelites from Egypt. Jews and Black Chris- were particularly badly struck. Every aspect of life tians have thus found deep similarity through the was affected: family life was disrupted, harvest per- theme of Exodus. On the one hand they were ished in fields, church services all but ceased with slaves and yet they are the children of promise. the death of priests, political institutions ground Both Black theology and Judaism assume a spiritual to a halt. In the midst of these traumatising events vision about the reconstruction of a new human- rumours began to circulate about a Jewish plot to ity no longer defined by oppression but by libera- poison wells and cause the mortality. One chron- tion. According to Black theology, reflection about icler even supplied the recipe for such a poison, God is not only rational discourse about ultimate which included crumbs of a consecrated eucharis- reality, but practical justice meted out by those tic wafer. Pope Clement VI (1342–52) attempted oppressed. A similar description can be applied to quash these accusations and encouraged urban to Jewish theology in its emphasis on the pres- authorities to protect the Jews, but in hundreds of ence of God and the practice of the community in cities of the Holy Roman Empire and the Low Coun- knowing God. Both Black theology and Jewish the- tries, where most Jews resided in the later Middle ology abide by the tenets of liberation theology, Ages, massacres of whole communities resulted, although divergent attitudes towards the State of especially in the Rhineland – , Mainz and Israel cause friction. Again, God’s election estab- Cologne – but also further east, notably in Prague. lishes a covenant, which imprints upon Israel an The Mainz Memorbuch listed 279 affected com- obligationtorespondinfaithandobediencetoGod. munities, and survivors commemorated the dead Black Christians came to interpret God’s covenant in liturgy. The massacres declined with the viru- with Israel as creating Israel as a distinct nation, not lence of the plague, leaving displaced Jews, who in a distinct ethnoi, enabling, for example, Black Jews many cases (like Prague) were eventually allowed to (such as Ethiopian Jews) to be intelligible to Black resettle. MIRI RUBIN Christians. Black theology see Black Christian–Jewish However, just as there are tensions in the social relations relationship, there are also problems in the the- Blasphemy ological encounter between Black Christians and The interpretation of the charge of blasphemy, as Jews. For Black Christians, Blackness is defined as proposed in the literary reports of the trial of Jesus, all victims of oppression who realise that the sur- has been an obstacle to fruitful Jewish–Christian vival of their humanity is bound up with their lib- relations. Misinterpretation has contributed to the eration from whiteness. Blacks live in a society charge of deicide laid by Christians against Jews. in which Blackness means criminality, subhuman- Basically the term means ‘to curse God’, in the ity and anarchy. It is not clear to them to what sense of repudiation or speaking contemptuously extent Jewish identity is capable of being white or of the divinity. The punishment for blasphemy black, or to what extent Jewish theology claims a recorded in the Torah was stoning (Lev. 24.10–23), theological anthropology similar to that of Black while the Mishnah confirmed death by stoning but theology. MICHAEL BATTLE restricted its definition of blasphemy to those cases Black Death where the name of YHWH had been pronounced The wave of disease that ravaged the European after the accused had been warned by two wit- population between 1347 and 1351 also marked a nesses (Sanhedrin 7.5). In the Talmud Rabbi Meir period of suffering and destruction for Jewish com- extended the prohibition to include the substitute munities. The Black Death was a plague caused names of God. The prohibition of blasphemy was

61 Blessings and curses

also considered incumbent on Gentiles as one of blasphemy, which carried the penalty of stoning the Noachide Laws (Sanhedrin 56a, 60a). and in which the Romans would have had no inter- The Gospel traditions include instances where, est, but for suspected seditious activity against civil during his ministry, ‘Jews’ accused Jesus of blas- order, which carried the penalty of crucifixion. phemy. For example, in John 10.33 the Jews (hoi However, the Jewish charge of blasphemy and its Ioudaioi) state: ‘It is not for a good work that we are relationship to the consequent crucifixion contin- going to stone you but for blasphemy, because you, ued to be taken as historical fact and provided the though only a human being, are making yourself basis for the counter-charge that the Jews had killed God.’ It is unclear what precisely would have been Jesus and thereby brought down God’s judgement entailed in blasphemy in the first century CE, but it on themselves. The literalist reading of the passion can be assumed that Jesus’ statement that he acted narratives and the charge of blasphemy in the trial inlocoYHWHwouldhavesufficed.Thusthestoryin of Jesus have been an ongoing obstacle to Jewish– Mark 2.1–12, where Jesus claims to forgive sins and Christian relations. ROBERT CROTTY therefore to control the channel of forgiveness in Blessings and curses society, is an implied claim to divine authority and Jewish and Christian blessing and curse traditions would have laid Jesus open to the charge. The judi- are closely related in origin. Hebrew blessings and cial charge of blasphemy laid against Jesus by the apotropaic curse texts are found from the early High Priest Caiaphas is recounted in Mark (14.61– seventh century BCE onwards, and continue and 66).Jesuswasaccusedofclaimingtoassumethetwo develop for centuries. From the early centuries CE titles ‘Messiah’ and ‘Son of the Blessed One’. The curse traditions are eclectic, mixing language and twintitleswouldhavebeenderivedfromaChristian imagery from Jewish, Christian and other religious midrashic reading of Ps. 2. Jesus replies obliquely traditions, so that it is not always easy to identify to the charge with the response of ‘I am’ and ‘you their religious origins. Blessing became a standard will see the Son of Man seated at the right hand of part of ancient ritual, and more developed forms, the Power’. ‘I am’ in this context of self-disclosure such as the Amidah,arewell known. must refer to the revelation formula connected with The biblical paradigm of blessing and cursing the divine name of YHWH. Mark’s Jesus thus cor- from Mounts Gerizim and Ebal respectively in Deut. rects the two titles in the indictment by substitut- 27–28 on those who follow or disobey the law early ing ‘Son of Man’, making clear the Daniel context on became an image in disputation. Likewise, the in which the Son of Man is depicted as the judge ‘curse of the law’ (Gal. 3) has been an issue of of the world at the end of times. Later Gospels had discussion in Jewish–Christian relations. As a dif- difficulty with the Markan text: Matthew changes ficult text it could be seen as implying that Jews the ‘Son of the Blessed One’ to the more direct ‘Son are cursed, and therefore contribute to anti-Jewish of God’ and paraphrases the ambiguous ‘I am’; in teaching. The ‘curse’ in this sense can be seen as Luke the term ‘blasphemy’ does not appear and the referring to the covenantal curses enacted from ‘I am’ is turned into an innocuous statement. How- Mount Ebal, and therefore the expression empha- ever,beforePilate,inallGospels,thechargeisbased sises the covenantal obligation of the law.Positive not on the two allegedly blasphemous titles but on statements calling for blessing rather than cursing Jesus’ claim to be ‘King of the Jews’,which had sedi- can be found in the NewTestament itself (e.g. Rom. tious overtones. 12.4 and Ja. 3.8–10) and can be used to counter- The indictment in the Sanhedrin trial is too act any contemporary misunderstanding of such closely connected with a reading of Ps. 2 to be con- images. JAMES K. AITKEN sidered historical. It is more likely the fruit of later Blood Christian reflection on the psalm, which endeav- Blood in Judaism and Christianity is laden with oured to transfer blame for the death of Jesus from meaning. Basic to both religions is the Torah’s the Romans to the Jews; this judicial charge would notion that a living being’s ‘soul [or life, nefesh] then have been read back into the Gospel accounts is in the blood’ (Lev. 17.11; Gen. 9.4): that is, of confrontations between Jesus and Jewish groups blood is either life itself or the seat of life. Blood- during his ministry. Historically, Jesus would not shed represents the taking of life, and in sacrifi- have been condemned for the religious crime of cial ritual the victim’s spilled blood is vital to the

62 Bonhoeffer, Dietrich

atonement obtained. A key NewTestament pas- sacrifice and cannibalism within the precincts of sage here is Heb. 9.22, which ends with the pro- the Temple.Ironically, Tertullian reports that early viso ‘without the shedding of blood, no forgiveness Christians were also accused of eating human flesh. occurs’, a ‘cultic maxim well known in Jewish tra- By the Middle Ages the blood libel incorporated the dition’ (Attridge, The Epistle to the Hebrews, 258). idea that Jews engaged in conspiracy to lure Chris- Christianity departs from Judaism with the notion tian boys; that they used the blood in the prepa- that Jesus’ shed blood serves as a sacrifice (pro- ration of matzah, or to engage in magic.Byexten- pitiatory and/or expiatory) for the forgiveness of sion of the blood libel, Jews were accused of stealing the world’s sins. At Rom. 5.9 Jesus’ death is referred the consecrated wafer of the eucharist and muti- to as ‘blood’ (Tuckett, ‘Atonement in the NT’). lating it until blood flowed. Jews were also accused When the early Church was deciding which laws of poisoning water wells during the period of the or customs from Judaism should carry over into Black Death. Scholars have been unable to explain Christianity, abstention from eating blood was an the persistence of this perduring invention. It may important inclusion (Acts 15.20–29). Likely here we have its origins in xenophobia, fuelled by the psy- see an early manifestation of what later came to chology of projection and inversion, where a central be called Noachide laws,requirements that many principle such as the real presence in Christianity is ancient Jews felt were binding on Gentiles (or nec- projected onto the Jewish community, whose scrip- essary for aliens living among Israelites accord- ture provides details of blood sacrifice (Leviticus). ing to Mosaic Law). This prohibition is attested Irrespective of its origins, the blood libel has served for centuries within the church (Bockmuehl, Jew- as an explanation for the continuing existence of ish Law in Gentile Churches, 166–7). Its historically the Jewish people as enemies of Christ: Jewish suc- strictest application is among Jehovah’s Witnesses, cess despite persecution is attributed to furtive who extend it to the sphere of medicine, forbidding practices that subvert the truth of Christianity and whole blood transfusions, though they do permit weaken it. some blood products and therapies. See also Hugh of Lincoln; Rozanov, Vasily Vasileye- See also blood libel; dietary laws; eucharist; vich; Russia MICHAEL A. SIGNER food FRANK SHAW Bonhoeffer, Dietrich (1906–45) Blood libel Protestant and theologian hanged for Blood libel refers to the accusation that Jews kill a involvement in an attempt to assassinate Hitler. young Christian boy and use his blood in the rit- His view of Judaism is controversial. He qualified ual preparation of unleavened bread or maz. z. ah for as a lecturer in 1930 and was ordained in 1931. the Passover ritual. Although there is some indi- He helped form the Confessing Church, which cation that it may be traced to eleventh-century resisted state interference in Church life. From 1935 Germany, the earliest direct evidence is the case he led an illegal seminary and from 1939 worked of William of Norwich in 1144. Charges spread for German military intelligence while exploiting from England to France (1171) and Spain (1182) ecumenical contacts on behalf of the resistance. and throughout Europe by the seventeenth century. Arrested in 1943, partly for smuggling Jews to Despite official secular and ecclesiastical investiga- , he was hanged at Flossenburg when tions in the thirteenth century by Emperor Freder- evidence of complicity in the 1944 plot against ick II (r.1215–50) and Pope Innocent IV that denied Hitler emerged. any possibility that Jews used human blood, accu- Bonhoeffer’s 1933 essay ‘The Church and the sations continued against the Jewish community Jewish Question’ echoed Luther in asserting that in Western and Eastern Europe into the twentieth the ‘chosen people’crucified Christ and must century. The Nazis revived the charges that Jews bear a curse in history. But it admonished the killed children and used their blood. The blood state for failing to protect Jews against persecu- libel has also become part of the arsenal of anti- tion, insisted the Church is responsible for vic- Jewish agitation in extreme forms of contemporary tims of persecution irrespective of religious con- Islam. The origins of blood libel appear in antiquity, fession, and advocated direct action for victims. where Josephus relates that Antiochus Epiphanes Bonhoeffer resisted the trend in German Protes- (r.175–164BCE)wastoldthatJewsengageinhuman tantism theologically to marginalise or abandon

63 Bread

the ‘OldTestament’, manifest at its most extreme context. If the Last Supper was a Passover meal, it in the pro-Nazi ‘German Christian’ movement. He would have included unleavened bread, as is cus- joined the conspiracy in disillusionment with the tomary for the eucharist of some churches. Jesus’ Confessing Church’s policy to defend only bap- ritual reference to bread and then wine (in all but tised Jews. His wartime writings suggest devel- Luke’s institution narrative, i.e. Jesus’ directives at opment in his attitudes to Judaism. He believed the Last Supper for its ongoing observance), revers- expelling Jews from Europe meant expelling Christ, ing the order of rabbinic preprandial rituals, repre- and in his Ethics wrote ‘the Jew keeps open the sents either an innovation, an extra-rabbinic Jewish question of Christ’, suggesting that the continuing practice or a context including the grace after meals existence of Judaism was essential to the contin- and its cup of wine and not just the meal’s begin- uance of Christianity. Contemporary debate turns ning. The eucharist’s transformation of the meal’s on whether he is regarded as part of the problem bread into a sacrificial element reflects more the Jewish–Christian relations must resolve, or is one role of bread in the Temple than the ceremony’s of the few theologians who made future dialogue roots in domestic ritual. CyrilofJerusalem (Myst- possible. STEPHEN PLANT agogical Catechesis 4.5) understood the showbread Bread to prefigure the eucharist, requiring similar purity The staple food of the grain-based cultures of the for those consuming it. Thus, the bread, with the Middle East, bread achieved symbolic value in wine, become the ultimate elements of Christian the Jewish culture that gave birth to Christianity ritual sacrifice; it combines the Temple’sgrain offer- and Judaism. In the Temple cult, daily sacrifices ing symbolically with the animal sacrifices of flesh included various forms of bread, called the minh. ah; and blood. 12 loaves, renewed weekly, probably representing The intertwining of domestic and sacrificial the 12 tribes, constituted the ‘showbread’ displayed continued in the early Church when eucharis- before God. The Templecult distinguished between tic gatherings occurred in domestic settings; with leavened and unleavened bread for various func- the development of dedicated and elaborated tions. Unleavened bread, maz. z. ah,isthe central church buildings, the table became increasingly ritual food of Passover, when all leavened food, an altar, set apart from the greater community h. amez. ,isforbidden, recalling the bread of afflic- as sacred space, thus emphasising its sacrificial tioncookedinhasteintheexodusfromEgypt(Exod. aspects.Somecontemporaryliturgicalreformsseek 12.15–20, 39). In the HebrewBible ‘bread’ functions to retrieve the domestic roots of the ritual. In con- frequently as a synecdoche for food in general, its trast, the consumed bread retains a purely domes- paucity representing poverty (e.g. 1 Kgs 22.27; Isa. tic role in Judaism. However, the elaborated, often 30.20; 2 Chr. 18.26). This meaning echoes in the braided forms of the Sabbath and festival loaves, Lord’s Prayer, where ‘daily bread’ alludes to Prov. perhaps developed in imitation of festive loaves in 30.8–9, the ‘allotted bread’ of necessary sustenance. Christian milieus in which Jews lived, elevate that Rabbinic Judaism to today demonstrates sub- bread from the level of the mundane. stantial continuity with the biblical understand- RUTH LANGER ing. While grain sacrifices no longer exist, bakers Brenner, Joseph Chaim (1881–1921) remove and burn a small portion of the dough, the Hebrew novelist and critic. A number of Bren- h. allah,incommemoration (thus the name for the ner’s novels and stories, most of which con- special Sabbath and festival loaves). Early modern tain marked autobiographical elements, deal with Yiddish women’s prayers (teh. ines) for discarding Jewish–Christian relations. Shanah Ah. at (‘One the h. allah indicate that women saw this task as Year’) reflects his experiences in the Russian army distinctly priestly. Eating bread ‘establishes a meal’ from 1901–3, emphasising the contempt in which setting; the blessing over bread, unlike other food Jewish recruits were held by both the Christian blessings, applies to all kinds of foods consumed officers and their fellow conscripts. Arrested as a during the meal; a meal including bread requires deserter at the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese war, the full grace after meals, birkat hamazon. Brenner spent many months in a series of pris- Jesus’ use of bread at the Last Supper and its ons, before being physically rescued and smuggled consequent role in the eucharist derives from this across the border into Germany. His experiences

64 Brother Daniel Affair

are graphically portrayed in his novel Me-Aleph ad are descendants of the biblical Judeans, who inter- Mem (‘From A to M’), once again depicting the married with Edomites (see Edom) and Samaritans bitter relationship between Jewish and Christian to the extent that their Israelite ‘blood-line’ was lost. prisoners and their warders. Proceeding to Lon- Others argue that most Jews are European descen- don in 1904, Brenner lived in the East End Jewish dants of the ,aTurkic people who accepted ghetto for three years. Although his works in Lon- Judaism in the seventh century CE. don are concerned primarily with the degradation The Rights of the Kingdom by John Sadler (1649) of Jewish life, one of his stories, ‘Rosh-Hodesh Mai’ foreshadows British Israelitism insofar as it traces (‘The First of May’), contrasts the miserable Jew- links between the constitutions of England and ish trade unionists unfavourably with their digni- biblical Israel, but the movement’s modern forms fied Christian counterparts. Arriving in Palestine date from ’s book OurIsraelitish Origin in 1909, where he remained until his murder by (1840) and its heyday was in the late nineteenth and Arabs in 1921, Brenner experienced harsh condi- early twentieth centuries. The Anglo-Israel Associa- tions worsened still further by the ravages of the tion was formed in 1879, and in 1919 it became the FirstWorldWar.The wretchedconditionsportrayed British-Israel World Federation, reflecting the dis- in his last three novels are symbolised in the final semination of British Israelite ideas in North Amer- paragraph of Mi-Kan u-mi-Kan (‘From Here and ica, where Howard Rand (1889–1991) and William There’) where the old idealist Aryeh Lapidot and Cameron (1878–1955) were prominent advocates the young boy Amram stand guard in an empty of British Israel ideas. As editor of Henry Ford’s field with their heads crowned with thorns – a clear newspaper, The Dearborn Independent,Cameron Christian reference. Brenner preached a simple but authoredseveralantisemiticpiecesandintroduced powerful message – responsibility for everyone and the Protocols of the Elders of Zion to an American at all times, and above all compassion. readership. DAVID PATTERSON Post-Second World War British Israelite leaders British Israelites include Texan Baptist John A. Lovell (1907–74), British Israelites hold that the British and American who had an active radio and tract ministry, and (or ‘Anglo-Saxon’) peoples are the surviving rem- Gerald L. K. Smith (1913–70). Born to Methodist nant of the ten ‘lost’ tribes of Israel, the true descen- parents, Smith underwent a powerful conversion dants of Jacob, and the rightful inheritors of the bib- experience as a teenager, and became a travel- lical covenants between God and the people Israel. ling preacher, pastor and Ku Klux Klansman. His There is no single, unified British Israelite doctrine, views, informed by modern race ‘science’, formed but in general terms, they believe that, following the abridge between the older, non-violent British collapse of the Northern kingdom in 721 BCE, the Israelitism of the nineteenth century, and the ultra- ten tribes moved northwards and westwards, even- right extremism of contemporary Christian Iden- tually settling in ‘the isles of the seas’ (Isa. 11.11; Jer. tity movements. Whereas more traditional British 31.10), that is, in what is now the United Kingdom Israelites believe that individual Jews may come to and Ireland. These events, and other prophecies, share in the covenant with God through faith in are enshrined in the Great Pyramid of Giza in Egypt, Jesus,Identity movements typically view Jews as a regarded as the ‘temple’ in Rev. 11.1. degenerate, mixed race, beyond salvation.More- British Israelites do not constitute a separate over, they contend that, as the recipients of God’s , but have influenced the promises, white ‘Aryan’ Israelites are mandated to development of a number of groups within con- overcome their demonic opponents through vio- servative Protestantism,most notably the World- lent means. wideChurchofGod.Morerecently,althoughBritish See also Judaising Christians Israelitism did not begin as a hate movement, its MELANIE J. WRIGHT supersessionist theology has provided a rationale Brother Daniel Affair forviolentlyracistChristianIdentitychurchesinthe In 1962 Daniel Rufeisen (1922–98), a Jewish convert United States.Uniting these groups is the view that to Christianity, immigrated to Israel under the Law modern Jews are not genuine Israelites but an apos- of Return. He argued that his nationality was Jewish tate people, rejected by God. Some hold that Jews although his religion was Catholic. Complicating

65 Bruderhof

the issue was the fact that, according to halakhah, In 1923 Buber began lecturing on Jewish phi- as the child of a Jewish mother Brother Daniel was losophy and ethics at the University of Frank- indeed Jewish. The Chief Rabbinate ruled that he furt. Through lectures and publications he actively should be given citizenship as a Jew, regardless of supported the Jews in Germany who were being his faith decisions. The Supreme Court ruled that, persecuted by the National Socialists; in 1938 he despite this and the unusual circumstances (he had emigrated to Jerusalem, where he was profes- saved many Jews during the Holocaust), it was not sor of social philosophy at the Hebrew Univer- possibletobebothaCatholicpriestandaJew.While sity until 1951. Buber promoted the idea of an the national term ‘Jew’ did not necessarily imply the Arab-Israeli state, and after the foundation of the practice of religious Judaism, ‘in common parlance’ State of Israel in 1948 lectured extensively in the it could not be applied to someone who practised UnitedStates, but especially in Germany,establish- another faith. Although Brother Daniel lost his case, ing his reputation as a leading representative of his he was later naturalised as an Israeli citizen and generation. lived in a Carmelite monastery in Haifa until his Christian examination of his work, which began death. EDWARD KESSLER during Buber’s lifetime, focused on his philosophi- Bruderhof see Anabaptists calthoughtandhisviewoftherelationshipbetween Buber, Martin (1878–1965) Judaism and Christianity. In the years following the Jewish thinker. As a pioneer of dialogic think- First World War a number of thinkers – Gabriel ing Buber has had a great impact on the Chris- Marcel (1889–1973), Eugen Rosenstock-Huessy, tian world. Against the Orthodox verdict that ‘he Rosenzweig and others – had discovered the cen- is already outside (Judaism)’, Emmanuel Levinas tral importance of encounter for understanding (1906–95) affirmed the ‘obligation to acknowl- the meaning of truth and human existence, but edge Buber’s achievement’. Buber helped the it was above all Buber in I and Thou who propa- churches and Christian theology recognise that gated the idea. He saw something incomparable in God’s covenant with the Jewish people has not been the I–Thou relation, which could not be attributed revoked, and made many Christians aware of the to knowledge or theoretically acquired truth and importance of a literal translation of the Bible. Fur- which establishes the connection between the indi- thermore, without sacrificing his Jewish identity, vidual I and the eternal Thou of God:‘The extended he spoke of having an open, brotherly relationship lines of relations meet in the eternal Thou.Every with Jesus. particular Thou is a glimpse through to the eternal Born in Vienna, Buber spent his childhood in Thou’(I and Thou, 75). Lvov, , with his grandfather Solomon Buber, Christians have been equally attentive to Buber’s arecognised expert on the midrash.Hegrewup characterisation of the differences between Chris- in a multilingual environment where he encoun- tiansandJews.IncontrasttoChristianity,theimme- tered Hasidism for the first time; his later writ- diacy of God in Judaism denotes an ‘absence of ings on Hasidism propagated an individualistically incarnation’ with respect to God (Der Jude und accented piety in a free rendering of the texts. With sein Judentum, 205). Buber discerned a further dif- his Addresses on Judaism (1909–11) he exerted con- ference in what he identified as the ‘absence of siderable influence on the Jewish youth of Central a caesura in the history of humanity’ (ibid.). The Europe. He promoted the Jewish renaissance of the Church believes in Christ’s coming as redemption. post-First World War era, and from the perspective Judaism is unable to believe this and thus has no of a ‘Hebrew humanism’ understood Zionism as a knowledge of a caesura; its calendar begins instead holy way. Buber published his fundamental philo- with creation. Christian theology has engaged with sophical treatise I and Thou in 1923. In 1925 the this twofold objection both by recognising the first chapters of his German translation of the Bible thread of Buber’s arguments and by contradict- appeared, a work he began with Franz Rosenzweig, ing them (e.g. Josef Wohlmuth (b. 1938)). Chris- continued on his own after Rosenzweig’s death tian reaction to his comparison of Christianity and in 1929, and completed in 1961. To this day it is Judaism in his TwoTypes of Faith (in Werke 1, widely accepted in the German-speaking Christian 651–782) has sometimes seemed to reverse Buber’s world. intention: Buber typifies Christianity as faith that

66 Burial accepts facts as true whereas Judaism, in con- effect on Jewish–Christian relations at its most trast, is faith in the sense of a ‘trusting in’; some profound. HANS HERMANN HENRIX Christian theologians, however, in their efforts Bulgakov, Sergei (1871–1944) to explain Christian faith as a ‘trusting in’, have Russian Marxist economist and Orthodox theolo- drawn precisely on Buber’scriticism of Christianity, gian. Born the son of a priest in Livny, Bulgakov interpreting it as a positive insight for their under- abandoned Christianity for Marxism but later standing of a Christian ‘faith of trust’ (Hans Urs von returned to the Church. From 1923 he was an Balthasar (1905–88), Eugen Biser (b. 1918) and oth- Orthodox priest and theologian in Paris’s Rus- ers). The following sentences from Buber’s preface sian emigr´ e´ community. Several later essays com- to TwoTypes of Faith became very popular among bine shrewd political commentary on the ori- Christians: ‘Since I was young I have felt that Jesus gins of antisemitism and condemnation of racist is my elder brother. That Christianity has seen and violence with the disturbing view that ‘Jewish- sees him as God and redeemer has always been a ness’ (yevreitsvo) generates its own persecution by very serious matter for me which I must try to com- remaining distinct from its ‘host’ community. He prehend for his sake and my sake’ (Werke 1, 657). understood Bolshevism as a form of secularised Buber’s connection of his relationship to Jesus with ‘Jewishness’. His controversial account of ‘sophia’ faithfulness to his Jewish identity has earned him sees God’s wisdom permeating and unifying the the respect of many Christians. whole created order and is indebted to Jewish Buber probably had the most significant impact mysticism. STEPHEN PLANT on Jewish–Christian relations with a statement he Burial made in 1933. In his historic dialogue with the Burial is the disposition of a dead body, usually Protestant New Testament scholar Karl Ludwig by placing it in a grave or into an above-ground Schmidt (1891–1956) on 14 January that year he tomb. In both Jewish and Christian traditions burial insisted on the following confession, over against historically has been the predominant mode of the Christian thesis concerning the invalidity of the disposal of the dead, and in many cases is the OldCovenant: ‘The Covenant has not been termi- only authorised method. Not only have Jews and nated.’ His linguistically powerful comparison in Christians made common responses to the vari- particular is quoted again and again: ‘The [Chris- ous social factors that have influenced the shape tian] cathedral [of Worms] is as it is. The [Jew- of burial practice, with the increasingly common ish] cemetery [of Worms] is as it is. But we have intermarriage between Jews and Christians the not been rejected’ (Theologische Blatter¨ 12 (1933), pastoral questions surrounding the burial of the 272f.). Pope John Paul II embraced Buber’s asser- dead have become more insistent, and dialogue tion of the unrevoked nature of God’scovenant with at the local level on the construction and leader- the Jewish people: during a pastoral visit to Ger- ship of interfaith burial services has been vigor- many he gave an address to representatives of the ous. But because of significant differences between Jewish community in Mainz on 17 November 1980 Jewish and Christian theologies of death, for much in which he praised Rosenzweig and Buber ‘who, of their history the theology and practice of burial through their creative familiarity with the Jewish in the two communities have taken separate and German languages, constructed a wonderful paths. bridge for a deeper meeting of both cultural areas’. For the Christian community, burial is an act He also stressed the meaning of dialogue as ‘the of faith in the resurrection of the body to eternal meeting between the people of God of the Old life which is promised in the Gospels and prefig- Covenant, never revoked by God (cf. Rom. 11.29), ured in the disciples’ discovery of the empty tomb and that of the New Covenant’. John Paul II repeat- (Matt. 28; Mark 16; Luke 24; John 20). In all Christian edly stated his conviction that God’s covenant burial rites the prayers and symbolic action point with Israel had not been revoked; finally, in the to the hope of resurrection, and to Jesus’ own res- prayer for forgiveness he left at the Western Wall urrection as a model for all Christians. That being of Jerusalem on 26 March 2000, he called the Jew- said, burial customs among Christians have always ish people simply the ‘people of the Covenant’. In been highly diverse, varying according to the social, this papal recognition one can perhaps see Buber’s geographical and denominational circumstances

67 Burning bush

of the deceased. Even today, local and regional tra- the text of Exod. 3 where Moses is confronted ditions remain strong, often superseding the offi- by YHWH speaking from a bush that burns but cially sanctioned rites of denominations. Because is not consumed. Valiant efforts have been made to be denied a proper burial is understood to to identify the bush botanically, but it is now be the greatest humiliation one can suffer, both widely accepted that the identification of the bush Jews and Christians consider giving each deceased (Hebrew, seneh)islinked to the name of the moun- person a ‘decent burial’ to be of the highest religious tain, Sinai, in the biblical text. As a symbol, the importance, and within Judaism it is considered burning bush has been integrated into the badge the supreme act of benevolence. Burial societies of the Australian Council of Christians and Jews. (hevrah kaddisha)were often set up to meet this In the early Christian centuries it was drawn into need in Jewish communities, and among economi- Christian iconography, particularly at St Cather- cally and socially disadvantaged Christians similar ine’smonastery at the foot of Sinai where early icons mechanisms were established to ensure a reverent escaped the iconoclasts. There is an icon of Moses disposal of the dead. removing his sandals before the bush in the Chapel Scholars have recently worked to uncover the his- of the Burning Bush. Here, on Saturdays, the monks tory of mutual influence between Jewish and Chris- assemble for the eucharist;bycustom, those cele- tian burial practices. The spread within Judaism of brating the eucharist and those visiting the chapel the use of coffins for the encasement of dead bod- remove their shoes. In the Middle Ages there was ies and the significance of placing a handful of earth a development in Christian understanding of the from the Holy Land into a coffin before burial are burning bush. It was used to symbolise the virginal two possible connections. In the modern period, conception of Jesus.Just as the bush was said to be several social factors have affected the practices not consumed by fire, so too the Virgin Mary was of burial for both Jews and Christians alike. In the penetrated but not consumed by the Holy Spirit. industrialised West the most important of these was Hence there were images of Mary rising from the the rise of the funeral trade in the eighteenth and burning bush. In the fifteenth century Enguerrand early nineteenth century, which removed many of Charenton’s‘Coronation of the Virgin’ (found in the the rituals of burial from the control of the immedi- Hospice of Villeneuve les Avignon) made use of this ate family of the deceased. With the establishment imagery. ROBERT CROTTY of the State of Israel, the question of exhumation, Bystanders normally forbidden, has also been debated, and an Bystanders are persons present at an event who exception to the general prohibition has been made hear or see something, but do not become actively for those who wish to be reburied there. In recent involved in it. The term was applied to the Holo- years the question of the possibility of cremation caust and it remains particularly important in as an alternative to burial has also been vigorously Jewish–Christian relations, as demonstrated by the discussed among both Jewish and Christian the- following quotation from Yehuda Bauer (b. 1926), ologians. For Christians cremation has traditionally historian of the Holocaust: ‘Thou shalt not be a been seen as antithetical to the idea of the resur- victim. Thou shalt not be a perpetrator. Above rection of the body; for Jews it has been seen as a all, thou shalt not be a bystander.’ The perpe- desecration of the body. Although Reformed Jews trators of the Holocaust constituted a relatively will occasionally cremate the dead, most Jews still small percentage of a European population that respect rabbinic mandates against cremation, and was overwhelmingly Christian, but that population there remains strong opposition, in both academic contained millions of bystanders whose detach- theology and pastoral practice, among many Chris- ment, indifference, fear for personal safety, or anti- tians. In many heavily urbanised places, however, semitism aided and abetted – even if unintention- increasingly limited space for burial has put cre- ally – the destruction of European Jewry. Few issues mation back on the agenda of both Churches and vex contemporary Jewish–Christian relations more synagogues. SUSAN WHITE than how to account for the Holocaust bystanders Burning bush and how to overcome the widespread phenomenon The burning bush has been used symbolically by of bystanding when persons and communities both Jews and Christians. Its image is drawn from are being treated unjustly. The term has also

68 Byzantium/Byzantine Empire

been applied to the genocide in Rwanda in the Hadrian (r.117–38) after the Jewish revolt of 132 CE, 1990s. JOHN K. ROTH was still held to be in force in the seventh cen- Byzantium/Byzantine Empire tury, on the eve of the Arab Conquest of the Holy From the reign of Emperor Theodosius I (r. Land. The Jews were, however, encouraged by the 379–95), the Roman Empire, as the Byzantine Emperor Julian the Apostate to rebuild the Temple Empire called itself, adopted as its official religion in 362, and their rejoicing at the fall of Jerusalem Orthodox Christianity,asdefined at the Council to the Persians in 614 was deeply resented by of Constantinople (381) and then at later councils Christians. Although persecution was forbidden, called by the emperors. This put on a legal foot- the Emperors Herakleios (r. 610–41), Leo III (r. 717– ing opposition between Christians and Jews. Other 41), Basil I (r.867–86), and Romanos I Lekapenos religions than, and heretical versions of, Christian- (r.920–44) ordered the forced baptism of Jews. ity were proscribed: sacrifices were forbidden, and This was officially opposed by the Christian Church ultimately resort was had to persecution. This sit- and condemned by leading theologians, such as uation was incorporated in the legal codes of the Maximus the Confessor (580–662), though indi- Byzantine Empire: the Theodosian Code, assem- vidual voluntary conversions were welcomed, and bled by the authority of Theodosius I’s grandson, indeed encouraged. In the Holy Land the Jew- Theodosius II (408–50), and the Codex Justinianus, ish community, established mainly in Galilee, was drawnupbythelawyerTribonium(latefifthcentury ruled by a group of scholars headed by a nasi, to 546/7) in the reign of Justinian I (527–65). The called in Greek the ‘patriarch of the Jews’, a posi- position of the Jews, however, was special: recog- tion that lasted to the fifth century. In the Dias- nised as belonging to a religio licita,Jews were pora Jewish communities tended to live apart, usu- allowed to practise their religion and to continue ally near the market and running water, led by worshipping in their synagogues; officially perse- rabbis appointed with the consent of the govern- cution was forbidden, and indeed official attitudes ment, enjoying autonomy in religious and social were more severe towards Christian heresy than affairs. These communities raised their own taxes Judaism. This status was, however, ambivalent: it and provided various social services: education, was intended to preserve (until the second com- care of the sick, burial etc. Part of the commu- ing of Christ) the Jews as a standing witness to nal tax went to the government, though whether the truth of the gospel they had rejected; to this there was a special Jewish poll tax is disputed. Jews end they were to continue in a diminished state, became prominent as merchants, craftsmen and forbidden to have Christian slaves, to proselytise, particularly as physicians. Much valuable light is work for the government, teach in public institu- shed on the Jewish communities of Byzantium, tions or serve in the army; nor were they allowed to especially in Constantinople, by the account of build new synagogues, or even (in practice) to make a journey from Spain along the Mediterranean major repairs to existing ones. Jewish communi- coast to Byzantium in the 1160s by Benjamin of ties were found throughout the Byzantine Empire, Tudela, who observed that ‘the Greeks hate the and Jews regularly immigrated from neighbouring Jews, whether good or bad, and hold them under Muslim and Western Christian lands. The ban on a heavy yoke . . . Yet the Jews are rich, kind and Jews living in Jerusalem,imposed by the Emperor charitable.’ ANDREW LOUTH

69 CCCC

Caiaphas (held office 18–37 CE) offering, thus perpetrating the first murder in bib- Gaining direct rule of Judea in 6 CE, Rome assumed lical history. Christians from earliest times saw this the authority to appoint high priests, whose duties story – along with the stories of two other pairs included performing Temple rituals, managing the of brothers, Isaac and Ishmael, and Jacob and Temple treasury and presiding over the Sanhedrin. Esau – as typifying the relationship between the Son-in-law of the high priest Annas (6–15 CE), Jews and the Church, Cain representing the Jews Caiaphas was appointed in 18 and held office until (or, very occasionally, specifically that embodiment 37, when both he and Pontius Pilate were dis- of Jewish perfidy, Judas Iscariot) and Abel either missed. Although Pilate’s subordinate, Caiaphas Christ or the Christian martyrs. typically appears in Passion plays as his superior Already in Second Temple times Jewish exegetes and so contributes to the impression that ‘Jews’ – had identified Abel as the archetype of the right- whom Caiaphas represents – crucified Jesus (see eous man persecuted by the wicked (Philo, On the hoi Ioudaioi). His traditional costuming – luxuri- Sacrifices of Abel and Cain, That the Worse Always ous robes, outlandish headgear (sometimes with Attacks the Better,On the Posterity of Cain). This idea horns), money in hand – contributes to the stereo- was taken up in the NewTestament.Condemn- type of Jewish cupidity, and his collaboration with ing the Pharisees for killing God’s prophets, Jesus Rome symbolises Jewish disloyalty to the local pop- warns: ‘On you will come all the righteous blood ulation. Ironically, certain Jewish sources support shed on earth, from the blood of righteous Abel to the view of various high priests as rapacious and the blood of Zechariah’ (Matt. 23.35). 1 John 3.12 corrupt.JosephusrecordsthatthepriestsofAnnas’s exhortsChristiansnottobelikeCainwhowas‘ofthe family were ‘heartless when they sit in judgment’. evil one, and slew his brother’ because ‘his works Historians debate the extent of Caiaphas’s were evil, and his brother’s righteous’. Heb. 12.24 involvement in Jesus’ death (see trial of Jesus). contrasts the blood of Abel crying for vengeance Caiaphas’s probable relocating of merchants (Matt. from the ground with the blood of Christ which 21.12; Mark 11.15; Luke 19.45; John 2.14) from offers atonement (cf. Heb. 11.4; Jude 11). These sug- the Mount of Olives to the Temple precincts gestive remarks were elaborated by later Christian (b. Shabbat 15a; Sanhedrin 41a; Avodah Zarah 8b) writers, and the story of Cain and Abel became a may have prompted Jesus’ ‘cleansing’; this in turn popular subject of Christian exegesis, preaching, may have precipitated his arrest. Caiaphas also art and anti-Jewish polemics. likely perceived that Jesus, or at least the mes- The comparison between Jesus and Abel focused sianic claims made for him, threatened the peace mainly on three points. First, Abel as a shepherd of Jerusalem. This political situation provides the foreshadowed Jesus the Good Shepherd (Isidore of context for Caiaphas’s ironic prophecy ‘It is better Seville, Allegoriae quaedam Script. sac. 5); Chris- for you to have one man die for the people than that tian art often depicts Abel in Christlike pose hold- the entire nation perish’ (John 11.50; see Genesis ing in his arms or carrying on his shoulders a Rabbah 94.9). AMY-JILL LEVINE lamb. Second, both Abel and Christ offered sac- Cain and Abel rifices pleasing to God: the lamb which Abel According to Gen. 4, Cain and Abel were the first offered and God accepted prefigured Christ the and second sons of Adam and Eve.Cain killed Abel Lamb of God (Ambrose, Enarrat. Ps. 12). And third, in a fit of rage because God preferred his brother’s both were cruelly done to death by their brethren

70 Calendar

(Athanasius, Contra Faustum 12.9–10: ‘Abel, the edge of Christian polemics, could hardly be more younger brother, was killed by Cain, the elder. So pointed. PHILIP ALEXANDER Christ, the head of the younger people, was killed Cairo Genizah by the elder people, the Jews.’) A depository (from Hebrew and Arabic root gnz, Once Abel was identified as a type of Christ, or ‘hide’, ‘store’, ‘bury’) in the Ben Ezra synagogue of the persecuted Christian, the identification of Cain OldCairo (Fustat) that was used from at least the with the Jews would have seemed obvious to the eleventh until the nineteenth century for worn-out Christian mind. Christian artists in the Middle Ages Jewish texts thought to have some sacred element. express the identity by depicting Cain in a coni- Over 200,000 fragmentary manuscripts, amount- cal Jewish hat. Apart from the fact that Cain was ing to as many as 800,000 folios, are housed in wicked, killed his righteous brother and offered an numerous libraries around the world, almost 70 unacceptable sacrifice, three specific features of the per cent at Cambridge University Library in the biblical narrative seemed further to confirm the UK. They were brought there in 1897 by Jewish typology.First, God was said to have marked Cain (e.g. Solomon Schechter (1847–1915)) and Chris- with a sign so that no one should kill him. This tian scholars (e.g. Margaret Gibson (1843–1920) was interpreted by Christian exegetes in a num- and Agnes Lewis (1843–1926)) committed to Jew- ber of ways: Augustine related it to the idea that ish manuscript research. Their close study demon- God had preserved the Jews as a witness to the tri- strates how the Jewish, Christian and Muslim umphoftheGospel(Enarrat.Ps.58.1);otherslinked communities in the eastern Mediterranean in the it with physical marks that the Jew was supposed period of the Crusades were socially and econom- to carry on his body to show that he was cursed ically integrated and exercised mutual religious by God. Second, Cain’s condemnation to perpet- influences. Religious conversion was not uncom- ual wandering as an outcast and vagabond was mon, and the religious texts and notions of the seen as corresponding to the wandering, pariah sta- other were mastered and challenged by leading tus of the Jews (see Wandering Jew). Third, if Eve’s thinkers. STEFAN C. REIF mysterious words, ‘I have gotten a man with the Calendar Lord’ (Gen. 4.1) were taken, as by some Christian The calendar is an important indicator of how (and Jewish) interpreters, to mean that Cain was Christianity gradually distinguished itself from fathered by the devil (see already 1 John 3.12), the Judaism in the early centuries CE. By the fourth possibility of a further link with the Jews emerged, century the Christian calendar had adopted festi- for according to one extreme Christian antisemitic vals, such as Christmas and various martyr days, view the Jews were actually from the seed of that marked it out as clearly distinctive. But the Satan. first Christians appear to have kept a fully Jewish Curiously, there seems to be little evidence, at calendar, with festivals such as Unleavened Bread least in the classic sources, that Jews attempted (Acts 20.6) and Pentecost (Acts 2.1; 20.16); although to counter directly this Christian use of the Cain it is likely that from the very beginning Passover and Abel story. Jewish exegetes continued to iden- was reinterpreted as a commemoration of the tify Abel as a type of the righteous and sometimes crucifixion, which would have affected profoundly see Cain as typifying their opponents. Thus Tar- the character of its observance (see 1 Cor. 5.6–8). gum Pseudo-Jonathan describes Cain as a free- The earliest distinctively Christian day in the cal- thinker who holds that there is ‘no judgement, endar appears to have been Sunday or the ‘Lord’s no judge, and no other world’. Whatever group Day’. Sunday observance is not clearly attested in is implicitly attacked here, it is obviously not the NewTestament (see Acts 20.7; 1Cor. 16.2), and the Christians (some have suggested the Sad- the meaning of ‘Lord’s Day’ in Rev. 1.10 is open to ducees). But there is no obvious attempt to turn interpretation. For Ignatius (Magn. 9), ‘Lord’s Day’ the tables and argue that Abel represents the per- seems to designate the day of the Passion (Easter?); secuted Jews and Cain their Christian tormentors. nevertheless, it is clearly conceived as a substitute The contrast with Jewish treatments of the Jacob fortheSabbath,whichIgnatiuscondemns.Theper- and Esau story, which strongly reflect a knowl- haps contemporary Epistle of Barnabas (15.1–9) is

71 Callixtus II

more explicit: the Sabbath, now obsolete, must be Jewish calendar, with the apparent adoption by replaced with the ‘eighth day’ (Sunday) on which fourth-century Jews of similarly calculated calen- Jesus rose. But whilst Sunday was widely observed dars and also the ‘rule of the equinox’. by the second century, not all Christians consid- SACHA STERN ered it as a substitute for the Jewish Sabbath. As Callixtus II (d. 1124) late as the fourth century, in Syria, the Apostolic Pope (1119–24). A scion of the royal house of Constitutions (7.23 and 30, apparently following the Burgundy, Callixtus II oversaw the ending of the Didache 8 and 14) instruct the observance of both quarrel between Rome and the German Empire the Sabbath (Saturday) and the Lord’s Day (Sun- over the investiture of bishops, and legislated day). But the Didache (8.1) repudiates the Jewish against simony, clerical marriage and concubi- calendar in other ways, by instructing Christians nage, and ecclesiastical forgery. In 1120 he issued to fast on Wednesday and Friday, and not with the the bull Sicut Judeis, forbidding the forced con- ‘hypocrites’ (i.e. Jews or Judaisers) on Monday and version of Jews, upholding their freedom of wor- Thursday (see fasting). ship, and maintaining their right to due process of Controversies about the date of Easter, evident law. Despite many later citations of, and appeals from the late second century, often reflect a con- to, this bull, it proved unable to banish anti- cern to distinguish it from the Jewish Passover. Jewish sentiment and activity from the Western Although this was probably not the main issue of Church. MARCUS PLESTED the Quartodeciman controversy, the observance Calvin, John (Jean) (1509–64) of Easter on Sunday (rather than on the preced- Reformationtheologian.JohnCalvinbecameacon- ing fourteenth day of the lunar month, the date of vert to Protestantism in 1534 and rapidly rose to a Passover) had the effect of drawing it away from dominant leadership position in the second gen- its Jewish counterpart. It would appear, however, eration of the Reformation.Coming from France, that Christians in this period still determined the where Jews had been excluded since the fourteenth fourteenth of the month (upon which the date of century, and spending most of his remaining years Easter was based) according to when the Jews hap- in Geneva where no Jews lived, he probably had no pened to be celebrating Passover (Eusebius, Hist. personalcontactwithJews.Asoneofthemoremod- eccl.5.24.6).Thischangedinthethirdcentury,when erate anti-Jewish spokesmen of the Reformation, Christians began to determine the date of Easter he never produced writings specifically focused on independently, by calculation (through the use of and against Jews, though he had much to say about ‘Easter cycles’): the intention, clearly spelled out them and their faith in many of his writings and par- by Pseudo-Cyprian (De Pascha Computus), was to ticularly in his sermons. Yethe uniquely stressed the break loose from dependency on the Jewish cal- unity of the Hebrew scriptures and the New Tes- endar. The Council of Nicaea (325 CE) ruled, fur- tament, the one covenant initiated by Abraham thermore, that the lunar month in which Easter and permanently upheld by God, and the con- occurred should not be determined according to tinuing importance of the Law for Christians. In the Jewish calendar, allegedly always in error (Euse- general, Calvin accepted the Jewish understand- bius, Vit. Const. 3.18–9; anti-Jewish invectives are ing of Torah and insisted Christians must learn noteworthy in these sources). This led to the adop- from Jews in order to understand the Hebrew Bible. tion of the ‘rule of the equinox’, whereby Easter Through the Law people learned to know the will of should always occur after the vernal equinox (a rule God, were restrained from unacceptable behaviour not observed hitherto by Jews); although in many and became aware of sin and their need for God’s parts of Asia Minor, Syria and the Near East the redemption. The Law taught love of God and of practice of ‘following the Jews’ (observing Easter in neighbours for God’s sake, and for Christians it the same month as Passover) continued for more helped them to conform their lives to God’s image than one century (Apostolic Constitutions 5.17.1–3; as shown in Jesus. Thus the Mosaic Code remains JohnChrysostom,Adv.Jud.3;Epiphanius,Panarion useful for governing until it is abrogated in the 70.9.13; Socrates, Ecclesiastical History 4.28 and Messianic age; however, he believed Jews wrongly 5.21–2). Paradoxically, these changes in the Chris- used it as a means of justification. He was very tian calendar may have had an influence on the cautious about Christological interpretation of the

72 Calvinism

OldTestament (except for certain passages which Calvin’s extensive correspondence with the spread- he insisted referred to Christ) and he often devi- ing Calvinist/Reformed Churches he never revealed ated from traditional Christian interpretation. He hostility to the resident Jewish population in insisted that Israel’s ‘special destiny and mission Poland.Reformed theology is represented in Pres- was to shine forth everywhere’ and point the way byterian, Congregational, Puritan and Reformed for others; to Jews alone had God ‘bestowed knowl- churches. While these Churches developed their edge of his name’ (The Institutes of the Christian own specific forms under differing local factors Religion II, 11.11). Calvin was one of the very few and needs, they generally followed Calvin in stress- voicesintheChurchspeakingagainstthecenturies- ing the pre-eminence of biblical authority includ- old Christian theology of Israel’sdisinheritance and ing the Old Testament’s teachings (law) and the against seeing the Church as replacing the Jewish ongoing validity of God’s covenant with Abra- people as heir of the covenant. Instead he insisted ham and the Jewish community. God’s free gift thatGod’scovenantwiththeJewishpeopleisendur- of faith was seen as the undergirding of human ing and eternal despite their breaking it. He stressed responsibility and good works. In worship the that the entire reformation confession sola gratia singing of the Decalogue (TenCommandments) (by mercy alone), rooted in God’s covenant with and Psalms played a prominent role, while sim- Abraham, promises to share Israel’sblessing with all plicity of worship excluded instrumental music, people. At times Calvin used ‘Israelite’ to mean both chants, prayers to saints and use of images. Calvin- Jews and Gentiles elected by God as the remnant to ist thought first gave people the idea of eccle- be saved. Nevertheless, in his written dialogue with siastical liberty and then of political liberty, and one Jew (Ad quaestiones et objecta Iudaei cuiusdam; played a major role in the sixteenth-century Dutch ‘Response to Questions and Objections of a Certain revolt, and that of eighteenth-century American Jew’) he affirmed the triumphant Church position, colonists. Seventeenth-century Dutch churchmen and did not mention God’s eternal faithfulness to developed close contact with rabbis, along with Israel’s covenant. He also cited Isaiah’s assertion interest in the meaning of Israel. A Hebrew print- that when Messiah comes ‘there will not be full ing press was founded in Amsterdam in 1626, and restoration of Israel because a good part will not the founder’s son, Menasseh ben Israel, appealed return to God’. He insisted that the kingdom Christ to Oliver Cromwell in 1655 for the right of Jews initiated was a spiritual rather than a materialistic to return to England. Cromwell gave the London kingdom. To the Jewish objection that Jesus did not Marrano Co. informal permission to establish a initiate the Messianic age with justice, peace and synagogue and a cemetery. Jews first appeared in righteousness he replied there could be no peace the Calvinist Dutch colony of New Amsterdam in as long as people were evildoers who did not accept 1654 as captives of a French sea captain; the Dutch God’s redemption in Christ. Calvin could not see West India Co. ordered that the 23 Jews be released Judaism as a viable alternative since ‘only Christ is from prison and given freedom of the colony.Dutch the sole means of salvation’.He never advocated the citizens of a Long Island community petitioned use of force against Jews, nor attempted to under- that Holland’s law of liberty be extended to ‘Jews, mine conditions for those moving into Lithuania Turks, and Egyptians’. The relative religious, intel- and Poland (where a goodly number of Reformed lectual and political freedom of Jews in the Nether- Christians also lived), or against Jews still living in lands cannot all be attributed to Calvinism as the parts of Germany. Above all, he looked toward and orthodox Calvinists were less tolerant than the pre- longed for the new time when Jews and Christians vailing national spirit. In Italy the small Walden- together would praise and worship God with the sian (Calvinist) and Jewish communities developed psalms of David. ALICE L. ECKARDT special links, both espousing biblical fundamen- Calvinism talism.Puritan theology in seventeenth-century Calvinism became a major force in the second Holland, Britain and the American colonies came stage of the Protestant Reformation in France, the to believe Jews would be restored to their ancient Valley, the Netherlands, Scotland, England land as a sign of God’s impending millennial reign and the North American colonies, and a minor (Restorationism). Calvinists often came to identify force in Poland, Hungary and Bohemia. During their own sufferings, exile and special mission with

73 Canada

those of biblical Jews, thus viewing exile less as poration of New France into the British Empire punishment. New England Puritans based their began also to settle in Lower Canada. A popu- legal code on the OldTestament,respected Jews as lation of 1,000 Jews in 1871 increased to over living descendants of biblical Israelites, and shared 100,000 by 1914, primarily as a result of emigra- aloveoftheHebrew language.During the Second tion from Eastern Europe in the face of rising World War the Dutch people affirmed their solidar- antisemitism. ity with their Jewish countrymen and attempted to Jews also moved north from the United States, help them. The Dutch Reformed Church empha- part of the cross-border migration common sised Paul’s teaching that God’s election of Israel in much of Canadian history. Canada, having remains inviolate, and began to rethink its theol- been a British colony with predominantly British ogy regarding conversion of Jews. In 1970 it issued Churches, fostered the same attitudes towards Jews a statement that insisted that the land of Israel was as the United Kingdom, ensuring it was less of a part of God’s lasting election of the Jewish peo- ‘melting pot’ than the United States. In the 1930s ple, and saw the modern ‘reunion of people and the Canadian government responded to the unem- land’ as a sign that it is God’s will to be on earth ployment caused by the Depression by imposing together with man. In some contrast, the Presby- severe restrictions on immigration, and permission terian Church (USA) in 1987, while affirming that for Jews to enter was rarely given. Antisemitism the covenant of Abraham included a promise of was common, and Canada took in proportionately land, went on to understand ‘land’ as a ‘biblical fewer Jews from Nazi-controlled Europe than any metaphor for sustainable life, prosperity, peace, Western country. and security’ rather than specific property. While Today, however, as a result of significant immi- affirming God’s ‘irrevocable’ election of the Jewish gration after the Second World War, Canada sees people and the church as engrafted into Israel’s itself as a multicultural society in which the govern- covenant, it reaffirmed its duty to ‘bear witness’ ment supports cultural and religious groups (again to all peoples. The Protestant Federation of France a noticeable difference with the United States). took a firm stand against the anti-Jewish policies of Key issues in Jewish–Christian relations in Canada the Vichy government and the Third Reich. Yet in include the significance of the Holocaust, the role 1948 its paper to the WorldCouncil of Churches’ of the State of Israel, and the ongoing violence in first assembly held that the sufferings of the Jew- the Middle East. ish people were both God’s judgement for their The Canadian Council of Christians and Jews unfaithfulness in rejecting Jesus and an ‘appeal to (CCCJ) was founded in 1947, and local Christian– conversion’. It acknowledged that the aim of gen- Jewish organisations, loosely connected with the eral conversion ‘cannot be anything less than the CCCJ, exist in Toronto, Montreal and Calgary. In spiritual destruction of Israel’ (The Theology of the other cities Jewish–Christian dialogue is part of Churches and the Jewish People). In 1987 the United wider interreligious conversations. The Canadian Church of Christ (Congregational and Reformed Christian–Jewish Consultation organises official churches) affirmed that God’s work in Jesus Christ dialogue with the Canadian Jewish Congress, the is a sign of God’s continuing affirmation of Israel’s Conference of Catholic Bishops, the United, Angli- covenant and election. Further, it insisted the dei- can, Lutheran and Presbyterian Churches, and one cide accusation is a theological and historical denomination of Baptist Churches. error. ALICE L. ECKARDT The United Church of Canada, the largest Protes- Canada tant body in Canada, published in 1997 an impor- Jews who participated in the opening up of the tant document called Bearing Faithful Witness.It Americas to European settlement were initially called for repentance for theological anti-Judaism legally barred from residence in New France – the and political antisemitism and was hailed as areas of northern Canada claimed by the French a watershed in its acknowledgement that ‘the following their discovery of the St Laurence River church’s rejection of Jews was an act of disobedi- in 1534 – where immigration was restricted to ence to God’. It proposed guidelines for Christians Catholics. However, they did settle in the British in their relationship with Jews and Judaism, stating colonies to the south by 1758 and after the incor- that ‘the hope of Israel is the Christian hope, too:

74 Canon

Earth under God’srule in peace, prosperity and jus- long process that involves all the stages from com- tice for all’. EDWARD KESSLER position, editing, archiving (combining texts on a Candle scroll) and collecting scrolls into larger units; it is While illumination of indoor ritual spaces proba- not a precipitate act. The theory, for example, that bly originated from practical necessity, especially the rabbis gathered at Yavneh (m. Sanhedrin 11.4) at night, certain elements of that lighting took on around 90 CE and made a conciliar decision regard- symbolic meanings in Judaism and Christianity. ing the Hebrew canon is discredited. Canonisation Some of these uses share common origins, some are came about because believing communities over unrelated, and others are later borrowings. In the time accepted certain books as authoritative and Second Temple the elaborate seven-branched can- not others. By the end of the first century CE there delabrum (menorah)provided illumination con- were indications that a Hebrew canon of either tinually. Zech. 4.10 explains these lights as God’s 24 books (4 Esd. 14.44–46) or 22 books (Josephus, eyes ‘ranging over the whole earth’. Hanukkah Origen, Jerome) was being postulated. The Qum- celebrates the rededication of this Temple uten- ran library indicates that there had been an inher- sil. Depictions and reproductions of this menorah ited corpus of authoritative books to which specific became a central Jewish symbol. The idea of its per- groups were adding other texts esteemed by their petual light generated the synagogue’s ner tamid,a smaller constituencies. Most likely, the more estab- decorative lamp placed above the Torah ark to rep- lished collection was decided by the Hasmoneans resent God’s continuous presence. Sabbath lights, to confirm the legitimacy of their rule in Judah. pragmatic in origin, became the markers of this The rabbis inherited this inchoative canon and, day’s sacred time. Christian use of lamps and can- in the disputed instances (Song of Songs, Ecclesi- dles derives from these Jewish and also pagan ori- astes,RuthandEsther),theydistinguishedbetween gins, infused with Christological meanings. Light books that did or did not ‘defile the hands’; most often marks divine presence, specifically that of probably the term designates those books that Christ, as in the new light of resurrection lit at belonged to what they considered the sphere of the climax of the Easter Vigil, candles placed on holiness. The corpus of books gave this commu- or around the altar at the time of mass, or a per- nity a shape; hence they too were holy and capable petual sanctuary light placed before the reserved of defiling. The physical Torah scrolls lodged in syn- host. Pagan origins lie behind the use of lights in agogues replaced the Holy of Holies in the Temple processions to accompany dignitaries, in funerary of Jerusalem. and memorial settings to honour the dead and as By the end of the first century CE the process of the votive offerings of individuals before shrines determining these books had, for the most part, of saints or statues. Similar popular usage appears been achieved. From that point there was a fur- in the Jewish world, particularly at tombs and in ther need to standardise the texts being copied; conjunction with mourning, indicating the ease this would take until the sixth century. However, with which neutral objects like candles have been the process of canonisation of the Hebrew text was historically reinterpreted and integrated into new being finalised at the very time that Christianity symbolic systems. RUTH LANGER was disengaging itself from the Jewish mainstream, Canon requiring a meticulous sifting of the Jewish textual The canon, in the Jewish–Christian context, is the heritage. (For the first two centuries CE, Christian corpus of scriptural writings considered authorita- usage of ‘scripture’ (Greek, graphe) normally signi- tive and standard for determining religious beliefs fied the Hebrew scriptures.) These early Christians and practices (from Greek, kanon,‘measuring inherited the burgeoning canon, although in com- stick’). The Christian canon includes the Jewish – mon with other Diaspora Jewish groups made use the Tanakh or Bible, known by the Christians as the of the Septuagint,aGreek version of the Hebrew OldTestament – but not vice versa. scriptures dating from the third century BCE. The Given the pivotal place of the scriptures in earliest surviving indication of this interaction of Jewish–Christian relations, it is important to review Christian scholarship with Jewish is seen in Justin the history of the formation of the canon of sacred Martyr.Justin’s Dialogue with Trypho is an attempt books proper to each tradition. Canonisation is a at Jewish–Christian dialogue.While Justin uses the

75 Canon

Septuagint, he limits himself to those writings that of lesser status, although the fourth to fifth cen- would be acceptable to the partner in dialogue, tury codices (Alexandrinus, Sinaiticus, Vaticanus) ‘those textual passages recognised among your own include them. However, specifically Christian writ- people’ (Dial. 7.12). Being used as a source for anti- ings, which were composed in the first two cen- Jewish apologetic, the Septuagint became more turies, also gradually gained esteem. This situation and more an exclusively Christian corpus and was was similar to that conjectured for Qumran. There given an equal or higher dignity by Christians when would have been an inherited collection of Hebrew compared to the Hebrew text. This was justified by scriptures, mainly in the Septuagint version. To Christian elaboration on the legend of its transla- this corpus there were being added collections of tion (as recorded in the Epistle of Aristeas), which other specifically Christian writings. The Christian was now used to explain the fact that the text con- determination of a canon of their own writings was tained allegedly clear references to the coming of made by the fourth century on the criteria that the the Messiah in Jesus and the universal opening of writings were of apostolic origin, that they were the Torah to all peoples. The Jews were thereby orthodox and that they were generally in use in alienated from the Septuagint and relied on the the churches for teaching and liturgy. The earli- alternative texts of Aquila and the Jewish-Christian est collection of Christian writings was probably Symmachus (fl.probably late second century CE). the letters of Paul, followed by the Gospels. By the Thus, Jew and Christian were at an impasse. Chris- late second century the four Gospels of Matthew, tians charged Jews with falsification of their Hebrew Mark and Luke (which are related to each other) texts, since the Septuagint had readings that were and John had outstripped other gospels, such as either different from the Hebrew or not even con- the Gospel of Thomas,ingeneral distribution, litur- tained in the Hebrew. Jews derided Christians for gical usage and common esteem. Further, it was their ignorance in accepting variant readings in believed (wrongly) that these four Gospels were aGreek translation which had no counterpart in written by apostles or a companion of an apostle. the Hebrew original. This Jewish–Christian impasse The determination of a fixed canon was acceler- explains the work of Origen and his Hexapla,a ated due to a confrontation with Marcion,aheretic Bible in six parallel columns, which was influen- who was excommunicated in 144 CE. He rejected tial because it clearly indicated to both Christian the Hebrew scriptures in toto and accepted only a and Jew which books had not been accepted into heavilyeditedversionofLukeandthelettersofPaul. the Hebrew canon. Only in the late second century (Melito of Sardis, The Christians thus had access to a fluid canon, Clement) were the terms ‘Old Testament’ and ‘New and there would have been differences from one Testament’ applied to the separate collections of Christian community to another. A few would have Hebrew and Christian books in the Christian canon. utilised a Hebrew text; most would have used the Prior to that the two terms referred to the covenan- Septuagint. But they would have been pulled in tal relationship between God and Israel,Godand two directions. In discussion and polemic involving Christians. mainstream Jews they would have tended to con- With theRenaissanceand theReformationthere form their collection to the Hebrew one, acknowl- was a tangible need to translate the ‘Old Testa- edged by their opponents as authoritative. But ment’ into the vernacular. But the earliest form of for their own purposes they would have retained that Old Testament had been Greek not Hebrew, other sacred books even if they were not within and there was no fixed Greek text and no agreed the confines of the Hebrew canon. Therefore, while list of canonical contents. The text that was cho- the book of Enoch was esteemed among early sen for the translation was the Hebrew, wherever Christians, its Son of Man traditions being promi- there was a Hebrew version. Some books that had nent in Mark and the Enochian ‘Asa’el being used previously been translated from the Greek were in Revelation, it was falling into disuse in Jew- now replaced by the Hebrew. Translations thus ish circles and was therefore excluded from the reverted from a Christian Bible to a largely Hebrew Christian canon of the Old Testament. This would Bible. While the Council of Trent imposed on explain the fact that certain books within the Chris- Roman Catholics the broad canon that included tian collection, the apocrypha,were regarded as the apocrypha, Protestants in the sixteenth century

76 Canonisation

preferred the Jewish canon. From the nineteenth tain the basic rights of Jews to practise their faith century English Protestant Bibles were printed and prohibited forced conversion. The decisions of minus the apocrypha, but they have been rein- Pope Gregory I regarding Jews on religious liberty, stated since Vatican II.Luther maintained that the conversion to Christianity and ownership of Chris- inherent quality of a book attested to its canonic- tian slaves were included in canonical collections of ity. He thereby excluded the recognised apocrypha, the Decretum of Gratian (about 1140) and the Dec- including parts of Esther and Daniel. These books retals of Pope Gregory IX. Local legislation to segre- were acknowledged as useful and good for reading gate Jews was applied to the entire Latin Church at but not scripture. This made Jewish–Christian dia- theFourthLateranCouncilin1215,importingfrom logue over the scriptures more difficult. One of the Islamic lands the demand that Jews wear clothing topics for ongoing Jewish–Christian dialogue has to that distinguished them from the general popula- be the meaning of canonicity and its implications tion.PopeInnocentIIIbasedthisonthecommand- for the texts that will inevitably form the topic for ment to wear fringes (Num. 15.37–38) but later a discussion. sign was sewn onto the outer garment (see yellow See also Bible; Bible translations, ancient; Bible badge). Jews were forbidden to hold public office, translations, modern English; Dead Sea Scrolls; and converts were exhorted not to relapse into Jew- Hebrew Bible ROBERT CROTTY ish practices (‘remnants of the former rite’). Canon law Canon law and the civil law of the Papal States In Roman law the Greek term kanon (measuring applied to Jews in many parts of Italy until 1870. In rod) was a synonym for regula (rule); later it applied 1917 the Codex Juris Canonici supplanted all previ- to Church law, with rulings from councils (local or ous legislation; this Code concerns only the life of ecumenical, i.e. of the universal Church) or bishops. Catholics of the Roman Rite. In 1983 the new Code Christian leaders drew upon their biblical and Jew- of Canon Law, the revision initiated by Pope John ish heritage, along with principles of natural law XXIII, was promulgated. The only area of concern and Roman legislation, to structure the spiritual, to Jews is legislation regarding ‘interfaith marriage’, moral and social order of their communities. Even which is permitted with a dispensation from the before the Emperor Constantine favoured Chris- local bishop. The Catholic party should strive to tianity, the local Church in Elvira, Spain called a bring children of the marriage into the Church but council (or synod) about 305 to grapple with cur- no promise is required of the non-Catholic party. rent issues. Here and in other European Raul Hilberg, in The Destruction of the European where Jews lived some conciliar decrees affected Jews, 4–6, gives a list of canonical measures to which them, invariably in ways adverse to their inter- Nazi anti-Jewish legislation corresponds. Although ests. Besides the protection of Roman law, privi- many of the measures were enacted by local coun- leges granted to the Jews in the Roman Empire cils and did not extend over an area comparable to by Julius Caesar (100–44 BCE) were respected in the Nazi Reich, they did set a precedent for Hitler principle, so that Jews could maintain synagogues to justify laws that gravely curtailed the civil and and regulate the details of their community life human rights of Jews in Germany and in occupied accordingtotheirownlaws.However,attimesmobs countries. LAWRENCE E. FRIZZELL failed to respect these ancient laws, and some syna- Canonisation gogues were destroyed or taken over by Christians. Canonisation, which presents the holy person as Ambrose, bishop of Milan, (c.339–97) thwarted the amodel and intercessor, has in recent years, and decree of Emperor Theodosius I (r.379–95) that the especially with the canonisation of Edith Stein in Bishop of Callinicum in Asia Minor should make 1998 and the beatification of Pope Pius IX in 2000, restitution to the Jewish community for the wan- strained Catholic–Jewish relations. ton destruction of its synagogue. Christian emper- In the Catholic Church canonisation is effected ors and other rulers often restricted the initiatives by the pope; in the Orthodox Churches it occurs of Jews, for example to build a new synagogue, at through a synodal decision. It establishes that a the behest of local bishops. member of the Church has ‘practised heroic virtue After the demise of the Roman Empire in the and lived in fidelity to God’s grace’ (Catechism West, popes and bishops exerted authority to main- of the Catholic Church,no. 828). The early

77 Canons of Laodicea

Church –prompted by the extolling of martyrs in piety, justice and asceticism are presented as mod- Maccabees and Daniel – initially venerated only els. This proximity of the Christian and Jewish cults martyrs who had been killed for the sake of their is in need of further investigation. faith. Later the cult was extended to personali- See also sainthood HANS HERMANN HENRIX ties who were already renowned for holiness dur- Canons of Laodicea ing their lifetimes and whose reputation was con- Legal ecclesiastical enactments of fifth-century firmed after their deaths by extraordinary signs. Laodicean church that became, along with other Today the veneration of the holy person by the faith- council or synod documents, the basis for canon ful, as well as a procedural examination of his or law. The early Christian struggle with Judaism was her heroic virtue and exemplary nature, precede most often not with Judaism per se but with Chris- Catholic canonisation. It is reserved to the pope tianswhofoundthemselvesattractedtoJudaismfor to decide whether a person is to be canonised (i.e. various reasons. The so-called Canons of Laodicea admitted to the list of saints, called the ‘canon’). For (dated anywhere from 443 to 481) deal with many Catholics the veneration of saints is a meaningful, problems in the early Christian community, espe- but in no way central, activity of faith; according to cially the problem of Christian Judaising. At least Church teaching it is ‘good and profitable’ to call on 7ofthe 60 canons deal with this issue: for exam- saints for their intercession with God. ple, the Canons command that the Gospels are Even though the Christian invocation of saints to be read on the Sabbath (Saturday) with the for intercession derived from Jewish traditions like other scriptures; strongly encourage Christians not 2Macc. 15.12ff., and in spite of the fact that the to rest on the Sabbath but to honour the Lord’s Church later revered ‘saints of the Old Covenant’ Dayofthe Christians (Sunday); and demand that (Abraham, David, Elias and others), the rabbis Christians not feast together with Jews nor receive rejected Christian veneration of saints and insisted unleavenedbreadfromthem.Theyrevealthedesire that ‘there is no Holy one like the Lord’ (1 Sam. 2.2). of Church authorities in this period to prevent Thus, there is already in the rabbinical name for Christian social and religious engagement with God, ‘the Holy One, praise be to him’, a criticism of Jews and Judaism, and reflect the fact that close the Christian cult of the saints (Arthur Marmorstein social relations were going on between certain ordi- (1882–1946)). nary Christians and Jews in the fourth and fifth There is no equivalent to Church canonisation centuries. for Jews. However, according to Jewish teaching, it See also Judaising Christians is one’s obligation to hallow God’s name, even with STEVEN J. MCMICHAEL one’s life if the worst comes to the worst. In the syn- Capital punishment agogal liturgy the martyrs – Jews who have adhered While capital punishment has been abandoned in to their faith in times of persecution and paid with much of Western Europe, it remains a hotly debated their lives – are named as models for the living, but issue in the United States. Frequently, conserva- also to remind God of their commitment. In addi- tive Christian proponents of the practice point to tion, Jewish piety is familiar with the ‘merits of the ‘OldTestament’ examples to bolster their political fathers’ – zecut avot – which are called to mind when arguments, presuming modern Jews would agree one stands before God to beg for forgiveness or for with the ancient texts – thus ignoring the fact that rescue from distress. The prayer that refers to the Judaism, like Christianity, is a living tradition capa- ‘merits of the fathers’,however, is addressed directly ble of applying unchanging revealed truths anew to God; the fathers are neither invoked nor asked to as historical situations change. Yet since at least the intercede with God as in Christian piety. second century CE, Rabbinic Judaism has opposed This is true for the official teaching of the tra- capital punishment save in the rarest of cases (see dition. In the religious customs of Judaism, how- m. Makkot 1.10), and the modern State of Israel has ever, there is no clear-cut dividing line. The graves applied it in only one case, that of Adolf Eichmann of outstanding men are revered, for example, and (1906–62), the architect of the Holocaust.Rabbinic pilgrimages are made to them on certain days; the tradition did not base its approach on the three cita- custom is to leave little slips of paper on the graves tionsofthelextalionisintheBible,butprogressively with petitions. And people who have exhibited great limited their application, for example by requiring

78 Cassidy, Edward

the testimony of two direct witnesses and that all flict. In 1987 agreement was reached to move the capital cases be tried twice. Similarly, Catholic and Carmel to a site nearby and transform it into a much of Protestant tradition now oppose capi- centre for ‘information, education, meeting and tal punishment, some entirely, some, like Judaism, prayer’. However, it was 1993 before, as a result reserving it for the rarest of cases. Jews and Chris- of a Vatican directive, the nuns moved out of the tians alike rule it out as a means of revenge or retri- building. bution. Pope John Paul II opposed the practice on Religious symbolism had not been foreign to the the grounds that society can protect itself without sites of the concentration camps at Auschwitz. In denying criminals the chance to reform (27 January 1983 Polish youths had erected crosses and stars 1999), and a joint 1999 statement of the National of David on the field of ashes in Birkenau in an Council of Synagogues and the US Conference of effort of commemoration. At one point a church Catholic Bishops concluded: ‘Both traditions begin was established in the offices of the commandant with an affirmation of the sanctity of human life. at Birkenau, as also in a building in Auschwitz I. Both . . . acknowledge the theoretical possibility of a Christian symbolism, in particular before 1989, was justifiable death penalty, since the Scriptures man- a feature of the sites of the former concentration date it for certain offenses. Yet both have, over the camp, which were understood as sites of Polish suf- centuries, narrowed those grounds until, today, we fering.SincetheCarmelitecontroversyitisdisputed would say together that it is time to cease the prac- whether Jews are included in the commemoration tice altogether.’ Mainstream Protestant, Catholic of all Poles murdered at Auschwitz or need to be and Jewish leaderships work together to lobby mentioned separately. politically for the ending of the death penalty in One result of the controversy is the differenti- the US. EUGENE J. FISHER ation of victims into many groups, each finding Carmelite controversy its own way of commemorating the murders of its The terrain of the concentration camp at Auschwitz members. Yet the struggle over the appropriate- and the death camp at Birkenau were repeatedly the ness of religious symbolism at Auschwitz remains centre of controversy in the late 1980s and 1990s. A controversial. While Jewish groups in particular fundraising appeal following the establishment of are calling for a halt to all religious symbolism at aCarmelite convent at the site of Auschwitz I in these sites, the establishment of more or less per- 1984 suggested that the Carmel is intended to be ‘a manent symbols appears important for Christian spiritual fortress and guarantee of the conversion of commemoration. This was demonstrated in 1998 strayed brothers from our countries as well as proof when the removal of the Papal Cross, established at of our desire to erase the outrages so often done to Auschwitz I in 1989 following a mass celebrated by the Vicar of Christ’. This brought forth a wave of the pope in Birkenau in 1979, and an end to prayer protest by Jewish organisations around the world, meetings at the site were called for in the wake of as it was understood to call for the conversion of the move of the Carmel off the site of Auschwitz I. Jews to Christianity, with this mission being engi- Crosses were erected in ‘support of the Papal Cross’ neered at a site of mass Jewish suffering. The protest and, while these have since been removed, the culminated in a call for the immediate closure of the controversy about the Papal Cross has not been Carmel, claiming that it was inappropriate for any concluded. K. HANNAH HOLTSCHNEIDER religious institution to establish a dedicated site of Cassidy, Edward (b. 1924) prayer in the grounds of the Auschwitz camps. The Roman Catholic cardinal archbishop and President ensuing controversy between Jewish protesters and of the ’s Commission for Religious Rela- the supporters of the nuns at Auschwitz debated the tions with the Jews (1989–2001), who helped cre- appropriateness of religious symbolism through atively develop the positive heritage of Vatican II. a discussion of the ‘ownership’ of the site of the When the International Catholic–Jewish Liaison camps. This controversy continued for almost a Committee (ILC) was at an impasse, this Australian- decade, with demonstrations by opponents and born leader made a profound contribution in supporters of the Carmel at the site of the con- Prague (1990) with his call to reconciliation. Cas- vent, and international delegations of Jews and sidy was involved in the establishment of diplo- Catholics meeting repeatedly to resolve the con- matic relations between the Holy See and the State

79 Catechesis/catechism

of Israel (1994), the publishing of We Remember: ity, and Jews in the NewTestament, there is a seri- AReflection on the Shoah (1998) and the act of par- ous attempt to move away from a purely historical don in St Peter’s Basilica on the first Sunday of Lent, and archaeological approach to Judaism’s impor- 2000. He accompanied Pope John Paul II’s visit to tance for Christianity. Catechesis on Judaism is to Jerusalem (March 2000) and mediated between the begin by listening to Jews: it encourages Christians Catholic and Jewish communities in the aftermath to learn ‘by what essential traits the Jews define of Dominus Iesus (September 2000). themselves in the light of their own religious expe- AUDREY DOETZEL rience’, thereby encouraging Christians to refrain Catechesis/catechism from telling Jews what their role is. It recognises ‘Catechesis is an education in the faith of children, that the history of Israel flowed into the Diaspora, young people and adults which includes especially ‘which allowed Israel to carry to the whole world the teaching of Christian doctrine . . . with a view to a witness – often heroic – of its fidelity to the one initiating the hearers into the fullness of Christian God . . . while preserving the memory of the land life.’ Pope John Paul II’s description shows that this of their forefathers at the heart of their hope’. Christian term is indistinguishable from the trans- It encourages Christians to see ‘the permanence’ mission of tradition. Since the sixteenth century of the Jewish people (their survival from ancient the principal texts in this process are authorised times) as accompanied by ‘a continuous spiritual catechisms – brief, systematic and accessible sum- fecundity, in the rabbinical period, in the Middle maries of central Christian teaching composed in Ages, and in modern times’. Catechesis on Judaism both the Protestant and Catholic churches. There guided by the Notes is intended to prepare Chris- is little space for anti-Jewish polemic in these cat- tians for dialogue with the Jewish people and for a echisms because the opponent is usually the other shared witness to God. JOHN MCDADE Christian community. Recent Christian catechesis CE/BCE since Vatican II deliberately fosters a positive eval- Although often perceived by users as neutral terms, uation of Judaism. the chronological designations AD (‘anno domini’) The 1992 Catechism of the Catholic Church draws and BC (‘before Christ’) are in origin professions upon Vatican II’s new approach to Judaism, see- of Christian faith; their international currency is in ing positive significance in Christ’sJewish birth, cir- part a product of colonialism. For these reasons, it cumcision, observance of the Law and the Feasts, is increasingly common, particularly in academic and respect for the Temple, and affirms that noth- and interfaith circles, to substitute them with CE ing in his ministry and teaching annuls the validity (‘common era’) and BCE (‘before common era’), the of the gifts that God wills to bestow on the Jewish term ‘common’ referring here to the fact that the people. Building upon the authoritative Notes on system of dating used continues to be the interna- the Correct Way to Present the Jews and Judaism in tionally recognised Gregorian Calendar.Some peo- Preaching and Catechesis (1985), it highlights what ple object to CE/BCE on traditionalist grounds, or Jesus had in common with Pharisees,presents him because they wish to assert the pre-eminence of as a Torah-faithful Jew, avoids speaking of ‘the Jews’ Christianity. MELANIE J. WRIGHT (see hoi Ioudaioi)ascollectively opposed to Jesus, Celan, Paul (1920–70) and deliberately counters any attempt to blame (Born Paul Antschel.) Poet and Holocaust survivor. the Jewish people for his death. It reaffirms the Romanian-born, Celan lived most of his life in Paris. teaching of the Council of Trent (1560) that Chris- He married a Catholic (Gisele` de Lestrange) and tian sinners are more to blame for the death of resisted the epithet ‘Jewish author’, considering it Jesus than those few Jews who were implicated antisemitic. However, much of his work memo- in it. rialises the Holocaust (Death’s-Fugue is a power- The Notes (the most authoritative statement on ful evocation of the death-camps). Many of his modern Catholic catechesis on Judaism) treat of poems (e.g. Winter and Psalm)drawonJewish and the Church’s relation to Judaism as a concern for Christianimagery,suggestingassociationsbetween ‘a still living reality closely related to the Church’. Jesus, Christian dogmatism and Jewish suffering. Although they deal with the relation of Jewish and The increasingly fractured nature of his later poetry Christian scriptures, the Jewish roots of Christian- embodies Celan’s own struggle, as a Jew writing in

80 Censorship

German, to come to terms with the past. He com- as a ‘magician’; similar charges are known from mitted suicide in 1970. later rabbinic sources, but it remains uncertain See also literature, French MELANIE J. WRIGHT whether Celsus had close contacts with genuine Celibacy Jewish sources or whether his ‘Jew’ was his own Renunciation of marriage,required by bishops in literary creation to give added weight to his argu- the Orthodox Churches and by all priests in the ment. Celsus also repeats many of the traditional RomanCatholicChurchbutnotrequiredinProtes- Roman charges against the Jews, their suspect ori- tantism.Because celibacy is rejected in Judaism, it gins in Egypt, Moses’ deviousness and their antiso- is often seen as a significant division between the cial stance, and he directs these against the Chris- two religions. The value of an unmarried state is tians who claim the same history. Celsus had read emphasisedbyPaul(e.g.1Cor.7.1ff.)andtheneces- thelostDialogueofJasonandPapiscus,andpossibly sity of marriage is questioned in Matt. 19.12, but the also Justin Martyr’s Apology.Inhis refutation, Ori- NewTestament also indicates that some of the dis- gen develops the theme of the obduracy of the Jews ciples were married (1 Cor. 9.5). Celibacy did exist in to explain their rejection of Jesus, but he also takes first-century Judaism, and Josephus attributes the over and develops a theme of Jewish apologetic, practice to the Essenes. Occasionally the rabbinic that Abraham and Moses were older than Plato and literature refers to the celibacy of a rabbi, such as the origins of Greek wisdom. JUDITH LIEU Simeon ben Azzai (second century CE), who stated Censorship he could not marry because his soul was in love Religious and secular authorities from ancient to with Torah. The rabbis accepted that other Jews, on modern times have deemed it one of their duties account of ‘love of Torah’, could follow Ben Azzai’s to protect their people from literature they believe lead and remain unmarried, but they emphasisethe could corrupt their morals, undermine their loyalty first command of the Bible, to be fruitful and mul- or lead them to err in belief or practice. Their efforts tiply (Gen. 1.28). By contrast, the Church Fathers to do so are called censorship. Censorship can be demanded clerical celibacy from the fourth cen- imposed in a variety of ways. There may be an insti- tury, based on the Levitical prescriptions requir- tutional apparatus, an office of the censor, to which ing abstinence from sexual relations for at least a books must be submitted to be authorised for cir- day before the performance of ritual service. Like- culation. Or censorship may be imposed, and offi- wise, priests were required to maintain a high stan- cial disapproval signalled, in more informal, indi- dard of purity on account of their role as offerers of rect ways, e.g. by invoking laws of blasphemy or sacrifice. decency. Censorship can range from permitting the See also sex/sexuality EDWARD KESSLER offending texts to circulate, but with the objection- Celsus (fl. c.180 CE) able passages excised or blanked out, to destroy- ‘Pagan’ philosopher and polemicist against Chris- ing the whole book, and imprisoning or putting to tianity. In The True Word Celsus produced the first death its author or printer. extended attack against Christianity, but the work Censorship in Judaism is documented from late is known to us only from the detailed refutation by antiquity. By finally closing the canon of sacred Origen in Against Celsus (Contra Celsum), written scripture and issuing the definitive list of the ‘holy c.235 CE at the request of Origen’s patron, Ambro- writings’ (kitvei ha-kodesh), the rabbis in talmu- sius. Origen not only summarises but also quotes dic times were exercising a form of censorship. both individual charges and extended passages of In doing so they created a category of ‘outside Celsus’s arguments, and he claims to have repre- books’ (sefarim hiz. onim), including the Gospels sented the main thrust of the work. As well as expos- and other ‘books of the heretics’ (sifrei minim), ing what he saw as the philosophical weaknesses whichtheydidnotapproveofJewsreading.Because of Christian thought, and the disreputable charac- they usually lacked the coercive power to prevent ter of its founder and followers, Celsus addresses such books from circulating, they imposed their its relationship with Judaism. He puts a range of censorship by other means. Jews were instructed arguments in the mouth of ‘a Jew’, objecting to not to save such works from a burning building, the Christians’ apostasy and repeating charges that even if they contained the sacred name of God. Jesus was born illegitimately and was executed If such books came into the authorities’ hands

81 Centre for the study of Jewish–Christian Relations

they might order them to be ‘hidden away’ (e.g. their work thoroughly. Words and phrases were immured, or put in some other form of genizah). replaced, if they were thought to be derogatory of Censorship extended in a mild form even to the Christianity – e.g. minim, ‘heretics’, which was Sefer Torah, where changes were deliberately intro- taken as referring to Christians, was changed to cov- duced to avoid possible misunderstanding or to edei kokhavim,‘star worshippers’. Words, phrases preserve public decency. The Talmud records how and even whole passages were blacked out. Com- the translators of the Septuagint avoided certain plete books were placed on the Index Librorum Pro- renderings so as not to offend the Ptolemies. The hibitorum and banned from circulation. The publi- most potent instrument of rabbinical censorship is cation of Jewish books was also tightly controlled in the Herem (the Ban), which relies on social rather TsaristandSovietRussiaandinothercountries.The thanphysicalcoercion:itiseffectiveonlyifthecom- most spectacular act of censorship in modern times munity consents to implement the boycott pro- was the Nazis’ public burning of books ‘infected by nounced by the authorities. Jewish authors who the Jewish spirit’ on 10 May 1933. have been banned include Spinoza,Immanuel of Censorship of Jewish books has left a permanent Rome (1260–c.1328) and Azariah dei Rossi (c.1511– mark. At the beginnings of Hebrew printing print- c.1578). Censorship remains a potent force even ers themselves removed or altered passages which today in Haredi communities. An attempt was they thought might offend the censor, to prevent made in 2002 to ban The Dignity of Difference by their books appearing mutilated. This internal pre- Chief Rabbi Jonathan Sacks (b. 1948). censorship was supported by a number of rabbini- Christian censorship of books has followed a sim- calsynods,beginningwithFerrarain1154.Standard ilar pattern to Jewish, though it has been more modern prints descended from these early editions thoroughgoing because Christians have been able bear the scars. Thus the great Vilna edition of the to exercise more political power. The defining of Talmud,stillusedinmanyyeshivahs,lackspassages the Christian canon of scripture was itself an act referring to Jesus, because they were deleted from of censorship. It downgraded certain texts to the the editio princeps. PHILIP ALEXANDER status of apocrypha: these could be read for edi- Centre for the study of Jewish–Christian fication but could not serve to determine faith or Relations (CJCR) see Jewish–Christian relations, practice. And it excluded a whole swathe of works centres for the study of from either category. Reading these was not explic- Chagall, Marc (1887–1985) itly banned, but there was always a strong impli- Jewish painter and designer. Chagall was born cation that it was not a spiritually profitable exer- to hasidic parents in Vitebsk (), but lived cise. Christian authorities from time to time seized mainly in France. He worked in various media, heretical books and destroyed them. The justifica- addressing shtetl life and biblical themes in a dis- tion for this was found in the episode at Ephesus tinctive style that fuses fantasy, religion and nos- recorded in Acts 19.19, where books of magic were talgia. Chagall’s belief in the possibility of Jewish– burned, ignoring the fact that this was a voluntary Christian conciliation is manifest in his work for act by new converts and not one imposed by the ecclesiastical commissions (e.g. windows for cathe- authorities. In the Middle Ages copies of the Tal- drals at Metz and Rheims). He also depicted mud were burned in Europe (see Talmud trials). Jesus as a symbol of Jewish suffering (e.g. in the The Talmud barely survived: only one more or less paintings White Crucifixion and Sacrifice of Isaac). complete manuscript of the whole text (Munich 95) This tense juxtapositioning of Jewish and Chris- is now extant. tian iconography, and the hostility it provoked, In late medieval and early modern times the prefigures the Asher Lev novels of Chaim Potok censorship of books was institutionalised by the (b. 1929). Roman Catholic Church. Censors had to certify See also art MELANIE J. WRIGHT that books contained nothing objectionable before Charity they could be copied or printed. This had a severe Charity, from the Latin caritas,isone translation of effect on Jewish manuscripts and printed books. agape (the other being ‘love’). While the Bible never The censors were often converted Jews with a good intends ‘charity’ to be translated as giving to the knowledge of Hebrew and Aramaic, and they did poor, in the English-speaking Jewish and Christian

82 Chosen People

traditions ‘charity’ as being concerned about, and an everlasting possession; and I will be their God.’ acting on behalf of, the poor is nonetheless a central Third, the people of God receive a mission, which religious and human obligation. It is in this sense of is often described in terms of ‘being a light to the caring outreach to the less fortunate that charity is nations’ (Isa. 42.6). Israel is not chosen as the peo- interpreted here. ple of God out of arbitrary preference for a particu- One finds references to the importance of giv- lar people but in order that God’s name be blessed ing alms throughout the Bible, both in the Old (Gen. 12.2–3). God does not force the people that he Testament (sometimes as z. edhakah,‘righteous- chooses and calls ami (my people); rather, some- ness’; e.g. Lev. 19.9–10; Deut. 24.10–22) and in the thing is sought in return, and as a result God and NewTestament (e.g. Matt. 6.2–3; Acts 9.36). In the the people of God are described as partners in a Hebrew Bible the less fortunate are often itemised relationship. as the ‘widow, the orphan, and the stranger’. TheBiblerecountsthatthepeopleofGodfailedto Thus, both Judaism and Christianity encourage fulfilitsobligations,andasaresultlostitsautonomy similar charitable practices such as hospitality to and land and went into exile. Nevertheless, there is strangers and assistance to the needy. One differ- no suggestion that God rejected the people; rather, ence between traditional Jewish and early Chris- the prophets announce a new covenant (e.g. Jer. tian understanding of charity is that in Rabbinic 31.31; Ezek. 36.26) which would be written on the Judaism charitable acts were often accompanied tablets of their hearts. According to the prophets, byawide range of communal rituals, while in early the covenant is so established on the divine side Christianity charity was sometimes associated with that it cannot be broken on the human side: the a heroic ethic of self-sacrificing devotion, particu- God of Israel is linked to the people of Israel in a larly of an ascetic nature. covenant that is eternal and unbreakable. Questions of the relation between personal car- In the Septuagint the people of God is not trans- ing for the poor and advocacy of particular pro- lated by laos, which is the New Testament’sstandard grammes of state welfare and social services are translation of am;rather, ekklesia tou Theou, which areas in which Christians and Jews might fruit- corresponds to kahal ha-shem, community of God, fully share biblical and traditional insights about is adopted. Ekklesia becomes an expression of the the nature and extent of their religious obligations assembly of the New Covenant in Jesus Christ. This to the poor, whether of money, time or exper- is illustrated in particular by one of the later New tise. Indeed in the recent past projects of common Testamentwritings,1Pet.2.9,which,withreference action for the poor, both structural and individual, to Exod. 19.5–6, marks the transfer of the features of have marked some of the most powerful moments the am ha-shem to the Christian community, which of Jewish–Christian cooperation, such as in the is now de facto the genos ekklethon (chosen peo- United States, where Jews and Christians from the ple or race). Christianity thus appropriates Jewish late 1920s onwards launched common campaigns election and is described as a royal priesthood, a for racial equality, rights of workers and housing dedicated nation and a people claimed by God. rights. MICHAEL MCGARRY Paul is often viewed as arguing that member- Chosen People ship of the true Israel is not determined simply by BothJewsandChristiansclaimtobechosenbyGod. physical descent from Abraham, but rather by spir- The Hebrew Bible identifies three key features of itual affinity to Abraham’strusting relationship with the people of God. First, the people enter into a God. In other words, Israel is simply composed of relationship with God through God’s election, e.g. a combination of Jews and Gentiles. The former, Deut. 14.1–2, which implies that, although all peo- owingtotheirspiritualpast,includethosewhohave ples belong to the Lord, Israel is God’s special pos- extended their trust relationship in God to a depen- session and becomes known as a holy people. Sec- dence upon Jesus as Lord; the latter includes those ond, God’s choice of Israel is associated with the Gentiles who have entered into the covenantal rela- land of Israel, which becomes a constitutive ele- tionship with God by their acceptance of Jesus. This, ment of being a people of God, e.g. Gen. 17.8: ‘I will however,isafacileinterpretationofPaul–infactthe give to you and to your descendants after you the NewTestament writer who struggles most deeply land of your sojournings, all the land of Canaan for with the meaning of the election of Israel and the

83 Chosen People

election of the Church – imputing to him as it does newer) is truly the ‘people of God’; second, there are simply the view that the old becomes new. The two peoples of God, the Jewish and the Christian; traditional Christian attitude towards Jews is, how- and third, the two peoples are really one people of ever, expressed by such a view. For example, Justin God – identical in some respects and different in Martyr makes this equation when he states that others. ‘we [Christians] are the true and spiritual Israelite The first position states simply that there is only nation, and the race of Judah and of Jacob, and Isaac one ‘people of God’ – the Christians. In this case and Abraham’ (Dial. 11.5). either the Jews convert to Christianity or remain Although Paul’s view was influenced by rabbinic as Jews, a remnant destined to suffer, whose lowly teachings, a greater motivation in his case would position gives witness to the truth of Christ. This seem to be embarrassment that the majority of position was set forth in great detail by a num- Jews are not part of the new ‘people of Israel’. He ber of Church Fathers and dominated Christian cannot believe that the Jews as a people and a thought until it began to be questioned during and religion are totally and forever outside the people after the Enlightenment.Dispersed throughout the of God. As a result, he suggests that both Israel earth since the destruction of the Temple,Jews were and the Church are elect and both participate viewed as preserving the original prophecies look- in the covenant of God. For Paul, therefore, the ing forward to Christ and witnessing to Christian Church’s election derives from that of Israel, but truth. Indeed, according to Augustine, they were God’scovenant with Israel remains unbroken – irre- the ‘satchel bearers’ of the Church. The Jews had vocably (Rom. 11.29). For Paul the mystery of Israel once been the people of God, but the high privileges is that their rejection and their stumbling do not they earned were now transferred to the Church mean that they cease to be accepted by God; rather, because of their rejection of Christ. This approach they allow the Gentiles to participate in the people- can be described as substitution or replacement hood of Israel. This view has become the basis for theology. modern Christian understanding of the chosenness The second position argues that there are two of Israel. For instance, American Greek Orthodox peoples of God, the Jewish and the Christian. This writerTheodoreStylianopoulos(b.1937)writesthat view is espoused by theologians such as the Jewish regardlessofwhetherIsraelisdisobedient(asChris- writer Franz Rosenzweig, who suggests that both tians have been disobedient over the centuries) the Jews and Christians participate in God’s revelation faithfulness of God remains: ‘As a father to His chil- and both are (in different ways) intended by God. dren, who has deep and unbreakable faithfulness to Only for God is the truth one; earthly truth remains His children, the election does continue for Jews in divided. Modern proponents of this view include the present day as well’ (‘Faithfulness to the Roots’, James Parkes, who was convinced that the revela- 156). tion in Christ did not replace the covenant at Sinai From the Jewish perspective no change took and as a result Judaism and Christianity were inex- place in Israel’s covenantal relationship with God: tricably linked together (Judaism and Christianity the traditional rabbinic attitude is that Judaism (1948)). remained a community of faith. As far as Chris- The third position asserts that Jews and Chris- tianity was concerned, however, a radical break tians represent one people of God who are identical had occurred. Christianity had introduced a new in some respects and different in others. Although covenant, or at the very least a radical transfor- the two groups differ substantially, they neverthe- mation of the old covenant. According to the New less share sufficient common ground to make it Testament, the relationship between God and his possible for the same covenant to be applied to people was mediated decisively through his Son, both. The most comprehensive theological model Jesus Christ. The question that has absorbed many among Protestant theologians can be seen in the theologians is whether the appearance of Chris- three-volume work by Paul van Buren (1924–98), tianity signifies an end for the role of the Jew- who argues that the people ‘Israel’ should be recog- ish people. There are at least three possible ways nised as two connected but distinct branches (A in which the relation between the ‘old’ and ‘new’ Theology of Jewish–Christian Reality (1980–8)). The peoples might be understood: first, only one (the Christian Church represents the Gentile believers

84 Christ and Christology drawn together by the God of the Jewish people 1980 to ‘the people of God of the Old Covenant, in order to make God’s love known throughout the which has never been revoked’. The Notes state: world. Through Jesus Gentiles were summoned by ‘The permanence of Israel (while so many ancient God for the first time as full participants in God’s peoples have disappeared without trace) is a his- ongoing salvation of humanity. toric fact and a sign to be interpreted within God’s Evangelical scholars such as David Holwerda design. We must in any case rid ourselves of the tra- (b. 1932) dismiss many of these arguments. Yet ditional idea of a people punished,preserved as a while arguing that other writers have played down living argument for Christian apologetic. It remains the differences between Judaism and Christianity, a chosen people, “the pure olive on which were and in doing so have produced a theology that is not grafted the branches of the wild olive which are the true to the New Testament message, Holwerda nev- gentiles” (John Paul II, 6 March 1982, alluding to ertheless asserts that ‘the category of election still Rom. 11.17–24).’ applies to the Jewish people, even those who do not See also Promised Land; supersessionism now believe in Jesus’ (Jesus and Israel (1995), 25). He EDWARD KESSLER argues that although the Church is the new Israel, Chosenness see Chosen People the old Israel remains elect and in God’s faithful- Christ and Christology ness still has a future. In taking this view, Holwerda The understanding of Christ and Christology in is clearly dependent upon Romans 9–11. the various Christian traditions has always been The problem is illustrated by Nostra Aetate, per- closely tied to the perception of Jews and Judaism haps the most influential of the recent church doc- within the churches. The term ‘Christ’ refers to uments on Jewish–Christian relations. On the one Jesus’ divinely constituted role as Messiah, Lord hand, the document states that ‘the church is the and Saviour of humankind. The terms ‘Jesus’ and new people of God’ while, on the other, ‘the Jews ‘Christ’ are to a degree interchangeable, although remain most dear to God because of their fathers, ‘Christ’ is the preferred one when speaking in a the- for He does not repent of the gifts He makes nor of ological or liturgical context. the calls He issues (cf. Rom. 11.28–29)’. Thus Pope For centuries, Christianity expressed its self- John Paul II, who addressed the theological bond identity in terms of the fulfilment of Judaism. The between Christianity and Judaism far more than understanding has been that Jesus was the antic- any other pope in history, maintained that the Jews ipated Jewish Messiah who had fulfilled the bib- are still elect even though the Christians are the new lical promises and had inaugurated the era of Israel. In his historic visit to the Great Synagogue in full human redemption,even though its comple- Rome (1986) and his pilgrimage to Israel (2000) he tion remained distant. Christology as a theologi- stated that the Church discovers the bond of iden- cal framework attempted to explain the redemptive tity between Jews and Christians when it searches impact of Jesus the Christ on all of creation. into the meaning of its own existence. Indeed, the The problem that arose as early as the second Church has a relationship with Judaism unlike any century CE and which remained with the Churches other religion because of an ‘intrinsic’ link through until the twentieth century was the intimate linkage Christ. established by the Church Fathers and subsequent The establishment of the State of Israel has also theologians between the meaning of Christology had a significant influence on the understanding and Jewish exclusion from the original covenant of chosenness in Jewish–Christian relations. For because of Jewish failure to recognise Jesus as the instance, the Rhineland Synod (1980) referred to Christ.JewswereseenascloselyinvolvedwithJesus’ the continuing existence of the Jewish people, its execution, thus bringing upon their heads a per- return to the land of promise and the creation of manent curse. Jews were called ‘blind’ with respect the State of Israel as ‘signs of the faithfulness of God to the new revelation in Jesus. They were said to towards His people’. The dramatic change in think- practise a much inferior form of religion rooted ing is illustrated by the Notes on the Correct Way to in law, while Christians based their faith on the Present Jews and Judaism in Preaching and Cate- experience of grace made present through Christ’s chesis in the Roman Catholic Church (1985), which coming. Jews were described as rejecting belief in repeats John Paul II’s widely quoted reference in Jesus, being replaced as a result in the covenantal

85 Christ and Christology

relationship with God by the new Christian The process of rethinking Christology in relation community. to continuing Jewish covenantal exclusion is not as These negative expressions of the meaning of advanced within Orthodox Christianity, although Christology with regard to Judaism and the Jewish there has been some movement by individual people took time to coalesce in the early Church. theologians. Though some of them go back to misinterpreted In these new Christian statements Jews are now or selective scriptural passages, these beliefs about seen as integral to the ongoing divine covenant. the Jews are essentially post-biblical. Through the Jesus and early Christianity are portrayed as deeply patristic writings they framed Christian identity rooted in a constructive sense in the faith of Sec- along anti-Jewish lines. In so doing, they cre- ond Temple Judaism. Jews may not be held collec- ated what has been termed the Adversus Judaeos tively responsible for the death of Jesus; rather the (‘against the Jews’) tradition. In this Christological statements argue that there was no basis for such a perspective Jesus the Jew had clearly become a bar- charge of deicide against the Jews in the first place. rier between Jews and Christians rather than a point In so doing, they undercut the basis of the classical of bonding. Nearly all Christian Churches have Christian theology of Jewish covenantal displace- appropriated all or part of this negative vision of the ment, which had its roots in this charge. Jews as an integral part of their catechesis, preach- The formal process of rethinking theologically ing, worship and theology. Rosemary Ruether the meaning of Christ, Christian identity and the (b. 1936) has demonstrated in her now classic vol- Jewish people is generally regarded as having ume Faith and Fratricide that anti-Judaism lay at begun with the historic meeting of Jews and Chris- the heart of patristic theology. It became in effect tians (Catholics, Protestants and Greek Orthodox) the ‘left-hand of Christology’. The great writers at Seelisberg,Switzerland in 1947. Subsequently, of the patristic era, such as Tertullian, Origen, several prominent Christian scholars in Europe, Irenaeus and Eusebius, all made the Adversus including Karl Barth (1886–1968), Jean Danielou´ Judaeos an integral part of stating the fundamen- (1905–74), the future Cardinal Augustin Bea,James tal meaning of Christianity. Parkes and Hans Urs von Balthasar (1905–88), In the Catholic Church this Adversus Judaeos began to speak out on the question. While not tradition received its first major challenge at the agreeing completely on every point, on one crit- Second Vatican Council (Vatican II). Chapter 4 of ical issue their voices were in unison: Jews must the conciliar declaration on non-Christian religions now be regarded as continuing in a covenantal titled Nostra Aetate set forth an entirely different relationship with God, however the Church even- theological perspective on the role of the Jewish tually might interpret the meaning of the Christ people after the Christ event. The Catholic the- event. ologian Gregory Baum (b. 1923) has termed this Many of the early proponents of a new the- changeoneofthemostsignificantreinterpretations ological vision of the Jewish–Christian relation- of the ordinary teaching of the Catholic Church by ship appealed to Romans 9–11 for justification of Vatican II. their position. Paul insists in these chapters that Most major Protestant denominations have God remains faithful to the original Chosen Peo- issuedstatementsthatfollowalongthepathlaidout ple. They also tended to rely on Romans for a at Vatican II. Some have even made bolder asser- new model for the Christian–Jewish relationship – tions than the Council itself. The Rhineland Synod the ‘mystery’ approach in which Christians and statement, documents from the United Church of Jews are both proclaimed members of the covenan- Canada, the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Amer- tal household of God despite the apparent con- ica and the United Methodist Church, as well as tradiction of such an assertion in purely human the recent document from the Leuenberg Consul- terms. In the United States Msgr John Oesterre- tation of the Reformation Churches in Europe (see icher,whowouldbecomealeadingfigureatVatican Leuenberg Church Fellowship), have significantly II, introduced the works of some of these pioneer- advanced the fundamental rethinking of Judaism’s ingscholarstotheChristiantheologicalcommunity theological status after the covenant, a rethinking via the publication of a multi-volume series called that will have significant impact on Christology. The Bridge.

86 Christ and Christology

The process of eradicating the Adversus Judaeos Charlesworth (b. 1940), W. D. Davies (1911–2001) Christological tradition from Christian theology and Daniel Harrington (b. 1940) have underscored gained new impetus at Vatican II. The actual com- the fact that without understanding the Judaism of position of the Vatican declaration on the Church the period we cannot understand Jesus’ message, and the Jewish people showed the poverty of the which was deeply imbued with Jewish religious per- Christian tradition relative to its understanding of spectives of his time. Robin Scroggs (1930–2005) relations with the Jewish people. Every other docu- andAnthonySaldarini(1941–2001)haveshownthat ment issued by Vatican II abounds with references for a century or more (and even beyond in some to the tradition of the Church – the Fathers, papal parts of Christianity) many Christians continued to statements, declarations by previous Church coun- harbour a profound attachment to Judaism which cils. Not so Chapter 4 of Nostra Aetate. There was they expressed in part by regular participation in simply little, if any, positive material upon which to Jewish worship. Hence Christologies that revolve draw, except to return as a starting point to Romans around the notion that through the Christ event 9–11, as the Council in fact did. Christianity totally fulfilled (and replaced) Judaism In other words, the church was finally picking up can no longer be easily sustained. in the second half of the twentieth century a process Realising the significance of the revolution in that had been short-circuited since the latter stages biblical scholarship regarding Jesus’ relationship to of St Paul’s life. Constructing a new theology of the Judaism, a number of Christian theologians have Church and the Jewish people in light of the Christ begun to rethink the statement of Christology. Gen- event was clearly emerging as a formidable under- erally speaking, two constructive approaches to taking. Because the effort to reformulate the theol- stating the relationship between Christians and ogy of the Christian–Jewish relationship inevitably Jews have emerged in the last half-century. They touches upon the very nerve centre of Christianity, are usually referred to as the single and double namely Christology, the pace of change will likely covenant perspectives, though most of the theolo- be slow and fraught with controversy. But for the gians involved in the discussion feel neither fully same reason a renewed theological understanding captures the reality of the linkage. of the Church’s linkage with the Jewish people has The question of covenant stands at the very repercussions for the whole of Christian theology. heart of the Christological question. The recent The theologian Johann-Baptist Metz (b. 1928) has document from the ecumenical Christians Schol- stressed that the restatement of the Church’s rela- ars Group on Christian–Jewish Relations makes this tionship with the Jewish people is in fact a revision point very strongly. A Sacred Obligation argues that of Christian theology as such. with the recent recognition within the Church of the The process of revising the Church’sunderstand- permanency of God’scovenant with the Jewish peo- ing of the Christ event in light of its new under- ple there comes the realisation that the redemptive standing of the Jewish–Christian relationship has power of God is at work within Judaism. So, if Jews been enhanced by the work both of scripture schol- who do not share the Christian faith are indeed in ars and systematicians. In NewTestament studies suchasavingrelationshipwithGod,thenChristians we are now witnessing a remarkable turnabout in require new ways of understanding the universal the basic understanding of Jesus’ relationship to significance of Christ. the Jewish community and tradition of his time. The single-covenant approach assigns Jews and The influence of scholars such as Rudolf Bultmann Christians to one continuing covenantal tradition (1884–1976), Ernst Kasemann¨ (1906–98) and Hel- that began with God’s revelation to Moses.Inthis mut Koester (b. 1926), who universalised Jesus out perspective the Christ event represents the deci- of his Jewish roots and claimed a totally Hellenis- sive moment when the Gentile nations entered tic background for Paul, is rapidly waning. Such fully into the special relationship with God that exegesis that harboured the seeds of a theologi- Jews already enjoyed and in which they continue. cal anti-Judaism is being replaced by new schol- Monika Hellwig (b. 1929), Paul van Buren (1924–98) arly stress on Jesus and the early Church’s strong, and Clemens Thoma (b. 1932), along with most offi- continuing attachment to Judaism. Biblical schol- cial documents on Jewish–Christian relations, have ars such as Cardinal Carlo Martini (b. 1927), James taken this theological path.

87 Christ and Christology

The double-covenant viewpoint generally also Redemption in and through Christ, after the Holo- begins with a strong affirmation of the continuing caust, can no longer be understood in merely ‘spir- bond between Israel and the Church. But it prefers itual’ terms, but must be tied to the historical to highlight the distinctiveness of the two tradi- experience of people at a particular moment in tions and communities, especially after their sepa- time. Several of these scholars, especially Sherman ration, and to emphasise that in the person of Jesus and Marcel Dubois (b. 1907), posit a direct link a vision of God emerged that is distinctively new between Jesus’ sufferings on the cross and the suf- in some of its central features. Such distinctive- ferings of the Jewish people during the Holocaust. ness, these scholars underline, does not invalidate But others, such as John Pawlikowski and Alice Judaism’s covenantal status. The Jewish covenant, (b. 1923) and Roy Eckardt (1918–98), find such a on the contrary, remains a source of revelation both comparison very problematical. Jesus’ sufferings for Jews and Christians. Franz Mussner (b. 1916), have always been seen as voluntary and redemp- J. Coert Rylaarsdam (1907–98), John Pawlikowski tive. This cannot be claimed for Jewish suffering (b. 1940) and Gregory Baum, among others, have during the Holocaust. argued for this perspective, albeit in considerably Despite the recognition of some theologians different ways. within the Christian community that the recent In recentyearsanumberofscholarshavebecome repudiation of the Adversus Judaeos tradition has somewhat dissatisfied with the single and double profound implications for Christological state- covenant options. These scholars, both Jewish and ment, major problems remain. The Vatican docu- Christian, have begun to suggest new images of ment Dominus Iesus (September 2000) has argued the relationship. Alan Segal (b. 1945) and Hayim that all salvation ultimately comes through Christ Perelmuter (1915–2001) have proposed ‘siblings’ as and that those that do not acknowledge that stand an appropriate model while Mary Boys (b. 1947) in considerable peril in terms of their redemption. has spoken of ‘fraternal twins’, Clark Williamson While some Catholic leaders have insisted this doc- (b. 1935) of ‘partners in waiting’ and Daniel Boyarin ument does not pertain to the Jews, this is diffi- (b. 1946) of ‘co-emergence’. All of these images cult to accept in light of the line of argumentation stress both linkage and distinctiveness between it advances. The noted theologian Cardinal Walter Christianity and Judaism. They tend to empha- Kasper (b. 1933), since 2001 head of the Holy See’s sise a more ‘parallel’ rather than the traditional Commission for Religious Relations with the Jews, ‘linear’ dimensions of the relationship, with Chris- has advanced the notion that Jews are an exception tianity and Judaism, as we know them today, to the rule in terms of the universality of salvation having emerged out of a religious revolution in in Christ because they are the only non-Christian Second TempleJudaism. Such ‘parallel’ images ren- religious community to have authentic revelation der any Christology rooted in a linear understand- from the Christian perspective. Hence Torah is suf- ing of the Jewish–Christian relationship highly ficient for Jewish salvation. This thesis remains in problematical. its infancy. Its ultimate test will be whether in the Some theologians such as Jurgen¨ Moltmann light of such affirmation there is clear recognition (b. 1926), Franklin Sherman (b. 1928) and John on the part of the Church that there is no mission Pawlikowski have explored connections between to the Jews. The Leuenberg document (2001) also the Holocaust and Christological understanding. rejects the need to actively seek the conversion of For one, they argue, if the notion of God and the Jews. divine–human relationship needs restatement in Jewish theology thus far has shown little inter- the light of the Holocaust experience, then the est in these Christological developments within perspective on the Christ event also needs recon- the Church. A few Jewish scholars have stressed sideration given its understanding as embodying the importance of understanding Jesus’ profound the divine presence in a special way. Some, such rootage in Judaism and the contribution of the New as James Moore (b. 1946), also maintain that the Testament to the understanding of first-century CE Holocaust forces the Church to proclaim a Chris- Judaism. The authors of the Jewish document on tology of witness and resistance within the frame- Christianity Dabru Emet hold open some possi- work of an overarching theology of discipleship. bility for a new Jewish interest in Christology, as

88 Christianity, Jewish perspectives on

do the writings of Jewish scholars such as Michael Jesus. By portraying these views as the words of Wyschogrod (b. 1928) and Elliot Wolfson (b. 1956). revered religious leaders they become more author- Wyschogrod has spoken of the ‘incarnation’ofthe itative. Jewish people, while Wolfson has uncovered ‘traces’ The rabbinic writings are cautious in their of incarnationalism in the Jewish apocalyptic comments on Christianity because of Christian tradition. JOHN T. PAWLIKOWSKI censorship and fear of retribution. Nevertheless, Christian Hebraists see Hebraists, Christian it is possible to find implicit, and occasionally Christian Identity movements see British explicit, repudiation of Christianity. For example, Israelites Rabbi Ishmael (fl. second century CE) is reported to Christian perspectives on Judaism see Judaism, have stated that Christians ‘inject hatred, jealousy Christian perspectives on between Israel and their father in heaven’. Rabbi Christian Scholars Group on Christian–Jewish Johanan ben Zakkai (fl. first century CE) felt it nec- Relations (CSG) see Jewish–Christian relations, essary to explain that Jews did not fast on Sunday centres for the study of ‘on account of the Christians’ (b. Ta’anit 27b). The Christian Zionism see Zionism, Christian liturgy – through the creation of birkat ha-minim – Christianity, Jewish perspectives on was adapted to ensure that heretics, some of In its original form, Christianity consisted of some whom were identified as Christians (though schol- Jewish followers of Jesus declaring him as the ars debate whether the term refers to Jewish Chris- Messiah, claiming to represent the true path during tians or included all Christians), could not easily thelasteraofworldhistory,anddemandingconver- participate in Jewish acts of worship. Although rab- sion to their interpretation of Judaism. Christian- binic knowledge of Jesus is extremely limited (and ity was therefore one Jewish group amongst others tells us nothing of the historical Jesus), it does shed such as the Sadducees,Hellenists, Zealots, Essenes light on early Jewish polemic against Christianity. and Pharisees, but only Christians and the Phar- For example, Christian teaching about the Virgin isees survived the destruction of the Temple in 70 Birth resulted in the charge that Jesus was born out CE. James Dunn (b. 1939) has correctly pointed of wedlock; Christian rejection of the Torah led to out that the separation between Christianity and the accusation that Jesus ‘deceived and led Israel Judaism consisted of a series of ‘partings of the astray’; New Testament accounts of Jesus’ mira- ways’, which began when the Jewish followers of cles lay behind the criticism that Jesus was a magi- Jesus started to attract large numbers of Gentiles. cian who was put to death by ‘Pinchas the Robber’ The abolition of Jewish customs such as circum- (Pilate). cision and (food laws) contributed to the Once Christianity was established as the religion rejection of Christianity by most Jews, and Jewish of the Roman Empire in the fourth century, the sit- opposition to Christianity was also increased by uation for Jews became more difficult, though this Christian failure to support Jewish revolts against was a gradual process because the energy of Chris- Rome and the Messianic claims of BarKokhba.By tian Europe was directed towards defeating pagans the time of the completion of the Talmud (c.500) and Christian heretics. During this time the abun- Judaism and Christianity had fully diverged. It is dance of anti-Jewish writings (Adversus Judaeos not coincidental that around the same time Jewish literature)resulted in little violence against Jews; Christianity also ceased to exist. nor did it stir much of a Jewish response, possi- The main theological divide between Jews and bly because until then Christianity, whilst seen as Christians concerned Christian claims about the a contemporary oppressor of Judaism and rank- divinity of Jesus. Bitterness between Jews (as well as ing as the third or fourth of the four kingdoms Gentiles) over the significance of Jesus can be seen predicted by Daniel, was viewed with little theo- in the NewTestament, where views about Jesus’ logical interest. The polemical text Toledot Yeshu authority and significance – a major proportion of seems to be an exception. On the other hand, there which developed after his death – were ascribed is some evidence to suggest that Jewish commen- to Jesus himself. A similar process can be noticed tators were aware of Christian exegesis. The will- in rabbinic writings, where some anti-Christian ingness of some Jewish exegetes to appropriate teachings are ascribed to rabbis who lived before Christian interpretation, wrap it in Jewish garb and

89 Christianity, Jewish perspectives on

include it in Jewish biblical commentary suggests Maimonides, was that Christianity prepared the a closer relationship, at least as far as interpretation way for nations to worship the God of Israel and for of scripture is concerned, than has previously been redemption. Menahem ben Solomon Meiri put for- accepted. Rabbinic interpretation of the binding of wardthemostpositiveviewduringthisperiodwhen Isaac is one example: the rabbis, like the Church he argued that Christianity should be understood Fathers, compare Isaac carrying the wood on his as a form of monotheism and coined the phrase shoulder (Gen. 22.5) to ‘a man who carries a cross’ ‘nations bound by the ways of religion’ to relax cer- (Genesis Rabbah 56.3). This shows the influence tainrabbiniclawsandfacilitateamorefruitfulinter- of Christian interpretation adapted for a Jewish action between Jews and Christians. audience. Jews viewed the Reformation as a positive devel- From approximately 1100 onwards, as Chris- opment, partly because of its challenge to the tendom became more homogeneous, Jews were unity of the Church, which seemed to divert Chris- seen as one of the last ‘different’ groups, and tian attention away from Judaism. The Protes- by the sixteenth century they had been expelled tant return to the Hebrew Bible and a number from most of Western Europe (see expulsions). of reformers’ awareness of Jewish commentaries Jews were liable to mass assaults, as witnessed in probably contributed to a rise in messianic fer- the Crusades from the eleventh century and in vour among Jews, which was noticed by Luther. response to the BlackDeath in the fourteenth. Con- However, although Luther’s early writings, such temporary Jewish writings bear witness to violence, as That Jesus Christ Was Born a Jew (1523), sug- and increased political exploitation and legal dis- gested a dramatic change in Christian perceptions crimination, at the hands of Christians. This situ- of Judaism, the bitter anti-Jewish treatises writ- ation, in addition to widespread medieval Chris- ten towards the end of his life served to increase tian charges of deicide, host desecration and blood Jewish loyalty to the Catholic emperor. For exam- libel,resulted in the publication of anti-Christian ple, the contemporary German Jewish leader Josel writings such as the anonymous Nizzahon Vetus, vonRosheim sided with the sovereign and called which criticised Christianity as absurd and con- Luther ‘impure’ (lo tohar –apun on Luther’sname). demned Jewish converts as well as Christian attacks Despite its early promise, therefore, as far as most on the Talmud. During this period Christians were contemporary Jews were concerned the Reforma- becoming increasingly aware of the existence of tion saw the Christian ‘teaching of contempt’ con- post-biblical Jewish writings such as the Talmud tinue unabated. and denounced them accordingly. Similarly, the During the Enlightenment asmall number of rabbis were familiar not only with the New Tes- Jews, such as Moses Mendelssohn,reflected pub- tament, but also with patristic writings and later licly and seriously on the future of Judaism and on Christian practices, which they used to condemn the Jewish relationship with Christianity. In 1769 Christianity. Mendelssohn was challenged by his friend Johann Since Judaism was a minority in both the Islamic Lavater (1741–1801) to convert to Christianity. He world and Christendom, Jews were prompted to rejected the call and, whilst extolling the teaching consider why God allowed these faiths to flour- of Jesus and the virtues of Christianity, espoused ish. One view was that Christianity was a form of the values of Judaism: ‘Suppose there were living idolatry, perhaps not in the full biblical sense but among my contemporaries a Confucius or a Solon, through inherited patterns of idolatrous worship (b. I could, according to the principles of my faith, Hullin 13b). Another approach categorised Chris- love and admire the great man without falling into tianity in terms of the Noachide Laws, which for- the ridiculous idea that I must convert a Solon mulated moral standards without demand for con- or a Confucius.’ Although Mendelssohn remained version to Judaism. According to Rabbi Johanan Jewish, the pace of change in society was matched ben Zakkai, whoever denied idolatry was deemed by significant Jewish assimilation into either sec- aJew (a concept revived in the nineteenth century ularism or Christianity. Heinrich Heine famously by Elia Benamozegh (1823–1900), who persuaded called his conversion a ‘ticket of admission to Euro- a would-be Catholic convert to adopt ‘noahism’). pean culture’. The dramatic increase in assimila- Another view, propagated by Judah ha-Levi and tion in the nineteenth century was foreshadowed

90 Christmas by the , which offered Jews ars such as James Parkes, which started in the first equality on condition of their abandoning their half of the twentieth century and accelerated after faith. the Holocaust, began to have an impact on Jewish A shift in attitudes to Christianity among reli- attitudes. In addition, Christian institutional state- gious leaders can be noted in the years following the ments such as Nostra Aetate in 1965 contributed Enlightenment and Jewish emancipation.Reform to a reassessment of Christianity among Jews. The figures such as Abraham Geiger and Stephen Wise publication of Dabru Emet in 2000, exploring the embraced the Jewishness of Jesus, and even S. R. place of Christianity in Jewish terms, represents Hirsch (1808–88), one of the founders of Orthodox the views of a significant proportion of Jews in Judaism,argued that Jesus embodied the essence English-speaking countries, although there are also of Judaism. It was thus not a huge step for Mar- many for whom Christianity is unimportant in tin Buber to call Jesus his ‘elder brother’. Jewish their Jewish identity or who are critical of the doc- philosophers such as Hermann Cohen and Franz ument (particularly some Orthodox Jews). David Rosenzweig also made contributions to the Jewish Berger (b. 1943), for example, rejects what he con- understanding of Christianity, the former argu- siders to be ‘theological reciprocity’, while oth- ing that Jewish ethics were superior to Christian ers are concerned about increasing antisemitism (heavily influencing Leo Baeck), and the latter that and a lack of Christian support for the State of Christianity was a pathway to God for Gentiles. Israel. As liberal culture spread throughout Europe, East Some of the present-day concerns of Jews in European thinkers also wrote on Christianity: for their relationship with Christianity – fighting anti- example, Abraham Isaac Kook (1865–1935), later semitism and anti-Zionism – have remained the Chief Rabbi of Palestine, praised Jesus but criticised same for the last hundred years. However, new Christianity for moving far from Judaism. topics are also coming to the fore in dialogue, At the same time as exhibiting a more sympa- including theological conversations, such as joint theticunderstandingofJesus,JewishviewsofChris- projects on biblical interpretation and for social tianity were affected by an increasing anti-Jewish justice. EDWARD KESSLER prejudice and the rise of racial antisemitism. The Christmas Enlightenment doctrine that whilst society could The central event in the Advent–Christmas– be remade certain men were beyond redemption Epiphany liturgical cycle, Christmas draws Chris- provided the basis for modern racism and reached tians into the mystery of the enfleshment of the a climax in the rise of Nazism and ultimately in Word of God in Jesus the Christ. Celebrating Jesus the Holocaust. The failure of the Churches dur- as Immanuel (God with us), the feast is an integral ing 1933–45 resulted in anger towards and distrust part of the Paschal mystery, focusing on an adult of Christianity. An extreme example of this view Christ rather than merely the biological birth of an is illustrated by Eliezer Berkovits (1908–92), who infant. The central themes of this feast and cycle are argued that the roots of Nazism can be traced back among the most prominent in the Jewish–Christian to the New Testament: ‘Christianity’s New Testa- dialogue. These include the Incarnation, eschatol- menthasbeenthemostdangerousantisemitictract ogy,Messiah and the Messianic Era. in history. Its hatred-charged diatribes against the While the origin of the date of the feast (25 Pharisees and the Jews have poisoned the hearts December) is unclear, its juxtaposition in the third and minds of millions and millions of Christians for and fourth centuries to the pagan observances of almost two millennia. Without Christianity’s New the winter solstice radically transformed their mes- Testament, Hitler’s Mein Kampf could never have sage and helped proclaim the presence of a new been written.’ The call at the first meeting of the belief. The December feast was observed annually WorldCouncil of Churches in 1948 for Christians in Rome by the early fourth century and quickly to redouble their efforts to convert Jews reinforced spread in the West after the accession of Con- the view that the Church had no respect for living stantine. The fourth- and sixth-century controver- Judaism. sies on the Incarnation and the Person of Christ However, the reassessment of Christian attitudes doubtlessly contributed to the feast’s growth in towards Judaism in the writings of Christian schol- importance.

91 Christology

Given the proximity of Christmas to the Jewish He studied under the well-known rhetor Libanius celebration of Hanukkah,aswell as their com- (314–c.394), and might have succeeded him had mon emphases on the themes of light and God’s he not decided to be baptised in 368. Chrysos- presence in our midst, in the Western world the tom retreated to the desert to study with monks minor Jewish holiday with simple rituals has often and was ordained a in 382 and presbyter expanded in importance in competition with this in 386. In 398 he was summoned to Constantino- popular Christian feast. In many places this Chris- ple to become a patriarch, but at a synod in tian liturgical feast and cycle has also become a sec- 403 was condemned as a result of the intrigue ular season, a time when capitalist encouragement of Theophilus, Patriarch of Alexandria (r.385–412) of frenetic Christmas gift-giving is also having a sec- and was deposed and exiled in 404. ularising and commercialising effect on Hanukkah. Chrysostom delivered eight sermons, Adversus Regrettably, some of the beautiful liturgical and Judaeos,in386–7 which demonstrate extreme paraliturgical practices of the Advent and Christ- antipathy to Jews and Judaism at an early stage mas season have for centuries subtly and inadver- of his career. They arose from his fear of the vital- tently promoted a supersessionist theology of ful- ity of Judaism and the Jewish community in Anti- filment. Advent wreaths (on which a lit candle is och, which influenced his Christian congregants added on each of the four Advent Sundays, culmi- and threatened his authority. Chrysostom believed nating in the lighting of the Christ Candle) and Jesse that Judaism and Christianity existed in a state Trees(onwhichimagesofHebrewscriptureperson- of competition. Four elements in the close rela- ages prefiguring and preparing for God’s ultimate tionship between Jews and Christians particularly manifestation in Jesus are progressively hung dur- angered him: Christian participation in the festi- ing the four Advent weeks) easily convey the mes- vals and fasts of the Jewish community, Christian sage that the light (of Jesus) replaced the darkness belief that Jews and their synagogues were endowed (of the Jews), and that the Jews served merely as with numinous aura, Christian admiration for Jew- apreparation for the new People of God. Tradi- ish observance, and Christian acceptance of Jews tional Advent hymns with such lyrics as ‘ransom as the people of the Hebrew Bible. Chrysostom’s captive Israel’ and ‘redeem the long lost fold’ have comments indicate that Christians were attending significantly contributed to this. The season’s litur- both synagogue and church, and while his invec- gies show great continuity between the Hebrew and tive is directed at the Jew, his principal target is the Christian scriptures, while at the same time raising Judaising Christian. questionsaboutthenatureofbiblicalprophecyand Chrysostom sought to protect Christian iden- the relationship of the Church to the Jewish people. tity and tradition in a place and at a time when Such passages as Isaiah’s about the ‘days to come’, Christianity was a minority community struggling ‘the people who walked in darkness’, and the virgin for survival against a Jewish and pagan majority in giving ‘birth to a son whom she will call Immanuel’ – Antioch. In his first homily he accuses Jews of hav- when immediately followed by the season’s Gospel ing ‘degenerated to the level of dogs’ who ‘live only passages – convince the average Christian worship- for their bellies’ (Adv. Jud. 1.2; 845–46), and refers to per that Jesus is the fulfilment of the prophets’ the synagogue as a ‘house of prostitution’ (Adv. Jud. proclamation of hope and promise. 1.3). Since the destruction of the Templein 70 CE, he The Advent–Christmas reminder to the Christian argued, Jews had lost their ministry and covenant; community that it yet awaits the second and ulti- demons now live not only in the synagogue, but mate coming of Christ highlights the differences in in the souls of Jews, who sacrifice their children to the Christian and Jewish concepts of Messiah,as appease them (Adv. Jud. 1.6). Like Melito, Chrysos- well as the similarity in the manner the two faith tom accuses the Jews past and present of deicide, communities work and yearn for the Messianic Era. a claim that was to become central to the Adversus See also infancy narratives AUDREY DOETZEL Judaeos tradition and official Christian teaching for Christology see Christ and Christology centuries. Chrysostom, John (c.350–407) Chrysostom’s first anti-Jewish sermon was deliv- John Chrysostom (‘the golden tongue’) was born ered in September 386 before the festival of Rosh into a wealthy and powerful family in Antioch. Hashanah. With the exception of the third homily,

92 Church and synagogue which was preached before Passover, all the hom- While his anti-Judaism was theological rather than ilies were delivered in September or October racial, it is legitimate to consider his part, along with before the major autumn Jewish festivals, Chris- other Church Fathers,inthe development of anti- tian participation in which he wished to discourage semitism.His writings are thus acutely difficult for (Adv. Jud. 1.1; 844, and 4.3; 875). Similarly, Chrysos- Jewish–Christian relations, in terms not only of the tom’s sixth homily must be understood against the fourth century, but of their use and abuse over the background of the Quartodeciman controversy following 1,600 years. EDWARD KESSLER over the dating of Easter. The Judaisers in Chrysos- Church and state tom’sChurchwereignoringtherulingoftheCouncil Christians vary in their understandings of the of Nicaea (325) that Easter should not be calculated form relations between Church and state should according to the Jewish calendar, and by celebrat- take. Although Orthodoxy does not have the polit- ing Easter and Passover together were, in Chrysos- ical principle of the state church at its basis, in tom’s view, issuing a direct challenge to Christian Orthodox countries Church and state have usu- truth and authority. ally been closely linked. In contrast, the Historic When evaluating these homilies we should bear Peace Churches advocate separatism, in some in mind both the rhetorical conventions within instances shunning involvement in civic affairs. which Chrysostom was working and the expecta- Catholics and Protestants generally hold interme- tions of his audiences. He uses hyperbole, standard diate positions, interpreting Mark 12.13–17 and metaphorsandsimiles;norishisinvectivedesigned Rom. 13.1–7 to require Christian involvement in either as logical, truthful argument, or to be taken the construction of civil society and obedience to literally by listeners. No angry crowds stormed the the state. synagogue as a result of Chrysostom’s sermons; Most historians agree that Jewish–Christian rela- he aimed simply to win back Christians who had tions deteriorated after Constantine’s conversion deserted the Churches. His attacks on Jews should and Christianity’s establishment as the official reli- also be seen in the context of his attacks on other gion of the Roman Empire.With Christendom’s groups. For example, his description of Judaism as rise, Christians were able not merely to argue with, a disease was used several days earlier with refer- but to control Jewish activity: restrictions peaked in ence to the Arians; his description of Jewish fasting the medieval period, when legislation in numerous as a form of drunkenness was elsewhere applied Western and Central European states responded to to Christian moral laxity; and his characterisation the papal desire (articulated in the Fourth Lateran of the synagogue as a gathering place for ‘whores, Council)tosee the socio-political realm embody thieves and the crowd of dancers’ shares the lan- supersessionism. guage of his attack on Julian the Apostate. In the nineteenth century Jewish emancipation However, the impact of Chrysostom’s sermons and increased contacts between Christians and can be seen in later generations, who enjoyed his Jews accompanied the weakening of legal Church– rhetoric but either did not recognise or ignored its state ties. Critics of dialogue (e.g. Berkovits) have conventions. Passages were excerpted into Byzan- characterised ecumenical and interfaith activity as tine liturgy for Holy Week, and later writers drew self-interested, strategic responses by the West- freely from the homilies. They were translated into ern Churches to their loss of influence in state Russian in the eleventh century at the time of affairs. Conversely, the creation of Israel as a sec- the first pogrom in Russian history under Prince ular state inspired by Jewish tradition (predomi- Vladimir (956–1015), and were read in medieval nantly a religious tradition) opens up new ques- Europe, in Byzantium and again in Russia when tions in Judaism that parallel those facing many Christianity was the dominant religion and Jews Christian churches today. ‘Church’–state relations were subject to repressive laws. Above all, Chrysos- may, therefore, prove a fruitful dialogue topic in the tom’s Adversus Judaeos sermons were used to sup- future. MELANIE J. WRIGHT port and encourage anti-Jewish attitudes in the Church and synagogue Church and have had a significant impact on Chris- In the study of Jewish–Christian relations it tian theology for many centuries, particularly but has sometimes been assumed that the term not exclusively in the Eastern Orthodox Churches. ‘Church’ (ekklesia)isequivalent to ‘synagogue’ (beit

93 Church Fathers

ha-k’nesset). In fact, their roles are significantly dif- Church Fathers ferent, even though their origins are similar. In The Fathers (Latin patres)are the early Christian non-biblical Greek literature ekklesia refers to any teachers who gave their name to the patristic age gathering of people, Jewish, Christian or neither of Church history, lasting from the end of the first (Saldarini, Matthew’s Christian-Jewish Community century to the , and to the patris- 116–20), and in the NewTestament the Church tic literature, the main body of Christian texts from is the gathering of people who follow Jesus of these years. Their localities include all the principal Nazareth. Similarly beit ha-k’nesset means a ‘house centres of Jewish population in antiquity, their lan- of meeting’, a place where Jews congregate, some- guages were also used by contemporary Jews, and times for prayer but on other occasions simply their writings form a rich and debated source for to participate in social events or to study scrip- knowledge of Jewish history, Jewish–Christian rela- ture or other authoritative writings. Perhaps the tions and the history of the aggadah. nearest Jewish equivalent to Church is ‘the Jewish In the Church the name ‘Fathers’ has designated people’. early teachers whose writings form an authorita- Among the Gospel writers, only Matthew uses tive statement of doctrine; but patristic literature the term ekklesia (‘on this rock I will build my when viewed broadly is commonly taken to include church’, 16.18), which Roman Catholicism inter- authors, like Origen, whose authority has been preted institutionally, taking Peter as the first pope, doubted; writings from communities that have through whom God transmits teaching author- beenjudgedheretical,notablyGnostics,Ariansand ity (Lat. magisterium) via papal succession. As an Donatists; and acts of the martyrs, early lives of episcopal polity developed which was unknown saints, and early texts of liturgy and church law. in Judaism, the meaning of ‘Church’ began to Prior and fundamental to this literature were the diverge from that of synagogue. For example, the OldTestament, studied by the Fathers usually in Roman Catholic Church is led by bishops (Gk the Septuagint and other translations, and the New episkopoi), of whom the bishop of Rome is the Testament; both were read together with many first among equals. Protestantism also emphasises related apocrypha, partly Jewish, partly amplified Matt. 16.18, but the focus is on faith, which is or composed by Christians. The Church also trans- conveyed as a gift of grace to the whole commu- mitted and translated the Greek biblical, histor- nity, leading to a more communal polity – clergy ical and philosophical works of the first-century are ordained by the community to serve sacra- CE Jewish authors Philo and Josephus. There was mental, teaching and leadership functions on their some knowledge of pre-Philonic Greek Jewish bib- behalf, suggesting perhaps that the ‘Church’, as lical exegesis,preserved (mainly through the pagan a non-hierarchical, communal polity of Protes- Alexander Polyhistor (c.105–40 BCE)) in Clement tantism, carries a meaning that is closer to syna- of Alexandria (c.150–c.215) and Eusebius.Philonic gogue. Consequently, Church teachings (inter alia biblical allegory as adapted in Latin sermons by about Judaism) under these distinctive ecclesiolo- Ambrose (339–97) aided Augustine’s return from gies carry different degrees of authority. Manichaeism to orthodoxy. Contributors to patris- After Constantine’s conversion, the Church tic literature range from Clement of Rome (fl. c.96) became the religious institution of the Roman to Isidore of Seville in the west and to John of Dam- Empire and remained a powerful cultural force ascus (c.675–c.749) in the east. Many Fathers were into modern times, symbolised in the Chris- bishops, but important works come from teachers tian rites of medieval royal coronation. From of lower clerical rank, notably Origen and Jerome, this position of power, steeped in its Adversus and there are a few lay authors, for example (prob- Judaeos paradigm, the Church stressed the con- ably) Julius Africanus in late second-century Judea trast of ecclesia/synagoga, assuring the marginal and the Latin church poet Prudentius (348–c.410) and oppressed position of Jews and also reinforc- in Gaul. ing a mistaken equivalence between Church and This literature is in the three main Christian synagogue. languages of the Roman Empire: Greek in both east PETER A. PETTIT AND EDWARD KESSLER and west in the second and early third centuries,

94 Church Fathers

Latin in the west from the second century Latin, and Joseph (on the newly baptised Jacob) in onwards, and Greek with Syriac (a dialect of seventh-century Byzantine Carthage, in Greek. Aramaic)inthe eastern Roman provinces and over The contact between Jews and Christians that the border. In the later patristic age the languages these contemporary Jewish elements in patristic lit- of the eastern Church also include Armenian, eraturesuggestisalsosuggestedbywritings‘against Coptic and Ethiopic. The forms of the literature the Jews’, Adversus Judaeos, sometimes in dialogue need not have seemed alien to contemporary form. Like all apologetic, these books serve internal Jews, for the books follow literary models attested needs, but their presentation of the arguments put in earlier Jewish writing (Hebrew,Aramaic or forward by Jews and proselytes is probably a reflec- Greek), including biblical commentary, homily, tion as well as an adaptation or invention. Con- Church orders (comparable with the Qumran rule tinuing discussion of this point harks back espe- literature;seeDeadSeaScrolls),hymnsandprayers. cially to the Church historian Adolf von Harnack, Apologetic, doctrinal and historical treatises who held that the Christian apologies, although develop Greek models already used by Philo and ostensibly directed to Jews, were really concerned Josephus. mainlywithpaganarguments.DiscussionwithJews The light shed by this literature on the Jews is nonetheless mentioned by Origen (Cels. 1.55) and in antiquity touches notable events, including the others, and a desire to dissuade Christians from uprisings of the years 115–17 and 132–5 and the being impressed by Jewish tradition is exemplified fifth-century expulsion of Alexandrian Jews, and in Chrysostom’s homilies Adversus Judaeos,rebuk- aspects of communal life, as in Origen on the Jew- ing Antiochene churchgoers who frequent the syn- ish ethnarch in Judea or Synesius of Cyrene (c.370– agogues. The ruling emphasis of the patristic apolo- c.414) on Jewish mariners. Impressions of Jews and gies on biblical proof-texts continues in Jewish as Judaism also abound in apocrypha and martyr- well as Christian apologetic in the Middle Ages. acts. The value of patristic sources was shown by Patristic literature developed at the same time as such historians of the Jews as J. Juster (c.1886– the Hebrew and Aramaic literature of the Talmud 1916), L. Lucas (1872–1943) and Y. Kaufmann and midrash grew up in Palestine and Babylo- (1889–1963). nia. Some patristic awareness of rabbinic tradition Patristic literature itself preserves some non- emerges especially in third- and fourth-century Hebrew writing by Jews, dating from the first cen- Palestine in Origen, Epiphanius (c.315–403) and tury CE onwards. Among Bible translations, this Jerome (whose exegesis and new Latin translation includes the revised Greek versions in the names of of the Hebrew biblical books sometimes reflect Theodotion (fl. end of second century CE), Aquila contemporary Jewish interpretation). Particularly and Symmachus (fl.probably late second century striking, however, is the general overlap between CE) (possibly a Christian Jew), the Syriac Penta- patristic and rabbinic exegetical tradition; thus teuch and perhaps some Jewish Latin renderings. the Syriac biblical poetry of Ephrem Syrus has Other probably Jewish texts in the patristic liter- much in common with midrash and Targum, ature include, in Greek, an apologia for Judaism but specific indebtedness to contemporary rab- (Clementine Homilies 4–6), a second-century cri- binic exegesis is less obvious. Jewish aggadah has tique of Christian origins (quoted at length in Ori- been intensively studied in this connection by gen,ContraCelsum)andanumberofprayers(Apos- Samuel Krauss (1866–1948), Louis Ginzberg (1873– tolic Constitutions 7–8), and in Latin, a comparison 1953) and others. Contemporary Jewish–Christian of Mosaic and Roman law (Mosaicarum et Roma- contact can be seen, together with indepen- narum Legum Collatio). Christian teachers of Jew- dent development from common sources. Jerome, ish descent are cited, as by Clement of Alexandria one of a very few patristic authors who learned in the second century. Works under the names of Hebrew, defends his own dependence on Jew- Jews who have accepted baptism include a (lost) ish learning as a traditional Christian recourse second-century Greek Dialogue between Jason (Ruf. 1.13). and the Alexandrian non-Christian Jew Papiscus, Patristic literature exhibits side by side a differ- and tracts by Isaac in fourth-century Rome, in entiation between Christianity and Judaism and

95 Church of England

a Christian share in Jewish culture. Anti-Jewish subsequent Archbishops of Canterbury have been argument has antisemitic aspects and contributes Presidents. under the Christian emperors to restrictive mea- The Church of England now repudiates anti- sures and movements; but it is accompanied by semitism, and attempts have been made to purge recognition of the Jews as custodians of bibli- the Church’s teaching and liturgy of all anti-Jewish cal tradition, and by many indications of contact elements. The Good Friday collect is omitted from between Jews and Christians, not least in biblical Common Worship, published in 2000. A good sum- study. WILLIAM HORBURY mary of current Church of England thinking is pro- Church of England vided by Sharing One Hope?, published by the Inter The Church of England’s attitudes to Judaism and Faith Consultative Group of the Archbishop’sCoun- the Jewish people have changed dramatically in cil in 2001. This identifies seven areas of agree- recent years. The traditional attitude is illustrated in ment: the repudiation of antisemitism; a recogni- a collect for Good Friday, dating from the sixteenth tion of the continuing vitality of Judaism; the unac- century, to be found in the Book of Common Prayer. ceptability of ‘replacement theology’; the need for It prays that God will have mercy upon ‘all Jews, wider dissemination of recent findings of New Tes- Turks, Infidels and Hereticks, and take from them tament scholarship; the recognition of the Jewish- allignorance,hardnessofheartandcontemptofthy ness of Jesus; sensitivity in liturgy, especially in the Word and so fetch them home, blessed Lord, to thy public reading of passages that present ‘the Jews’ in flock, that they may be saved among the remnant a hostile light; and emphasis on the hope, shared by of the true Israelites’.This reflects a supersessionist Jews and Christians, for the coming of God’s king- or replacement theology and assumes that salva- dom. Four areas of continuing debate are noted: the tion is only possible by membership of the church – relationship of the two covenants, the implications the true Israel. Revised versions of the prayer in the for Christology of a new appreciation of Judaism, 1928 Prayer Book and the 1980 Alternative Service the Land and mission.Reflection on the Holocaust Book reflect the same attitudes. has only had a limited influence on the thinking Even so, because both the morning and evening of the Church of England, although the recently daily services of the Church of England required introduced Holocaust Memorial Day may change areading from the ‘OldTestament’aswell as this. of several psalms, clergy and devout laity were See also Anglicanism; United Kingdom deeply versed in the Hebrew scriptures. Clergy were MARCUS BRAYBROOKE encouraged to learn Hebrew.Inthe nineteenth Church’s Ministry among Jewish People (CMJ) century some members of the Church of England CMJ is a society that seeks to share the gospel with actively supported missions to the Jews, especially Jewish people. Its missionary approach has often through the Church’s Mission to the Jews (subse- been controversial. The interdenominational Lon- quently the Church’s Mission among Jewish Peo- don Society for Promoting Christianity amongst ple) (CMJ) and others protested against the perse- the Jews was established in 1809, with the sup- cution of the Jews in Russia and elsewhere. There port of leading evangelical churchmen, includ- was considerable sympathy for the Balfour Decla- ing William Wilberforce (1759–1833) and Charles ration, which promised the Jews a national home in Simeon (1759–1836). In 1815 Nonconformists with- Palestine. A pioneer of a new approach was James drew. Adopting the name Church’s Mission to the Parkes,aChurch of England clergyman, who in the Jews, it became a Church of England voluntary 1930s showed that Christian anti-Jewish teaching society, although some members belong to other was the major cause of antisemitism.Heand later denominations. In 1995 the name was changed to Peter Schneider (1928–82) worked hard to counter Church’s Ministry among Jewish People. The work unfair pictures of Judaism and to suggest that Jesus has changed considerably over the years. For much was a faithful Jew. Even in the 1930s Parkes opposed of the nineteenth century CMJ was based in the attempts to convert Jews and he and Archbishop East End of London, working with the many Jew- William Temple and other members of the Church ish immigrants who had fled from persecution in of England supported the formation of the Coun- Russia. After the Second World War, CMJ moved cil of Christians and Jews in 1942, of which all to north-west London, where many Jews lived.

96 Cinema and film

The headquarters are now at St Albans. The soci- almost simultaneously in the 1890s in France, Ger- ety was for many years active in Eastern Europe, many, the United Kingdom and the United States. Ethiopia and Iran, and is beginning new work Today it is a global phenomenon. Countries in in the .InEngland CMJ today seeks to Africa, Asia and Europe have noteworthy indige- combat antisemitism,tomake Gentile Christians nous cinemas, although most of these define them- more aware of their faith’s Jewish roots, espe- selves in opposition to Hollywood, whose products cially through its ‘Bible Come to Life’ travelling have dominated screens since 1918. exhibition, and runs Jewish evangelism training Cinema has always been implicated in Jewish– weekends. Its work in the Holy Land began early Christian relations. Relationships between history, in the nineteenth century. Christ Church, in the theology, the cinematic text, and its reception, old city of Jerusalem, was founded in 1842. CMJ are complex. Films do not simply reflect Jewish– has now handed its work over to an independent Christian relations but actively constitute them. charity known as the Israel Trust of the Anglican On occasion (most obviously, in Nazi propaganda Church (ITAC), which runs the Anglican Interna- pieces like Jew Suss¨ ;Harlan, 1940) film’s affective tional School in Jerusalem, where children from qualities have been exploited with the aim of influ- different communities learn together. ITAC runs encing attitudes. More commonly, intentions are Shoresh Study Tours to Israel and programmes in lessdidactic,butagivenfilm’ssubject-matterdraws the Jewish roots of the Christian faith. Messianic its makers and viewers into exploration of aspects Jews in Israel who accept Yeshua (Hebrew for Jesus) of Jewish–Christian relations, present or past. as the Messiah are supported, when they meet with The first films to participate in Jewish–Christian hostility, by CMJ/ ITAC. In the 1980s CMJ gave some relations were those with religious themes: keen to supporttoevangelisticcampaignsbyJewsforJesus, appease the middle classes, the nascent industry agroup of Messianic Jews deriving from the United invested large resources in biblical films, especially States. Church leaders distanced themselves from screen lives of Jesus and Moses.(It has periodi- such evangelism, and George Carey (b. 1935), when cally revived these genres at other times when the he became Archbishop of Canterbury, unlike his threat of censure has seemed acute.) Pre-1960, bib- predecessors declined to be a Patron of CMJ as, lical films typically propagated anti-Judaism. This he said, this was incompatible with his position as is evident in Jesus films of the 1890s, which were Joint-President of the Council of Christians and series of tableaux, based on Passion plays.Itis Jews.Atthe time of the 1988 Lambeth Confer- also apparent in silents like King of Kings (DeMille, ence, leaders of CMJ argued against initial drafts 1927), which evokes Christian anti-Judaism in its of the section on mission because it did not recog- depiction of Jesus’ opponents, and the casting of nise their position. CMJ seeks to communicate its Yiddish theatre actors as Judas and Caiaphas, and belief that God’s saving love to sinners was made Orthodox Jews as extras. These moves implied con- known through the sending of his Son, the Messiah tinuity between Jesus’ opponents and twentieth- Yeshua, to be the only means of atonement and century Jewry, and sparked protests from the B’nai righteousness.CMJ holds that God’s covenant with B’rith. Such problems are not confined to Jesus the Jewish people comes to fulfilment in Yeshua. It films. In DeMille’s The Ten Commandments (1956) is supportive of Israel and is in fellowship with var- NewTestament themes and language are used in ious sister societies, which carry on similar work – amanner that denies the specificity of Moses’ life CMJ Ireland, Messiah’s People in South Africa, and promotes its interpretation as Christ-like (key Shoresh USA and Shoresh Australia. Other min- scenes recall the Gospel accounts of Jesus’ tempta- istries in this area (not sister societies of CMJ) tion and his mocking as ‘King of the Jews’). It is only include Christian Witness to Israel, Messianic Tes- after Vatican II that non-Jewish filmmakers have timony and the Lausanne Consultation on Jewish to any serious extent tried to avoid anti-Judaism. Evangelism. MARCUS BRAYBROOKE Zeffirelli’s Jesus of Nazareth (1977) reflects its direc- Cinema and film tor’sreading of Nostra Aetate in its efforts to portray The cinema – not just films themselves, but also aJewish Jesus and evoke the tragic consequences the institutions that produce and distribute them, of the deicide charge. (Rabbi and the audiences who are their consumers – began (1927–2004) a well-known participant in interfaith

97 Cinema and film

dialogue, was one consultant on the project.) How- antisemitism and more neutral-positive contacts ever, the film is not without difficulties – those between Jews, Christians and others. The early Pharisees whom it portrays positively are depicted cinema was more accessible to immigrants than as being such precisely because they are support- established industries, and Jews were among the ers of Jesus. The (from the standpoint of interfaith founders of several American companies, includ- activists and film critics alike) only mixed success of ing Paramount, MGM, Universal and Warner Broth- Jesus raises pertinent questions about whether it is ers. In these contexts Jews and Christians have possible to make a Jesus film that is ‘recognisable’ often worked successfully together, but relations to a Christian audience whilst avoiding superses- were particularly strained during the 1920s, at the sionism completely. height of the Cold War, and more recently in the A significant proportion of commercial films 1980s and 1990s. In the two earlier periods anti- are adapted from literary originals. These include semitism coloured the (successful) calls of Protes- Lean’s Oliver Twist (1948) – celebrated as a cin- tant and Catholic Christians for increased regula- ematic masterpiece, but notable in this context tion of motion picture content. In the late twentieth for its reliance on Cruikshank’s nineteenth-century century Christian opposition to the cinema issued sketches for the depiction of a demonic, animal- from conservative fundamentalist circles. Gener- like Fagin. Amongst other prominent examples are allyphilosemiticfigureslikePatRobertson(b.1930) Yiddish films In Polish Woods (Turkow, 1929) and have associated the permissiveness of the industry Hester Street (Micklin Silver, 1972), which deal with with the presence of ‘Jewish intellectuals and media Jewish participation alongside Christian Poles in activists’. African-American nationalists (Muslim the January Uprising of 1863 against Russia, and and Christian) have denounced Jewish filmmakers questions relating to Jewish identity and assimila- (especially Steven Spielberg (b. 1946)) as respon- tion in the United States respectively. In addition sible for the suppression of Black liberation – criti- to these adaptations, numerous fiction films have cism that overlooks the history of African-American tackled interfaith relationships, either at the indi- and Jewish cooperation in lobbying against the pro- vidual level (Keeping the Faith (Norton, 2000) flirts Ku Klux Klan BirthofaNation (Griffith, 1915) and with the problem of intermarriage, but sidesteps for modifications to the screenplay of Gone with the the most difficult issues by downplaying Anna’s Wind (Fleming, 1939). Christianityandhavinghersecretlyembarkoncon- Some Councils of Christians and Jews have version classes before rabbi Jake proposes; Valent´ın recognised the power of film, and have even pro- (Agresti, 2002) offers an oblique treatment of simi- duced videos in furtherance of their goals. However, lar issues in 1970s Argentina)oronthe larger scale interfaith professionals have typically struggled to of inter-group relations, especially in relation to come to terms with the nature and implications of the Holocaust. Although most films downplay the the cinema as a locus of Jewish–Christian relations. religious dimension, some make specific reference Responses to The Passion of the Christ (Gibson, to the Holocaust as a problem in Jewish–Christian 2004),whichwasnotmotivatedbyantisemitismbut relations. Based on Hochhuth’s play ‘The Repre- reproduced elements of both Gospel anti-Judaism sentative’, Amen (Costa-Gavras, 2002) is a polem- and modern antisemitic discourse, illustrate this ical work about Vatican silence during the war, trend. Viewed pessimistically, the film’s contents whilst Malle’s Goodbye, Children (1987) deals more and commercial successes revealed the extent to subtly with the issue of bystanders.Not all Holo- which Jewish–Christian relations is marginal to the caust films adopt a Jew/innocence–Christian/guilt concerns of many Christians (including tradition- schema, however. Depicting the Jew as a child or alist Catholics like Gibson) and a failure on the woman, protected by a strong Christian, is a strat- part of interfaith individuals and institutions to egy deployed in several examples (such as Black engageeffectivelywithfilm(asartorindustry).Con- Thursday;Mitrani, 1974), suggesting that the rela- versely, The Passion phenomenon helped to secure tion between the two peoples is either symbiotic, or temporarily a place for Jewish–Christian relations one of need and dependency. on the western religious agenda, and provided Off-screen, debates about film censorship an opportunity for attempts to popularise mod- and regulation have been occasions for both ern scholarly constructions of Jesus’ ministry and

98 Civil society

death. Within cinema studies, aside from histori- (Rom. 2.28–29) and not their bodies. Even this cal treatments of Jewish filmmaking, most scholar- figurative interpretation could cite precursors in ship focuses on individual films: whether Murnau’s Judaism (see Deut. 10.16 and 30.6). cult horror film Nosferatu (1922) is an exercise Formost of these two millennia circumcision in antisemitism has, for example, been debated served the Jews as both a mark of identity and at length. There is much scope for further work a source of danger. Non-Christian emperors often in the field, particularly in the area of reception outlawed circumcision as government policy – the studies. MELANIE J. WRIGHT firstofthesewasAntiochusEpiphanesinthesecond Circumcision century BCE – but Christian emperors and theolog- In theJewish–Christianencountercircumcisionhas ical councils outlawed it as well. What had once set been both unifying and divisive. The practice itself the Jews proudly apart became a dangerous mark among Middle Eastern cultures predates Abraham of difference. In medieval Europe Christians who by several thousand years. But Judaism has invested poured out of churches on Good Friday and Easter the ancient practice with its own unique meanings, in search of Jews to kill in revenge for Jesus’ death and ritual circumcision is now coterminous with could easily identify potential victims by pulling being an adult Jewish male. down their pants. The same mark made Jews easy Genesis 17 commands Abraham to remove the targets for the pogroms and Nazi persecution of the foreskin (orlah)from the penis – not only his own, nineteenth and twentieth centuries. but those of his sons and all other males who Modern practices of medical circumcision for are part of his extended household – as a sign of hygienic reasons in Western countries have no the covenant between God and Abraham’s descen- relationship to ritual circumcision and are on dants. Circumcision thus distinguished Israelites the decline. Neither Judaism nor Christianity has from Philistines and other neighbours who did atradition of female circumcision (cliterodec- not circumcise. In the late Second Temple period tomy). Because there is no physical marking (fourth century BCE to first century CE) it also dis- of the female body as a sign of covenant tinguished them from Hellenists and Romans. with God, feminists of both traditions consider Notevery male who joined the Hebrew peo- that circumcision confirms Judaism’s patriarchal ple was circumcised: Naaman the Syrian (2 Kgs character. PHILIP CULBERTSON 5) seems not to be, and Second Temple syna- Civil society gogues frequently included sub-congregations of Jews and Christians have always had to work out ‘God-fearers’,uncircumcised non-Jews who closely their relationship to larger society, but how they identified with Judaism. Literature of the period have negotiated this has depended as much on includes stories of conversion by baptism only their relative status and power vis-a-vis` the state (e.g. Aseneth), and Philo interprets the circumci- as on theological perspectives and principles. The sion of proselytes as metaphorical only. Perhaps relation to civil authority at times complicated and this explains why the earliest Jewish Christians so exacerbated tensions between the two traditions. readily accepted the uncircumcised in their midst. For example, the Roman Empire accorded Judaism Jesus and his disciples, and Paul and other mem- legal status and granted certain concessions (e.g. bersoftheJesusmovement,wouldhaveallbeencir- the right to refuse military service, observe the Sab- cumcised, but as Christianity spread among Gen- bath and substitute prayer for the emperor for par- tiles who were not, the Church reached one of its ticipation in the imperial cult). In Rome’seyes, how- earliest crises. Acts 15 records the decision of the ever, early Christianity appeared to be an illegal Jerusalem Council that Christians who were not of association, an illicit cult (see religio licita). The Jewish origin would not be required to be circum- Christian need for legitimacy from Rome worsened cised. By the Rabbinic Period (second to sixth cen- relationships with Jews, particularly after the Jew- turiesCE)JudaismandChristianityhadpartedways ish War against Rome of 66–70 and the BarKokhba on this issue, with Judaism requiring circumcision, revolt in 135. When Emperor Theodosius I (r.379– even of converts, and Christianity generally forbid- 95) made Christianity the official religion of the ding it as an unnecessarily literal reading of the Roman Empire in 379, a dramatic (and dangerous) Bible. Christians were to ‘circumcise their hearts’ reversal took place. A debate that had been largely

99 Coggan, Donald

theological in nature – the apologists’ arguments said, ‘created a lifelong interest in all things Jew- with Judaism enshrined in the AdversusJudaeos lit- ish’. At Cambridge he read Hebrew and Aramaic erature – became institutionalised in legal strictures and was a distinguished biblical scholar, subse- against Jews. The conflation of civil and religious quently becoming principal of London College of power Christianity exercised in many places over Divinity, Bishop of Bradford and Archbishop of the course of many centuries until the modern era York.Inretirement, he became chairman of the relegated Jews to the status of a marginal, per- Council of Christians and Jews (CCJ). He empha- secuted minority with few rights in society. Not sised the importance of educating the clergy and until the Enlightenment and French Revolution, engaging in discussion of theology and the situ- which led ultimately to the disestablishment of the ation in Israel – topics previously avoided as too church in most countries and offered the possibil- controversial. Coggan was also an active supporter ity of citizenship in most of Europe, did Jews enjoy and honorary president of the International Coun- legal equality. Yet assimilation into society was a cil of Christians and Jews. In an address on the temptation for newly emancipated Jews, as soci- fiftieth anniversary of CCJ, Coggan said the time etal structures remained antisemitic. The advance had come to move beyond dialogue to joint wit- of reactionary nationalism and the development of ness to the moral values shared by Judaism and ‘race science’ made Jews pariahs to an unparalleled Christianity. extent – vermin to be eliminated from society. His- See also Anglicanism; Church of England tory thus situates Judaism and Christianity differ- MARCUS BRAYBROOKE ently in regard to civil society, at least in the West Cohen, Hermann (1842–1918) (in most Muslim countries Jews and Christians alike German philosopher. Cohen’s philosophy is have a secondary status). Notwithstanding this his- grounded in the ethical tradition of Kant.Only late tory, contemporary Jews and Christians confront in his life did Cohen turn to Jewish philosophy, common issues in a globalised society. Jonathan applying Kantian principles to his evaluation of Sacks (b. 1948) asks whether religions are prepared Judaism and in this making space for God in for the greatest challenge they have ever faced: ‘a his previously atheistic philosophy. His descrip- world in which even local conflict can have global tion of Judaism as ‘ethical monotheism’ has repercussions’ (The Dignity of Difference, 43). gained influence in Jewish circles, notably for Both have adherents who zealously defend tra- his student Franz Rosenzweig.Cohen’s under- ditional religion against the perceived encroach- standing of the Jewish task as working for the ments of secularism. Living in enclave cultures, coming of the Messianic era by creating unity, they regard the modern state as the enemy; only justice and equality between human beings has ‘strong religion’ will halt the erosion of religious gained importance in Christian theology since the identity and create alternatives to secular institu- Holocaust. K. HANNAH HOLTSCHNEIDER tions and behaviours. Jews and Christians of less Commandments extremist mindsets explore ways in which religious Arguments about the nature of ‘commandments’ commitment complements citizenship and fos- go to the heart of the Jewish–Christian debate ters attitudes essential for pluralism. John Coleman since they help define the nature of the relation- argues that citizenship enhances religious iden- ship to God. Is it a collective, contractual arrange- tity (what he terms discipleship) by widening the ment requiring obligations on both sides, the Jew- reach of solidarity, inviting humbler service in the ish view, or the result of an act of grace on the ‘often intractable day-to-day reality of politics’,and part of God, through the death and resurrection provides a taxing reality test for religious claims. of Jesus, bestowed upon the individual Christian? Religious identity adds to citizenship by offering Whereas the former inherits a systematised frame- a utopian vision, countercultural practices and a work, based ultimately on the practice of tangible sense of vocation (‘The Two Pedagogies: Disciple- actions, the latter operates within a system of belief ship and Citizenship’, 58–63). MARY C. BOYS that is presumed to lead to appropriate action. Coggan, Donald (1909–2000) Clearly there are positions between these extremes; Archbishop of Canterbury (1974–80). As a school- nevertheless, both approaches imply obligations boy, Coggan attended a Hebrew class which, he that need to be met by Jew and Christian alike.

100 Commentary

The term ‘commandment’ translates the Hebrew and legitimises the possibility of interfaith word miz. vah which occurs commonly in legal pas- dialogue. JONATHAN MAGONET sages in the Hebrew Bible. The rabbis used it Commentary to preface blessings that are recited before per- Interpretation of scripture, usually by a single forming ritual acts and religious duties. One of author, organised according to the order of verses. the early issues between emergent Judaism and Midrash is closely related to commentary, but, Christianity lies in the question of the author- unlike midrash, the commentary treats the biblical ity of biblical law and its application. Matt. verses in continuity. The commentator will there- 5.17–21 affirms the centrality of law, and else- fore not intentionally interpret one verse in a man- where the Gospel focuses particularly on the Ten ner inconsistent with his interpretation of a previ- Commandments (Matt. 19.16–19). Indeed, it was ousone.Inthissensecommentarieswerewrittenby Christian emphasis on the Ten Commandments, some of the Church Fathers, but (except for Philo known biblically and in rabbinic tradition as the of Alexandria, whose Greek work was inaccessible ‘Ten Words’, that led Jews to downplay their sig- to most Jews throughout the Middle Ages) Jewish nificance, removing them from a central place in commentaries do not appear before the tenth the daily liturgy, and asserting that the Torah in century. its entirety was to be followed. Nevertheless, both The special dynamic of biblical commentary in traditions sought to express the essence of God’s the two traditions resulted from sharing a scripture commandments. Matthew (22.37–40) emphasised that is read in dramatically different ways. Chris- the two commandments: to love God and your tian writers were often astonished at what they ‘neighbour’; Rabbi Simlai offered a variety of bib- considered to be Jewish ‘blindness’: their failure to lical passages that summed up Jewish religious see and comprehend the truth proclaimed in their obligations, reducing them to one, choosing Amos own sacred texts. Jewish writers were perturbed by 5.4, ‘Seek me and live’, or Hab. 2.4, ‘the righ- Christian interpretations not rooted in the original teous shall live by his faith’ (b. Makkot 23b–24a). Hebrew, or removed from their historical and tex- Such a system of commandments, however, can tualcontext,orthatabandonedcompletelythesim- operate only when the source of authority for the ple meaning of the words in favour of other signifi- miz. vot is unchallenged. Since the Enlightenment cance. Jewish commentaries were written in many and Emancipation both the divine origin of the different languages, but (unlike Christian commen- Torah and its commandments and the authority of taries) were always based on the original Hebrew the rabbinic tradition itself, and indeed of Chris- scriptural text. Church Fathers such as Origen and tian institutions, have been seriously challenged Jerome, whose exegesis is not free of polemical by the inroads of secular humanism and, in the points, were helped in their biblical scholarship case of Jews, the growth of non-Orthodox religious by Jewish teachers, who had greater mastery of movements. Hebrew. Rabbinic Judaism assumes a total of 613 com- One of the most important modes in ancient mandments (365 positive, 248 negative) which are Christian commentary was typology. Augustine of to be found in the Hebrew Bible, though rabbinic Hippo, for example, explained the figure of Cain to authorities differ as to the exact enumeration. be a type for the Jewish people – guilty of murder, Within them are seven that are identified as the condemned to wander the earth in exile, yet given Seven Laws of the Sons of Noah (see Noachide a sign of divine protection against violence. laws). As the name suggests, these are universal Sometimes commentaries were explicitly driven laws given to humanity after the flood. In rabbinic by polemical or apologetic goals. Several medieval thought whoever amongst the nations of the Jewish works treated only those biblical verses that world adheres to these is certain of a place in the Christians used to buttress their faith; in each world to come, thus providing a basis in Judaism case the Jewish commentator reports the Chris- for the acknowledgement of the legitimacy of tian interpretation and then rebuts it. Some con- other faiths. From a Jewish perspective adher- tinue beyond the defensive by commenting on ence to this minimalist programme provides a verses from the NewTestament that raise prob- starting point for the acceptance of Christianity lems for traditional Christian doctrine. Usually,

101 Commentary

however, the encounter with the other faith was (1437−1508) had a broad knowledge of Christian more subtle. exegetical literature, and seems to have been deeply Perhaps the most influential of all Jewish com- influenced by the commentaries of the Span- mentators was Rashi (Rabbi Solomon ben Isaac). ish Franciscan Alfonso Tostado (c.1400−55). Jew- Modern scholars have explicated his commentaries ish commentators were also influenced by Chris- against their historical background – especially the tian literary structures. Commentary organised by deteriorating Jewish conditions and the intensify- dividing the biblical text into small sections with ing pressure of the Christian environment – and conceptual unity and addressing underlying issues have highlighted anti-Christian elements in his that transcend the individual verse first appears in exegesis of the Bible. The same is true for his suc- late-medieval Jewish commentators. Levi Ben Ger- cessors in northern France and for other medieval shom (1288−1344) concluded each section with a Jewish commentators in southern France and series of lessons for behaviour or belief (to ’aliyyot, Christian Spain. apparently from the Latin utilitates). Isaac Abra- Not all the interaction was confrontational. The vanel raised a series of difficulties or ‘doubts’ Christian teaching that scripture had four differ- (sefekot,from the Latin dubitationes) for each sec- ent senses – usually called ‘historical’ (the actual tion, before resolving them in his ensuing discus- events), ‘tropological’ (moral instruction), ‘allegor- sion. Although the precise mechanism of influence ical’ (doctrine linked with a non-literal reading) and remains unclear, both are certainly related to earlier ‘anagogical’ (teaching about the mystical spiritual Christian exegetical forms. realm) – was well established by the twelfth cen- In the modern period the critical questioning tury. In Jewish thought an analogous conception of the Mosaic authorship of the entire Pentateuch of four senses – peshat (simple meaning), remez through direct divine revelation, and the develop- (philosophical allegory), derash (homiletical appli- mentofthe‘documentaryhypothesis’,affectedJews cation) and sod (mystical symbol) – crystallised late and Christians in a similar manner. It was vehe- in the thirteenth century, undoubtedly influenced mently opposed by conservative thinkers in both by the Christian teaching. traditions, while liberals in both camps made their Some medieval Christian scholars concluded peace with the new theories and began to incorpo- that greater attention should be given to the ‘his- rate some of the insights into their commentaries. torical’ meaning of the text. For this the Hebrew Some Jews detected an anti-Jewish undercurrent language was needed, and that entailed study with in the Wellhausen School – dubbed by Solomon Jews, who were themselves beginning to articulate Schechter (1847−1915) the ‘Higher Antisemitism’– more carefully the distinction between the homilet- becauseofitsclaimthatthelateststrataoftheTorah ical interpretations of the midrash and the simple (the Priestly document) reflected a degeneration of meaningofthebiblicaltext.Contactbetweenschol- spirituality into a compulsively legalistic fixation on ars of both communities can be documented most the details of a sacrificial cult. extensively in the School of St Victor, a Parisian ForJews, the most influential English-language Abbey (see Victorines). Biblical commentaries writ- commentary of the twentieth century was writ- ten there in the twelfth century are filled with ref- ten by the British Chief Rabbi Joseph Hertz erences to Jewish interpretations, not for polemical (1872−1946). Fiercely resistant to the documen- but for more purely intellectual purposes, derived tary hypothesis, it is also extremely defensive. Hertz from both texts and conversations. Such Chris- uses hundreds of quotations from Christian writ- tian scholars as Herbert of Bosham (c.1115/20– ers speaking about the exalted insight of the bib- c.1194) and Nicholas of Lyra, who had a major influ- lical text and the unique Jewish contribution to ence on Luther, cited Hebrew commentaries quite civilisation, while he strains to defend the Torah frequently. against any suggestion of ethical primitivism. Dur- Jewish typological interpretation, which is ing the past generation new commentaries on the present in the midrash, received a new impe- Torah have been published by the movements tus with the commentary of Nahmanides (Moses of and Conservative Judaism. ben Nahman), apparently influenced by Chris- Both of these commentaries show openness to tian writers. The Spanish exegete Isaac Abravanel the best of modern scholarship, while including

102 Confessing Church

considerable material from traditional Jewish Kaplan(1881–1983)andReconstructionistthought, commentators. MARC SAPERSTEIN though the distinctiveness is not unique). Thus Community Dabru Emet refers consistently to ‘two commu- A generic term used by both Jews and Christians nities’. The question of communal identity and for larger and smaller assemblages of people shar- distinction is often reflected in discussions of ing a faith identity.Incontemporary usage the covenant – whether Jews and Christians live term usually denotes a wider group than the Jewish within a single undifferentiated covenant, a sin- movements and Protestant denominations, though gle covenant mediated differently in history, two specific Roman Catholic religious orders still refer covenants, two of many covenants etc. In discus- to themselves as communities. Torah usage (kahal) sions of canon and biblical interpretation, advo- most often specifies ‘(all the) community of Israel’; cates of canonical (or confessional) criticism have where‘communityoftheLord’occurs,Moses’lead- emphasised the role and hermeneutics of the com- ership is under challenge. In the Dead Sea Scrolls, munity that receives and transmits scripture as crit- the term (yahad) identifies the group associated ical in understanding the dynamics of normative with the scrolls, as in the regulatory text ‘The Rule scriptural authority and inspiration. of the Community’ (1QS). NewTestament usage PETER A. PETTIT (koinonia¯ ) identifies specific groups or refers to Confessing Church their mutual sharing in religious realities such as Protestant Christian movement in Nazi Germany sacrament, salvation etc. Medieval and early mod- opposing the movement of the self-styled German ern Jewish usage often identifies the local assem- Christians who strove for full integration into the blage as the ‘holy community’ (k”k = kehillah National Socialist state. The Confessing Church kedoshah), which was organised to offer to Jews was founded at the General Synod of the Evan- civic, religious and social services of all kinds in gelical Church in Germany at Wuppertal-Barmen parallel to the Christian city. Emancipation and the in 1934, resulting in the Barmen Confession. Karl emergence of the modern Jewish movements (Con- Barth (1886–1968) and Dietrich Bonhoeffer were servative, Orthodox, Progressive/Reform, Recon- the leading theologians involved, together with structionist) pressed the term into service to mean activists such as Martin Niemoller¨ .Barth’s chief allJews,ofwhateverallegiance,inaparticularplace; objective was the establishment of theological cri- the development of the Jewish Community Cen- teria for the independence of Christian conscience tre as a social and cultural institution reflects this. through the sole authority of Christ as taking prece- In Christian liberation theology the ‘base commu- dence for Christian decision-making over any sec- nity’ (= local parish) is the proper locus of theo- ular political authority. According to his reason- logical reflection, political engagement and social ing the ‘Jewish question’ was subordinate to this support. principle, since if Christians were accountable first In both Judaism and Christianity communal and foremost to the authority of Christ, protest and bonds are constitutive of religious identity; one resistance against antisemitic policies and actions is Jewish or Christian as part of a community of would be a logical consequence. Other members of faith. Whether through the covenant of circumci- the Confessing Church were more concerned with sion or the rite of baptism, initiation involves entry the Church’s political independence and disagreed into a community that is local and global, con- with Barth’s theological reasoning, being oppo- temporary and atemporal. With the late-twentieth- sed to Nazi rule only where secular authority pro- century Christian rejection of the ‘teaching of con- posed to determine questions of Church organi- tempt’, the relationship of the Jewish and Christian sation and creed. Barth lost the struggle for the communities has been re-examined. Nostra Aetate leadership of the movement and, with his return to affirms that ‘all humanity forms but one commu- his native Switzerland, became a supporter of and nity’. Christian thinkers thus generally see more commentator on it rather than one of its leaders. continuity between the two communities, while The ‘Jewish question’ was addressed by mem- Jewish thinkers tend to emphasise the distinctive- bers of the Confessing Church through unwavering ness of the Jewish community from all who are out- support of so-called ‘Jewish-Christians’, i.e. mem- side the Sinaitic covenant (so even for Mordecai bers of the Protestant Church who were defined as

103 Confession of faith

Jewish under the Nuremberg Laws of 1935. Main- Judaism’s expressions of faith are primarily taining that sovereignty of the Church’s internal expressions of steadfast confidence and trust (emu- affairs must rest with the Church itself, the Con- nah, bittahon)inthe One God, rather than intel- fessing Church condemned the German Chris- lectual assents to theological propositions such as tians, as well as regional churches which had Christianity’s more cognitive declarations, which split from the Confessing Church and individual convey the core elements of its doctrine and parishes which followed the Nazi policy of expelling dogma. However, it is also true that Judaism’sentire ‘Jewish Christians’ in an effort to create an ‘Aryan structure of beliefs and practices rests on cog- Christianity’.While individual members of the Con- nitive presuppositions and that Christianity tac- fessing Church such as Bonhoeffer and H. Gruber¨ itly affirms the inseparable bond between creed, (1891–1975), Dean of Berlin, were involved in help- attitude and practice. On occasion, such as dur- ing Jews to emigrate or find a place in hiding, such ing its encounters with atheism during the Mid- activities were not carried by an organisational pol- dle Ages, its interactions with Christianity, and its icy.While criticism of antisemitism from within the nineteenth-century Reform movement, Judaism’s Confessing Church was quite frequent, it was not expressions of faith have verged more on the necessarily supported by all its members or sup- doctrinal, though never in a dogmatic manner porting organisations. Antisemitic statements and (cf. Maimonides’13Principles, which were coun- publications from representatives of the indepen- tered by the voluntarist school of Judah ha-Levi dent churches were common, as was the opinion and Crescas). Christianity’s numerous particular- that Jews deserved the discrimination and atroci- istic creedal formularies, which emerged in vari- ties they were experiencing. As a whole the Confess- ous historical periods and proliferated during and ing Church failed to speak out on the ‘Jewish ques- following the Reformation, gave its ‘deposit of tion’ and did not seem to realise the implications of faith’ a structured form and served as tests of the state’s antisemitic policies. Its struggle for con- orthodoxy. fessional, organisational and legal independence Jesus’ Great Commission in Matt. 28.19 under- from the Nazi state can be characterised more as pins both Christianity’s propensity for convert- an exercise in self-preservation than as a concerted ing and its practice of preceding the baptism of effort to oppose the regime and its dehumanising catechumens (see catechesis) with a profession policies. K. HANNAH HOLTSCHNEIDER of faith. On numerous occasions during the past Confession of faith centuries Jews have been the objects of a selec- An open declaration and public avowal of the con- tive interpretation of this Commission and have tent of one’sreligious belief. For Judaism and Chris- had to choose between a forced profession of tianity, the Shema is the primal confession of faith. Christian faith (see conversion) and expulsion or Proclaimed by God, Israel was enjoined to hear death. (Deut. 6.4) and then to profess (Deut. 6.7–9; 11.19– Just as Christians make a collective profession 20) the Shema, which has remained the basic pub- of faith at the Sunday Eucharist and other key lic avowal of faith in Judaism. Declared by Jesus moments of the liturgy (e.g. at the Easter Vigil in his response regarding the first and greatest paschal celebration), so Jews begin and end their commandment (Mark 12.29), the Shema formed day with the Shema and recite it as a congregation the basis of Christian declarations of belief from at the conclusion of YomKippur. Pious Jews die nascent Christianity’s spontaneous professions of with the Shema on their lips, as did many who were new understandings, to the initial creeds formu- led to the gas chambers during the Holocaust.Dur- lated during the patristic era in response to per- ing the last century the impact of the Holocaust, ceived heresy and political opposition (Nicaea I, along with existentialist philosophy, focused Jew- 325; Constantinople, 381; Nicaea II, 787). The effort ish attention more on a mode of life and the nature to keep the monotheism of the Shema intact while of faith itself than on ultimate claims or public pro- articulating the new traditions of the revelation in fessions of faith. Christians who heed the lessons of Christ, especially the doctrine of the Trinity, con- the Holocaust express caution about the polarising tinues to shape the profession of faith by Christians potential of the absolutist claims in their profes- today. sions of faith. AUDREY DOETZEL

104 Constantine

Confirmation see barmitzvah; Progressive beings, leading some Jewish scholars to consider Judaism Protestant Christians less idolatrous than Roman Consecration Catholics. For some Christians, the sacred charac- Thedeeplyhumaninstincttogivespecialtreatment ter of places and objects that are consecrated for to elements of the material world that are employed holy use can also be violated when the setting for in the encounter with God is expressed in both Jew- worship or the objects used in worship are used ish and Christian religious ritual. In Christian theol- for non-sacred purposes. This kind of desecration ogy and practice, consecration is the setting apart most commonly occurs when violence is done in of persons, places and things for some holy use. a church building, when a suicide takes place in a Because that which is consecrated is understood church or cemetery, or when ritual objects are used to play a role in mediating the human encounter as weapons. In these cases rites of reconsecration with God, rites of consecration generally take the (which may often include forms of exorcism) are form of praise of God for what is being conse- often performed to draw the consecrated place or crated, and include prayers that those who use the object out of the realm of the profane. Some con- object of the consecratory action will experience an temporary Jewish scholars have turned the under- expansion of faith and insight. The closest Jewish standing of consecration as ‘setting apart’ upside- counterpart to the Christian acts of consecration down,claimingthatsinceeverythinginthematerial are the various forms of dedication (hanukkah), world by its nature participates in the holiness of by which houses, synagogues and cemeteries are God,consecrationshouldbeseenasanactbywhich set apart by a ‘blessing’or‘benediction’ (berakhah) objects and persons are drawn from the realm of the accompanied by the reading of specified Psalms. sacred in order that they can be used with impunity Although we have little textual evidence, and no full by human beings in religious ritual. Although some texts,foreitherChristianorJewishritesofconsecra- Christian liturgists are intrigued by the impli- tion before about the eighth century CE, it is clear cations of this idea for sacramental theology, it that even in the earliest stage they are theologically has yet to bear fruit in Christian theology more and ritually grounded in the biblical accounts of generally. the dedications of the three great sanctuaries: the See also liturgy; sacrament SUSAN WHITE Sanctuary in the Wilderness (Num. 7), Solomon’s Conservative Judaism see Progressive Judaism Temple (2 Kgs 8; 2 Chr. 5–6), and the Second Tem- Constantine (c.285–337) ple (Ezra 3). In the Christian liturgical context the The first Roman emperor (306–37) to become a term ‘consecration’ has been used to refer to the Christian. The significance of this choice, made on prayers or sets of prayers said over church build- the eve of the Battle of Milvian Bridge (312) in which ings and ritual objects that are to be used in ser- Constantine defeated Maxentius (r.306–12) and vices of worship, and also to the rite by which per- assumedundisputedcontrolofthewesternEmpire, sons appointed for liturgical leadership roles are is often exaggerated, though its influence on the ordained. Within some Christian traditions conse- history of Jewish–Christian relations is undisputed. cration is most often used to describe the blessing of The Christianisation of the Roman Empire was a thebreadandwineintheeucharisticrite,andmore long and complex process, not to be reduced to specifically to the particular words and actions that the religious policy of a single emperor: but the have been understood to effect the transformation fact that the emperor was a Christian, and favoured of the elements into the body and blood of Jesus the Church, was important, especially when in 324 Christ, which at various times and among different Constantine assumed control of the eastern Empire Christian groups have been matters of great con- as well. The motive for Constantine’s choice, and troversy. Some medieval and later halakhists used the nature of his personal faith, remain elusive after this close relationship between consecration and much discussion. He had as emperor to work within the presence of God to classify Christianity as an idioms of public life that continued to be pagan, but idolatrous religion. This same fear of idolatry led he gave strong encouragement to the Church – by many Protestant Christians strenuously to resist exempting clergy from civic burdens, by convening the idea that inanimate objects could be conse- councils of bishops as instruments of public pol- crated through the actions and prayers of human icy (especially at Nicaea in 325) and by sponsoring

105 Conversion

programmes of Christian building in Rome, and land to make one convert [to Judaism]’ (Matt. Jerusalem and elsewhere. The decision to build a 23.15) and of ‘Nicholas of Antioch, a convert to Christian capital for the reunited Empire at Con- Judaism’ (Acts 6.5). The term in this second sense stantinople was far reaching. is not, interestingly, used in the New Testament of These developments came to change profoundly Jews who become believers in the risen Christ, since the setting in which Jews and Christians had deal- this was not seen by the authors as a change from ings with one another. The Edict of Milan (313) Judaism to a new religion. grants ‘both to Christians and to all others full Though many of the Church Fathers, includ- authority to follow whatever worship each has ing Augustine’s great mentor Ambrose (339–97), desired’, but this general extension of a toleration argued that Jews, no less than pagan cults, should that was already customarily extended to Jews was be converted by any means, Augustine argued that principally intended to restore the position of the Jews should be allowed to worship freely, as had Christian Church after the Great Persecution. The their ancestors. Though he did not challenge the corresponding edict of toleration for the eastern charge of deicide,heargued that God maintained Empire is expressed in narrower terms: freedom a special relationship with the Jews and that, like of worship is extended to those ‘who still persist Cain, they were marked as reserved for God’s will in error’, i.e. are not Christian. In his limited leg- alone, since their witness to the validity of the islation concerning Jews in particular, Constantine ‘OldTestament’reinforced the essential validity of reaffirmed earlier laws that tolerated Judaism but the Christian claim. Pope Gregory the Great, per- restrictedproselytism.IfaJewbuysandcircumcises suaded by Augustine’s reasoning, established the a non-Jewish slave the slave shall be freed, but no basis of medieval canonlaw with SicutJudaeis non, penaltyisprescribedfortheslave’sowner.Noextant which rendered Judaism the only licit religion in law conforms to Eusebius’s statement (Vit. Const. the Empire apart from Christianity, banned forced 4.27) that Constantine prohibited Jews from own- conversion and urged Christians to bring Jews to ing Christian slaves at all. Constantine insisted that conversion by the example of their love. At the EastermustnevercoincidewithPassover,although same time, Gregory and subsequent popes devel- some Christians continued to celebrate Easter on oped numerous laws to inhibit and finally to pro- the night of 14 Nisan. ANDERS BERGQUIST hibit Jews from proselytising Christians in order to Conversion convert them to Judaism. So the ancient Jewish mis- The Latin convertere,‘to turn around, turn back’, sionary outreach ended not as an internal decision, has the same fundamental meaning as its Hebrew but as an imposition from the majority community equivalent, teshuvah:aprofound transformation of among whom they lived. mind, will and heart toward God. Christians are Aside from some relatively minor instances, called to continuing conversion throughout their especially in the , the first major lives, most intensely during Advent, Lent and Holy breachofthistraditioncamewiththeFirstCrusade, Week, just as Jews, most particularly on Yom Kip- when in 1096 a huge group of self-proclaimed ‘Cru- pur,are called to repentance and a renewed and saders’, overwhelming the small forces of the local deepened ‘turning’ to God. In a derivative, sec- bishops who tried in vain to oppose them, offered ondary sense, conversion came to mean joining conversion or death to thousands of Jews in the the people Israel, and thus adhering to the God of Rhineland area of what is today Germany.Upwards Israel, as in the ancient conversion formula in the of 10,000 Jews chose death rather than conversion, book of Ruth, ‘Your people shall be my people and and most of those who did convert recanted. The your God my God’ (1.16). Esth. 8.17 relates a large- episode established in European history a com- scale conversion of Persians out of fear of the Jews, plex dynamic that worked itself out in succeed- which may refer obliquely to the forced conversion ing centuries through Passion plays, blood libel of the Idumeans and Itureans by the Hasmoneans. charges, Jewish conspiracy myths and finally the The latter part of the Second Temple period saw expulsion of the Jews from virtually every region in widespread conversion to Judaism, attested to in Western Europe except the Italian peninsula. From both Josephus (Ag. Ap. 2.39) and the NewTesta- this period, too, there dates a rich anti-conversion ment, which speaks of Pharisees who ‘traverse sea and polemical Jewish tradition seeking to discredit

106 Convivencia

ChristianclaimsintheeyesofJewishreaders.Itisno ous one, but can be used helpfully to describe exaggeration to acknowledge that fear of Christian those Conversos who retained some knowledge of missionising and conversionism underlies much and interest in Jewish practices, although consid- Jewish mistrust of Christians to this day. erable numbers of Conversos became integrated Many Christian theologians today, however, are into Iberian society and shook off any memory of increasingly questioning the formerly presumed their Jewish past, sometimes by adopting Spanish need for Jews to ‘convert’ to Christianity.This think- names at baptism. Two difficulties faced the Con- ing is relatively advanced in official Catholic teach- versos, whether or not they remained secret Jews: ing, which proclaims that ‘the Jewish faith, unlike the Inquisition had become a powerful arm of the other non-Christian religions, is already a response government in Aragon and Castile after 1484, and to God’s revelation’ (Catechism of the Catholic relentlessly pursued false converts, who were seen Church, no. 839). Thus, the one prayer for the Jews as Judaising heretics; and popular opinion increas- in the Catholic liturgy,which before Vatican II was a ingly marginalised those with Jewish blood, lead- prayer for their conversion, the Good Friday Prayer ing officially to their exclusion from the universities for the Perfidious Jews,isnowaprayer that Jews and from high office on what can only be described will be deepened in the faith given to them by as racial grounds. This could in fact stimulate a God, and the Catholic Church has no sanctioned greater awareness among the excluded of their Jew- groups whose purpose is the conversion of the ish origins, as happened among the Xuetes (‘little Jewish people to Christianity. While the implica- Jews’) of Majorca in the seventeenth century; and tions of Nostra Aetate for this question have not many others, including noble families, successfully yet been worked through sufficiently to become hid the fact of Jewish ancestry. For the Conversos established doctrine in Catholic tradition, in 2002 were oftenseenasunwelcomecompetitorsbythose two major statements, one (Reflections on Covenant seeking a position at court and in society. Portugal and Mission)byCatholics involved in ongoing dia- remained a livelier centre of secret Judaism, which logue with the US National Council of Synagogues has survived to the present day at Belmonte. Some (whichexistsprimarilyasa vehiclefordialoguewith historians, such as Benzion Netanyahu and Henry Christians) and one by a joint group of Protestants Kamen, have denied that secret Judaism existed and Catholics, the Christian Scholars Group on on a large scale, but most agree that the Conver- Christian–Jewish Relations, have questioned Chris- sos included many who knew or cared little about tian efforts aimed at converting Jews not only from their new religion and maintained some Jewish a pastoral, but also from a theological point of view. practices. DAVID ABULAFIA Protestant, Anglican and Orthodox Christian tradi- Convivencia tions have a variety of theological positions on this The term Convivencia is used to describe the rel- question and have not yet reached internal consen- atively easy coexistence, literally ‘living together’, sus in their official documents. of Jews, Christians and Muslims in medieval Spain See also mission EUGENE J. FISHER and Portugal.Itcan be applied to the early Middle Conversos Ages, when, under Muslim rule, Umayyad Cordoba´ The term Conversos refers to those members of was the capital of a powerful state with a large Chris- religious minorities in Spain and Portugal who tian population (until about 900 probably a Chris- adopted Christianity, voluntarily or under pres- tian majority) and an influential, though much sure, in the late Middle Ages, and to their descen- smaller, Jewish community. Jews were present at dants. Although there were many Muslim Conver- court as royal physicians, and in the eleventh sos by the mid-sixteenth century (also known as century, when the Cordoban´ state had fallen to Moriscos), the first wave of converts was predomi- pieces, Jews served as viziers to the Berber kings nantly Jewish; large numbers of Jews accepted bap- of Granada. It is important not to idealise this tism during and after the pogroms of 1391, includ- relationship: non-Muslims were dhimmis, subject ing the senior rabbi of Burgos, and a new wave to restrictions such as heavier taxation; on the of converts was created by the decree of expul- other hand, there was no attempt to insist on the sion in 1492. The term Marranos, also used for full rigour of these restrictions. With the coming the Jewish Conversos, was originally an opprobri- in the late eleventh and twelfth centuries of the

107 Coptic Church

uncompromising Almoravid and Almohad rulers, proximity of Coptic, Arabic and Hebrew, the mutual Moroccan Berbers who had little experience of influence of Copts and Jews on each other’s reli- religious minorities, the outlook for Jews became giousarchitecture,liturgicalpracticesandcommu- darker, and many migrated to Christian Spain, nal structures, and the preservation by the Coptic where similar openness was visible at the courts Church of many elements of ancient Jewish rites of Aragon, Castile, Portugal and Navarre. By the and rituals, all nourished a cordial Coptic–Jewish fourteenth century, however, revived ecclesiastical nexus throughout most of the last 15 centuries. Like legislation of the early Middle Ages excluded Jews Jews, Copts have a sense of nationhood derived from office, and rulers began to encourage their from their link with the legacy of pharaonic Egypt. enclosure in ghettos.Jewish officials remained at Only in the wake of modern-day conflicts in the court (Samuel Abulafia (c.1320–60) under Pedro Middle East have tensions surfaced in the relations the Cruel in the , Isaac Abravanel (1437– oftheCopticChurchandtheStateofIsrael,butthey 1508) under Ferdinand and Isabella in the 1480s), have not adversely affected Coptic–Jewish relations but they became the target of bitter critics. The in Egypt. age of Convivencia was dealt its death blow not See also Orthodox Christianity by the expulsion of the Jews in 1492, but by the DANIEL ROSSING pogroms of 1391, which resulted in mass conver- Cosmology sions and the increased marginalisation of those Cosmology (kosmos, world; logos, knowledge of) Jews who remained; Islam, too, was suppressed is the study of the original, constituent and final (Castile, 1502; Aragon, 1525), and Spain rejoiced in cause(s) of the world or material universe. It there- itsspecialreputationasthemostCatholicofmonar- fore studies the ultimate, metaphysical purpose(s) chies. DAVID ABULAFIA of the entire universe. Jews and Christians generally Coptic Church begin their cosmological study with the first chap- The words ‘Copt’ and ‘Coptic’, from the Greek ter of Genesis. They see in this text that God is not (Aigyptos) and Arabic (qibt) words for ‘Egypt’,desig- only the ultimate cause or purpose of all that is, nate the Christian inhabitants of Egypt and the lan- but is also intimately involved in creation (divine guage used by them in their liturgy. The history of participation) and especially in human lives and Jewish–Christian relations in Egypt is largely a story history. Creation is a manifestation of God’s love of the respectful coexistence of two dhimmis (‘pro- and concern for the universe. Everything in cre- tected’ minorities) that shared a common struggle ation came to be because it was so willed by the for survival under Islam,aswell as many linguis- Creator. The cosmos is God’s gift to humanity. In tic, cultural, religious, liturgical and even national the Christian vision of the world Jesus Christ plays affinities.TheCopts’Christianheritageincludesthe amajor role at the beginning of creation and also at biblical interpretation and Christological debates the end of time, when all of creation will experience of the Church Fathers of Alexandria, including the its final transformation and renewal. There is also in anti-Judaism in the writings of Origen, Athanasius the Christian tradition the tendency to see creation and CyrilofAlexandria.But the Coptic Church’s as a sacramental manifestation of God, especially reverent deference to the monastic ethos of the within the vision of Francis of Assisi (1182–1226) desert fathers, foremost among them St Antony according to Saint Bonaventure (c.1217–74). Fran- (c.251–356), and its sad experience of frequent mar- cis saw vestiges of God in all things that reflect God tyrdom and persecutions – by Romans, Byzantines, in their own way. Creation becomes a mirror that Muslims and Crusaders alike – mitigated any tri- allows humanity a limited but dynamic vision of umphal posture or purpose regarding Jews and God. Francis saw everything in creation as interre- Judaism. Coptic piety emphasises the possibility of lated and connected to the one source of all things. transformation through participation in the risen In the Jewish tradition cosmology more strongly Christ present in the Divine Liturgy, rather than emphasises the difference between creator and cre- atonement and salvation through the propitiatory ation, and it is connected strongly with the prohi- sacrifice of the Son of God on the cross, which dom- bition against creating on the Sabbath and uphold- inated Western Christian thought and engendered ing God’s involvement with the Jewish people in the charge of deicide against Jews. The linguistic the covenant relationship. Jewish cosmology also

108 Covenant

contains a future-driven element in its doctrine of Court Jews Messianic redemption. Wealthy individual Jews who provided financial and Modern science has challenged the traditional commercial services to medieval princes, particu- view of cosmology and has raised the question of larly in the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries. Court whether God is the primary cause of existence. Jews were generally agents who arranged trans- This challenge has made it possible for Chris- fers of credit, rather than possessors of vast sums tians and Jews to re-evaluate the teleological out- of capital in their own right. They were members look that has been passed down in their respec- of the prince’s court, through which the state was tive traditions. The effect of this re-evaluation has governed, and were found in most principalities of been a search for mutual understanding among the Holy Roman Empire. Protestant and Catholic Christians and Jews who continue to maintain a princes alike opened their courts to Jews. Among belief in God’s involvement in the cosmos. For the most well known was Christoph Bernhard von example, Greek Metropolitan Damaskinos Papan- Galen (1606–78), elected Bishop-Prince of Munster¨ dreou (b. 1936) has stated that cosmology (along in 1650, and Don Isaac Abravanel (1437–1508). with theology and anthropology) is a connecting Court Jews were exempted from both Gentile and point between Eastern Orthodox Christianity and Jewish courts but accountable to the Royal Court. Judaism. Although exempt from paying protection money Reflection on the Shoah has also raised the (Schutzgeld), they were dependent upon the pro- issue of God and cosmology. Death of God theol- tection and whim of the ruler and liable to exploita- ogy in both Jewish and Christian circles has cre- tion. When a new ruler came to power he often ated a challenge for theologians on both sides to dismissed a Court Jew or brought him to court to come together in dialogue about the ultimate ques- remove existing financial obligations. Many Court tion of God’s role and purpose in a world shat- Jews converted to Christianity, although conver- tered by the suffering and death of millions of sion was sometimes looked on askance by Chris- people. STEVEN J. MCMICHAEL tians, such as Friedrich Schleiermacher (1768– Council of Centers on Jewish–Christian Relations 1834) who feared a ‘judaisation of the Church’. see Jewish–Christian relations, centres for the Katz suggests that two-thirds of the Court Jews study of (or their descendants) converted to Christianity Council of Trent see Trent, Council of (Outofthe Ghetto, 122). EDWARD KESSLER Council(s) of Christians and Jews Covenant Since the establishment of the National Conference Covenant is a central concept in both Judaism and of Christians and Jews in the United States in 1928, Christianity, and has been a key issue throughout some 38 such Councils (by the year 2005) have been the history of Jewish–Christian relations. The word founded in various countries to foster dialogue itself derives from the Bible and has been reinter- between Jews and Christians and to counter anti- preted many times in both traditions, mainly in semitism and other forms of prejudice. Each is an opposition to each other. In both, two characteris- independent member of the International Council tics recur: God initiates a covenant with a commu- of Christians and Jews (ICCJ), which was founded in nity of people, and that community accepts cer- 1946 to serve as an umbrella organisation. The ICCJ tain obligations and responsibilities as covenant holds annual conferences to bring representatives partners. from each Council to meet and discuss issues, but The word appears 287 times in the Hebrew it also has its own committees (also called ‘coun- Bible and is usually understood as a solemn and cils’) to address issues of international concern. sacred agreement. Most exegetes, however, hold Representatives from other bodies, in particular to the view that the Hebrew word berit should the Vatican and the WorldCouncil of Churches, be translated not by ‘covenant’ but by ‘obliga- send observers to its meetings to allow for liaising tion’. Berit expresses the sovereign power of God, between the bodies, and the ICCJ in turn advises who imposes his will on his vassal Israel: God on issues related to Jewish–Christian relations. The promises in a solemn oath to fulfil his word to ICCJ has now founded an Abrahamic Council to fur- his people Israel, who have only to be faithful and ther dialogue with Muslims. JAMES K. AITKEN obey.

109 Covenant

In the writings that form the NewTestament the has in recent decades been a change discernible concept of the covenant is reinterpreted through in the thinking of Catholic scholars like Erich the experiences of the early Christian community. Zenger (b. 1939) and John Pawlikowski (b. 1940). The Church accepted the story of Jesus as a new Among the Reformers, Calvin, together with Hein- phase in the covenant-story of Israel. The change rich Bullinger (1504–75), was the leading exponent in emphasis marked by the translation of berit of the covenant concept, which is central to Calvin- into the Greek diatheke (‘decree’) in the Septu- ist theology. For Calvin the salvation revealed in agint was developed still further in the New Tes- the New Testament is the same salvation as in tament, where the concept acquired the meaning the Old, only in a new phase and a fuller light. of a definitive ‘last will and testament’ on the part He writes on dispensations of the one and eternal of God. The Vulgate used the word testamentum, covenant, of which the basis is always the same, which became the official designation of both parts namely Jesus Christ. Calvin’s high esteem for the of the Christian Bible – the OldTestament and the OldTestament permeates the later Calvinist tradi- NewTestament–withitsinescapableimplicationof tion, where it is often regarded as the ‘proper Bible’. supersessionism. This may explain why soon after the Second World In Jewish thinking the term ‘covenant’ has been WarReformed Churches took the lead in new state- constantly reinterpreted, in the first centuries in ments on Jewish–Christian understanding, in the strong resistance to the Christian proclamation of Netherlands as early as 1949 and 1959. the ‘new covenant’.In Tanhuma B.,KiTissa 58b, for It is much debated in the Jewish–Christian dia- example, the reason is explained for God’s gift of logue whether the concept of covenant, in its one- the Mishnah in writing: ‘Moses said: “Lord, do you covenant version or in its two-covenants version, write it for them?” God said: “I did indeed desire could function as a bridge between the two tra- to give it all to them in writing, but it was revealed ditions. In the last decades of the twentieth cen- that the Gentiles in the future will have dominion tury numerous official ecclesiastical statements over them, and will claim the Torah as theirs; then declared that the covenant of God with his Peo- would my children be like the Gentiles. Therefore ple was never abrogated. Covenant theology often give them the Scriptures in writing, and the Mish- assisted in the renewal of relations between the nah, Agada and Talmud orally, for it is they which Church and the Jewish People. The famous dec- separate Israel and the Gentiles”.’ laration Nostra Aetate (1965)ofVatican II follows Early in its history the Church regarded the ‘old the concept of the two covenants: ‘The Church, covenant of Israel’ as definitely abrogated; the text therefore, cannot forget that she received the rev- on the ‘new covenant’ in Jer. 31 was explained as elation of the Old Testament through the People pointing to fulfilment in Christ.Meanwhile, there with whom God in his inexpressible mercy deigned wasagrowingemphasisinRabbinicJudaismonthe to establish the ancient covenant.’ Pawlikowski mutuality of the covenantal relationship between elaborates on this line of thinking: for him the God and his People. This was summarised in a well- double covenant perspective helps to underline known midrash,inwhich God was depicted as trav- the distinctiveness of the revelation experienced in elling around the world asking various peoples to and through Christ. The German Rhineland Synod, accepthisTorah.Nonewaswillingtoacceptitsyoke in Towards a Renewal of the Relationship between until God came to Israel and the Israelites answered Christians and Jews (1980), follows the one cove- in one voice: ‘Allthat the Lord has spoken we will do, nant perspective in its declaration: ‘We believe the and we will be obedient’ (in Exod. 24.7, after Mek- permanent election of the Jewish People as the Peo- ilta Bakodesh 5.74a). In Christianity,by contrast, the ple of God and realize that through Jesus Christ the one-sided initiative of God in the ‘new covenant in Church is taken into the covenant of God with His Christ’ was strongly emphasised. Much medieval People.’ Christian polemic against Jews was concerned with The covenant concept is thus of great importance this issue. in Jewish–Christian dialogue. In the North Amer- The term covenant plays a less prominent role ican context Paul van Buren (1924–98) has most in Roman Catholicism and Eastern Orthodox thoroughly integrated the theme into his theology. tradition than in Protestantism, although there In what he terms ‘the Jewish–Christian reality’ Israel

110 Creation narratives

received the calling to be faithful in the covenant to as a hermaphrodite. The second story in Gen. 2.4– the Torah because of the creation, and the Church 26 is not strictly a creation narrative, but rather a received the calling to be faithful to Jesus Christ narrative relating the origins of humanity and sex- becauseofthesamecreation.ThroughtheJewJesus uality. The human person (Hebrew, ha adam)is the Christian community receives this calling to derived from the earth (Hebrew, ha adama)inan participate by faith in the covenant of Abraham. obvious wordplay. Placed in a garden of Eden,God In Germany Friedrich-Wilhelm Marquardt (1928– recognises that the single status of the human per- 2002) is Europe’s most influential thinker on the son is unhelpful. The subsequent parade and nam- theological consequences of the renewal of the rela- ing of the animals has a dual purpose: it expresses tionship between the Church and the Jewish peo- the God-given sovereignty of the human over the ple. In his view the term ‘covenant’ is the most con- animals and it concludes that there is no helpmate structivebiblicalconcepttodescribebothChristian among them. The woman is formed from the man’s identity and the Jewish–Christian relationship in body. This etiology explains sexual attraction. our time. His conviction is that churches as rep- Christians and Jews have elaborated two differ- resentatives of the peoples of the earth can only ing anthropologies from the narratives. These have hope to become partners in a covenantal relation- affected their respective theologies of the human ship with the people of Israel if they are willing to person. Christianity during the patristic period was accept the burden of Israel in sanctifying the name convinced that the humans in the two origin stories of God in the world, if they join in the calling of Israel had been incorruptible and immortal. Therefore to restore the world, and if they are ready to embark the conclusion was drawn that the subsequent sin- with Israel on its journey to the ‘new covenant’ with stories, beginning with the sinful action of Adam God that lies ahead. and Eve, explained that death was consequent on The American-Jewish scholar Irving Greenberg sin (see Wis. 2.23; Rom. 5.12). From this anthropol- (b. 1933) has defended the thesis that the covenant ogy there developed the influential doctrine of orig- of God with Israel has undergone many renewals in inal sin, which could only be remedied by Christian the course of history. It was God’s purpose from the baptism.Onthe other hand, a Jewish anthropol- very beginning to open up the covenant of Israel ogy identified in the human person the evil impulse to a wider group of humanity. The shock of the (Hebrew, ysr hara) and the good impulse (Hebrew, Shoah and the empowerment of the Jewish Peo- ysr hatov). The ysr hara is not evil per se; it is undif- ple in the State of Israel have led to a new phase ferentiated between good and evil but, if undis- in the history of the covenant and of the Jewish– ciplined, will inevitably lead to sin and hence to Christian relationship. The Israeli scholar David death. It requires a counterforce, the ysr hatov,var- Hartman (b. 1931) also regards the covenant con- iously identified with Torah, the Wisdom of God cept as central to his thinking. In his view Judaism and the Spirit of God. In fact, this anthropology is grounded in a covenant between people and God underlies some of the thinking on human action that is predicated on a belief in human adequacy in the Christian scriptures. Further, in pre-Christian and dignity. Also other religions, especially Chris- times Jewish thought hypostatised Wisdom and the tianity and Islam, have their own covenants with Word of God or Logos.Jewish thinkers were thus God and are called to celebrate their dignity and able to speak of the pre-existent and creative Wis- particularity. dom and of creation by means of the Word. In the See also Romans 9–11 SIMON SCHOON patristic period both Jews and Christians were con- Creation narratives fronted with Hellenistic culture and its concept of Jews and Christians have shared the same creation natureaseternal,autonomousandnecessary.Philo narratives since the Christian canon does not have had reconciled the conflict by introducing a medi- any separate narrative. The story in Gen. 1.1–2.3 ating Logos as the agency to link God and the mate- is a priestly document. It does not relate a creatio rial world. Christians took up this line of thought ex nihilo but describes the ordering of a chaotic and identified Jesus with the Logos and its cre- cosmos. The narrative distinguishes between works ative force. Jewish thought also looked towards a of separation (days 1–3) and works of furnishment renewaloftheoriginalcreation:afterthejudgement (days 4–6). At the climax of creation Adam appears of God on the present order there would be a new

111 Creed

beginning (Ezek. 36.26–8) and this would include on Christian beliefs written in Catalan (1397–8). He a new covenant relationship (Jer. 31.31–34). In a also distrusted Aristotelian philosophy, which he similar vein Isaiah spoke of a new heaven and a argued had distanced his fellow-Jews from Jewish new earth (41.17–20; 66.22). These developments in beliefs. His Or Adonai was finished in 1410, shortly Jewish thought prior to Christianity were adapted before he died, and attacked Maimonides’methods by Christians to their own thinking on creation, and views in the Guide for the Perplexed.Somehave the belief that the cosmos, after the coming of the seen in this work an awareness of Christian theolog- Christ, was already newly created (Rev. 21.1–4) and ical writings of the fourteenth century, such as the would undergo a cosmic transformation. works of Duns Scotus (1266–1308) and of William Jews and Christians thus shared a common of Ockham (c.1280–c.1349), though this is hard to worldview with variant interpretations relating to prove. He did, however, reveal considerable knowl- Jesus’ role in it. It was the Enlightenment of the edge of leading Arabic scholars such as al-Ghazzali eighteenth century that broke the ties with this (1058–1111) and ibn Rushd (Averroes) (1126–98). Judaeo-Christianworldview.Thereafter,inbothtra- Crescas’sideas of God, eternity and thesoul, though ditions there were three possibilities. Creationism, derided by some, had a long afterlife, for exam- reflecting an effort to relate a literal reading of ple in the works of Pico della Mirandola and the biblical text with developed ideas about God, Spinoza. DAVID ABULAFIA humanity and the cosmos, defended the doctrine of Crimea aGod who created the world and humans directly, Peninsula on the Black Sea, since 1991 autonomous appointing them to rule the world. At the opposite republic within Ukraine.According to a Karaite extreme the scientific theory of evolution was used legend (concocted in the nineteenth century) the to demonstrate the absurdity of the creation nar- first Jews arrived there as early as the sixth cen- ratives. An intermediate position, maintained by tury BCE. Effectively, the first Jewish communities many modern Christians and Jews, has been that appeared in the first centuries CE in Bosporus King- science and faith are two separate modes of dis- dom and in the Roman (later Byzantine) colony course and that scientific theory and creation nar- of Cherson (where one of the most ancient syna- ratives need to be read separately. On this issue of gogues was discovered, later replaced by a Chris- the interpretation of the creation narratives and the tian basilica). In the eighth century part of the understanding of creation as a theological topic, peninsula was conquered by the Khazars.Atthe Jews and Christians have generally followed a sim- end of the tenth century Cherson was devastated ilar path. by the Russian Prince Vladimir (956–1015), who See also cosmology ROBERT CROTTY probably had been baptised there. In the thir- Creed see confession of faith; doctrine; early teenthtoeighteenthcenturiestheCrimeawasruled Church; Maimonides; religion; Shema by the Tatars. The first Karaites (as well as Rab- Crescas, Hasdai (c.1340–1410) banites – later called Krimchaks) settled in the From Barcelona, Hasdai Crescas represented the thirteenth century in Solkhat (now Stary Krym), Jewish community at the court of the kings of then in Qirqyer (later Chufut-Kale – Turkish: Jew- Aragon in the 1380s and 1390s, and was consid- ish fortress) and Mangup (the centre of the Chris- ered one of the king’s familiares,orclose advis- tian principality of Theodoro; the last two towns ers, an increasingly rare achievement for a Jew at by the end of the Tatar rule became all-Jewish the end of the fourteenth century. Unfortunately, (mostly Karaite). In 1783 the Crimea became a his family suffered badly in the pogrom of 1391, part of Russia, and soon was included into the though Crescas himself was in Saragossa with the Pale of Settlement,somany Christians as well as queen and escaped harm. The pogrom wrought Ashkenazi Jews from other parts of Russia settled terrible destruction on Catalan Jewry, and Crescas there. During the nineteenth century the Crimean was entrusted with the task of trying to rebuild Karaites managed to achieve equal rights with the the Jewish communities of the Catalan lands, but Christian population of the empire. Under Soviet his success was evidently limited. His sense of the rule in the 1920s several Jewish agricultural set- need to defend and reconstruct Catalan Jewry was tlements were established in the Crimea. During expressed in several of his books, such as an attack the Shoah most Crimean Jews were killed (with

112 Cross/crucifix

the exception of Karaites). After the Second World to establish a synagogue and cemetery. He gave his War the project to establish a Jewish Soviet Socialist consent through a decision by the Council of State. Republic in the Crimea was among the pretexts of The decision was one of very few acts of Cromwell the Jewish Antifascist Committee Trial, one of the not automatically repealed on the restoration of the key moments of Stalin’s antisemitic campaign of monarchy. JONATHAN ROMAIN 1948–53. ARTEM FEDORTCHOUK Cross/crucifix Crispin, Gilbert (d. 1117) The principal symbols of Christianity. Appearing Abbot of Westminster and pupil of Anselm,hepub- in a variety of configurations, the cross is most lished a popular Jewish–Christian disputation in simply a vertical line transected by a perpendic- 1092 entitled Disputatio Iudei et Christiani, based ular line at or near the top. The crucifix is a cross on his conversations with a Jew who lived in West- bearing the body of Jesus upon it, either suffer- minster. The disputation uses many of the tradi- ing, dead or glorified. Protestantism has gener- tional arguments and polemic from the Church ally preferred the empty cross as a symbol of the Fathers,butmostofallreasonandbiblicalexegesis. Resurrection, Roman Catholicism the crucifix to Although discussion between the Jew and Crispin is signify Jesus’ passion and death, while Orthodox friendly, Crispin’s concept of the Jew as unreason- Christianity uses a wide variety of elaborate and able because he did not accept the rational Chris- iconiccrosses,oftenaccompaniedbytextualgraph- tian argument illustrated the deterioration of the ics, that emphasise the Lordship of Jesus Christ. position of Jews in Europe from the twelfth century This primary Christian symbol has antecedents onwards. EDWARD KESSLER in the late Second Temple and early rabbinic peri- Cromwell, Oliver (1599–1658) ods. Intersecting lines in a variety of arrangements Soldier, leader of the Puritans, and ruler of Eng- formed geometric designs in many Jewish edifices, land, Scotland and Ireland as Lord Protector, 1653– especially the crux gammata (swastika) formed by 8. Cromwell was the person most responsible for the convergence of four gamma or L shapes. the readmission of the Jews to England in 1656, fol- Cross-shaped symbols have also been found on lowing their expulsion in 1290. Jews would doubt- Jewish sarcophagi at various sites dating from the less have returned to England at some point, but first century BCE to the early third century CE (De Cromwell ensured it was earlier than might other- Lange, Origen and the Jews, 116). This usage may wise have been the case and under very benign con- relate to the text of Ezek. 9.4, in which the Lord ditions at a time when Jews faced severe discrimina- commands, ‘put a mark [Hebrew = tav,written tion and hardship in many other parts of Europe. He in ancient Hebrew as X] on the foreheads of’ the had been petitioned by the Dutch rabbi Menasseh righteous. Recalling the blood on the doorposts ben Israel, who saw England as a potential haven in Exod. 12, those marked with the tav would be for Jews suffering widespread massacres in the spared divine wrath. Thus, marking tombs with an Ukraine. Cromwell convened a conference in Lon- X indicated the deceased’s righteousness. The later don in December 1655 to decide the issue. Those rabbis also drew upon this Ezekiel verse when they favouring readmission included millenarianists commented that a tav on the foreheads of the righ- who argued that the Messianic age would dawn teous represented tih. yeh (‘you will live’), but the once the Jews were scattered to the four corners wicked had a tav in blood on their foreheads saying of the world, which necessitated entry to England. tamut (‘you will die’) (b. Shabbat 55a). The idea that Cromwell himself was probably more influenced by the righteous were marked with this sign – in Greek the practical needs of the new Commonwealth and the tau or T approximates the shape of crosses used anticipated Jewish merchants playing an impor- in Roman crucifixions – would naturally resonate tant economic role. Others, including especially with early Christians. Thus in the apocalyptic New clergy antagonistic on religious grounds, opposed Testament book of Revelation, divine punishment readmission. When the conference failed to deliver hesitates until angels ‘have sealed the servants of a positive response, Cromwell dissolved it. Three our God upon their foreheads’ (Rev. 7.3; see also months later a group of Marranos living in London 9.4). and posing as Catholics openly professed their Jew- The centrality of the cross for Christian disciple- ish identity and petitioned Cromwell to allow them ship is seen in the earliest New Testament books,

113 Crucifix

the letters written by Paul of Tarsus.Forhim, ‘the over death, the victory of the Church over the word of the cross is folly to those who are perish- RomanEmpire,theestablishmentofGod’swillover ing, but to us who are being saved it is the power the earth, the love of God as manifested in Jesus, of God’ (1 Cor. 1.18). Church members should have God’s hidden presence revealed in abject humility the same attitude among themselves as did Christ, and suffering (Luther’s theologia crucis), the soli- who had ‘humbled himself and became obedient to darity of God with the oppressed, or charitable ser- the point of death – death on a cross! – [therefore] vice done in God’s name. For late medieval and God also highly exalted him . . .’ (Phil. 2.3–5, 8–9a). subsequent Jews who were persecuted by Chris- In the three Synoptic Gospels of Matthew, Mark and tians, however, the cross symbolised oppression Luke each disciple is expected to ‘take up his cross’ and domination, especially in the context of Good and follow Jesus (Matt. 10.38; 16.24; Mark 8.34; Luke Friday observances or Passion plays.Itwas also 9.23; 14.27). associated with the blood libel that Jews tortured A glimpse of the symbol being used in an early Christian children, sometimes by affixing them Christian–Jewish debate might be seen in the early to crosses in mockery of Jesus, in order to use second-century Apocalypse of Peter.Inavision their blood to make Passover maz. z. ah (Boys, Has to Peter, the glorified Jesus describes his return GodOnly One Blessing?, 230–1). The Shoah inten- or parousia:‘So will I come upon the clouds of sified these negative connotations of the central heaven...with my cross going before my face will Christian symbol not only because of its occur- I come in my majesty . . .’ (Ethiopic text). If this rence in ‘Christian’ Europe, but also because the text originated during the BarKokhba revolt (132– Nazi emblem, the swastika, is a form of a cross 5), then Jewish Christians used the symbol of the (although with roots far back into pre-Christian cross while asserting the Messianic status of Jesus antiquity). Deriving from these different histori- in opposition to other Jews who were hailing Bar cal experiences, the contrasting emotions that the Kokhba as Messiah (Bauckham, ‘Jews and Jewish cross generates among Jews and Christians often Christians’). become evident during interfaith dialogue and By the mid-second century Justin Martyr under- played a major role in the controversy over the erec- stood the shape of a cross to mediate God’s power, tion of a 14-foot cross at Auschwitz in 1988 and as his remarks on Exod. 17.11–12 show: ‘Amalekwas dozens of smaller crosses (removed a year later) proportionally defeated, [because Moses] himself in 1998. PHILIP A. CUNNINGHAM made the sign of the cross’ (Dial. 90). Tertullian of Crucifix see cross/crucifix Carthage in the early third century claims that ‘at Crucifixion every forward step and movement, at every going in The term refers to the binding or nailing of an indi- and out . . . in all the ordinary actions of daily life, we vidual to a cross, which could be either a tree or a [Christians] trace upon the forehead the sign [of the stake. Normally victims were alive at the time of cru- cross]’ (Cor. ch. 3). By the time Emperor Constan- cifixion, but occasionally corpses were attached to tine adopted the cross as a military emblem in the crosses. As a military and political method of pun- early fourth century, it was already the character- ishment, crucifixion was common in the ancient istic symbol of Christianity. Thanks to his mother world. The Persians, the Greeks, the Carthaginians Helena’s (c.255–330) ‘discovery’ of the ‘true cross’ and the Celts practised it as a form of execution. Two in Jerusalem, pious veneration of relics of the cross key issues relating to the significance of the cruci- spread, further intensifying the symbol’spopularity fixion of Jesus for Jewish–Christian relations are the and potency.Now made worthy of public reverence, identity of those responsible and the paradox of a it increasingly appeared on civic monuments and crucified Messiah. church shrines in the fourth and fifth centuries, and Though they differ in detail, the four evange- in medieval times was incorporated into heraldic lists provide a defensible historical account of the designs and civic signage. From roughly the sixth crucifixion. But who was responsible for sending century the figure of Jesus began to be added to Jesus to the cross? Christian tradition, following crosses in Christian artwork. the view reflected in the Gospels, has blamed the Overthecenturiesthecrosshasheldmanymean- Jews exclusively and exonerated the Romans. This ings for Christians, including the triumph of Jesus has led to the charge of deicide being levelled

114 Crusades against all Jews, past and present. Augustine, and are expressed clearly in the early hymn found in addressing Jews at the beginning of the fifth cen- Phil. 2.6–11. tury, wrote, ‘You, in your parents, killed Christ’ See also Passion narratives; trial of Jesus (Adv. Jud. 7.10). But modern scholars, while recog- GARETH LLOYD JONES nising the part played by the Jewish leaders in Crusades the crucifixion, object to the total exoneration of The Crusades (eleventh to sixteenth centuries) were the Romans. In their attempt to pacify Judea the holywarspreachedbythepapacyagainstthosewho Romans made extensive use of crucifixion, pri- were deemed to be the enemies of Christ and his marily because of its propaganda value. Josephus Church and have been of profound significance in reports how Varus, governor of Syria, quelled a the history of Jewish–Christian relations. Holy wars revolt in Jerusalem in 4 BCE by crucifying 2,000 were considered to be just because they were pro- of the inhabitants (Ant. 17.295). Ancient authors mulgated by authority against those who were seen testify to its efficacy as a graphic warning to oth- to have caused injury to Christendom and because ers of what will happen to them if they cause they were waged with the right intention, namely trouble (Quintilian, Decl. 274). If the Romans love for God. The Crusades appealed widely to Latin regarded Jesus as a disturber of the peace, nail- Christendom. The First Crusade was preached by ing him to a cross would have seemed appropriate Pope Urban II (r.1088–99) at Clermont in 1095 as punishment. an armed pilgrimage to the East to free Jerusalem Since crucifixion served as a public reminder to from the Saracens. The Second and Third Crusades Jews that they were in bondage to a foreign power, it were expeditions aimed to re-establish the suc- is hardly surprising that the most prominent feature cesses of the First in the Holy Land. Other cru- of the crucifixion of Jesus, as far as they were con- sades were aimed at conquering pagan lands, as cerned, was its shamefulness. The author of Heb. for example from the middle of the twelfth century 12.2referstothe‘shame’ofthecross. Pauldescribes in the Baltic. The Albigensian Crusade, which was the crucified Christ as ‘a stumbling block to Jews preached in 1208 by Pope Innocent III, was aimed and folly to Gentiles’ (1 Cor. 1.23). In Jewish thought at destroying Cathar heresy.In1241 Gregory IX the long-awaited Messiah would be a victorious preached a crusade against the Mongols for the first king; there was nothing to indicate that he would time. Political crusades of the thirteenth and four- endure a slave’s death. The disgrace of crucifixion teenth centuries were wars promulgated by popes prompted Celsus to dismiss the redemptive work against their internal Christian enemies. Much of of Christ because he had been ‘bound in the most the Christian conquest of Spain from Islam was ignominious fashion’ and ‘executed in a shameful couched in crusading language. Crusading preach- way’ (Origen, Cels. 6.10). Jesus did not fit Jewish ing concentrated on whipping up Christian emo- Messianic expectations. Subjection to the greatest tions against unbelief or deviant forms of Christian dishonour possible demonstrated that the victim belief. As crusading successes diminished in the was ‘accursed by God’. According to Deut. 21.22–3, HolyLand,sermonsemphasisedtheneedforChris- the body of a man convicted of a capital offence tian introspection and the purification of Christian was to be ‘hanged’ on a tree. Evidence from Qum- society to regain God’sfavour. It is hardly surprising ran (4QpNahum 3–4; 11QTemple64.6–13) indicates that this kind of language affected Christian atti- that in Jewish tradition this text was applied to tudes towards Jews (and so-called unbelievers). those who died on a cross. This form of the death Urban’s call to crusade in 1095 did not just result penalty was brought into Judaism from the Gen- in the gathering of a number of princely armies. tile world. However, it would have been unaccept- Unofficial bands of crusaders were recruited in able to Jews as a means of execution as soon as north-eastern France, Flanders, Normandy and direct rule from Rome began. Though thousands the Rhineland. Their departure for the Holy Land of Jews were crucified, the cross never became a in spring and early summer 1096 preceded that symbol of Jewish suffering, primarily because of of the official crusaders. On their land route Deut. 21.23, but also because of its significance for through Germany they encountered prosperous Christians. The paradoxical claims about a cruci- Jewish communities in cities like , Worms, fied saviour are at the heart of Christian teaching Mainz, Cologne and Trier. In all these cities the

115 Crusades

(arch)bishops concerned tried to prevent anti- preaching of the Crusade of 1309 in Brabant and Jewish violence. Not only were they anxious to the violence unleashed by the second Crusade of uphold public order in their cities, they were com- the Shepherds of 1320 in France to the south of the mitted to maintaining official Church policy, which Loire. did not permit Jews to be attacked or forcibly con- What explains anti-Jewish violence by crusaders? verted. In Speyer casualties stayed low, but many Crusading preaching, calling upon Christians to Jews died in Worms and Mainz and in the vil- wreak vengeance on the Muslims for dishonour- lages outside Cologne to which the archbishop ing Christ, could easily spill over into the desire to had sent them for safety. Many of these Jews were avenge the death of Jesus on those who were judged killed or forcibly baptised by the crusaders and to be guilty of the crucifixion.Growing identifica- townsfolk who joined forces with them. Others tion of Christians with the figure of Jesus increased died by their own hands as martyrs sanctifying the likelihood of this happening. Our sources tell us God’s holy name (Kiddush ha-Shem)rather than how crusaders wondered why they should seek out undergoing baptism. Three extant Hebrew nar- Muslims in the Holy Land when there were Jews at ratives of the 1096 pogroms, which were writ- home. In addition, the reality of crusading meant ten within about 50 years of the event, graphi- that large armies needed to get hold of provisions cally depict the ritual slaughter of whole Jewish along the way. It is likely that crusaders felt it only families. Although there is much scholarly debate right that Jews should in this way help finance the about the historical reliability of these sources, cor- Crusades. The idea that Jews should suffer finan- roboration from the Latin sources confirm that cially on behalf of crusading endeavours intensi- many Jews died in this way. At the same time it fied as, by the end of the twelfth century, Jews had is probably true that the Hebrew narratives say as become important players in providing crusading much about the feelings of those who survived the loans (see usury). After the Jews died in Clifford pogroms as about the feelings of those who did Tower, the evidence held in York Minster of debts not. In Trier it seems that the majority of the Jew- to Jews was destroyed. ish community was forcibly converted. After the The pogroms of 1096 mark the earliest seri- Crusade Emperor Henry IV permitted those who ous well-documented medieval Christian attack had been baptised against their will to return to on Jews (barring Visigothic persecution of Jews Judaism. His ruling clashed with canon law which, in seventh-century Spain). Although they do show notwithstanding its position against forced bap- how vulnerable their position was at times of tism, stipulated that anyone who had been bap- heightened Christian fervour, it is important to note tised was a Christian. The princely armies did not that they do not constitute a watershed in Jewish persecute Jews in Europe. When Jerusalem fell to history. Jewish communities continued to develop the crusaders in 1099 numerous Jews were killed duringthetwelfthandthirteenthcenturies.Crusad- alongside Muslims. Recent work has suggested, ing hostility against Jews is only one factor among however, that wholesale slaughter of Jews did not many that determined medieval Christian–Jewish occur. relations. Extensive loss of Jewish life was prevented by Crusades have, nevertheless, had a continuing Bernard of Clairvaux during the Second Crusade impact on Jewish–Christian relations. While ‘cru- in 1146. He put a stop to the anti-Jewish preach- sade’ is commonly used to denote a righteous ing of Ralph, one of his own Cistercian monks. endeavour, the word conjures up for Jews (and Bernard firmly expected Christians to adhere to tra- Muslims) the image of unjust religious persecu- ditional Church policy protecting Jews. In the Third tion. Some Jews cite the Crusades as a reason not Crusade the Jews of York were massacred in 1190 to engage in Jewish–Christian dialogue, others are in Clifford’s Tower, while King Richard I (r.1189– convinced by the Crusades that the only purpose 99) was absent from England organising his own of dialogue is to prevent antisemitism.In1999 departure for the Holy Land. As far as later cru- some Christian pilgrims commemorated the 900th sades are concerned, major violence against Jews anniversary of the conquest of Jerusalem by ask- was usually stemmed by those in authority. Some ing forgiveness for the violence perpetrated by the exceptions are the persecutions accompanying the crusaders. ANNA SAPIR ABULAFIA

116 Czechia

Crypto-Judaism see Marranos his contribution to the development of classical Curses see blessings and curses Christology as it was articulated at the Council of Cyprian (c.200–58) Chalcedon in 451 CE. JOHN J. O’KEEFE Thascius Caecilianus Cyprianus, bishop of Cyril of Jerusalem (c.315?–86) Carthage (248–58), was an admirer of Tertullian, Christian saint, probably a native of Jerusalem and and like him, and Hippolytus also, he systematised from c.349/50 its bishop, who desired to elevate it a collection of anti-Jewish polemic and rhetorically as a Christian city and saw Emperor Julian’s short- inspired exegesis.Cyprian had been a wealthy, lived attempt to facilitate the Jews’ rebuilding of cultivated adult convert from paganism. In the the Temple (see, e.g., Catech. 15.15). His 23 Cate- work Testimonia ad Quirinum he listed proof- chetical Lectures (plus an opening address) are the texts and dealt with established topics of Christian oldest such writings to survive. Among these, the supersessionism, including new Law versus old, authorship of the five ‘Mystagogic Catecheses’ has Jews’ loss of Jerusalem, the necessity of believing occasionally been questioned, as also authorship in Christ for understanding the scriptures, and of his letter to Emperor Constantius II (r.337–61). culpable Jewish rejection of the Christ (cf. his Dom. His episcopate suffered in a time of Christian theo- Or. 10). Like Tertullian, and also Pseudo-Cyprian logical disputes, but when Emperor Julian was dis- in the Adversus Judaeos,Cyprian envisaged comforting some Christians by benefiting others forgiveness for the Jews, with baptismal wash- Cyril could return to Jerusalem after banishment. ing cleansing them from blood guilt. He is best His lack of opposition to the proposed Temple is known for his teaching on episcopal authority, attributedtoGod-givenconfidencethattheventure schism and baptism and regarding Christians would fail and Julian and the Jews would be con- who lapsed during persecution. Cyprian wrote founded. The disputed letter, mentioning rebuild- treatises and letters that are important for under- ing, is extant in Syriac (Brock, ‘A Letter Attributed standing rigorist North African Christianity, where to Cyril’ original article 1977 (doubts authentic- Carthaginian paganism ran deep and Christians of ity) versus Wainwright, ‘Recently Discovered Let- Carthage needed to respond to long-established ter’ (supports)). He made much of Jerusalem as and successful Jewish groups in the region. an apostolic See, of its Holy Places and the relics Writings such as the Testimonia educated Chris- of the True Cross available since Constantine’s tians in ‘proper’ understanding of their relation reign. He may have instituted the liturgy for vis- to Jews and Judaism. At the same time Cyprian iting the Christian pilgrimage sites, but for Gre- applied Jewish Levitical priestly and sacrificial gory of Nyssa (330–c.395), who visited Jerusalem categories to the understanding of Christian min- in the year 380, the city was faction-riven and istry and sacraments (Epistle 1). In arguing for the morally corrupt (Against Pilgrimages). Cyril’s Cat- necessary re-baptism of schismatics, he pointed to echetical Lectures witness to the developing Chris- analogies with Jewish ideas of priesthood and the tian canon.Hequoted deutero-canonical writings danger of contaminating rites and people. He was and recorded the origins of the Septuagint, but persecuted in the reign of Decius (r.249–50) and thought that churches should use as OldTestament martyred under Valerian (r.253–60). only those writings that were canonical for Jews CHRISTINE TREVETT (Catech. 4.33). CHRISTINE TREVETT Cyril of Alexandria (c.375/380–444) Czechoslovakia see Czechia; Slovakia Patriarch of Alexandria in Egypt from 412 CE until Czechia his death. Cyril was a ruthless politician who used (Bohemia, Moravia and Czech Silesia.) Chris- his patriarchal power to advance the agenda of tianised after 863, with a Jewish presence from the Christian Roman Empire, often at the expense around the same time. Peaceful coexistence was of traditional Egyptian religion and Rabbinic interrupted by the Crusades, inciting a massacre Judaism.TheChurchhistorianSocrates(c.380–450) in Prague in 1096 which was a precursor to further reports that Cyril was personally responsible for the anti-Jewish measures in the following centuries. In expulsion of all Jews from the city of Alexandria 1254 Pˇremysl Otakar II (c.1233–78) granted Jews following a riot that occurred there in 415. Despite privileges based on the charter of Frederick II, this side of his legacy, Cyril is primarily known for but further anti-Jewish violence took place in

117 Czechia

the fourteenth century, evoking initial sympathy were promulgated in 1781/2 and 1848 for Protes- between Jews and the Hussite movement (1415– tants and Jews. The Czech ‘National Revival’ move- 34), which was occasionally described by Catholics ment (1790–1848) struggled with aristocratic and as a ‘Judaising’ sect. However, eventual icono- JewishpreferenceforGermanlanguageandculture, clastic Hussite riots turned against both Jews and while simultaneously commending Jewish culture Catholics. The rule of Rudolph II (1576–1612), dur- and perceiving parallels between the Jewish and ing which Prague attracted famous Jewish and Czech national struggle. In 1939 120,000 Jews lived Christian scholars, was a golden age in Jewish– in Czechia; 40,000 survived the Holocaust, but only Christian relations. Remarkably, after the defeat of 14,000 remained. Many synagogues were trans- the Czech estates in 1620, during which time Jews ferred to use as Protestant Churches rather than tended to support the Catholics, some Protestant being left for the use of the secular communist families converted to Judaism rather than go into regime. exile or convert to Catholicism. Edicts of tolerance See also Slovakia PETR FRYSˇ

118 DDDD

Dabru Emet Dabru Emet is a positive affirmation of Chris- ‘Speak truth’, a Jewish statement on Christians and tianity and has been well received by the Churches. Christianity issued in 2000 by four American Jew- Many Christian denominations have issued state- ish scholars, who met twice a year for eight years ments welcoming its publication, and an American under the auspices of the Institute of Christian and Christian Scholars Group, which meets under the Jewish Studies in Baltimore. Over 200 Jewish lead- auspices of the Center for Christian–Jewish Learn- ers, writers and rabbis, primarily from the United ing in Boston, has responded explicitly by issuing its States but also from Europe and the Middle East, own statement entitled A Sacred Obligation.Some signed the document. Dabru Emet is addressed to of the eight points have caused controversy within the Jewish community, as is Christianity in Jewish the Jewish community, however. For example, the Terms,abook edited by the same authors and pub- statement that Christians worship the God of Israel lished to coincide with the issue of the statement. and legitimately draw on the Hebrew Bible has Abroad range of signatories, from both Orthodox been criticised by some Orthodox writers, such as and Progressive Judaism, indicates that it is the David Berger (b. 1943), who argue that doctrines first detailed modern cross-denominational state- such as the Trinity and incarnation compromise ment published in the name of Jews and Judaism, the integrity of Jewish monotheism. In response, a significance highlighted by the previous lack of some Christians have been surprised to discover official Jewish statements about the Jewish under- that Christianity can still be criticised for a tendency standing of Christianity: Jewish–Christian relations towards idolatry. Another point that caused con- rarely feature in institutional statements and none troversy was the assertion that Nazism was not an has previously succeeded in crossing denomina- inevitable outcome of Christianity.Some Jews, con- tional boundaries. cerned that Christians might feel completely exon- Avaluable reflection on the place of Christian- erated, criticised Dabru Emet for going too far, while ity in contemporary Jewish thought, Dabru Emet for some Christians it was troubling to learn that stresses that it is time for Jews both to learn about some Jews do view Nazism as the logical outcome the efforts of Christians to honour Judaism, and to of European Christian culture. reflect on what Judaism may now say about Chris- It is too early to evaluate the long-term impact of tianity. The statement asserts eight points: Jews Dabru Emet.Certainly, those Jews who oppose the- and Christians worship the same God; Jews and ological dialogue,orfor whom Christianity remains Christians seek authority from the same book (the an object of fear and anger, will resist or ignore Bible); Christians can respect the claim of the Jew- it. Nevertheless, in general Jews – and particularly ish people upon the land of Israel;Jews and Chris- those involved in interfaith dialogue – have wel- tians accept the moral principles of Torah; Nazism comed the statement as an unprecedented Jewish was not a Christian phenomenon; the humanly response to the modern transformation in Chris- irreconcilable differences between Jews and Chris- tian understanding of Jews and Judaism. tians will not be settled until God redeems the See also Christianity, Jewish perspectives on world; a new relationship between Jews and Chris- EDWARD KESSLER tians will not weaken Jewish practice; and Jews Danby, Herbert (1889–1953) and Christians must work together for justice and Hebraist. Danby served as canon at St George’s peace. Cathedral, Jerusalem, before becoming professor

119 David

of Hebrew at Oxford. He is representative of playing his lyre. Musical gifts were closely associ- early twentieth-century British scholarship’s grow- ated with poetic and prophetic gifts in antiquity, ing interest in Judaism. His best-known work took and already in the Hebrew Bible David is said to the form of translations. Danby’s Mishnah (1933) have delivered an oracle as his life drew to a close. introduced rabbinic tradition to Christian readers, 2Sam. 23 includes a poetic composition that pur- and is still widely used. He also translated Klaus- ports to be the last words of David. His claim, in the ner’s work on Jesus.In1927 Danby published a second verse, that ‘The spirit of the LORD speaks series of lectures, The Jew and Christianity,onJew- through me, his word is upon my tongue’, seems ishperspectivesonChristianity.Intheseheargued to have contributed to the understanding of David that Christian persecution of Jews was a major as the prophetically inspired author of the psalms. cause of the ongoing Jewish rejection of ‘Jesus as A short composition found in one of the psalms Christ and Redeemer’. MELANIE J. WRIGHT scrolls from Qumran, 11QPsa (see Dead Sea Scrolls) David attributes 4,050 psalms and songs for temple wor- Son of Jesse and first dynastic king of Israel. The ship to David, which he ‘uttered through prophecy significance of David to the Jewish–Christian rela- which was given him from before the Most High’. tionship stems from differing interpretations of The authors of the New Testamentcite psalm verses two dimensions of his variegated biblical por- as prophetic oracles that are fulfilled in various trait. He is the king of Israel whose dynasty was aspectsofJesus’life.Althoughchallengedbycertain expected to reign in perpetuity,and he was a prolific individuals throughout the centuries, both Judaism poet-musician who established Temple worship in and Christianity held to the traditional notion of Jerusalem.His image is shaped both by the histori- Davidic authorship or, minimally, editorship of the cal narratives in Samuel–Kings and Chronicles, but psalms until the influence of biblical criticism in also by the poetic accounts relating to the royal the- the nineteenth century finally dislodged the notion ology of Jerusalem found in the classical prophets, among the majority of Jews and Christians who especially Isaiah, and in the book of Psalms.A accept its results. JUDITH H. NEWMAN unique divine covenant with David described in Day of Atonement 2Sam. 7 contains a twofold promise: that one of YomKippur, the most solemn day (10 Tishri) in his descendants would always sit on the throne and the Jewish calendar, biblically ordained as a day of that God would dwell in a temple in Jerusalem to be fasting and abstinence and entitled ‘the sabbath of built by David’s son. In some biblical passages the sabbaths’. As long as the Jerusalem Temple stood, durability of the covenant is conditioned on faithful the central rituals of the day were conducted by the observance of the Law (Ps. 89, 132), but in any case, High Priest and were intended, through sacrifice, the covenant was expected to be eternal. Judaism incense,confessionandthekillingofthescapegoat, and Christianity both hold Messianic hopes cen- to bring about atonement for all the people’s sins tred around the Davidic covenant. Needless to say,a and restore communal purity. Late in the Second major point of divergence between Jews and Chris- Temple period educational and introspective con- tians is over whether the Messianic expectation tent was added to the High Priest’s activities that focusing on a descendant of King David has been day. After the destruction of the Temple the rab- realised in the person of Jesus of Nazareth, whose binic leadership encouraged a close knowledge of line is traced from David in the NewTestament, the rituals (avodah) but stressed the individual ele- or whether the Messiah is yet to make an appear- ment in the acts of contrition and confession and ance. Petitions calling for the speedy return of God the need for a genuine change of heart. YomKippur, to Jerusalem and the request for a Davidic king to together with Rosh Hashanah and Sukkot, was seen reign on its throne are the focus of the fourteenth as the time for a fresh start and, unlike other fast- and fifteenth blessings of the Amidah, the statutory days, enjoyed the status of a major festival. During daily prayer of Judaism. the talmudic period the role of priesthood was vir- The traditional view of David as the inspired tually replaced by that of the rabbi, and various reli- author of the book of Psalms seems to have been gious alternatives, especially Torah study and daily rooted in narrative depictions of his activities, such precepts, were found for the Temple service and to as his soothing the melancholy of King Saul by strengthen the relationship with God.

120 Day of Judgement

In a chronologically parallel but theologically and was expected to bring about the end of Israel alternative trend, the Christian community was (Isa. 2.12–17; Zeph. 1.14–18; Ezek. 7.10–27). In highly influenced by the notions of the priesthood, post-exilic prophecy the concept can acquire pos- the holy place, the blood sacrifice and the scape- itive overtones (Joel 4.9–21; Zech. 14.1–21), and in goat ritual and sought to apply them to the figure Hellenistic Judaism the expectation of a day of reck- of Jesus and in the ceremony of the eucharist as a oning becomes ‘individualised’ in the sense that the way of maintaining access to the divine presence. eternal fate of individuals and not just of the nation The respective Jewish and Christian interpretations as such is decided upon. Similar views inform New of those parts of Leviticus that refer to Yom Kip- Testament and early Christian writings. Jesus is pur, as recorded in the patristic literature and the presented as announcing the Day of Judgement talmudic–midrashic sources, are at times parallel (Matt. 12.36). The position of judge is assigned to and also include examples of mutually antagonis- Christ himself who, at his return, will judge human tic comments with polemical content. The close beings according to their deeds (Matt. 25.31–46; but tense relationship between the two communi- Acts 10.42; 17.30–31; 24.25; 2 Cor. 5.10; Heb. 6.2; ties is also demonstrated by the custom of the early Rev. 22.12). Christians to observe the Yom Kippur fast, to the In both Judaism and Christianity the Day of great consternation of such leading Church figures Judgement is linked with events of a cosmic scope: as John Chrysostom. The post-talmudic synagogal not just the social and political spheres are affected, poetsinthelandofIsraelrestoredtheavodah’s cen- but nature itself is drawn into the cataclysmic event trality by relating it to the creation of the world, of divine judgement. Judgement concentrates on the election of Israel and the role of the diligent the individual, but the whole of creation is its priest in achieving contact with God. They pro- stage. The divine creator is expected to restitute vided emotive descriptions of the whole ceremo- his entire creation in the eschaton.Whereas the nial and of the High Priest’s glorious appearance concept of a Day of Judgement was and remained and ensured a virtual re-enactment of the origi- central to Jewish apocalypticism since its incep- nal ritual. The more standard liturgy of the Mid- tion in the Hellenistic period and was accepted dle Ages incorporated some of these elements and into and transformed by Rabbinic Judaism, which many other liturgical poems that took most of the made it a central tenet of the Jewish faith, Chris- day to recite, but generally returned to the theme tianity modified it and linked it with the person of of personal and communal repentance and atone- Christ, who is perceived as the eschatological judge ment. An Aramaic formula for the annulment of of humankind. The image of Christ in judgement foolish vows (Kol Nidrey) was added to the service can be traced through the Christian iconographical for the eve of Yom Kippur and wrongly understood tradition from late antiquity onwards. Through in some antagonistic Christian circles as an indi- medieval art and architecture the concept of the cation that the word of Jews could not be trusted. DayofJudgement became part of the collective Jewish authorities responded by omitting it, alter- imagination of the West. Although the theologies ing its text or clarifying its authentic nature. Some and imageries derived from the concept of a Day modern Jewish communities were also averse to its of Judgement are very different, both Judaism and inclusion and replaced the medieval poems with Christianity try to come to terms with the problem modern prayers of repentance. STEFAN C. REIF of theodicy: both expect eschatological salvation Day of Judgement to be brought about by divine intervention, through The Day of Judgement is an eschatological religious retributivejusticeachievedinjudgement,thussolv- concept that permeates much of Jewish and Chris- ing the theological problem posed by belief in the tian (and Islamic) thought, is especially promi- justice of God. nent in apocalyptic literature and exhibits theo- From the age of Enlightenment onwards, belief logical features and religious concerns that are in a Day of Judgement has become less and less common to both traditions. Its roots are found important to the religious imagination of both Jews in pre-exilic Israelite prophecy where the ‘Day of and Christians, though recent decades have seen YHWH’ is an important indicator of the expecta- a‘renaissance’ of the concept in both Jewish and tion of a day of divine reckoning (Amos 5.18–20) Christian theologies. JOACHIM SCHAPER

121 Dead Sea Scrolls

Dead Sea Scrolls Christianity teach that death is real, not illusory, The Dead Sea Scrolls are a collection of manuscripts they also teach that death is not our final destina- (primarily in Hebrew and Aramaic) dating from the tion. As real as death is, there is life after death, third century BCE to the first century CE found in understood both in terms of the immortality of caves near Qumran on the Dead Sea, in and after the soul and resurrection of the dead. The former 1947. They are one of a number of valuable sources implies something about the God-given nature of for reconstructing Judaism in the period of the Sec- human existence; the latter affirms that the Creator ond Temple (c. 538 BCE–70 CE). There have been is also the Redeemer, whose redemption is not only some improbable attempts to identify the obscure in and of this world but also for the world to come. figures named in the Scrolls as members of the The Jewish tradition contains paradoxical early Christian community, but such reconstruc- answers about why human beings die. Generally, tions have been rejected by the majority of scholars. death is accepted as a natural fact of creaturely The dating of the manuscripts places them mostly existence, but some rabbinic authorities see it as in the pre-Christian era, and allusions to histori- resulting from sin. The latter view perhaps was cal figures in them are for the most part impre- developed in response to the Christian doctrine cise. A suggestion that Greek fragments of the New that all human beings inherit original sin, and Testament were found among the Scrolls has also consequently death, because of the sin of Adam. been largely dismissed as unsubstantiated, since Those ancient rabbis who acknowledged the lethal the fragments are too small to permit positive iden- yield of Adam’s sin nonetheless stressed individual tification. There are some similarities that reflect responsibility for sin, suggesting that people die a common tradition behind the community por- because they sin. In their view human beings sin trayed in the Scrolls and the early Christian com- and die as Adam did, rather than because Adam munity. These include the Scrolls’ emphasis on a did. In Christian teaching sin and death have come so-called ‘Teacher of Righteousness’ (comparable to all through Adam, and all are offered eternal to Jesus’ teaching ministry), their interest in com- life through Christ (Rom. 5.18–21) whose death munal worship (as presented too in Acts) and conquered sin and death. All who are ‘baptised into the combining of wisdom and apocalyptic tradi- his death’ are given ‘newness of life’ (Rom. 6.3–4). tions in a manner similar to Jesus’ teachings. They Because Christianity teaches that the death of Jesus also provide further evidence of early Jewish bib- was the great act of redemption, many Christians lical interpretation, diversity of messianic belief, believe that ‘dying was his reason for living’. And and parallels to Christian terminology (notably the since Christians are to model their lives after Jesus, expression ‘son of God’). For some period in its this view partly accounts for the longing for death history the community in the Scrolls was celibate, or martyrdom that has been a part of the Christian which provides some evidence of Jewish celibacy tradition. According to Douglas John Hall (b. 1928), that might account for such a strong tradition of ‘the hagiography of Christendom abounds in celibacy in early Syriac Christianity. demonstrations of the principle that spiritual JAMES K. AITKEN salvation implies physical destruction’ (Imaging Death God, 29), a concept foreign to Judaism. Abraham Judaism and Christianity both affirm the reality Joshua Heschel points out that ‘in spite of the of death. Perhaps this should go without saying, excellence which the afterlife holds in store, there is but it bears asserting for the simple reason that, no craving for death in the history of Jewish piety’ from ancient to postmodern times human beings (‘Death as Homecoming’, in Jewish Reflections on have had difficulty accepting the fact that when Death, 67–68). To be sure, some Jews have desired we die, we are really dead. ‘You are dust, and to martyrdom as the ultimate expression of Kiddush dust you shall return’ (Gen. 3.19) means that, unlike ha-Shem, but rabbinic tradition mandates that what ancient Egyptians believed, we have no need only in order to avoid three cardinal sins – idolatry, for worldly provisions to be buried with us; and, murder and sexual crimes like incest and rape – contrary to Canaanite custom, we must make no should Jews be ready to sacrifice their lives. One inquiries of the dead (Deut. 18.11), nor offer any of the fruits of contemporary Jewish–Christian sacrifices to them (Deut. 26.14). While Judaism and relations is the recovery among many Christians

122 Deicide, charge of

of an emphasis on redemption in and of this Reality (1980–9, reprinted 1995), which remains one world, while also trusting in eternal life. From of the most important revisions of Christian theol- this perspective, Christ’s reason for living was to ogy since the Second World War. Shortly before his embrace the human condition, including death, in death van Buren stated that it was not the Holocaust its entirety, and to extend thereby the redemption that led him to make the Jewish people and Judaism championed by Judaism to all who follow him. prominent in his theology, but instead ‘being con- See also afterlife JOHN C. MERKLE fronted with the living face of Israel, warts and all’ (‘From the Secular to the Scriptural Gospel’, 35– ‘IsGod Dead?’ asked Time magazine’s cover story 6). By contrast with van Buren, Altizer and Hamil- on 8 April 1966. That story’s context included ton, Rubenstein made the Holocaust pivotal for his four Americans, among them the Jewish theolo- radical theology in the 1960s and for his subse- gian Richard Rubenstein (b. 1924), whose influen- quent scholarship as well. Unlike the three Amer- tial book After Auschwitz (1966; revised 1992) was ican Protestants, who tended to see the death of one of the first to probe the religious implications God as a liberating experience, Rubenstein was sad- of the Holocaust. After the Holocaust, Rubenstein dened to conclude that the idea of a God of his- contended, belief in a redeeming God – one who is tory lacked credibility after the Holocaust. For him active in history – is no longer credible. The con- the Holocaust shattered a system of religious mean- troversy caused by After Auschwitz linked Ruben- ing that had sustained Jews and Christians for mil- steintothreeProtestantthinkers:T.Altizer(b.1927), lennia. To live in the time of the death of God, he W. Hamilton (b. 1924) and P. van Buren (1924–98). cautioned, was no cause for celebration. Ruben- Neither the labelling nor the clustering was entirely stein’sanalysis of the Holocaust and its implications accurate, but the four were dubbed ‘death of God continues to provoke profound soul-searching, theologians’. both among Jews and Christians and in their Contributing to a symposium on ‘The Death of encounter. God and the Holocaust’ at the 1996 meeting of the See also Holocaust theology JOHN K. ROTH American Academy of Religion, Altizer contended Decalogue see Ten Commandments that death of God theology, or radical theology as it Deicide, charge of was sometimes called, ‘was the first Christian the- The term deicide means the killing of God and was ology that was not only a response to the Holocaust used as an accusation against Jews by the Church but grounded itself in the ultimacy of a Holocaust for nearly 2,000 years. Coined as the phrase ‘the that had ended every trace of a just or beneficent charge of deicide’, it formed the basis of what Jules providence’ (‘The Holocaust and the Theology of Isaac called the Christian ‘teaching of contempt’ the Death of God’, 19). Despite Altizer’s claim that for Judaism and became ‘the cornerstone of Chris- the Holocaust was a generating cause of the death of tian antisemitism and laid the foundations upon God theologies, however, there was little in the early which all subsequent antisemitism would in one work of the principal Protestants in the movement way or another be built’ (Flannery, The Anguish to confirm his judgement. Their writings in the of the Jews). The charge of deicide refers to the 1960s neither showed nor produced much Chris- belief that in killing Christ the Jews had killed God. tian attention to the Holocaust or to the Jewish– Although the accusation that the Jews had killed Christian encounter. At least in postwar Amer- Christ appears early in the NewTestament (Matt. ica, Christian attention to the Holocaust and to 27.25; Acts 2.36; 1 Thess. 2.15–16), the first recorded Jewish–Christian relations grew far more from the charge of deicide occurred in the second century pioneering work done by F. H. Littell (b. 1917) and CE with Melito,Bishop of Sardis. Melito was the R. Eckardt (1918–98). first Church Father unambiguously to accuse the Altizer and Hamilton never became leaders in Jews of Jesus’ generation and of all subsequent gen- Jewish–Christian dialogue.Onthe other hand, after erations of deicide. The charge first appeared in giving up many of the positions he held in the his Easter sermon Peri Pascha, delivered around 1960s, van Buren made cutting-edge contributions 180 CE, and was expounded by subsequent to the Jewish–Christian encounter, especially with Church Fathers (including John Chrysostom and his three-volume A Theology of the Jewish–Christian Augustine) and Luther, becoming official Church

123 Delitzsch, Franz

teaching until the twentieth century. It was used to Demon/devil justify the belief that God had rejected Israel as his The belief in demons and the devil was present Chosen People in favour of the Church. It was also in the ancient Near East in general, was shared attached to other myths about Jewish suffering and by ancient Judaism and Christianity, and was later depravity (the Mark of Cain, blood libel, the Wan- used in anti-Jewish polemics. The Hebrew Bible dering Jew). The accusation was particularly evi- mentions spirits of the dead and refers to demons dent annually around Eastertime when, especially that are either theriomorphic or connected with in the medieval period, Jews had to hide on Good the animal world (Lev. 16.8–10; Isa. 13.19–22; 34.9– Friday for fear of the mobs who would attack them 15). The concept of the devil as the prime adver- as ‘Christ-killers’.The charge was repeated as late as sary of God is linked with that of demons, the for- 1942 by Archbishop Kmetko of Nietra (1875–1948) mer being depicted as the ruler of the latter (cf. in response to the Jewish leaders who pleaded with 1QM XII13.1–6, 11–13). He is variously referred to him to intervene on the deportation of Slovakian as ‘Satan’ (Job 1), ‘Belial’ (Ps. 18.5; 2 Cor. 6.15) or Jews during the Holocaust. ‘Beelzebub’ (2 Kgs 1.2–3, 6, 16; Mark 3.22). Jesus Changes in official Roman Catholic teaching believed in the existence of demons and the devil came in 1965 when Vatican II formally renounced and is depicted as exorcising demons. Medieval the charge of deicide, as have other churches. Judaism held demonological concepts received The Church has now recognised that neither all from biblical, talmudic and midrashic sources and Jews at the time of Jesus nor the Jews of subse- from surrounding non-Jewish cultures. Kabbalistic quent generations can be blamed for the death of thought especially was characterised by an exten- Christ, and this has led, with the aid of contem- sive demonology. Belief in demons and the devil porary New Testament scholarship, to changes in also played an important role in medieval Chris- the interpretation of the Passion narratives and tian popular piety and contributed to a growing the recognition that, whilst some Jewish leaders antisemitism. The Jewish people was often painted may have been involved in Jesus’ death, cruci- as the ‘people of Satan’, a concept that is the most fixion was a Roman punishment, and Jesus died prominent feature of antisemitism in the medieval under Roman judgement. This change in interpre- and early modern periods, can be traced back to tation has also been reflected in the Oberammer- early Gnosticism and was employed in Nazi pro- gau Passion play and in educational material for paganda. The ‘demonologies’ which formed part schools. of the medieval theological summae contributed to See also anti-Judaism; antisemitism; hoi Ioudaioi; the persecution of ‘witches’ in the late medieval and Sanhedrin; trial of Jesus HELEN P. FRY early modern periods. In recent times the belief in Delitzsch, Franz (1813–90) demons and the devil has become far less impor- German Lutheran theologian and Hebraist. tant in both mainstream Judaism and mainstream Delitzsch was the author of many commentaries Christianity. on books of the Bible and a respected teacher. See also evil JOACHIM SCHAPER Combining adherence to conservative Lutheran Devil see demon/devil orthodoxy with personal pietism, he connected Dialogue impressive knowledge of Semitic languages and The dialogue between Christians and Jews takes Judaism with dedication to Christian mission place in a wider context of interreligious encounter circles, founding the journal Saat auf Hoffnung which itself is a phenomenon of the twentieth cen- (‘Seeds for the Future’) in 1863 and in 1886 an tury. Much of the theory of dialogue was laid out institution (later Institutum Judaicum Delitzchi- by Martin Buber, who wrote as early as 1929: ‘A anum) to facilitate – lately increasingly rejected – time of genuine religious conversations is begin- Christian mission among Jews. On the other hand ning – not those so-called but fictitious conversa- he became a passionate opponent of the increasing tions in which none regarded and addressed his antisemitism of his time, confuting the supersti- partner in reality, but genuine dialogues, speech tious hate-writings of August Rohling (1839–1931), from certainty to certainty, but also from one such as his influential book DerTalmudjude (1871). open-hearted person to another open-hearted per- PETR FRYSˇ son.’ These words appear in his book Zwiesprache,

124 Dialogue or ‘Dialogue’, in which Buber intended to clarify dialogue. This was followed by the setting up in the ‘dialogical principle’ set out in I and Thou. 1971 of the Dialogue with People of Living Faith Even though Zwiesprache was not translated into and Ideologies (DFI) sub-unit of the WorldCoun- English until 1947, it remains the pioneering theo- cil of Churches, into which the earlier work of the retical work on interfaith dialogue, with its empha- Consultation on the Church and the Jewish People sis on experiencing ‘the other side’ of a rela- was absorbed. The work of the DFI became a major tionship that has transformed itself from the I–It force in Protestant and Orthodox Churches, and involved in everyday encounters to the I–Thou led in 1979 to the Guidelines on Dialogue with Peo- of genuinely human encounter. In it Buber not ple of Living Faiths and Ideologies. This major state- only pioneers the use of the word ‘dialogue’ itself ment, translated into scores of languages, sets out for deliberate interreligious conversation (in this fourprinciplesofdialogue:(1)‘dialogueshouldpro- technical sense not in common usage until the ceed in terms of people of other faith, rather than of early 1960s), but also points to a new moment theoretical impersonal systems’; (2) ‘dialogue can in the history of the world’s religious traditions. be welcomed as a welcome way of obedience to Jewish–Christian dialogue takes place against this the commandment of the Decalogue: “Youshall not background. bear false witness against your neighbour”’; (3) ‘dia- To be sure, there were moments of true dialogue logue . . . is a fundamental part of Christian service before Buber – as, for example, in the London Soci- within community’; (4) ‘the relationship of dialogue ety for the Study of Religion, founded in 1904, in gives opportunity for authentic witness . . . [W]e feel which Jewish scholar Claude Montefiore played a able with integrity to commend the way of dialogue prominent role. In Germany Franz Rosenzweig,a as one in which Jesus Christ can be confessed in our close friend of Buber, laid important foundations world today’ and ‘to assure our partners in dialogue for Jewish–Christian dialogue (he once suggested that we come not as manipulators but as genuine that truth can exist in two forms, in Judaism and fellow-pilgrims’. This set of principles has formed in Christianity) and remains perhaps more influ- the basis for commitment by member churches of ential on Jewish partners in dialogue with Chris- the WCC to interfaith activity since 1979 and has tians than Buber. Another key Jewish thinker was stimulated much further reflection by scholars and Emmanuel Levinas (1906–95), who extended the theologians, as well as the 1982 document Ecu- dialogical relationship beyond the ‘I–Thou’ to the menical Considerations on Jewish–Christian Dia- ‘We–Thou’, entailing ethical commitment to and logue (see ecumenism). responsibility for the other person of faith. This The thinking behind these four principles of dia- ‘We–Thou’ relationship Levinas linked to the eth- logue owes much to the Canadian scholar of reli- ical relationship with God. As he once remarked, gion Wilfred Cantwell Smith (1916–2000). Smith’s ‘There can be no “knowledge” of God separated insistence that ‘religions’ were not to be reified as from the relationship with human beings’. On the ‘impersonal theoretical systems’ that could be jux- Christian side stand, among others, James Parkes, taposed and compared had been absorbed by the the Anglican pathfinder of new Jewish–Christian late 1970s. Smith’s famous statement, ‘Asknot what understanding and witness against antisemitism religion a person belongs to but ask rather what reli- in the 1930s and 1940s, and William W. Simpson gion belongs to that person’, lies behind the first (1907–87), a Methodist minister at work in wartime principle. Like Buber before him, Smith affirmed London building new relationships between Chris- that the distinctive quality of the human being was tians and Jews. Such movements and persons led to faith (Hebrew emuna)rather than his or her hold- the founding in 1942 of the Council of Christians ing a set of beliefs (‘the alleged ideal content of and Jews (CCJ), of which Simpson was the first Gen- faith’), and that therefore dialogue was always from eral Secretary. faith to faith, in Buber’s words from ‘one open- But this activity was but a prelude to large-scale hearted person to another open-hearted person’. commitment to dialogue, which can be dated to Similarly, Buber’s assertion that genuine dialogue the 1960s with the promulgation of Nostra Aetate in had to be ‘from certainty to certainty’ is affirmed by 1965,adocument that, without using the word dia- Christians in the fourth principle. Accordingly, logue, opened Roman Catholic doors to interfaith authentic Jewish–Christian conversation must

125 Diaspora

include the Christians’ commitment to Jesus Christ, in Arabic, and there is evidence that Jewish, Chris- but equally Jews must testify to the truths of their tian and Islamic music and religious thought were owntradition. Consequently, Christians have wel- influenced by one another. The Yiddish language comed Dabru Emet:AJewish Statement on Chris- is an example of Ashkenazi Jews melding Hebrew tians and Christianity (2000) whose implications with medieval German, Polish and other European are that Jewish–Christian dialogue is best pursued languages. Sephardic Jews living in the Diaspora if Jews cherish their own tradition. Christianity in blended Hebrew and Spanish into Ladino. Despite Jewish Terms (2000), a follow-up book to Dabru living as a vulnerable minority within Christian Emet,admirablydemonstratesthe‘certainty’onthe Europe for centuries, there was extensive cross- Jewish side, and has become a medium of authentic fertilisation between Diaspora Jews and their host witness to Christians. KENNETH CRACKNELL Christian communities. That interplay,both benign Diaspora andnegative,includedtheferventMessianicmove- Historically, Diaspora, Greek for ‘dispersion’, has ments that swept Europe in the sixteenth to eigh- described religious communities living outside teenth centuries. Some Jews believed the reforms their ancestral homelands. The Hebrew word for of Martin Luther were aprecursor to the Mes- Diaspora, golah, shares the same root as galut or sianic era, and the Catholic baptism of Jewish ‘exile’, but usually refers to the voluntary residence Messianic pretender Jacob Frank was perceived of Jews in lands other than Israel; tfuz. ot or ‘circu- by his adversaries as leading his followers to the lation’ is also used to describe the Jewish Diaspora. Church. Members of Eastern Orthodox Churches, notably In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, even Greeks and Armenians, frequently speak of their astheZionistmovementpressedforrestoredJewish Diaspora communities. In contemporary usage, the sovereignty in the ancient homeland, some Reform word is used to describe a religious community that Jewish leaders theologically validated the Diaspora, perceives itself as living away from its population or asserting that God willed the dispersion as a means spiritual centre. Some Christians define their tradi- of spreading ethical monotheism. At the same time, tional pilgrimages to the Holy Land as a spiritual Zionist/Israeli leaders urged an end to the Dias- return from a Diaspora. pora, calling Jewish life outside Israel spiritually and While Jer. 44.1 mentions Jews living in Egypt, the psychologically inferior and incomplete. Zionism first large Jewish Diaspora began with the Babylo- attracted many Christians who strongly supported nian destruction of the Holy Temple in 586 BCE. the creation, security and survival of the Jewish Many exiles returned to Jerusalem 48 years later, state. At the beginning of the twenty-first century following Persian King Cyrus’s benevolent decree. the State of Israel and the Diaspora were both inte- During the Greco-Roman period perhaps five mil- gral to Jewish continuity and to authentic Jewish– lion Jews resided outside Israel. After the Roman Christian dialogue. A. JAMES RUDIN destruction of the Second Temple in 70 CE, the Dickens, Charles (1812–70) Diaspora emerged as a central feature of Jewish English novelist. Dickens was raised as an Anglican. life, even though Jerusalem and the land of Israel Nostalgic attachment to Christianity is reflected in remained the religious focal point. Diaspora Jews his fiction, which often satirises the hypocrisy of continually prayed for its end and a physical ‘return parish officials but idealises the piety of the poor. to Zion’. Several novels feature Jewish characters; Jewish– The host communities, both Christian and Christian relations are prominent in Oliver Twist Islamic, had significant impact upon Jews in the (1837–9) and OurMutual Friend (1864–5). Diaspora, who often adopted the languages, dress, AfterShakespeare’s Shylock,FagininOliverTwist customs, names and even religious styles of the is the most famous Jew in English literature.Dick- majority population. Examples include the many ens drew on medieval and popular theatrical tradi- Orthodox Jews who today wear distinctive clothing tions, depicting him as a miser, both diabolic and similar to that of eighteenth-century Polish gentry. subhuman. He was also influenced by newer ideas The Reform Jewish movement patterned its early about heredity, conceiving Fagin’s Jewishness in worship services on German Lutheranism.Moses racial terms. Arguably,Dickens did not desire to fuel Maimonides and other Jewish philosophers wrote antisemitism, but participated in the prejudices of

126 Disputation

his day to construct a compelling image of arche- such texts as Daniel, although evidently more influ- typal evil to pit against Oliver, the novel’s ‘principle enced by Christian than Jewish apocalyptic. of good’. It is striking that the Didache has none of the overt Critics today disagree as to whether Dickens’s anti-Judaism found elsewhere in the Apostolic achievement in creating Fagin should be assessed Fathers. There is nothing resembling the demon- primarily in literary or moral terms. For Victorian isation of Jewish practice found in the Epistle of Jewish readers the choice was unambiguous. Their Barnabas (e.g. 9.4), a text with which it has a direct objections (notably expressed by Dickens’s corre- literary relationship (see chs 18–20). spondent, Eliza Davies), and the growing accep- JUSTIN J. MEGGITT tance of Anglo-Jewry during the mid-nineteenth Dietary laws/customs century, helped prompt the creation of the digni- The Jewish dietary laws/customs (kashrut)area fied and virtuous Mr Riah for OurMutual Friend. comprehensive set of rules governing the accept- Dickens used Riah to explore Jewish–Christian rela- ability, preparation and consumption of foodstuffs. tions, but he remains a ‘type’, not a fully developed The Torah distinguishes between clean animals character; he is presented as an outcast, and as that can be eaten and unclean animals that are an oriental, ‘feminine’ Jew. In a sense, both Riah prohibited, and provides a comprehensive list of and Fagin are projections of Dickens’s Christian each category in Lev. 11.1–47 (cf. Deut. 14.3–20). Of allosemitism – the belief that Jews are in some those animals permitted to be eaten, no blood is sense radically and essentially different from all to be consumed, since blood contains the life force others. MELANIE J. WRIGHT (Lev.3.17; 7.26–7; 17.10–14; 19.26; Deut. 12.16, 23–4; Didache 15.23), and the tallow fat of the animal is likewise The Teaching of the Twelve Apostles (commonly prohibited (Lev.3.14–17; 7.22–5). The observance of referred to as the Didache)isacomposite manual of these customs entailed that Jews and Gentiles could church discipline, probably from the late first cen- not readily eat together, and this led to the charge, tury CE (although only rediscovered in 1873). It pro- often made in the Adversus Judaeos literature, that vides us with some useful though indirect informa- Jews were anti-social. Discussion of these dietary tion about Jewish–Christian relations in this early laws figured prominently in early Christianity. Paul period. declares that all foods are clean (Rom. 14.14, 20), The first section, the ‘Two Ways’ tractate (chs 1– while Mark 7.19 attributes this view to Jesus.In 6), is a work of ethical instruction that has clear Acts Peter has a vision in which he is told that parallels with both canonical and non-canonical thereisnolongeranydistinctionbetweencleanand Christian sources but also resembles some Jew- unclean animals (10.9–16), while James proposes ish literature from the Dead Sea Scrolls and else- that Gentile Christians need to obey only the Jewish where (e.g. 1 QS 3.18–4.26; the Testament of Asher prohibition against the consumption of blood (Acts 1.3–5). Indeed, apart from 1.3b–2.1 and 6.2–3 it 15.20–1, 29). The author of the Gospel of Matthew is difficult to see any specific reference to Chris- seemingly represents a branch of Christianity that tian beliefs in this part of the Didache and so it continued to follow the dietary laws in full. In accor- is possible that the tractate is in fact Jewish in dance with his view that the Torah remains valid origin. (Matt. 5.17–19), he omits the comment in Mark 7.19 The second section consists of instructions about that Jesus declared all foods to be clean. The Jewish worship (chs 7–10) and ministry (chs 11–15). Christians of later centuries also obeyed the dietary Although there are Jewish antecedents for the rit- requirements in their entirety. uals described, notably baptism and the eucharist, See also food DAVID SIM it is possible that the command (8.1) to fast twice a Disputation week, but on Wednesdays and Fridays rather than Disputation is a form of discourse where one party Mondays and Thursdays, may be formulated in refutes the validity of the other in order to invali- direct opposition to Jewish practice of the time (see date the foundation of the other’s faith. Commu- Luke 18.12)(see fasting). nication between Jews and Christians has been The final section (ch. 16) constitutes an apoca- dominated by disputation from the earliest period lyptic appendix to the work. It is clearly inspired by until our era. The strength of disputation lies in its

127 Disraeli, Benjamin

ability to maintain boundaries between religious Gilbert Crispin’s treatise to utilise new scholastic traditions, while its weakness is that it can serve forms of argument. Jewish biblical commentaries as the springboard for violence. As a form of argu- from the circle around Rashi contain refutations of ment, disputation originates in the Hebrew Bible Christian interpretation. Joseph Kimhi’s Book of the with diatribes against polytheism and appears in Covenant in Provence (c.1140), Jacob ben Reuben’s the Gospels when Jesus refutes the interpretations Wars of the Lord in France (c.1140) and Sefer Nizza- of scripture proffered by Scribes, Pharisees and hon HaYashan in Germany (c.1350) represent a new others. The book of Acts and the Pauline Epis- genre of private disputation manual. tles reveal evidence of disputations between mem- The rise of the mendicant orders in the thirteenth bers of the Christian community and Jews and century, with their emphasis on maintaining Chris- pagans. tian orthodoxy, marks the development of the pub- Early Christian authors compiled lists of Testi- lic disputation. These gatherings in Paris (1240), moniaaswarrantsfortheirChristologicalinterpre- Barcelona (1263) and Tortosa (1413–14) were part of tation of the Hebrew Bible. JustinMartyr’s Dialogue a new direction in missionary efforts. Public dispu- with the Jew Trypho is the most sustained refutation tations took the form of trials in front of an audience of Judaism in this period. Both Latin and Greek lit- of nobility, clergy and laity. Christian participants erature of Early Christianity have a rich disputation were often baptised Jews and emphasised passages literature. Rabbinic texts (Mishnah, Talmud and in the Talmud as blasphemous to Christianity and midrashim)ofthe first four centuries provide evi- stumbling blocks to Jewish conversion. The Jews dence of disputation with pagans and minim who who participated in these disputations were highly are identified by some scholars as Christians. By the regarded Jewish scholars such as Jehiel of Paris (d. end of antiquity, the major themes of disputation c.1286), Nahmanides and Joseph Albo (1380–1430). had been established: (1) The Hebrew plural name They defended Rabbinic Judaism by historicising for God: Was this an indication of the Trinity? (2) passages about Jesus in the Talmud or diminishing Did the righteous who lived before Moses observe the authority of the aggadah. the commandments of Sinai revelation? (3) Was the Disputation literature continued to be written Torah given to the Jewish people as a benefit or during the Reformation and Renaissance and punishment? (4) Who is the True Israel, the recipi- through the modern period. The 1769 exchange entofthebiblicalblessings?(5)Whatwastheappro- between Moses Mendelssohn and Johann Kaspar priate translation of Shiloh in Gen. 49.10 or alma Lavater (1741–1801) indicated that the extension (virgin or young woman) in Isa. 7.14? of civil rights to Jews was insufficient to vali- With the rise of Islam,Jews, Christians and Mus- date Jewish religious claims, and that their con- lims engaged in disputation and produced liter- version was ultimately required. Mendelssohn’s ary works in Syriac and Arabic. Saadiah Gaon’s response to Lavater and his work Jerusalem (1783) Book of Beliefs and Opinions (933) is a philosoph- did not impede a continuing literature of disputa- ical justification of Rabbinic Judaism with argu- tion aimed at the conversion of the Jews. This theme ments against both Christianity and Islam. Internal sadly echoes in the 1933 exchange between Martin sectarian arguments with the Karaites sharpened Buber and Karl Ludwig Schmidt (1895–1956). the ability of rabbinic Jews to defend their biblical MICHAEL A. SIGNER interpretations. Disraeli, Benjamin (1804–81) The letters of Agobard of Lyons constitute the British statesman and novelist; Earl of Beaconsfield. earliest evidence of Latin polemic against Jews in Disraeli was born in London to Sephardi parents. the Middle Ages. A series of Latin treatises, such as In 1817, following a family dispute with the syn- thatofGilbertCrispin,appearinthetwelfthcentury agogue, Benjamin was baptised. Accordingly, his in the circle of Anselm of Canterbury, introducing knowledge of Judaism was limited. Later in life he arguments from reason to augment the interpreta- took pride in his roots, but his theological posi- tion of scripture. Peter Alfonsi in Spain and Peter tion was that of supersessionism.Disraeli was a theVenerable in France wrote lengthy treatises util- journalist and writer before entering Parliament as ising both reason and scripture – and extending the aConservative (1837). He rose to prominence in argumenttoIslam.AlanofLille(1128–1203)rewrote the 1840s, heading the ‘Young England’ movement.

128 Doctrine

Politically, he regarded the nation as a neces- tact with Jews; noted Dissenter Hebraists include sarily hierarchically structured organism; its well- Unitarian R. Travers Herford and, more recently, being depended on crown, church and aristocracy. Congregationalist W. D. Davies (1911–2001). Fol- In 1868, and in 1874–89, he was Britain’s prime lowing their own emancipation Dissenters sup- minister, and is best remembered for his enhance- ported and actively campaigned for an end to Jew- ment of the British Empire. Although some trace ish disabilities, both as individual Churches and a link from his acquisition of a stake in the Suez through the ecumenical board of Protestant Dis- Canal to the Balfour Declaration,Disraeli’sJewish- senting Deputies (formed in 1732, and a forerun- ness rarely informed his policies directly. His fic- ner of the Board of Deputies of British Jews, which tion more readily illustrates his ideas about Judaism shares similar aims). Whilst some held a super- and Jewish–Christian relations. In Coningsby (1844) sessionist view of Judaism, others espoused a form Jewish banker Sidonia uses his wisdom and inter- of universalism: all argued that religious opinion national connections to assist the hero, whilst in was no criterion of fitness for political or civic Tancred (1847) a young aristocrat’s desire to restore office. MELANIE J. WRIGHT English society leads him to Palestine, and an explo- Divorce see marriage ration of Jewish foundations of Christianity and Doctrine (by extension) European civilisation. Disraeli’sJew- Disagreement between Jews and Christians about ish contemporaries saw him as one of their own, their respective doctrines (‘teachings’) cannot be and his opponents also characterised his motives removed, but what is common to both traditions is and actions pejoratively as ‘Hebraic’, but histori- their view of the dynamic from revelation to scrip- ans downplayed his Jewishness until recently. Cur- ture to doctrine. Doctrine then is a divinely enabled rent appraisals locate Disraeli in the contexts of consequence of God’s revelation:itisthe cognitive nineteenth-century debates about English national component of divine revelation, which creates the identity, and the politics of Jewish assimilation and conditions for its reception and interpretation by integration. MELANIE J. WRIGHT giving rise to teachings that communicate and pre- Dissenters serve it. Both traditions see the need for this, view- The term Dissenters refers to a number of Protes- ing God’s revelation as aimed at human minds and tant denominations in England and Wales (partic- as leading to ‘something understood’; the intellec- ularly Baptists, Congregationalists, Presbyterians, tual core of doctrine, both in the Bible and in sub- Unitarians and Quakers) whose members were sequent teachings, is intended to preserve the core subjected to negative discrimination because they of what is grasped about God in relation to humans. did not adhere to the tenets of the Church of Both traditions are internally subject to controver- England following its re-establishment in 1662. sies about the relation of religious beliefs to rea- The legal restrictions on individual Church mem- son, but aim to foster doctrine in ways that avoid bers (exclusion from membership of town corpora- the extremes that surface in each tradition: fideism tions, civil and military offices, and the universities (faith has no cognitive component), rationalism of Oxford and Cambridge; obligation to pay rates (faith is controlled by reason, narrowly conceived) levied for the upkeep of Anglican churches) were and presumptive omniscience (everything can be chiefly removed in the nineteenth century, when clearly understood). Yet they differ with regard to the label Dissenter similarly gave way to ‘Noncon- the normative and symbolic status that doctrines formist’. play within each tradition. Despite diverse origins, Dissenters’ common Christianity develops a more comprehensive experiences of discrimination (which they shared doctrinal system than does Judaism, because what with Anglo-Jewry) prompted them to make is taught authoritatively is the index of the Church’s common cause with the Jewish community on appropriation of how Christ matters for God’s numerous issues. In the eighteenth and nineteenth dealings with human beings. By the end of the centuries the Dissenting Academies, intended pri- first century CE Christian doctrine rapidly devel- marily to train ministers, became centres of liberal ops in three related areas: Christ as divine, his education. A focus on biblical interpretation also death/resurrection as salvific, and God as Trinitar- made them sites of intellectual and personal con- ian (see Trinity). By contrast, the rabbis’ insistence

129 Dominicans

on the unity of God, the centrality of Torah as the Judaising and the conversion of Jews soon became expression of divine teaching and will and Israel’s key foci of Dominican activity. Already in 1233 vocation to witness to God’s holiness required a Dominicans burnt Maimonides’ Guide for the Per- less expansive doctrinal system. In the course of plexed at Montpellier. Thibaut de Sezanne, one of the centuries the Church forms statements about many converts from Judaism, accused Jews of pri- what it understands ‘till what was an impression oritising the Talmud over the Bible, thus adding on the Imagination has become a system or creed myth to myth and fostering heresy. In 1240, on in the Reason’ (J. H. Newman, 1843). Hence ortho- papal command, Jewish books were forcibly con- dox Christianity recognises revealed truths, taught fiscated in France and the first public disputation under divine guidance and not necessarily acces- between Christians and Jews was held in Paris. sible to unaided reason, which through authorita- Following inquisitorial condemnation of the Tal- tive offices within the Church (councils, popes and mud in 1242, 24 wagonloads of rabbinic com- bishops) come to be binding on believers. mentaries were burned in Paris under Dominican Judaism too is concerned to express its inter- auspices. pretive beliefs and what is intellectually implied Ramon de Penyaforte (c.1185–1275) instigated in them: Philo’s five principles (Opif. 61) and anti-Jewish legislation in Aragon from 1228 and Maimonides’13principles are the classic ways pioneered the study of Arabic and Hebrew for mis- of identifying the distinctive doctrines of Judaism. sionary purposes. Dominican Hebrew scholarship Maimonides, in a context of medieval scholastic fostered biblical exegesis, underpinned polemics intellectual systems which align revelation and rea- against Judaism and attracted apostates. Compen- son, presents a taxonomy of Jewish beliefs cen- dia of Latin translations of talmudic and rabbinic tring on the one, eternal and incorporeal God, the commentary were compiled, sometimes by con- divine origin of Torah and eschatological comple- verted Jews (Thibaut’s Quiver of the Faith, against tion. By contrast, Moses Mendelssohn proposed the Jews), sometimes by Christian polemicists that Judaism is free from binding doctrines; instead (Raymond Martini’s Pugio fidei,‘Dagger of faith’), it is to be regarded as ‘revealed law’, whose cen- these testimonies providing an arsenal of anti- tral doctrinal tenets (the unity of God, providence Jewish weapons to support Christianity and attack and the immortality of the soul) come not from rev- Judaism. Martini, with fellow Dominicans includ- elation, but from universal natural religion: ‘faith ing Penyaforte and the convert Paul the Christian, accepts no commands; it accepts only what comes had engaged in the momentous 1263 Barcelona to it by way of reasoned conviction’. Although to a disputation against Nahmanides, following which lesser extent than Christianity, Judaism thus also Dominicans enforced censorship of Jewish has its characteristic doctrines. JOHN MCDADE books. Dominicans While some Dominicans, including Berthold of Roman Catholic missionary order established Freiburg (thirteenth century), whose Summa in (1216) by St Dominic (1170–1221) which formerly 1295 contested the validity of forced conversions, championed orthodox Christian anti-Judaism. fostered relatively mild attitudes towards Jews, Founded with the primary aim of extirpating heresy the Dominican Order was generally strongly hos- (initially that of the Gnostic Albigensians), the tile. It hunted out suspected Judaisers and their Dominican Order abandoned manual for intel- accomplices, and regularised conversionist ser- lectual labour and devoted itself to scholarship, mons, which from 1278 were forcibly imposed on preaching and education. Committed to corpo- Jewish communities by papal decree. Raymond rate poverty, Dominican houses were established Llull, who probably knew Judah ha-Levi’s Kuzari, in larger cities and especially in universities. Maimonides’ Guide for the Perplexed, and the Kab- Renowned Dominican scholars included the lead- balah,wrote model conversionist sermons and ing philosophers Albertus Magnus (c.1200–80) and Christian doctrinal treatises for Muslims and Jews. Thomas Aquinas. St Vincent (Vicente) Ferrer (1350–1419), whose In 1233PopeGregoryIXappointedpapalinquisi- popular sermons often provoked anti-Jewish vio- tors, chiefly Dominicans and Franciscans,toroot lence, inspired anti-Jewish legislation in Aragon out Christian heresies. Inevitably, the eradication of and Castile following the 1391 persecutions and

130 Dress

encouraged expulsion of Jews to prevent their that it contains blasphemous statements about influence on Conversos. The Dominican con- Jesus and is filled with expressions of hostility vert Johannes Pfefferkorn (1469–1522) led early against Gentiles. The pope ordered that copies of sixteenth-century Dominican attacks on the Tal- the Talmud be seized and examined. King Louis IX mud, culminating in the Dominican Inquisitor- of France complied; at Paris in 1240 leading rabbis General, Cardinal Caraffa (1476–1559), instigating tried to rebut the charges made by Donin in a public throughout Italy the seizure and burning of all disputation and inquisitorial investigation, follow- copies of the Talmud in 1559. Dominican anti- ing which all the confiscated texts were burned. In Jewish activity was eclipsed by that of Jesuits fol- the account written by R. Jehiel of Paris (d. c.1265), lowing the Counter-Reformation. Its apogee had Donin is characterised with contempt as an ‘igno- lain, perhaps, in the cruelty of the Spanish Inqui- rant heretic’. MARC SAPERSTEIN sition, particularly under its first head, Tomas de Dress Torquemada (?1420–98), Dominican confessor to Distinctive dress or uniforms set a group apart, but Ferdinand and Isabella and instigator of the gen- also tend to divest its members of their individual- eral decree of expulsion of Jews from Spain in ity,as,forexample,inmonasticism.Inthehistoryof 1492. Jewish–Christian relations, specific garments have The Dominican Order still contains a signifi- sometimes served to distinguish between members cant number of converted Jews, but has relin- of the two faiths, as well as to facilitate discrimina- quished missionary activities among Jews while yet tion against Jews. Both Jewish and Christian leaders maintaining fine Hebrew scholarship, exemplified repeatedly attempted to segregate Jews and Chris- by the Ecole Biblique in Jerusalem with its Revue tians by entreating or forcing the former to don spe- Biblique. MARGARET BREARLEY cial clothing, which suggests that in practice the two Domus Conversorum populations tended to dress similarly and that their ‘House of Conversion’, home to Jews who con- common attire blurred the social borders between verted to Christianity, established by Henry III in them. Chancery Lane, London, in 1232 as part of a wider The efforts of Rabbinic Judaism to preserve and process of reduction of civil liberties for Jews and protect Jewish particularism through communal abolished as an institution in 1891. It accommo- dress regulations, no less than anti-Jewish discrim- dated about 40 people and paid pensions to con- inatory decrees of Church councils and Christian verts who lived outside, generally around 60 people. rulers, did produce specifically Jewish attire, which On conversion, Jews retained half their property varied from one country or period to another. A with the remainder used for the upkeep of the well-known midrash argues that the children of Domus, which was also maintained through a poll Israel were redeemed from bondage because they tax levied on Jews. Although it declined after the did not abandon their traditional costume and expulsion of Anglo-Jewry in 1290, it was regularly customs during their forced sojourn in Egypt. In used by converts visiting London. The office of modern times ultra-orthodox Jews set themselves Keeper of the Domus Conversorum was later com- apart from both Gentile society and secular Jews bined with the judicial office of Master of the Rolls. by maintaining a distinctive dress that derives from Communal life in the Domus was based on monas- a sixteenth-century adaptation of the characteris- tic organisation with daily worship and offered tic apparel of Gentile nobility and upper classes. support to Jewish converts who were regarded Christian rulers in many places reacted at the time with scorn by Jews and with suspicion by Chris- to this Jewish adoption of Christian attire by com- tians. The site later became the Public Record pelling Jews to wear a distinctive mark, such as the Office and is now a library of University College, yellow badge. London. EDWARD KESSLER The practice of demarcating a religious minor- Donin, Nicholas (fl. first half of thirteenth century) ity by requiring its members to wear a distinctive French Franciscan.Heconverted from Judaism vestment or emblem originated in Islam, which after having been placed under the ban for deviant imposed dress restrictions on both Jews and Chris- beliefs. In 1236 he presented to Pope Gregory IX a tians as early as the time of Caliph Omar II (717– list of charges against the Talmud,most seriously 20). Discriminatory dress regulations first entered

131 Dreyfus Affair

canon law in 1215, when the Fourth Lateran Coun- open letter in L’Aurore by Emile Zola (1840–1902) to cil adopted Canon 68, which required Jews to wear a the French President headlined J’accuse ...! special mark that would publicly identify them and Atatime of paranoia in the French army, and discourage intercourse, particularly sexual rela- against a background of increasing antisemitism in tions, between Jews and Christians. In subsequent France following the 1886 publication of La France centuries the most common discriminatory marks Juive by Edouard Drumont (1844–1917), Dreyfus, imposed on Jews by ecclesiastical and civil author- the only Jew on the General Staff, was accused ities were some form of a badge and/or special of passing state secrets to Germany, which in its Judenhut.Atthetime of the Inquisition and the higher ranks was Catholic, anti-republican, monar- expulsion of Jews from Spain and Portugal, some chist and reactionary. Zola became convinced of authorities argued that a special badge should be his innocence and in Le Figaro in 1897 attacked imposed even on Conversos. Drumont’s antisemites, concluding famously that Restrictions on Jewish dress had been removed ‘truth is on the march and nothing can stop it’; throughout most of Europe by the eighteenth cen- further articles warned of the danger of a military tury. However, in the Papal States special dress dictatorship in alliance with the Catholic Church. requirements for Jews remained in effect until French Protestants tended to support Dreyfus and Napoleon’s armies abolished the ghettos and the Catholics to oppose him, and the affair split the humiliating Jewish badge. The widespread and country, with Dreyfus becoming a symbol either of increasing assimilation of Jews into Christian soci- the eternal Jewish traitor or of the denial of justice. ety in the course of the nineteenth and early twen- The Catholic anti-Dreyfusards viewed the plot as tieth centuries led to the disappearance of distinc- an attempt to discredit the army, while the Drey- tive Jewish costume in the Western world, except fusards argued that the Republic was no better than amongstultra-orthodoxJews.TheJewishbadgewas the ancien regime´ .(The French Jewish commu- revived in the mid-twentieth century in the form of nity kept very quiet.) Newspaper articles and car- the infamous yellow star imposed on Jews by the toons supported both positions, and included on Nazis as early as 1939. theonehandantisemiticimagesofDreyfusasJudas The liturgical vestments used in both the Eastern and on the other Dreyfus being crucified, with the and Western Churches appear to have derived orig- head of the army, General Auguste Mercier (1838– inally from secular garments in use in the Roman 1921), dressed in ragged army clothes, offering him Empire in the early Christian centuries, rather vinegar. than from the dress of the priests in the Temple. The publication of J’accuse ...!was followed However, certain prayers recited while vesting link by antisemitic riots in France, notably in Catholic the Christian presbyter with the priesthood of strongholds. Synagogues were attacked in 50 towns, Aaron. There are no traditional rabbinical gar- and Zola was put on trial and fled to England to ments, although Ashkenazi rabbis often retained avoid imprisonment. Dreyfus was brought back distinctive features of Jewish dress long after the from Devil’s Island and underwent a second trial laity had abandoned them. From the eighteenth in 1899. The military judges again found him guilty century onward rabbis increasingly adopted the but ‘with extenuating circumstances’, sentencing dressoftheircontemporaryChristiancounterparts, him to ten years’ imprisonment; a few months particularly in Germany, Holland, England and later he was granted a pardon. When Zola died in America. DANIEL ROSSING 1902 – in suspicious circumstances – Dreyfus Dreyfus Affair delivered the oration. Dreyfus became a Legion´ 1894 trial and court-martial for treason of French d’honneur in 1919. Jewish captain Alfred Dreyfus (1859–1935), who was The Dreyfus affair had a profound impact on found guilty by antisemitic army officers on the Theodore Herzl, who was reporting the trial for a basis of forged documents and sent to life impris- Viennese newspaper, and argued as a consequence onment on Devil’s Island off the coast of French that Jews could only be safe in their own land. It also Guyana. The Dreyfus Affair caused civil unrest in led to a new left-wing government in France and France and in 1898 was the subject of a front-page to the foundation of the right-wing Catholic Action

132 Dura Europos

Franc¸aise, which was to play a part in the 1940 Italy. Thus, the Dura synagogue has been viewed armistice and the Vichy government. In 1994 Mon- as evidence of an early Jewish art that influenced signor Defois (b. 1931) apologised for the Catholic later Christian depictions. Regrettably, however, it role in the affair, and in 1995 the French army offi- remains in splendid isolation, and no precedents cially declared Dreyfus innocent. and parallels have been uncovered elsewhere. As EDWARD KESSLER such, the question remains as to how widespread Dura Europos such Jewish art was at the time, or if the Dura syna- Discovered in 1932, the third-century synagogue of gogue art was indeed the product of this local com- Dura Europos in Syria is the best preserved of all munity alone. ancient synagogue buildings, and its significance No less intriguing is the fact that the earliest for understanding contemporary Jewish–Christian church building discovered to date was found at relations has been a focus of inconclusive discus- Dura, not far from the synagogue. Built in 232, this sion. The piece` de resistance´ of this building is its church features a baptistery with frescoes depict- breathtaking display of Jewish art: its walls were ing scenes drawn primarily from the NewTesta- covered from floor to ceiling with 50 to 60 fresco ment. The church depictions are far fewer in num- panels displaying scenes from the Hebrew Bible, ber and considerably less sophisticated than those andabovetheTorahshrineonthesynagogue’swest- of the synagogue, and thus no real connection has ern wall are Temple-related depictions such as the been made between the art of these two buildings. menorah, the Temple fac¸ade and the scene of the No specific scenes are shared by synagogue and binding of Isaac (which according to later tradition church, yet it has been posited that the very prox- took place on the Temple Mount). Above these are imity of these two communities may have triggered scenes of Jacob blessing his sons and grandsons, somesortofdialogueorpolemicthatpromptedthe David playing his lyre and an enthroned royal figure local Jewish community to respond to fundamental (David? the Messiah?) holding court. Flanking these Christian theological claims (e.g. identifying refer- upper panels are four large figures, one of which is ences to Jesus in the Hebrew Bible, the notion of clearly identified as Moses; numerous suggestions God’sabandonment of the Jewish people, the claim have been offered regarding the others. This display thattheChurchwasthetrueIsraeletc.)inthechoice of Jewish figural art is the earliest and most com- of its biblical scenes and their presentation in their prehensive known to date. Moreover, some of the prayer hall. This view, however, has yet to be widely synagogue’s iconography is similar to that appear- embraced. ing centuries later in the Byzantine churches of See also architecture LEE I. LEVINE

133 EEEE

Early Church this debate increasingly focussed on the relation- It is a matter of debate at precisely what point Chris- ship between God the Father and Jesus Christ and tianity came into existence. The early Church has between God the Father and the Holy Spirit, con- its roots in the activities of Jesus in Galilee and troversies settled by the formulation of the doctrine Jerusalem up to his crucifixion and resurrection of the Trinity at the First and Second Ecumenical in c.30 CE. Jesus, however, was no Christian but an CouncilsinNicaeain325andConstantinoplein381 observant Jew. Soon his adherents saw in him the (see also Arianism). The problem as to how Christ Messiah announced in the OldTestament and con- could have been both God and Man (which figured fessed him as their Lord (John 20.28; Rom. 10.9; 1 prominentlyinJewishanti-Christianpolemics)was Cor. 12.3), and the apostle Paul and others began to debated at the Third and Fourth Ecumenical Coun- convert non-Jews (Gentiles) to Christ as the Lord. cils in Ephesus in 431 and Chalcedon in 451. Not all Thus a new religion consisting of Jewish and non- Christian churches accepted the solution proposed Jewish ‘confessors of Christ’ gradually emerged out by Chalcedon; some split from the Imperial Church. ofaJewishsub-groupandsoondistanceditselffrom Among the leading theologians of this period, traditional Judaism. At a very early stage this new later called Church Fathers,wereOrigen,Basil of religious entity developed an independent organi- Caesarea (329/30–78), Gregory Nazianzen (c.329– sational structure: by the end of the second century c.390), Gregory of Nyssa (330–c.395) and John the governance of the individual congregations lay Chrysostom in the east, and Ambrose (339–97), in the hands of a bishop who was assisted by pres- Jerome and Augustine in the west. At the same time byters (priests) and deacons. In the first three cen- the gulf between the Greek-speaking Church in the turies the Church occasionally came under politi- eastern Roman Empire, with its centres (‘patriar- cal pressure, since the rapid spread of Christianity chates’) at Constantinople, Alexandria and Anti- threatened the traditional pagan cults, sometimes och, and the Latin-speaking Church in the west and causing social unrest, but the last great persecu- the south (Northern Africa), with its centre at Rome, tion by the Roman authorities (303–11) ended with continued to widen. the rule of Constantine, who officially recognised TherelationshipbetweenJudaismandChristian- Christianity and increasingly promoted it over the ity after the initial split remained a complicated other cults. By 380 Christianity was the state religion one. On the one hand, the new religion had to of the Roman Empire, but pagan cults continued assert its own right of existence in contradistinc- to exist. tion to traditional Judaism and paganism. Chris- As Christianity infiltrated the intellectual and tian apologists attempted to define the specificity social elite,´ there had been extensive theological of the Christian faith over against Jewish criticism. debate within the Church over the essence of the In the early Church these debates mostly centred Christian faith. Debate and controversy with rep- on the messianic passages of the Greek Old Testa- resentatives of Graeco-Roman culture and philos- ment (Septuagint), which the Christians saw as ful- ophy, but also with dissenting Christian views and filled in the coming of Christ. At the same time, the with Judaism, led to the development of a coherent influx of Gentiles meant that Jewish-Christianity teaching of the central tenets of the Christian faith soon became a small minority that was quickly (‘theology’). Sparked by the formation of a canon marginalised. of specifically Christian Holy Scriptures (the ‘New On the other hand, the Church was always aware Testament’) towards the end of the second century, that it owed a large part of its theological and

134 Easter spiritual heritage to Judaism. Christian liturgy and rare occurrences and to have shared their character exegesis had grown out of and continued to be with other forms of social unrest. Also, while some deeply influenced by Jewish traditions. Christian of the Church Fathers undoubtedly uttered vitri- festivals such as Easter and Pentecost had Jew- olic attacks against Jews and Judaism (see Adversus ish roots, and Christian prayers, such as the Lord’s Judaeos literature), the most notorious perhaps Prayer,were closely paralleled in Judaism. Many being John Chrysostom in his Discourses against the eminent Christian exegetes like Origen and Jerome Jews (386/7), the views of Judaism found in the writ- drew heavily on Jewish interpreters of the Bible. ings of the Fathers are often less uniform than the It is very controversial to what extent and in what secondary literature suggests. WOLFRAM KINZIG respect the early Church was anti-Jewish (see anti- Easter Judaism). In terms of theology there was, no doubt Easter is the annual Christian festival which cel- from a very early stage, a widespread view that the ebrates the resurrection of Jesus. It is one of the Jews were to be blamed for the crucifixion of Christ liturgical calendar’s ‘moveable feasts’,with the date (see deicide) and that Judaism was an outdated calculated by the same method used for deter- religion that had been proved wrong once and for mining the date of the Jewish festival of Passover. all in its messianic expectations by the coming of Easter is the pre-eminent of all Christian feasts, Christ. In this context the destruction of the Temple and becomes the ritual ‘lens’ through which all was seen as God’s punishment for the unbelief of other celebrations, and indeed the Christian life as the Jews. As regards the legal and political situa- a whole, are viewed. Many Christians who do not tion in the first three centuries, the Christians were attend worship services at any other time in the year clearly in a worse position than the Jews, since, hav- are likely to be in church on Easter Sunday. ing no clearly defined legal status, they were under One of the earliest Christian controversies – the intermittent pressure from the Roman authorities, Quartodeciman Controversy – was over the ques- whereastheJews,onthewhole,werenot.Onasocial tion of the proper dating of Easter, and in partic- level, however, there appear to have been no severe ular whether it should be celebrated on the date frictions between Christians and Jews. of Passover, whatever date it happened to fall upon. Some recent research suggests that this situa- Although the Quartodeciman debate lasted in some tion of a by and large peaceful coexistence of Jews places for nearly five centuries, those arguing for a and Christians did not fundamentally change as a Sunday celebration of Easter ultimately prevailed, result of Christianity’sbecoming the privileged reli- and the date of Easter continues to be calculated gion in the course of the fourth century. Although as the first Sunday after the first full moon after the during the period 300–450 the legal position of the vernal equinox. Jewish religion clearly worsened and ecclesiastical The thematic links between the Christian Easter synods issued canons against the Jews, the effect and the Jewish Passover are undeniable, such that of this on the ground appears to have been lim- the word for the Christian feast of the Resurrection ited. In the fourth century Jewish persecutions by in most Romance languages is identifiably related Christians were few and far between. There are to the word for Passover (Fr. = Paquesˆ ,It.= Pasqua, reports, sometimes of dubious provenance, of syn- Sp. = Pascua). In English, the festival borrowed agogues having been converted into churches, and its name from a pre-Christian Celtic goddess of in c.387 a synagogue was burnt down in Rome; in the Spring, Eostre, whose feast-day occurred annu- 388 a similar incident occurred in Callinicum on the ally on the day of the vernal equinox (Easter cele- Euphrates.Reportsofanti-Jewishincidentsbecome brations remain heavily syncretistic, with elements more frequent in the early part of the fifth century: from the pre-Christian Spring festivals playing a in c.413 Patriarch CyrilofAlexandria expelled the central role in the celebrations in both home and Jews from his city and confiscated their property church).AlthoughtheearliestChristianwritingsare and synagogues; in 418 there was an anti-Jewish divided on the question of whether the Last Supper pogrom on the island of Menorca, instigated by was a Passover meal (the Synoptic Gospels describe the local bishop Severus. There also appear to have it as the Passover seder, while the Fourth Gospel been anti-Jewish riots of monks in Palestine. Yet claims that Jesus was crucified at the time of the these outbreaks seem to have been comparatively slaughtering of the Passover lambs, making the Last

135 Eastern Orthodox Christianity

Supper a domestic meal on the night before the which can be as early as 22 March and as late as Passover), the relationship between the crucifix- 25 April, and calls have been made for the establish- ion/resurrection of Jesus and the Passover is undis- ment of a fixed date for the sake of convenience. As puted, and the redemptive activity of God is Easter’s the work of theologians, biblical scholars and litur- overarching theme. For the earliest Christians, the gists on Jewish ritual and the theological context blood of Jesus shed on the cross was likened to of the Christian Passover has begun to be appro- the blood on the doorposts of the Israelites in priated by of churches, many Christians Egypt, a mark of God’s persistent willingness to have been encouraged to join with Jews in Passover save. Because of this connection, Easter was in the seders, and to hold their own seders during the days early centuries of the Church the pre-eminent occa- before Easter. Although there has been some ten- sion for the baptism of new Christians, whose pas- dency to ‘baptise’ or ‘Christianise’ the seder for use sage through the waters of baptism mirrored the in Christian congregations, adding NewTestament passage of the Israelites through the Red Sea as a readings and casting Jesus as the host of the meal, sign and guarantor of God’s redemptive promises. this has been strenuously resisted by those con- During the next several centuries, however, these cerned with interfaith relations between Jews and symbolic associations between Easter and Passover Christians. Preachers have also been encouraged were gradually forgotten as Christianity lost touch to treat with caution scripture readings appointed with its Jewish roots, although some scholars would for the Easter period that suggest collective Jewish like to see a direct connection between a number of responsibility for Jesus’ death (see hoi Ioudaioi). Easter and Passover ceremonies, such as the hiding Cognisant of the place of Easter in the history of of the afikomen during the Passover seder and the Christian anti-Judaism, many denominations and sequestering of the communion bread in a model interfaith groups have issued guidelines for Chris- sepulchre during the three days from Good Friday tian worship during the Easter period. Many of until the first eucharist at Easter. Indeed, during the these guidelines exhort Christians to a proper rev- Middle Ages the Easter Triduum (Good Friday, Holy erence for the Hebrew Bible and a respect for the Saturday and Easter Sunday) became the annual Jewishness of Jesus during the celebration of Easter. occasion for the intensification of Christian anti- More recently, the Easter season (the 50 days from Judaism and acts of violence, fuelled by the Easter Easter to Pentecost) has been commended as the readings (which tended to cast Jews in the role of the mostappropriatetimeforliturgicalresponsestothe murderers of Jesus; see deicide, charge of), and the Holocaust in Christian churches. reading appointed to be said responsively between See also Good Friday Prayer for the Perfidious Jews clergy and people called the ‘Reproaches’ which SUSAN WHITE prayed for God’s vengeance against Jews, infidels Eastern Orthodox Christianity see Orthodox and heretics. Christianity In the modern period, and particularly since Ebionite see Jewish Christianity the Second World War, the ancient Paschal roots Ecclesia/Synagoga of Easter have been researched and reclaimed by Christian artists in the Middle Ages fashioned these scholars of Christian worship.Asaresult, in many female figures to represent Christianity’s relation- Christian denominations the Easter Vigil has been shiptoJudaism.Thefiguresoftriumphant‘Ecclesia’ transformed into a service during which the whole and defeated ‘Synagoga’ symbolised the Christian sweep of God’s dealings with the Jews, begin- claim that Christ made Judaism obsolete. Well- ning with the Creation, and moving on through known depictions represent the proud Ecclesia the Exodus, the Exile and the Prophets, is told in standing erect in contrast to the bowed, blindfolded full as an indispensable part of the story of the figure of the defeated yet dignified Synagoga (e.g. Resurrection of Jesus. At the same time, as each the thirteenth-century stone figures in the cathe- Sunday Service has come to be understood as a dralsofStrasbourg,Freiburg,Bamberg,Magdeburg, ‘little Easter’, a weekly celebration of the Resurrec- Reims and Notre Dame, Paris). Like Leah of the tion, the Hebrew Bible is more routinely read in weak eyes (Gen. 29.17), Synagoga was blind, fail- ordinary services of Christian worship. New chal- ing to recognise the light of Christ. Her crown has lenges are periodically raised to the dating of Easter, fallen, her staff is broken, and the Torah has fallen

136 Ecumenism

to the ground. Hildegard of Bingen (1098–1179) of power and institutionalised injustice beyond images Synagoga as the dawn that recedes before traditional historical and theological questions the sun’s brightness. One miniature from the Bible relating to Christian anti-Judaism, antisemitism moralisee´ (c.1410)showsSynagogalyinghelplesson and the Holocaust.Drawing upon feminist and the ground. Another represents her as a corpse in a postcolonial criticism, he draws attention to the sarcophagus, with Ecclesia at her head and Christ at failure of many participants in formal and infor- her feet. In the Late Middle Ages Synagoga becomes mal Jewish–Christian dialogue fully to acknowl- amore contemptible figure. In a fifteenth-century edge their position of relative privilege and/or portrayal of the crucifixion, Ecclesia holds a chalice seriously to confront contentious issues such as to receive the blood from the pierced heart of Jesus; Black Christian–Jewish relations (particularly in Synagoga turns away from him, in the clasp of a the United States), the role of Palestinian Chris- devil who rides on her neck and blinds her to the tians, and the continuing perpetration of injustice Christbycoveringhereyes.Theassociationwiththe both by and within institutional forms of Judaism devil evokes a malevolent Synagoga. Few Christians and Christianity. of the Middle Ages would have read the Adversus See also liberation theology; Palestinian libera- Judaeos literature, but the many who viewed these tion theology ISABEL WOLLASTON figures would have learned what those earlier writ- Ecumenism ings taught: Christianity superseded Judaism, and Ecumenism within the Christian Churches is a thus Judaism no longer had reason to exist. In the very recent movement. One convenient date for its present era, however, some artists are refashioning inception is 1910 when a World Missionary Con- SynagogaandEcclesiatorepresentthedramatically ference took place in Edinburgh. There for the changed relation between Jews and Christians. first time Anglican representatives took their places See also Church and synagogue; supersessionism alongside the churches of the Protestant Refor- MARY C. BOYS mation. In 1948 these churches came together in Ecology see environment/ecology Amsterdam for the founding of the WorldCoun- Ecumenical deal cil of Churches (WCC). Not until 1961 did the A term coined by Marc Ellis (b. 1952), a North Orthodox Churches join the WCC and still today American Jewish liberation theologian, in his book the Roman Catholic Church sends only observers Unholy Alliance (1997). Ellis condemns contempo- to WCC Assemblies. Ecumenical Jewish–Christian raryinstitutionalised Jewish–Christian dialogue for relationships may be discussed from two aspects: its readiness to operate according to strict, albeit (1) the ways in which the world ecumenical move- unwritten, ‘rules’ which privilege particular voices ment has attempted to relate to the Jewish com- (primarily those of white European and North munity whether in mission or in dialogue, and American males) and limit the scope for discus- (2) the larger question of how far the Jewish com- sion. He argues that institutional Jewish–Christian munity should be seen to be intrinsically part of the dialogue largely excludes significant perspectives ecumenical movement, as it seeks for the unity of (e.g. those of Palestinian Christians) and is unwill- humankind. Originally the ecumenical movement ing to confront controversial or divisive issues (such paid significant attention to Jews only as the objects as the challenges posed by feminism, postcolonial- of mission. The 1948 WCC Assembly condemned ism and institutionalised racism). This ‘ecumenical antisemitism but affirmed that the Jewish people deal’ reflects a new, disconcerting social and polit- were included in the Churches’ evangelistic task, ical reality in which Jews and Judaism emerge as and this was reaffirmed at the Second Assembly in part of the religious establishment in the West: ‘it is Eavaton, 1954: ‘The Church cannot rest until the strangeforJewstobegroupedwithdominantChris- title of Christ to the kingdom is recognized by his tians over against struggling minorities...Jewsare own people according to the flesh.’ But two factors no longer an unempowered minority but rather an caused a profound change of heart. First, the great empowered one, which in America means identifi- Swiss theologian Karl Barth (1886–1968) insisted cation with whiteness’ (Unholy Alliance, 58). against the weight of all previous tradition that the Arecurring theme in Ellis’s work is his call for Jews were verus Israel, the true Israel, and that it Jews and Christians to extend their discussion was appropriate to speak of ‘the Church and Israel’.

137 Eden

Then in 1965 the Second Vatican Council affirmed sin. Jewish readings of the story, by contrast, are free ‘the sacred spiritual bond linking the people of the of such theological dogma, and focus rather on the new covenant with Abraham’s stock’ and repudi- details of the narrative itself. The emphasis is thus ated the charge that Jews are rejected by God or are a rather on the discovery of free will and the ascent ‘deicide nation’ (Nostra Aetate). Since the 1960s the of humankind from a state of dependence to true WCC and its member churches have sought to build humanity. The serpent’s ‘wisdom’ is not wholly evil, upon these insights. The Faith and Order Commis- ‘good and evil’ include all manner of knowledge and sionoftheWCCexpresseditsconvictioninthesame resourcefulness, and the newly discovered ‘naked- year that the Jewish people still have theological sig- ness’ of the humans refers more to their vulnerabil- nificance of their own for the Church and began a ity than their sexuality. Eden, translated into Latin study on the integral place of Jewish people within as paradisus,‘paradise’, became a universal sym- the whole People of God (Aarhus Minutes, 1965). bol of primeval bliss, applied to all kinds of situ- ThisworkborefruitintheWCC1982documentEcu- ation from return to the Promised Land after exile menical Considerations on Jewish–Christian Dia- (Isa. 51.3) to life after death (Luke 23.43). In rabbinic logue, where the Jewish people are seen as full part- tradition and also in the Kabbalah there are two ners in dialogue: ‘The spirit of dialogue is to be fully ‘gardens of Eden’, one terrestrial and one celestial. present to one another in full openness and human There is speculation about the location and dimen- vulnerability.’YetmissiontotheJewishpeopleisnot sions of the terrestrial Eden, including the tradition repudiated in this document, which was trying to that Alexander the Great discovered the entrance to reflect the many different views held by WCC mem- it. JOHN F. A. SAWYER ber churches. But some clear statements have been Edom madewithintheecumenicalmovement.Onemem- One of Israel’s biblical enemies, Edom, the king- berchurch,significantlyinGermany,hadbeenable dom to the south, was also a name applied to by 1980toaffirm‘thepermanentelectionoftheJew- Esau, likewise a figure that came to be seen as an ish people’, that Jews and Christians are ‘witnesses opponent of Israel. The names Esau and Edom of God before the world and each other’ and that alternate in biblical texts arising from the naming therefore ‘the church may not express its witness of Esau as Edom (Gen. 25.30). Genesis Rabbah 63 toward the Jewish people as it does its mission to interprets Esau’s name as deriving from the colour the peoples of the world’ (see Rhineland Synod). ‘red’ (Hebrew adom; see Gen. 25.30) and demon- Similar forceful expressions of a new relationship strating his bloodthirstiness. The tale in Genesis of are found in other Church statements, not always the struggle between Jacob and Esau has become accessible or relevant beyond their own denomi- symbolic for both Jewish and Christian interpreters national boundaries, and are contributing towards of the struggle with their enemies. The declaration the mutual understanding of Jews and Christians. inMal.1.2–3thatGodlovesJacobbuthatesEsauhas There has been a widespread appreciation in ecu- assisted in intensifying polarisation between the menical circles of Dabru Emet. The Office of Inter- two traditions. In Judaism from as early as the Sec- religious Relations in the WCC maintains cordial ond Temple period Edom came to symbolise moral relations with the World Jewish Congress. decay or more specifically Rome.Inrabbinic litera- KENNETH CRACKNELL ture Edom could still symbolise Rome but had also Eden developed into an allusion to Christianity. Mean- Christian interpretations of the Garden of Eden whileChristiantypologymadeuseofthesameEsau story (Gen. 2–3), epitomised by its role in the symbolism, Paul, for example, using it to portray Christmas liturgy, are coloured by the contrast siblings that follow two different paths (Rom. 9.10– between the ‘Old Adam’, symbol of originalsin, and 13) and the Epistle to the Hebrews to speak of law- Christ as the sinless Second Adam. Eve, who ‘was lessness (12.16–17). JAMES K. AITKEN deceived and became a transgressor’ (1 Tim. 2.14), Edward I (1239–1307) is contrasted with the Virgin Mary. The ‘tree of the King of England (1272–1307) responsible for the knowledge of good and evil’ has moral, frequently expulsion of the Jews. He initially used Jews as a sexual associations, and the story is understood to source of funds, particularly for his Crusades and be about a ‘Fall’ from grace into a state of original to support the Domus Conversorum.Asprince,

138 Elijah

Edward had personal contact with Anglo-Jewry Jewish legacy. Christian authors, such as Clement when his father, Henry III,granted him all receipts of Alexandria (c.150–c.215), studied the works of from the Jewish community in 1262. Edward was Philo to assist them in their own efforts to reconcile influenced by popular hatred of Jews, blood libel biblical faith and Greek philosophy. Indeed Philo’s charges and the Church’s Adversus Judaeos teach- highly developed theology of the Logos hadapro- ings. Scholars also suggest that Christian piety found effect on Christian use of the concept. Origen lay behind his desire for Jewish conversion, com- of Alexandria, perhaps the greatest of all ancient pellingJewstoattendconversionarysermonsbythe Christian commentators on the Bible, was clearly Dominicans and to abandon usury upon conver- impacted by dialogue with Jewish interpreters in sion. When Jews did not convert en masse, and their the city. Even the rise of Christian monasticism in financial contribution to the throne became limited the deserts of Egypt may have been inspired by the through fiscal exploitation, he expelled, unusually ascetical Jewish community that Philo called the for the time, the entire community from England in Therapeutae,or‘healers’. 1290. EDWARD KESSLER FromthesecondcenturyJewishfortunesinEgypt Egypt changedfortheworse.TheJewishrevoltsof115–117 From its initial conquest to its final loss, Aegyptus CE had a devastating effect on Alexandria’s Jews. was one of the most important provinces in the While the community recovered, it immediately Roman Empire. The fertile Nile delta, together with had to face increasing conflict with developing the North African provinces of Africa and Numidia imperial Christianity. This conflict reached a high further west, provided a substantial portion of the point in 414–15 CE when the patriarch Cyril of Empire’s annual grain supply. Egypt was one of Alexandria is reported to have expelled the entire the ‘bread baskets’ of the Empire, and Alexandria, Alexandrian Jewish community and permitted the Egypt’s great port, one of its most important cities. looting of synagogues. From that point the influ- Because of the importance of Alexandria, and the ence of Alexandria’s Jews declined rapidly. After the proximity of the province to Roman Palestine, the fifth century Egypt was no longer a centre of signif- province was home to a significant community of icant Jewish and Christian encounter. Hellenised Jews. Indeed, reliable evidence places JOHN J. O’KEEFE Jews in Egypt as early as the third or fourth cen- Eisenmenger, Johann (1654–1704) tury BCE, and some estimate that the Jewish pop- German orientalist. Eisenmenger studied rabbinic ulation of Egypt may have reached one million by literature with Jewish scholars for 19 years, pre- the middle of the first century CE. The historian tending he was a proselyte but in fact collect- Hecateus (fourth century BCE), as reported by Jose- ing material for his book Entdecktes Judenthum phus in Against Apion,isfull of praise for the Jews (‘Judaism unmasked’; translated in 1732–4 as The and the role they played in Egypt at the time of Traditions of the Jews), finished in 1700. In this Ptolemy I (c.300 BCE). Conversely, in the same text, extensive work he selected rabbinic quotations crit- Josephus reports on an account of the Jewish Exo- ical of Christianity and also presented his hostile dus offered by the Egyptian priest Manetho. This view of Judaism, reviving the blood libel claim. Due Manetho claimed that the Exodus was the work of to the effort of Frankfurt’s Jews and the interven- arebel priest who changed his name to Moses and tion of Emperor Leopold I (1640–1705), publication incited a rebellion of lepers against the Pharaoh. of the book was delayed until 1711, but eventually Both accounts, while of limited historical value, gained formative influence on modern ‘scientific’ suggest centuries of Jewish presence in Egypt. antisemitism, supplying antisemitic authors with The vast majority of Egyptian Jews lived in the their main arguments while paradoxically serving city of Alexandria,akey Jewish intellectual and Christian scholars as an accessible source of quo- cultural centre: Philo was a member of a promi- tations from Talmud. PETR FRYSˇ nent Alexandrian family, and Alexandrian Jewish Election see Chosen People; justification scholars of an earlier generation were responsible Elijah for the creation of the Septuagint translation of the Ninth-century BCE Northern Kingdom (Israel) Bible. When Christianity came to Egypt and Alexan- prophet. The Elijah cycle is to be found in the dria in the first century, it profited greatly from this Tanakh/Old Testament, in 1 Kgs 17–2 Kgs 2. His

139 Eliot, George

name, ‘Eliyahu’ – ‘my God is Yah’ – symbolises his Jesus is appealing to Elijah to save him as he utters mission. Elijah, alongside Moses,isoften seen as his final cry before giving up the spirit (Mark 15.34– the prophetic figure par excellence by both Jews 36). In later Christian tradition the Church Fathers and Christians. He is also connected to Messianic presented Elijah as the greatest of the prophets. In expectation, a thematic born of the biblical texts the monastic tradition Elijah became an example and developed by both Jewish and Christian tradi- of asceticism and celibacy,even being considered tions. the founding figure for the Carmelite Order. Elijah, from Tishbe in Gilead, appears during The expectation of Elijah is at the centre of the reign of Ahab, king of Israel, one of the many both Jewish and Christian eschatological hope. His kings that ‘did evil in the sight of God’, introduc- role as forerunner of the Messiah and reconciler ing idol worship in Israel.Persecuted by his ene- could make him a focal figure for Jewish–Christian mies, he was often forced to seek refuge outside dialogue. DAVID M. NEUHAUS the kingdom. However, God constantly manifested Eliot, George (1819–80) divine support for Elijah and Elijah’s zeal for the (Pseudonym of Mary Ann Evans.) Novelist and Law of God characterised his life (1 Macc. 2.58). translator. George Eliot’s novels reflected and par- Hismiraculous ascent into heaven spurred the reli- ticipated in nineteenth-century debates about gious imagination for generations to come, giving religion and society. A polymath, she translated rise to the expectation that he would return. This German radical writers such as D. F.Strauss (1808– hasrootsalreadywithintheTanakh/OldTestament. 74) and L. Feuerbach (1804–72); her fiction may be In Malachi, Elijah is to be sent as a herald of the Day read in part as literary exploration of their and oth- of Judgement in order to reconcile fathers and chil- ers’ ideas. Raised as an evangelical,Eliot rejected dren (Mal. 3.24, cf. Sir. 48.10). her upbringing but maintained a lifelong interest In later Jewish tradition Elijah is to return to usher in Judaism, originally fuelled by her early read- in the messianic age (Leviticus Rabbah 34.8). Jew- ing of Josephus. The influence of Spinoza, whose ish mysticism even ascribes to him the status of Ethics she translated, can be detected in Middle- an angel, and he is often linked to Enoch, who march (1871–2). Daniel Deronda (1874–6) reflects also ascended alive into heaven (Gen. 5.24). In later most fully Eliot’sJewish studies and friendship with Jewish writing Elijah is both an example of zeal talmudist Emanuel Deutsch (1829–73). Its unprece- (R. Samson R. Hirsch (1808–88)) and the model of dented (in non-Jewish fiction) advocacy of a terri- final mystical union with God (R. Abraham I. Kook torial centre for Jewish national life inspired early (1865–1935)). In Jewish practice Elijah is welcomed Zionists, both Jewish and Christian. to the seder (Passover meal) as ‘bearing good news, See also literature, English; Zionism; Zionism, redemption and consolation’ (prayer before Hallel) Christian MELANIE J. WRIGHT and it is customary to leave a chair empty for him Emancipation at the table. He is also evoked to protect the child at In Jewish historiography emancipation refers to the the time of his circumcision. legal processes by which Jews acquired civil and In the NewTestament Elijah is closely identified political rights in their countries of residence. In with the figure of John the Baptist, the forerunner medieval Europe the possession of full rights was of Jesus, who proclaims the need for repentance. usually restricted to members of an established In the Christian canon of scriptures the mention of Church. Jews (and members of heterodox Chris- ElijahattheendofthebookofMalachi,thelastbook tian denominations) lived as a generally tolerated of the OldTestament,prepares for John’s appear- minority, subject to legal and social restrictions. ance at the beginning of Jesus’ public life (Mark They maintained some autonomy, with many areas 1.2–4). John is described in the same terms as Eli- of life subject to the jurisdiction of their religious jah (Mark 1.6) and Jesus explicitly identifies the two institutions (e.g. the beth din). Therefore, where (Mark 9.11–13). Elijah himself appears in the New emancipation replaced this arrangement with a Testament at Jesus’ side, together with Moses, in new contract between state and (individual) Jew, the Transfiguration scene (Mark 9.4), Lawgiver and this was regarded by some Jews as a welcome Prophet both legitimising Jesus as the Messiah. The end to hardship and exclusion, and by others as a Jews at the foot of the cross think that the crucified harbinger of assimilation.

140 Enlightenment

Emancipation was not a single, uniform event, into European culture. And the rights accorded to nor did it happen in a vacuum. For example, Jews at emancipation were suspended (in de facto the Constitution of the United States of Amer- or de jure terms) by the totalitarian regimes of mid- ica was the first to grant Jews equality (1789). In twentieth-century Europe. MELANIE J. WRIGHT Italy it happened in the context of national uni- Emden, Jacob (1697–1776) fication (1870); in Algeria it was imposed by the Talmudic scholar and fervent opponent of Shab- French colonial authorities, partly in response to bateanism (see Shabbetai Zvi). Despite his com- pressure from the Alliance Israelite Universelle. In mitment to tradition, Emden believed that secular Russia emancipation came only in 1917, under the subjects could be studied (in the twilight hours) and Bolsheviks. was an admirer of Moses Mendelssohn.InSeder What motivated those who framed the emanci- Olam Rabbah Vezuta he wrote positively about patory legislation? In part, they were inspired by Jesus and Paul, utilising the NewTestament in Enlightenment notions about the equality of peo- his argument that they had not sought to deni- ples. But nationalism was another significant fac- grate Judaism and that their teachings were pri- tor. Legislators wanted to create a unified state, marily concerned to communicate the Noachide populated by one people or ethnos: they hoped laws to Gentiles. Emden recognised ‘true schol- that removing legal restrictions would promote ars’ among contemporary Christians and appealed Jewish assimilation, so that Jews qua Jews would to them to protect the Jews against other Chris- disappear. tians who wished ‘to abolish the Law of Moses’ and Emancipation’s impact on Judaism and Jewish– who ignored the fact that ‘the Nazarene and his Christian relations was tremendous. For Jews, it apostles . . . observed the Torah fully’. His view of brought the need to reconceive both communal Christianity as a legitimate religion for Gentiles was organisation and the individual’s relation to trad- developed most famously in the twentieth century ition.Most sought to balance in some way the by Franz Rosenzweig. DANIEL R. LANGTON demands of Judaism and non-Jewish mores (which English literature see literature, English in many countries were shaped by a Christian her- Enlightenment itage). Modern forms of Judaism (Conservative, The eighteenth-century European Age of Enlight- Orthodox, Reconstructionist, Reform and so on) are enment, or Age of Reason, planted the seeds for the result of this debate, first articulated eloquently modernliberaldemocracy,culturalhumanism,sci- by Moses Mendelssohn.For Jewish–Christian rela- ence and technology and laissez-faire capitalism, tions, emancipation’s effects were generally posi- and at the same time challenged not only the intel- tive. The opening up of previously restricted pro- lectual assumptions of traditional religion but also fessions and institutions to Jews led to increased the political role of the Church and its leaders. The contacts between Jews and Christians in all walks religious life of Jews was affected in similar ways to of life. In the sphere of religious studies Judaism and that of the Christians among whom they lived; the Jewish religious texts became more accessible to Enlightenment was conducive to increased contact Christian Bible scholars; this eventually led to a sea- between Jews and Christians and to a more bal- change in NewTestament scholarship. However, anced dialogue. legal emancipation did not end negative discrim- Jewish religious thinkers such as Moses ination or prevent the sporadic violence directed Mendelssohn, the Reformers and even the against Jews from time to time by the majority non- reactionary S. R. Hirsch (1808–88) welcomed to a Jewish populations of continental Europe in par- greater or lesser degree the political and intellec- ticular. Moreover, some scholars trace the roots of tual achievements of the Enlightenment; others, modern antisemitism to non-Jewish disappoint- including the Gaon of Vilna (1720–97) and Hasidic ment at the Jewish ‘failure’ to respond as expected leaders such as Shneur Zalman of Liady (1745– to the assimilationist ‘bargain’ offered to them 1813), feared the potential of the new ideas to at emancipation. As Jewish distinctiveness per- undermine religious tradition. sisted, pseudo-scientific race theory was deployed On the political front the Enlightenment led to by Wilhelm Marr (1819–1904) and his successors to the emancipation of the Jews, that is, to Jews gain- suggest that by nature Jews could not be integrated ing civil rights on a more or less equal footing

141 Environment/ecology

with other citizens of the countries in which they Abraham Geiger and Heinrich Graetz (1817–91), set lived. In the eighteenth century much of this ‘civic the foundations for the modern academic study of improvement of the Jews’ was inspired by men Judaism. The distinctive product of ‘Russian’ (this like John Toland (1670–1722) in England, Chris- term covers much of Eastern Europe) Haskalah was tian Wilhelm von Dohm (1751–1820) in Germany, a popular scientific literature in Hebrew (Yiddish and the Comte de Mirabeau (1741–91) in France, was also used, with some reluctance, since it was who argued that existing legislation disabling the more widely understood), and the development in Jews was motivated primarily by religious intol- both Hebrew and Yiddish of secular literary genres. erance, hence contrary to the enlightened ‘spirit Though in both East and West the desire for assim- of the times’, and was also economically disad- ilation was strong, and both German and Russian vantageous, since it excluded Jews from full par- were cultivated, there was in the East also a growing ticipation in society. Attitudes were often ambiva- Jewish national consciousness. lent. Voltaire, the advocate of universal human In sum, throughout the eighteenth and nine- rights, has also been seen by some scholars as the teenth centuries both Jews and Christians were father of secular, racial antisemitism; Lord Byron struggling to come to terms with modernity, and (1788–1824) expressed sympathy for Jewish suffer- in both camps there were both radicals and conser- ing in Hebrew Melodies but later opposed Jewish vatives. If David Friedrich Strauss (1808–74) in Das emancipation. Leben Jesu (1835) could reconstruct Lutheran the- Legislation ameliorating Jewish civil rights in ology while rejecting the historicity of the Gospels, Europe fell short of the radical egalitarianism of Reform theologians could reconstruct Jewish the- the declarations and laws on freedom of conscience ology while rejecting the historicity of much of the and religion accompanying the American Revolu- Hebrew scriptures. If Pope Pius IX could publish tion, and was frequently linked to the hope that his reactionary Syllabus of Errors in 1864, denounc- once Jews were ‘civilised’ they would readily adopt ing ‘modernism’,that is, the Enlightenment, he was Christianity. Significant numbers did indeed con- engaging in precisely the same battle as the rabbis vert, amongst them the German-Jewish poet Heine, who denounced Haskalah. who in his cynical remark that his baptismal certifi- While post-Enlightenment thinkers reject the cate was an ‘admission ticket to European culture’ easy optimism of the Enlightenment and its confi- indicated something of the pressure under which dence in human progress, they provide new ways Jews remained to conform, at least outwardly, to to affirm the value of the ‘other’. At the same the dominant faith. time, while the extreme relativism that charac- On the intellectual front, Enlightenment ideas terises postmodernism facilitates pluralism and were absorbed by the Jewish movement known as dialogue, it also poses the dangers of indifference Haskalah, which, in addition, drew on earlier Jew- and syncretism. However, insofar as secularism is ish models from Renaissance Italy. The assump- in part a legacy of the Enlightenment, it can be tion was that there was one universal truth, attain- said to exercise a continuing influence on Jewish– able by reason, in which all might share, whether Christian relations today. A common language of Christian or Jewish. Religious dogma was culture- discourse, that of secular culture, is now available based and uncertain; only the truths of reason, for to Jews and Christians, just as in the Middle Ages the instance in science, mathematics and ethics,were shared language of Greek philosophy was available certain, and these were open to all. The philoso- to Jews, Christians and Muslims. One might even phies of Spinoza, Kant and then Hegel were worked say that there are in reality three partners in the andreworkedbybothChristianandJewishreligious dialogue: Jews, Christians and the Enlightenment thinkers. On the Jewish side Moses Mendelssohn, culture which provides both the universal language awarded the Berlin Academy’s prize in 1764 ahead that makes dialogue possible and the separation of of Kant, came close to Spinozan deism in his pre- religion and power that enables its participants to sentation of Judaism as the ‘religion of reason’. In communicate as equals. NORMAN SOLOMON Germany the most distinctive product of Haskalah Environment/ecology was the Wissenschaft des Judentums (‘Science Judaism and Christianity are theocentric, not bio- of Judaism’) movement which, through men like centric. Toset anything other than God in the centre

142 Eschatology is to commit idolatry.Nature bears God’s ‘signa- was issued by Jews and Catholics, there is lit- ture’, mirrors his glory; yet to equate God with tle doubt that its principles would be endorsed nature, as Spinoza did in speaking of deus sive across the spectrum of Christian and Jewish natura, constitutes pantheism. denominations. NORMAN SOLOMON Human responsibility towards the natural envi- Ephrem (c.306–373) ronment can be summed up in six principles firmly Syriac theologian and poet. Ephrem spent the rooted in the Hebrew scriptures and thus part of greater part of his life in Nisibis, moving to Edessa the common heritage of Jews and Christians: cre- after the city’s loss to Persia in 363. Ephrem served ation is good and reflects the glory of its creator as a deacon in both cities, assuming a promi- (Gen. 1.31); biodiversity, the rich variety of nature, nent role as a teacher, ascetic, spiritual guide and is to be cherished (Gen. 1 and 9); living things range Church leader. His fame comes largely from his from lower to higher, with humankind at the top theological works, written in Syriac in both poetry (Gen. 1.27); human beings are responsible for the and prose, the best known being his hymn cycles active maintenance of all life (Gen. 2.15); land and (madrashe)onthemes such as faith, paradise, the people depend on each other (the Bible is the story Nativity, the Church, Lent, Pascha and virginity. In of a chosen people and a chosen land; prosperity these hymns Ephrem puts forward a remarkable of the land depends on the people’s obedience to theological vision, pointing to the mystery of God God’s covenant); respect creation – do not waste or not through definitions and categories but through destroy (Bal tashkhit,‘not to destroy’ (Deut. 20.19), metaphors and symbols: a truly poetic theology. is the Hebrew phrase on which the rabbis base In articulating this vision Ephrem displays many the call to respect and conserve all that has been affinities with rabbinic exegesis, such as his treat- created). ment of the potent theme of the ‘robe of glory’ lost Whatever other arguments, for instance that of by Adam and Eve but regained through baptism, enlightened self-interest, lead us to conserve the and his identification of Melchizedek with Shem, natural world, the religious basis that demands son of Noah.Ephrem was also very much involved respect for it is the concept of the world as God’s in the debates of his day, fiercely attacking Mar- creation, whether this be understood in na¨ıve ‘cre- cion and the Gnostics and, notwithstanding the ationist’ terms or in terms of organic evolution. said affinities, engaging in fierce polemic with the Concern for the bios is an ideal enterprise to stim- Jews – with whom, especially in Nisibis, he would ulate religions to work in harmony: either we all have been in close proximity.Like all Christian writ- learn to share the planet, or we all perish. Amongst ers of his time, Ephrem is unambiguous about the numerous examples of interfaith cooperation to redundancy of Judaism. He is, however, unusually this end are the Interfaith Ceremony at Assisi on bitter in lambasting the Jews for their collusion both the occasion of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the in the crucifixion and in more recent persecutions. Worldwide Fund for Nature in 1986 and the Joint It is likely that the bitterness of his attack arises Declaration of Catholics and Jews on the Envi- from the perceived Jewish involvement in the anti- ronment adopted at a meeting of the Interna- Christian persecution launched in the 340s by the tional Catholic–Jewish Liaison Committee at the Persian King Shapur II. MARCUS PLESTED Vatican in March 1998. The Joint Declaration notes Episcopus iudaeorum see leaders of the Jews, how certain forms of human activity, including externally appointed ‘population increase in certain areas and height- Epistle of Barnabas see Apostolic Fathers ened economic expectation among peoples’, are Esau see Edom; Jacob leading to climate change, air and water pollu- Eschatology tion, desertification, resource depletion and loss Derived from the Greek word eschatos,meaning of biodiversity. Though Jews and Catholics may ‘final’ or ‘last’, eschatology refers to teaching about differ in interpretation of some texts or in their ‘the last things’. While many religions incorpo- methodological approaches, they have found, in rate beliefs about the future, eschatology plays an turning to their scriptures, such broad agreement especially central role in Judaism and Christian- on certain fundamental values that they are able ity, in part due to the prominent role played by to affirm them together. Though the Declaration eschatological hope in the scriptures that the two

143 Eschatology

communities share. Since, however, Judaism and revolt, the sages consolidated Rabbinic Judaism Christianity interpret their common scriptures dif- by affirming the indispensability of eschatological ferently, eschatology also differentiates the two tra- hope for Jewish life while adopting a cautious pos- ditions. Jews and Christians, one might say, are ture toward specific Messianic claims. Over the cen- divided by a common eschatological hope. turies Jewish tradition has balanced hopes for a The taproot of eschatology in the Hebrew Bible suprahistorical ‘world to come’ with an insistence is the hope that God will act in the future to change that the Messiah’s role is to restore the dispersed the present course of events and to consummate exiles to the land of Israel and to bring peace to this God’s purpose for God’s people and for creation. world. This hope is fed by numerous strands of biblical Jews and Christians have frequently appealed to tradition: God’s promises to the patriarchs (Gen. eschatology in order to express what each regards 49.8–12; Deut. 33.13–17), traditions about David’s as the crucial failing of the other tradition. Chris- royal dynasty (2 Sam. 7), warnings of a coming tians fault Jews for failing to recognise Jesus as ‘Day of the Lord’ and divine judgement (Amos 5.18; the Messiah promised in scripture, while Jews Isa. 8.8), cataclysmic conflict between good and evil fault Christians for embracing a false Messianic (Dan.7–12)andhopesofaperfectedfuture(esp.Isa. pretender. More subtly, Christians have charged 40–66). Drawing on these and other biblical and Judaism with cultivating a vulgar, this-worldly con- extra-biblical traditions, Judaism and Christianity ception of God’s end-time salvation that distorts have held a number of eschatological motifs in the scripture in a nationalist and materialist direc- common down the centuries, including the coming tion. In contrast, Jews have seen in Christianity ofapromisedheirofDavid(Messiah)whowillinau- a fundamentally unbiblical tendency to declare gurate God’s reign on earth, the bodily resurrec- salvation ‘already available’ at the cost of mak- tion of the dead, God’s final judgement condemn- ing salvation an individualistic and spiritualised ing the wicked and rewarding the good (see Day of affair cut off from the world that needs redeem- Judgement), and eternal life in a new and perfected ing. Yet both Judaism and Christianity possess creation. At the same time, Judaism and Christian- eschatological frameworks that are rich and var- ity have configured these elements in characteris- ied enough to permit more positive assessments tically different ways. of the other. Maimonides, for example, suggested From the beginning, Christians have understood that Christianity might be viewed as an instru- JesusasthecentreandturningpointofGod’sescha- ment whereby God helps to prepare the Gentiles tological plans for Israel and for creation, a fact for the eventual coming of the Messiah-King. In reflected by Christianity’s most central designation the twentieth century numerous Christian theolo- for Jesus: ‘Christ’, or Messiah. This is not to say gians have argued that Judaism’s insistence on the that early Christians understood Jesus as the fulfil- as yet unredeemed character of the world helpfully ment of any single pre-existing Messianic concept goads Christians to embrace a neglected dimen- or eschatological schema. Rather, they adopted and sion of their own faith, namely hope for the con- transformed many such traditions in light of the summation of God’s redeeming work on earth. unique features of Jesus’ life and message, and, Especially since the 1960s, participants in Jewish– above all, his crucifixion and resurrection. The Christian dialogue have often sought to qual- resulting eschatological vision is highly distinctive, ify the abiding differences between Judaism and emphasising both that God has already begun to Christianity by emphasising the common biblical implement God’s reign on earth through the events root of eschatological hope that the two traditions surrounding Jesus and also that the fulfilment of share. God’s reign remains a hoped-for future, to be con- Finally, it is important to note that secularised summated upon Jesus’ own return as Lord and forms of Jewish and Christian eschatology such Judge of creation. as Marxism and Zionism have proven enormously The eschatology of Rabbinic Judaism also man- potent forces in the shaping of the modern world. ifests a certain twofold quality, although of a dis- While commonly regarded with deep reserve by tinctive kind. After the Roman destruction of the more traditional forms of Judaism and Christian- Temple and brutal suppression of the BarKokhba ity, these movements have been embraced by more

144 Ethics

progressive religionists, especially in the case of Christian ethics on the grounds that the former is Zionism among Jews and Marxism among, for rooted entirely in law while love stands at the heart example, Latin American liberation theologians. of the latter. This perspective dominated Christian Among movements animated by biblical eschatol- thinking for many centuries, despite the fact that ogy at the beginning of the twenty-first century,reli- Catholic canon law often studied the Jewish legal giously inspired Christian Zionism is also likely to tradition as an aid to making concrete moral deci- shape the context of Jewish–Christian relations in sions within the framework of Catholic case law. decades to come. R. KENDALL SOULEN The supposed law–gospel distinction (also referred Esther to as ‘law–spirit’) is patently simplistic. While Jew- Esther, and the book bearing her name, are insep- ish ethics may not speak of love in the abstract arable from the festival of Purim, which has been as much as Christian ethics, an examination of its contentious in Jewish–Christian relations. In recent halakhic tradition clearly shows that a sense of decades, however, Esther has united Jewish and love and compassion has permeated its process of Christian scholars in new kinds of analysis of her reaching concrete ethical decisions. Ronald Green deceptivelysimplebiblicaltale,aprosefictionDias- (b. 1942), a Jewish ethicist who has studied in depth poranovelle set in Persia. Esther (Hebrew Hadas- the relationship between Jewish and Christian ethi- sah, 2.7), consort of King Ahasuerus, was its heroine cal thought, cites the following example as an illus- as it addressed problems of Jews’ minority status. tration of the superficiality of such a distinction. Purim commemorates the revelation of her iden- When confronted with the question as to whether tity as a Jew, her people’s salvation from extermi- an adolescent who committed suicide could be nation and mastery of their foes (Esth. 9.20–28; buried in hallowed ground, the rabbis responded 2Macc. 15.36 and b. Megillah). The Theodosian positively, arguing that parents should not endure Code (16.8.8) banned the public celebration of the torment of exclusion from a deceased child. Purim, which through the Purimspiel has been rich Theysodefinedadolescentdeaththatitcouldnever infrivolityandtheatricality,satireofJewandGentile beconsideredsuicide.Greeninsiststhatwecanfind and venting of emotion against opponents. Purim numerous examples of such humane and progres- falls before the Christian Easter, when in some peri- sive reasoning tempering or even obliterating the ods and places Passion plays were expressing anti- letter of outdated laws. While Jewish ethics can- Jewish sentiments theatrically. not be stereotyped along classical law–love lines, The Hebrew text of Esther lacks the divine Name there is a somewhat greater stress on concrete (whichisincludedinfiveofsixAdditionstoEstherin legal decisions in Jewish ethics than in its Chris- Greek) and its canonicity was contested (b. Megillah tian counterpart, though Catholicism has a casu- 7a; b. BabaBatra 14b; b. Sanhedrin 100a; t. Yadayim istic moral tradition that draws somewhat on tal- 2.14). No copy of Esther was found at Qumran, mudic ethics. The moral life in Judaism has to be nor was it in Melito’s second-century list of Jew- pursued through the development of legal reason- ish canonical writings (Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 4.26.14). ing. Generic neighbour-love, so central to much of Esther remained non-canonical for the Eastern Christian ethical thought, does not have the same church until the eighth century (see canon) and importance in Judaism. Martin Luther was hostile to it. Yet the story has Green attributes the ‘law’ emphasis in the Jew- featured much in the arts (including in the Dura ish tradition to two principal factors. The first has Europos synagogue) and increasingly is studied to do with the fundamental goal of Jewish ethics, by Jewish and Christian feminist scholars, as well which can be defined as the creation of a ‘holy as by students of the ancient novel, identity and community’ in all aspects of life. The second is ethnicity. CHRISTINE TREVETT the emphasis on communal practice as the prin- Ethics cipal way of communicating and instilling ethical Any discussion of ethics in the context of Jewish– ideals. Some Jewish scholars have even questioned Christian relations needs to begin with a discussion whether one can speak of Jewish ethics in the same of the law–gospel distinction that has been a centre- way as ethics is defined as a theological discipline piece of classical Christian ethics. This distinction in Christianity. Clearly, Jewish and Christian ethics has argued for the basic inferiority of Jewish to show considerable difference in terms of their basic

145 Ethics

modality. Yet, while Christianity has traditionally This third point surfaces in several recent dis- accorded overarching ethical principles a greater cussions involving Christian and Jewish ethi- role in morality, Catholicism – particularly in what cists. In reflections on the moral implications of is known as the manualist tradition, which shaped the Holocaust, where there has been consider- ethical decisions in the context of the sacrament of able interchange involving scholars such as Irving penance – often relied on a type of ethical reasoning Greenberg (b. 1933), Peter Haas (b. 1947), Didier that closely parallels Jewish practice. Pollefeyt (b. 1965), John Pawlikowski (b. 1940), Another distinction between Jewish and Chris- Jurgen¨ Moltmann (b. 1926), John Roth (b. 1940), tian ethics concerns the particularity–universality A. Roy Eckardt (1918–98), Michael Berenbaum (b. polarity.Again stereotyping is not in order: the same 1945) and Franklin Sherman (b. 1928), there has tension has existed in both traditions over the cen- been a far greater willingness on the part of the turies. But Green maintains that Christianity has Christians to find some source of meaning after generally emphasised the universalistic pole while the Holocaust through Christ’s suffering death Judaism has leaned far more towards the particu- on the cross, though Eckardt and Pawlikowski laristic. He again illustrates his claim with a con- have raised significant reservations about such an crete example. The Good Samaritan story has been approach. We also see it operative in discussions a quintessential aspect of the Christian ethical her- about abortion and genetics, where there has been itage. In Judaism, while the story has its parallels, it considerable willingness on the part of Jewish ethi- does not elicit the same profound response. Jewish cists (especially geneticists) to embrace new tech- ethics prescribes concern for the sojourner in one’s nologies, in contrast to a pervasive moral reserve on midst, and the story of Ruth clearly shows open- the part of many Christian ethicists. ness towards the outsider. The highlight of the story A final point of contrast between Jewish and of Ruth for Jews occurs, however, when she identi- Christian ethics has been the notion of natural fies her fate with that of the Jewish community and law. Natural law, coming in significant part out of becomes a true ‘daughter of Israel’. the Thomistic tradition, has been a core element A third point of general contrast between Jew- in Christian ethics. Though this classical empha- ish and Christian ethics comes in their respec- sis on natural law has been somewhat modified in tive approaches to the significance of suffering. Catholicism since Vatican II in favour of a more Christianity, generally speaking, places a much experiential and biblical basis (it was never central higher value on the meaning of suffering than does to the Protestant tradition), it remains an important Judaism. This is no doubt due in major part to feature of Christian ethics that has little parallel in the theological centrality of Christ’s death in Chris- Jewish tradition. David Novak (b. 1941) is one of the tian faith. Suffering for Christianity is often seen as few Jewish scholars to have embraced natural law redemptive and morally purifying. With rare excep- as a foundation for ethics. tions, such an attitude is absent from the Jewish WhilethroughouthistoryChristianethicistshave tradition. Such statements as there are generally tended to focus attention on the contrast between have more to do with the problem of how a God in Christian and Judaic morality, there are examples in covenant with the Jewish people can allow human more recent times of a recognition that Christianity suffering than with the significance of suffering as can draw constructively from the Jewish tradition such. Jewish spiritual writers have certainly strug- andworkwithJewsonissuesofcommonmoralcon- gled with the issue of innocent suffering, but they cern. The Jewish–Christian dialogue in the United assign no particular moral value to such suffering. States owes much to the collaboration of Christians And there is almost no emphasis in Judaism on self- and Jews during the 1930s and 1940s in securing imposed asceticism.Important talmudic scholars justice for the working class. Jews and Christians have in fact denounced any glorification of suffer- also worked together in the struggle for racial justice ing and urged the forgoing of future reward if it in America in the 1960s, with Jewish personalities meant enduring suffering in the process. Halakhic such as Abraham Heschel joining Dr Martin Luther observance is normally willing to suspend any King (1929–68). And the ongoing Vatican–Jewish legal requirement if it jeopardises human life and international dialogue has issued joint statements health. within the last decade on the ethics of family life and

146 Eucharist

on ecology.Finally, Jews and Christians are begin- (‘pagan’) or buda (‘hyena-man’), in African folk- ning to recognise that both need to grapple with lore a supernatural being able to work with fire; the the meaning of God as a moral barometer within Jews typically produced iron instruments and clay society in light of events such as the Holocaust and pots for the Christians, mostly as tenant farmers against the background of growing secularisation on Christian-owned land. Both communities share in Western society. the liturgical language of Geez (Classical Ethiopic), See also medical ethics JOHN T. PAWLIKOWSKI while Christian traditions (in biblical interpreta- Ethiopia tion, selection of scripture (e.g. Ethiopic Enoch) Ethiopian Jews and Christians represent an and practice) have many similarities with Jewish. issue within Jewish–Christian relations peculiar to Somepractices(e.g.maleandfemalecircumcision) Ethiopia, but also raise wider questions of identity are undoubtedly derived from indigenous African and shared inheritance. culture; others may be remnants of ancient Chris- The Jews of Ethiopia, known as the Beta Israel tianity now lost elsewhere. or (originally pejoratively) as Falashas, share many The movement of Ethiopian Jews to Israel began affinities with the Orthodox ‘monophysite’ Church in 1977, and was completed with Operation Moses of Ethiopia. Until the late twentieth century they (1984) and Operation Solomon (1991). inhabited the same mountainous regions of north- JAMES K. AITKEN western Ethiopia, speaking the same regional lan- Eucharist guages. The Ethiopian national saga Kebra Nagast Literally ‘thanksgiving’, derived from the Greek (‘Glory of the Kings’), compiled in the fourteenth eucharistia,aterm originally applied by Jews to a century to legitimate the ‘restored’ Solomonic formofgracebeforeandaftermeals.Centraltomost dynasty, ascribes the origin of the Ethiopian sacral Christian communities, the eucharist is also called kingship to the union between King Solomon ‘theLord’sSupper’(kyriakondeipon)andwasasub- and the Queen of Sheba. The tradition has had set of agape (literally ‘love’ and applied to a reli- amythopoeic influence, enshrined in the 1955 gious meal shared as a sign of love), but later broke Ethiopianconstitution,andaccountsforthealleged off from it to become a self-standing bread and presence of the Ark of the Covenant at Aksum (the winerite.Prayersofthanksgivingduringmealswere ancient capital) and the use of the symbol of the Ark a common feature of Jesus’ ministry. The Gospels in Ethiopian churches. give particular attention to the Last Supper, which Once seen as the lost tribe of Dan, Ethiopian provides the basis for the eucharist, and Christian Jews are non-talmudic and have some unique prac- scholars believe that its origin is located in a Jew- tices (e.g. monasticism). They seem to be either a ish meal presided over by Jesus in the context of people unconverted to Christianity and combin- the Jewish feast of Passover on the night before his ing ancient Aksumite (including Judaic) elements crucifixion. or Christians who became increasingly emphatic In theNewTestamenttheearliesteucharistswere on Pentateuchal teaching from the mid-fourteenth complete meals shared by Jesus’ Jewish followers century. The first Christians in Ethiopia were prob- in remembrance of him and in thanksgiving for ably traders like Frumentius (c.300–80), who was what God had done in Christ. Early eucharistic texts appointed the first bishop in the fourth century. indicate that the prayers were centred on thanks- Despite a major conflict between Jews and Chris- giving, both for creation and for redemption in tians in the sixth century, when trade routes were Christ. The ordering of the prayers remained close threatened, Jewish–Christian relations have been to the pattern of Jewish meal blessings for several characterised by non-hostile interaction between centuries. the two communities, with a complex system Liturgical scholar Gregory Dix (1901–52) re- of taboo that allowed close habitation and par- marked that ‘the most important thing we have ticipation in each others’ ceremonies and fam- learned about the liturgy in the past 50 years is that ily events without any physical contact; to Jews Jesus was a Jew’.Dix realised that Christian worship Christians were impure, and both sides seem to was unintelligible without an understanding of the have accepted the conventions for maintaining Jewish liturgical matrix out of which it came, yet it purity. Many Christians depicted the Jews as Agaw is also important to appreciate the distinctiveness

147 Eucharist

and divergence of Christian worship from its Jewish serve precisely the universality that they sought parent. to affirm. This distinctiveness expressed itself par- The development of the eucharist during its first ticularly in aspects of the eucharist: the celebra- few centuries owes a great deal to the practice of tion of the risen and ascended presence of Christ Jewish worship. This is true not only of liturgical in or at the sacrament and of the sacrament as a elements such as the Sanctus (the angelic hymn means of gracious, divine presence; the sacrificial of Isa. 6.3) and the kiddush (the blessing spoken nature ascribed to the eucharist as the ‘full, perfect over the ‘fruit of the vine’), but also of synagogue and sufficient sacrifice, oblation and satisfaction’; lections and expositions of scripture and perhaps and ecclesiological interpretations of the ‘body of even of the prolongation of the Sabbath to the dawn Christ’,stressing the church’s catholicity, apostolic- of the ‘day of the Sun’ (Justin, 1Apol. 67). In par- ity, unity and mission. ticular, it was through the pattern of promise and During the Middle Ages in particular, when most fulfilment that the eucharist was shaped as a meal Christians only made communion once or twice a that pointed to the consummation. This resem- year, the eucharist was viewed not as a meal but bles features of Passover for Rabbi Akiba who, in as an object of devotion, particularly among the answer to the question how the Passover Haggadah laity.Asenseofawedominatedpopularpiety,which should conclude, insisted that it should conclude believed that the physical presence of Christ existed with the redemption that is to come. It is worth within the bread and wine and that the entire sal- noting the increasing popularity of ‘Passover seder vation of the world was dependent upon it. Part of re-enactments’ in Christian churches during Holy this was an exaggerated (and quite graphic) under- Week,whichaimsnotonlyatunderstandingthelast standing of eucharistic presence, as expressed in days of Jesus’ life, but also at giving people a sense popular tales of bleeding hosts and groaning hosts of the roots of their communion practice. These to underscore that this is the very selfsame cruci- have aroused mixed reactions among both Jews and fied body of Christ that died on Calvary. This pro- Christians who are active in interfaith relations. vides the background to Christian charges of host In Jewish practice every meal was a sacred occa- desecration against Jews in late medieval Europe. sion requiring a grace, but the Passover meal was Violence against Jews, and even expulsions, often especially holy, with a particular emphasis on followed these charges. remembrance.Ameal reminds participants that The eucharist has not only divided Christians eating, like praying, is a holy action. By retelling the from Jews, but Christians from one another on mat- story of redemption, the haggadah demonstrates ters of eucharistic doctrine (and in particular doc- the contemporary significance of an event that took trines surrounding the presence of Christ in the place thousands of years before. Thus, Christians eucharist). This came to the fore in the Reforma- and Jews agree on the importance of retelling past tion, but all Christians accepted that the eucharist events and acknowledging their significance and was a memorial of all that God had accomplished power in the present. in Christ and that it formed the core of the church’s Nevertheless, the original Jewish context to the self-identity. eucharist became lost over time; there was also In the last century Christians have given renewed a tendency towards standardisation, as well as an attention to the eucharist as part of a wider liturgi- emphasis on the sacrificial aspects of the eucharist. cal renewal. Since Vatican II, for example, Roman As early as the second century the eucharistic Catholicism has reaffirmed the centrality of the action – the taking of bread and wine, the saying eucharist in making present the redeeming work of the eucharistic prayer over them, the breaking of Christ. At the same time, ecumenical discussions of the bread and the distribution of both – became have led to interdenominational agreement on the separated from the meal and located in a Chris- form and content of the eucharist. Joint Jewish and tian service, perhaps in an attempt to avoid depen- Christian scholarly studies of early Christian and dence on Judaism. At various stages in the his- Jewish worship have also taken place and resulted tory of Jewish–Christian relations Christians found in an increasing knowledge of both the nature of themselves needing to distinguish themselves from early Jewish meal prayers and the earliest layers Judaism, not least, paradoxically, in order to pre- of Christian communion practice, several of which

148 Evangelical movements

had previously been lost. As a result, the recitation not only at non-Evangelical communities (Jews, of the acts of God in creation and prophecy –as Muslims, Hindus, Buddhists, etc.) but also at other in Jewish liturgy – which disappeared in the West- Christians, including Roman Catholics,‘main- ern Church in the fifth century, has been reinstated. line’ Protestants and Eastern Orthodox Christians Another example of a recent Christian liturgical (see mission). returntoJewishrootsisfoundinthemodernformof Evangelical–Jewish encounters in the United the Great Thanksgiving, which sums up the praises States greatly increased in the early 1970s and of the Father and concludes the eucharistic prayers. followed earlier Catholic–Jewish and mainline The prayer returns Christians to the themes of Jew- Protestant–Jewish initiatives. While many leaders ish meal blessings – blessing God for creation and and denominations representing mainline Protes- for redemption, asking God to act again here and tant churches have been publicly critical of the now with the same creating and redeeming power, State of Israel,Evangelicals are among Israel’s and looking forward to the coming of the Messiah in strongest Christian supporters. Yet many Evangel- triumph. icals actively seek the conversion of Jews to Chris- IVOR H. JONES AND EDWARD KESSLER tianity. As a result, the Jewish community, fully Eusebius of Caesarea (c.260–339) cognisant of the need to encourage and main- Bishop of Caesarea who held an ambivalent atti- tain Christian support for Israel, has in many tude to Judaism. In Preparatio Evangelica he advo- localities carefully entered into a series of cir- cates the superiority of Jewish religion above Greek cumscribed programmes, encounters and relation- religion and philosophy, but in Demonstratio Evan- ships with Evangelicals. Besides a shared commit- gelica he establishes the superiority of Christian- ment to Israel’s security and survival, Evangelicals ity over Judaism. Influenced heavily by Origen, and Jews were allies in the Soviet Jewry struggle Eusebius’s value for Jewish–Christian relations lies of the late twentieth century. The two commu- in his history of the early Church (Ecclesiastical nities also work together on questions of human History). This became an indispensable source for rights for religious believers in all parts of the all pre-critical records of this period because of its world. extensive collection of quotations. Stereotypically, However, Evangelical–Jewish relations are fre- he argues that Jews are responsible for their own quently uneasy and ambivalent. One major area fate, blaming them for the death of Jesus. How- of contention between Jews and Evangelicals is ever, he did not rejoice over that and consequently the support given by some Evangelical leaders and suggested that Christians deserved the persecution Churches to Jews for Jesus and other missionary of Diocletian (r.284–305) as well. Nevertheless, the groups that specifically target the Jewish commu- wide distribution and good reputation of Ecclesi- nity. Another is the US public policy agenda: the astical History helped sustain Christian anti-Jewish majority of American Jews and Evangelicals differ stereotypes for many centuries. PETR FRYSˇ on key issues including strict separation of church Euthanasia see medical ethics and state, gun control, women’s rights and abor- Evangelical movements tion.Other divisive issues are mandated prayer ‘Evangelical’ derives from the Greek evangelion and Bible-reading in public schools, the teaching meaning ‘good news’ or ‘gospel’. By definition, of evolution in public schools, and public finan- Christianity is an evangelical religion and the ‘Great cial aid to religiously sponsored private schools. Commission’ commands Christians to ‘convert the The Jewish community is more surefooted in its world to Christ’. However, contemporary usage relationships with Roman Catholics and mainline of the term ‘evangelical’ usually refers to theo- Protestants than it is with Evangelicals, who often logically conservative Protestants. Three features have an inaccurate ‘OldTestament’image of Jews generally distinguish Evangelicals: belief in the and Judaism, and are surprised to discover the ‘inerrancy’ of the Bible, both the Hebrew scrip- significant religious differences within contempo- tures and the NewTestament;a‘born again’ reli- rary Jewry, as well as the existence of ‘secular’ gious experience culminating with acceptance of Jews. Jews sometimes have difficulty differentiat- Jesus as a personal Saviour and Messiah; sup- ing among the wide variety of theological positions port of intensive missionary programmes aimed and groups extant among Evangelicals, including

149 Evangelism

eschatology, faith healing, antinomianism, anti- sense, by Jews and members of other religious modernism, speaking in tongues, charismatics and communities. WALTER HARRELSON Pentecostals. Further complicating Evangelical– Eve Jewish relationships was the revelation in 2002 that Eve–the name means ‘life-giver’, reflecting her Billy Graham (b. 1918), the world’s best-known procreative role – appears widely in Jewish and evangelist and a long-time supporter of the State Christian biblical and extracanonical literature. As a of Israel, uttered highly antisemitic remarksina prominent figure in Western art, literature and the- taped private 1972 White House conversation with ology, she is often portrayed as a temptress, seducer US President Richard Nixon. Graham’s remarks val- and the embodiment of sin.According to the Bible idated long-held suspicions among many Jews that (Gen. 2–3; 4.1–2) she was the first woman to be Evangelicals, because of their conservative reli- created by God from Adam’s side (rib); later Jew- gious beliefs, remain antisemitic despite the grow- ish tradition suggests that she was created after ing number of positive encounters between the two Lilith.Outside the Hebrew Bible she appears in the groups. A. JAMES RUDIN Pseudepigrapha, the NewTestament, the Apoc- Evangelism rypha,rabbinic literature and early Christian writ- In the Christian community evangelism is telling ings. In Christian sources she is linked to the begin- the ‘good news’ (the gospel) of God’ssaving love and nings of sin, but in the Hebrew Bible the origin of forgiveness of sin in Jesus Christ. This ‘good news’ sin is attributed to women who cohabited with evil is the content of the Church’s mission, laid out at angels (Gen. 6.1–4). The rabbis later attributed sin the end of the Gospel of Matthew and elaborated in to Adam rather than Eve. Genesis 2–3 is called ‘The the sermons found in the book of Acts. The Jewish Fall’ in Christian theology; the linking of Eve to the community has not normally practised evangelism fall of humankind is based on Christian interpre- in the Christian sense of the term, although some tations heavily influenced by Platonic rather than post-exilic Jewish communities actively sought out Hebrew thought, although some scholars have sug- converts. Throughout Christian history Jews have gested that the New Testament text of 1 Tim. 2.14 tended to be objects of evangelism along with non- was influenced by Jewish exegesis of ‘The Fall’ (van Jews. Evangelical Christians (including members der Horst). of the ‘Free Churches’, but also members found in In some texts Eve is mentioned by name all Church bodies today), particularly those who (Tob. 8.6; 2 Cor. 11.3; 1 Tim. 2.13–14; Josephus, Ant. accept the Bible as literally true, understand this 1.34–51) whilst others only allude to her (Sir. 25.24; mandate as definitive of their very existence: evan- 40.1; 42.13; 4 Macc. 18.7). Scholars have suggested gelism aims at conversion and provides the passion thatSir.25.24istheearliestofwritingstolinktheori- for the Church’s world mission. Conflicts still arise ginofsintoEve;othershavearguedthatthiswasnot when Christian evangelists deny continuing mean- typical in Jewish thought in the second century BCE ing and validity to the Jewish witness and when (Kristen Kvam et al.). In rabbinic and early Christian Jewish converts to Christianity continue to affirm sources, including Gnostic writings and the Church their religious adherence to Judaism (for example, Fathers, there is no uniform picture of Eve. The rab- Jews for Jesus). bis differed on whether one or two Eves were cre- Abroader understanding of evangelism is widely ated or whether the first being was androgynous held today. For many Church bodies evange- and later given a gender. Genesis 2–3 was used by lism does not necessarily aim at the conversion both Jewish and Christian commentators to justify of non-Christians generally or Jews in particu- the subordination and inferiority of women (Philo, lar; it is the sharing of the Christian message, Chrysostom, Augustine,Luther). Eve personified amessage intended for the entire human com- womanhood and was associated with sin, lust and munity. Such Christians share their faith in the sexual desire (Philo, Tertullian,Augustine). She was triune God, confident that non-Christians also often rebuked as a temptress (Tertullian, On the have much to share with them about the same Apparel of Women) and the sole reason for her cre- God, believed never to be absent and never with- ationwasforprocreation(Philo,Ambrose,Chrysos- out witnesses in all times and places. Interfaith tom). Many of the Church Fathers and Jewish com- exchanges offer comparable forms of evangelism, mentators adopted an allegorical interpretation,

150 Evil

understanding Adam and Eve as the archetypal by the references to evil in the Tanakh/Old Testa- husband and wife, where Adam represented the ment, a systematic understanding of it remains elu- mind and rationality and Eve represented pleasure sive for both. In the history of each, evil has been anddesire(Philo,Origen,medievalcommentaries). variously viewed as being permitted by God as a Augustine preferred the literal, plain meaning of test of faith, or a divine warning, discipline or pun- the text, from which he developed the doctrine ishment. Considering suffering as evil, both have of original sin. The medieval Jewish commentator attributed to it redemptive value (e.g. as expressed Rashi also preferred the philological and historical in the Isaiah Servant Songs), though this is primar- meaning of the biblical text. Egalitarian interpreta- ily a Christian understanding, reaching its depth of tions existed in The Apocalypse of Moses (15–30) and meaning in Christ’s suffering and death on behalf later in the writings of Hildegard of Bingen (1098– of all humanity – the act through which he tri- 1179) and Christine de Pizan (b. 1364), where Eve umphed over evil and death. Both also associate (and women in general) personified redemption evil with sin and acknowledge humanity’s capac- rather than sin. Luther argued that she was orig- ity for sin due to the evil inclination or yetzer (in inally equal to Adam and shared dominion over the Judaism) and original sin (in Christianity). Both earth but forfeited that equality after ‘The Fall’. speak of evil in terms of Satan and the devil, the In contemporary exegesis Eve has been a promi- NewTestament word devil (ho diabolos) coming nent figure in feminist scholarship. Jewish and from the Greek translation of Satan (satan), the des- Christian feminists have redeemed the negative ignation in the Tanakhfor a principle of evil warring picture of Eve to focus on the egalitarian relation- againstGodandforapersonalandsuperhumanevil ship between Eve and Adam. Any subordination force. Christianity,drawing on Old Testament apoc- that may exist in the text (Gen. 3.16) is explained as alyptic passages regarding the final great struggle a distortion of the original story or used to explain between the forces of good and evil, also speaks of the harsh realities of life for women in Palestine at the Antichrist,ahostile figure opposing the work the time the story was recorded (Carol Myers). Jew- of God, especially that accomplished through Jesus ish and Christian interpretations of Eve have often Christ. Within both Judaism and Christianity the been characterised by mutual influence, not only distinction is commonly made between metaphys- in feminist writings. The medieval period particu- ical, physical and moral evil. Though explicating larly, although not exclusively, was characterised by and nuancing differently, Judaism and Christianity widespread scholarly interaction between Jewish, both acknowledge the limitation of finite creature- Christian and Muslim communities which affected hood and its attendant tendency toward evil; both the developing exegesis. HELEN P. FRY acknowledge the suffering and evil that lie in the Evil wake of violent natural phenomena; and both attest Evil, that which opposes or is the antithesis of to the essence of evil that resides in the perversity what is good, is, along with questions about the of will. nature of God, a concept receiving serious atten- For centuries Christians theologically and popu- tion in Jewish and Christian philosophy and the- larly caricatured Jews as the personification of evil, ology following the twentieth-century genocides, a history that helped prepare the seedbed for the especially the Shoah. Frequently this study is pur- Holocaust.Given this centuries-long experience, a sued in the context of scholarly dialogue.Twenty- reciprocal Jewish perception of Christians has been first century terrorism has intensified the nature of that of resha’im (evil ones) – a sentiment expressed this work, given the absolutisation of evil, the estab- privately but rarely overtly due to church- and/or lishing of dualism between good and evil, and the government-sponsored censorship. demonisation of others that frequently characterise The Holocaust and other twentieth-century responses to this phenomenon. genocides vividly illustrate the modern tendency For both Judaism and Christianity the reality to glorify the autonomy through which ‘humans of evil has been a persistent problem, given their appoint themselves God and thereby become the view of a benevolent, omnipotent God. While each devil’ (cf. Greenberg ‘Judaism, Christianity, and accepts evil as an inevitable aspect of the world, and Partnership’).Itisconfrontingthisdangerthatpost- while the thinking of each is significantly informed Holocaust Jews and Christians committed to a life

151 Excommunication

of faith see as a moral imperative in their respon- meaning, a literal meaning and one or more other sibility to attend to the problem of evil at a time in meanings. Almost all the early Jewish literature, history when humanity has the capacity to destroy including the Dead Sea Scrolls and the New Tes- creation and humanity itself. AUDREY DOETZEL tament, was characterised by the conviction that Excommunication sacred scripture must speak to the present, and Expulsion from a community.Inthe Bible the encouraged the use of Hellenistic methods (e.g. Hebrew term herem meant setting someone or allegory,etymology,gematria)toachievethis.Later something apart from God, either devoting it to the Church was divided between followers of the divine service or, in the context of war, destroying Alexandrian School in the West, where the alle- the person or thing so that no warrior would profit gorising tradition flourished, and the School of from it (see Exod. 17.14–16 and Deut. 25.17–19 on Antioch, which favoured a more literal interpreta- Amalek and 1 Sam. 13.1–35). John 9.22, 12.42 and tion of scripture. In the West references to Christ, 16.2 use the term aposynagogos (‘put out of the syn- the Trinity and the Virgin Mary were found in every agogue’)todescribeexpulsionofJewishChristians, book of the Bible from Genesis to Revelation. It is most likely by authority of the local leaders, not as understandable that the Jews, who suffered more at aresult of a decree of the Synod of Jabneh/Jamnia. the hands of the Greek and Latin Churches than in Probably Jewish Christians were objects of a curse predominantlySyriac-speakingChristendominthe (birkat ha-minim) only after the Bar Kokhba revolt East, became increasingly wary of non-literal inter- (132–5).DuringtheearlycenturiesaftertheRomans pretations and sought to use the original Hebrew to destroyed the Temple in 70 CE punishment of an counter Christian polemic. A notable exception is offender was isolation from the community (nid- the mystical writers’ exegetical method epitomised dui). Later the herem designated a harsher penalty, in the acronym PaRDeS (‘paradise’): Peshat ‘lit- including curses. The Talmud listed 24 offences eral interpretation’, Remez ‘allusion’, Derash ‘non- for which niddui was prescribed; seven more were literal interpretation’, Sod ‘mystical interpretation’ added in the sixteenth-century Shulhan Aruk of (see mysticism). Joseph Karo (1488–1575). The philosopher Spinoza Christian exegesis of scripture has been divided was placed under herem by the Jewish community from Jewish in another way. While a relatively small of Amsterdam in 1656. number of specialist scholars like Jerome, Andrew Matthew 18.15–17, 1 Cor. 5.5, 13, Acts 5.1–11, of St Victor and Pico della Mirandola worked 8.18–24 and 1 Tim. 1.18–20 describe expulsions on the Hebrew text, Christian interpretation right from early Christian communities. Technically down to the present has almost always been based excommunication would affect Christians only, but on translations into Greek, Syriac, Latin, German, in the Middle Ages ‘a judgement of the Jew’ might English and other languages, while Jewish exegesis be applied indirectly to deal with a Jew who had has almost invariably been based on the Hebrew offended by an act normally punishable by excom- text. The sixteenth-century Reformers (see Refor- munication, e.g. striking a cleric. The bishop would mation) and their Catholic counterparts encour- forbid all Christians to contact him, under threat of aged the study of Hebrew but often more to expose excommunication. LAWRENCE E. FRIZZELL and refute the errors of the Jews than to learn Exegesis from them. Modern scholars’ attempts since the Exegesis, or the interpretation of scripture, has eighteenth century to get back to one single ‘orig- always been at the centre of Jewish–Christian rela- inal’ meaning, by the use of archaeological data tions. Most if not all of the bitter polemic that and comparative philology, continued to denigrate divided Jews from Christians in the first centuries rabbinic interpretations as ‘late’ or ‘fanciful’. Only of the Common Era is rooted in scriptural exege- towards the end of the twentieth century, in the sis, despite the fact that the principles and meth- shadow of the Holocaust, which called for new ods of rabbinic and patristic exegesis had much approaches to scripture, and in the light of new lit- in common. The ancient Jewish exegetical litera- erary critical and linguistic insights, did an increas- ture, known as midrash, and the commentaries ing awareness of the relevance of context, recep- and homilies of the Church Fathers both acknowl- tion history, reader response and the plurality of edged, for example, that texts have more than one meaningopenupthewaytomutuallymorepositive

152 Expulsions

evaluations of traditional Jewish and Christian had brought to his attention. England was unusual interpretations of scripture. at this point in the completeness of the expulsion See also biblical criticism; biblical interpretation; (see Edward I). In the late fifteenth century pop- linguistics JOHN F. A. SAWYER ular hostility to the Jews seems more noticeable. Exorcism see consecration; demon/devil; magic Tales of ritual murder of Christian children by Jews Expatriate Christians in Israel see Israel, were revived (see blood libel), such as that of Simon expatriate Christians in of Trent (1475). Anti-Jewish riots in areas such as Expulsions southern Italy were increasingly frequent, and the Expulsions of Jews have occurred since antiquity, nobles and leading citizens often sought to protect but the most significant for Jewish–Christian rela- the Jews from those calling for their expulsion (as tions are the two great waves of expulsion that took in Sicily in 1492–3). The mass conversions in Spain place at the end of the thirteenth and the end of were seen by the Crown as a model that could be the fifteenth centuries. The former period reveals imitated: the expulsion decrees of 1492 sought not several types of expulsion. The expulsion of the so much to rid Spain of Jews as to encourage them Jews from Anjou, Gascony and England in 1289– to stay, but as Christians; its character was emphat- 90 involved the clearance of Jews from large areas ically religious and not racial. Several rulers took by the decree of the ruling prince. In these cases advantage of expulsions to welcome Jewish crafts- the ruler cited Jewish usury as a central reason menintotheirlands,ashappenedinNaples,Ferrara for expelling the Jews, but religious motives were and even in Papal Rome. In the same few years sev- also apparent: the expulsion decrees insist on the eral German and north Italian states decreed the offencecausedtoChristiansbythepresenceintheir expulsion of the Jews; the Polish king was the ben- midst of those who denied Christ. The expulsions eficiary of the flight eastwards of German Jews. Nor must be seen as the end of a process of marginalisa- was blanket expulsion of all Jews the only method tion of the Jews, beginning with attempts at conver- adopted by late medieval rulers for taking Jews out sion, public disputations and the condemnation of society.Enclosure in Jewish quarters, surrounded of the Talmud; the impetus came from the higher by high walls, was practised in Majorca at the end of levels of society – rulers wished to curry favour the thirteenth century as an alternative to expulsion with nobles and knights indebted to Jews, and (see ghetto). This way rulers could still draw bene- also saw themselves as standard-bearers of Chris- fit from the economic activities of the Jews. Indeed, tianity, crusaders whose mission against unbelief the expulsion from Spain was criticised from the should include Jews as well as Muslims. However, start for its deleterious effects on the economy. It is some rulers, such as the French kings, expelled therefore not surprising that several expelled com- Jews (1306) only to readmit them. The king of munities were allowed to trickle back, as in Milan Naples expelled those Jews who refused to con- at the end of the fifteenth century, or that expul- vert in 1290, apparently because of stories of ritual sion could exclude the richest Jews, as in Naples murderattributedtoJewswhichfanaticalpreachers in 1510. DAVID ABULAFIA

153 FFFF

Faith see confession of faith; justification peace or the release of prisoners, e.g. Soviet Jews in Falashas see Ethiopia the 1970s. A. JAMES RUDIN Fasting Feminism and feminist writings Fasting, the complete or partial abstinence from Patriarchy – the social, legal, political and eco- food and/or drink, is common to both Judaism and nomic systems sanctioning and enforcing male Christianity. The two major Jewish fast-days are dominion – shaped the origins and development YomKippur (DayofAtonement) and the ninth day of Judaism and Christianity, as well as the cultural of the month of Av. There are also five minor Jew- contexts in which they were formed. Feminism, ish fast-days. Prominent biblical citations for fast- an ideology grounded in women’s experience of ing include Isa. 58 and Exod. 34. gender-based subjugation, criticises patriarchy as Despite his 40-day fast in the wilderness, the destructive and dysfunctional. It is the belief that NewTestament suggests that Jesus and his disciples women have the same rights as do men, an alter- rarely fasted. While John the Baptist (Mark 2.18) native vision of how humans might relate to one questioned this omission from traditional Jewish another and to the earth, and a commitment to practice, Matthew (6.16–18) was critical of fasting. transform structures for the flourishing of all cre- Despite Jesus’ apparent lack of fasting, over the cen- ation. Jewish and Christian feminists, therefore, turies Christians incorporated the ritual into their share a common agenda in seeking to recover religious obligations as a means of freeing them- women’s voices in their traditions and formulate selves from earthly desires and attachments. In the newpatternsandpossibilitiesofrelationships.Both early period of the Church, Christians copied the work, as Judith Plaskow (b. 1947) has said, to Jewish twice-weekly fast-days (Monday and Thurs- ‘render visible the presence, experience, and deeds day) but changed the days to Wednesday and Fri- of women erased in traditional sources’. Yet the day (cf. Did. 8.1). Ash Wednesday and Good Friday anti-Judaism that has marred much of Christian remainfast-daysformanyEasternOrthodoxChris- feminist theology has divided Jewish and Chris- tians,butsuchpracticeshavebasicallydisappeared tian feminists. Some contemporary scholars are for most Protestants and Catholics (although fast- attempting to heal this rift. ing is now used by some Christians to protest social Feminism embraces a wide variety of approaches injustice). Unlike Christian fasting, Jews generally and perspectives; its diversity is apparent even in fast as a means of spiritual preparation for atone- terminology. African-Americans, following the lead ment and as a recognition of individual and collec- of novelist Alice Walker (b. 1944), may speak of tive sins. themselves as ‘womanists’, and many Hispanics Personal fasts are part of both Judaism and Chris- identify themselves as engaging in mujerista theol- tianity. Among Jews it is customary for the bride ogy. There is increasing awareness that a term used and groom to fast on their wedding day; fasting also with frequency and imprecision, ‘women’s experi- takes place on the anniversary of a parent’s death. ence’, may obscure significant differences of social Christians instituted fasts for important events like location, such as race, class and religion. baptism,ordination to priesthood and receiving Nevertheless, common elements are evi- the eucharist.Inrecent times Christians and Jews dent within the varieties of feminist theology. have often called for joint public fasting to high- Methodologically, feminists generally approach light specific causes including disarmament, world their religious tradition through complementary

154 Feminism and feminist writings perspectives that biblical scholar Elisabeth the grip of patriarchy,Christian feminists argued for Schussler¨ Fiorenza (b. 1938) terms a hermeneutic the return to the egalitarian, prophetic character of ‘suspicion’ and a hermeneutic of ‘remem- of Jesus’ movement as the norm for gender rela- brance’. The first lens describes the process by tions in the contemporary Church. Many Chris- which feminists scrutinise and question the tra- tian feminists used the laws of ritual purity, which dition, searching for what has been overlooked, the Pharisees are portrayed as championing, as the misinterpreted,oversimplified or misappropriated. source of the clearest contrast between oppressive The second denotes the process by which feminists Judaism and the liberating Jesus. They portrayed seek to reconstruct the tradition, attempting to Jewish women as ‘enslaved’ in a ‘dehumanising sit- provide a more inclusive and complex reading uation’; menstruating women were ‘discriminated of women’s history and experience. These lenses against, degraded, and dehumanised’. Ignorant of challenge the way normative texts function in the mores of antiquity, they faulted Judaism for the community, and reveal tradition to be more patriarchy rather than probed the mindset of dis- variegated and multivalent than (male) authorities tant cultures. have defined it. Among some feminists, another critique devel- Thus, Jewish and Christian feminists have pro- opedoverclaimsthatmatriarchalcultures,inwhich vided new insights on sacred texts, brought to goddesses were worshipped, held sway over the light archaeological evidence pointing to women’s ancient Near East until monotheism – that is, patri- leadership, challenged exclusively male images for archal Judaism – arose. In its more virulent form God, and created liturgies and rituals expressive of this argument attributed the rise of violence and women’s lives. In so doing, they have challenged war to monotheistic religions; devotion to the ‘jeal- the mind–body dualism, which devalued the body ous’ and one God of the OldTestament fostered (especially women’s bodies), have questioned hier- intolerance. archical arrangements of power, and have revealed Suchviewsrevealinattentivenesstoanti-Judaism the boundaries of religious tradition to be more in the Christian tradition and its tragic conse- porous than normative sources defined them quences. Three rules of formation have governed to be. feminist distortions of Judaism, according to the Despite these deep commonalities, many Jew- analysis of Katharina von Kellenbach (b. 1960): ish and Christian feminists seem to operate in sep- Judaism is the antithesis of Christianity; Christian arate spheres. This division is due in large mea- theology makes Judaism a scapegoat, whether for sure to the ways in which Christian feminists have the death of Jesus or of the goddess; and Judaism characterised Judaism. Particularly in its early days, is a relic of the ancient work, mere prelude to the Christian feminist thought tended to be a treasure fulfilment Christianity reveals. trove of anti-Jewish themes. It portrayed Judaism A burgeoning literature, often fashioned col- as hopelessly patriarchal in order to emphasise the laboratively by Christians and Jews, offers cor- liberating power of Christianity. Wrenching rab- rectives to these distortions. A host of studies, binic sources from their context, Christian fem- primarily at the scholarly level, opens new per- inists portrayed Jewish women as subject to the spectives on the purity laws, reframes Jewish and whims of their husbands, forced into marriage at a Christian laws about women, documents the sur- vulnerable age, excluded because of menstruation, vival of goddess worship beyond antiquity, situates banned from giving witness or teaching, and barred Second Temple Judaism in the context of Greco- from leadership. References abounded to the ‘Jew- Roman patriarchy, critiques NewTestament depic- ish patriarchal system’, while, as Amy-Jill Levine (b. tions of Jews, and analyses the anti-Judaism that 1956) has shown, similarly patriarchal cultures of often blights postcolonial and liberationist biblical antiquity were passed over in silence. Establish- scholarship. ing a Jewish patriarchal system enabled Christians Many of these scholars participate as well in to portray Jesus as a liberator, the one ‘who saves Jewish–Christian dialogue.While men dominate women from Judaism’ in the critique of Mary Rose the public face of interreligious dialogue in gen- D’Angelo (b. 1946). By depicting Jesus as breaking eral,andofJewish–Christianexchangeinparticular,

155 Ferdinand II

women have made substantial, if often unacknowl- however, even though Isabella suppressed Islam in edged, contributions from its earliest days. In more Castile. Ferdinand saw himself as a redeemer king recent years feminist scholarship, to which men who would lead his armies to Jerusalem and usher also contribute but to a lesser extent, has become in the Last Days. DAVID ABULAFIA requisite for well-informed discourse between Jews Film see cinema and film and Christians. MARY C. BOYS Finaly Case Ferdinand II (1578–1637) Controversy over the upbringing of two Jewish chil- Holy Roman Emperor (1619–37), king of Bohemia dren after the Holocaust. Fritz Finaly (d. 1944) and Hungary. A dedicated Catholic and enthusi- and his wife, from Vienna, fled the Nazis after the astic supporter of the Counter-Reformation, Fer- Anschluss and moved to Grenoble, where they had dinand tried to extinguish Protestantism by force, two boys. Shortly before the parents were deported allying himself with Jews to help finance his exten- in 1944, they entrusted the children’s care to the sive military campaigns during the Thirty Years War municipal school. Both parents perished in the (1618–48). Ferdinand introduced the institution of Holocaust. After the war, Finaly’s surviving sister Court Jews and after 1622 raised one of the first claimed the boys, but the Director of Grenoble’s Jews to the nobility in modern times in the per- Municipal Children’s Home obtained formal cus- son of his financier Jacob Bassevi (1570/80–1634) of tody and arranged for the children’s conversion to Prague. In 1630, however, he ordered Jews of Prague Catholicism. The case lasted five years, while the and Vienna to attend Christian sermons every children were moved from one Catholic institution Sunday. PETR FRYSˇ to another. French Catholics were divided over the Ferdinand the Catholic (1452–1516) affair, and in 1953 France’s highest court rejected King of Aragon who expelled the Jews from Spain. the claim of the municipality and delivered the Ferdinand II (V of Castile) inherited the lands of the children to their aunt, who took them to live in Crown of Aragon, becoming king of Sicily in 1468, Israel. EDWARD KESSLER on the eve of his marriage to his cousin Isabella of Flood/Flood story Castile, and king of Aragon, Valencia, Majorca and Narrative in Gen. 6–9 showing broad parallels Sardinia, as well as count of Catalonia, following to similar tales from 68 cultures and stimulating the death of his father John II in 1474. The recov- important,thoughlargelyindependent,theological ery of royal authority there and in Castile became developmentsinJudaismandChristianity.Despair- his first priority and was extensively supported by ingofhumanity’sdevelopment,Godresolvestoblot Jewish and Converso courtiers, but severe mea- out all animal life from creation; yet Noah ‘found sures against Jews and Conversos in Andalusia her- favour in God’s sight’. God’s unilateral covenant alded a more drastic policy: the Jews were expelled with all living things, never again to destroy all life from the southern cities in 1483, and the Inquisi- by a flood, is the first covenant (berit) named in the tion began serious work against the Conversos in Bible. 1484. Breaking with the policies of previous Iberian The tale has invited Jewish reflection especially rulers, Ferdinand and Isabella decreed the expul- on the morality of both humans and God. The char- sion of all confessing Jews from their lands follow- acter of antediluvian sin, the anthropopathism of ing their conquest of the last Muslim kingdom in God’s regret at creating humans, the injustice Spain,Granada, in 1492. Both acts were seen as of dooming innocent animals, the relative virtue part of the recovery of Spain’s Christian identity, of Noah, and the moral imperative on postdiluvian and the king and queen fervently hoped that many humanityallgarnerattentioninJewishsources.The Jews would convert rather than depart, as many did. alternation in divine names, later taken as a key Ferdinand later took credit for the expulsion, and it to source-critical analysis of J and E strands (see is wrong to insist, as many do, that it was Isabella’s Wellhausen, Julius), in early commentary signi- idea. Thus, following his conquest of Naples (1503) fies the competing divine attributes of mercy and Ferdinand sought to expel the Jews from south- judgement. The moral obligations of non-Jews in ern Italy, though this proved a slow process. Ferdi- the rabbinic view are summarised in the ‘Noachide nand, mindful of the revenues they produced, did Laws’, binding on all humanity descended from not expel the Muslims from Valencia and Aragon, Noah and contrasted with the Sinaitic law that is

156 Food

given to Israel. Philo allegorises the flood as both Butastudy of folklore can also challenge assump- passion and the cleansing of the soul, the ark as the tions about the nature of Jewish–Christian relations body, and Noah’s journey as an escape from mun- during this period. For example, many Ashkenazi dane existence. customs surrounding lifecycle events (e.g. glass- NewTestament writers refer to the inattention of smashing at weddings, the holding of a vigil to pro- the antediluvian generation and the righteousness tect a child from evil spirits on the night before of Noah, whose rescue is exemplary of God’sjustice. circumcision) have their equivalents – perhaps Noah is one of the models of faith in Hebrews (11.7), their origins – in popular Christian practices, indi- and baptism is seen as the antitype of the flood cating that ordinary Jews and Christians did not live (1 Pet. 3.20f.). Later Christian writers, like their in total isolation from each other. Jewish counterparts, develop Noah’s righteousness Nazism drew on anti-Jewish folklore, hence folk- along moral lines, but also extend the typologi- lore has attracted the attention of dialogue and cal connection with baptism and beyond it. Every other activists. In 2001 the Dutch Council of Chris- detail of the story finds a Christian application, so tians and Jews campaigned to end the public the ark represents the Church, which contains a singing of anti-Jewish songs at Easter festivities wide variety of people portrayed by the diversity in Ootmarsum; the Anti-Defamation League has of the animals, including those impious who, like focused on the presentation of Jews in Oberammer- the raven, leave and never return. Noah is under- gau’s Passion Play. MELANIE J. WRIGHT stood as a Christ-figure, representing the turn of Food ages. It has been suggested that the parallel drawn Judaism’s influence in the matter of food in Chris- between the wood of the ark and of the cross may tianity is not as simple as might appear from Mark reflect the practice of gematria known also in rab- 7.19, which interprets Jesus’ words as ‘declaring binic literature: the number 300, which is the length all foods clean’. The NewTestament itself indi- of the ark in cubits, is represented in Greek by the cates some continuing effect of kashrut (Jewish letter tau, which is shaped like a cross. rules concerning what foods may be eaten and how In modern dialogue emphasis has been given food is prepared): first, at the apostolic council in to the role of the Noachide Laws in determining Acts the eating of blood and things strangled was aframework for Jewish–Christian relations and to prohibited (15.20–29); secondly, epistle references the character of the covenant, bearing on both Jews indicate that Jewish dietary customs persisted in and Christians. PETER A. PETTIT some circles (Col. 2.16–23; 1 Tim. 4.3); thirdly, the Folklore Jewish interdiction on idol food remained (Acts Folklore is an umbrella term referring to various 15.29; Rev. 2.14, 20). A related problem in early forms of vernacular culture, including beliefs, cus- Jewish–Christian relations was table fellowship, a toms, legends, music, popular rites, songs and factor at work in the Antioch incident at Gal. 2.11– drama. Historically, folklore was regarded scepti- 14. Proto-orthodox Christianity viewed kashrut cally by elites, who viewed it as primitive, and as one of many ‘types’ pointing to Christ and likened it to magic and superstition. Since the allegorised the Leviticus dietary laws (Barn. 10), early nineteenth century (prompted initially by something already done in Alexandrian Judaism Romanticism’s nostalgic reaction against rational- (Ps-Aristeas, Philo), but in the latter case literal ism and interest in the distinctive ‘characteristics’ observance still applied; for Christians it generally of peoples) the folkloric has been positively re- did not. Yet apparently some early Christians were evaluated as a legitimate mode of cultural expres- so affected by Jewish sectarian customs (Essene? sion. Today folklore is recognised as a significant Nazarite? Theraputae?) that they abstained from locus of Jewish–Christian relations. meat and/or wine,even to the point of celebrating Medieval European Christian folklore has long the eucharist with water, though some see pagan been identified as a vehicle for anti-Jewish preju- influence here (McGowan, Ascetic Eucharists ). The dice. Phenomena such as the Wandering Jew leg- eucharist observance itself involves some halakhic end and the cults surrounding blood libel ‘mar- elements, specifically the ‘decorous liturgical order’ tyrs’ attest to a popular antagonism going beyond common in Jewish havura-meals (Tomson, Paul that officially sanctioned by Church authorities. and the Jewish Law, 140). In the early Church’s

157 Forgiveness

so-calledpaschalcontroversiesonegroupevidently them back in love. In a powerful image one of the celebrated a memorial eucharist but once a year on rabbis tells of discovering that God actually engages Nisan 14 (Petersen, ‘Eusebius’; cf. 1 Cor. 5.7). Thus in prayer. When his colleagues inquired ‘What can labelled the Quartodecimans, they were castigated God pray for?’,he replied, ‘God says, “may My mercy by their coreligionists for ‘Judaising’. Jehovah’sWit- suppress My anger, and that My mercy may prevail nesses and Seventh-Day Adventists observe some over My [other] attributes, so that I may deal with of these customs. FRANK SHAW My children in the attribute of mercy, and on their Forgiveness behalf, stop short of the limit of strict judgment”’ In considering the issue of forgiveness in the con- (b. Berakhot 7a). text of Jewish–Christian relations, it is appropriate In the liturgy of Yom Kippur the rabbis repeat- to begin by noting the familiar caricature that the edly depict God as ‘eager to forgive’, if only people ‘OldTestament’God is a God of vengeance and ret- performed teshuvah (see atonement), turned from ribution, while the ‘NewTestament’Godis a God of their wicked ways and returned to God. In many love and forgiveness. The reality is that even as the tales told by the rabbis God is depicted as the parent Hebrew scriptures depict God as just and zealous in of an errant child who sends messengers to beseech exacting expectations of human obedience, at the the child to return: ‘come part way back to me and same time God is understood to be merciful and I will come the rest of the way to you’. That same forgiving of human shortcomings. Representative theme is sounded in the New Testament. In the two of numerous statements to that effect are the words versions of the Lord’s Prayer God is called upon of Exod. 34.6ff. which later Jewish tradition came to to ‘forgive us our debts as we have forgiven our understand as ‘the thirteen attributes of God’, ‘The debtors’ (Matt. 6.12) and, perhaps more germane to Lord, the Lord a God compassionate and gracious, the issue at hand, ‘forgive us our sins’ (Luke 11.4). slow to anger, abounding in kindness and faithful- Indeed, the parable of the prodigal son (Luke 15.11– ness. Extending kindness to the thousandth gener- 32) is very much in the rabbinic mould of parents ation, forgiving iniquity, transgression and sin.’ The eager to take back in love their children who have theme of God’smercy and even eagerness to forgive gone astray. underlies much of the prophets’ chastisement of By the same token, people are required to forgive the people and their calls for the people to change one another. If the ultimate human good is imita- their behaviour. The salience of God’s forgiveness tio dei, then as we expect to be forgiven by God so is the theme of the book of Jonah and is the reason must we forgive those who wrong us. This idea finds that the rabbis included the reading of that book explicit articulation in the Apocrypha:‘forgive your in the afternoon service of Yom Kippur/the Day of neighbour his wrongdoing. Then when you pray, Atonement. your sins will be forgiven’ (Sir. 28.2). In delineat- Ifforgivenessisunderstoodasoneoftheessential ing the process for teshuvah, the rabbis assert that, attributes of God, it is no less felt to be a desidera- when someone comes to you and confesses the tum for human conduct. Perhaps one of the most wrongtheyhavedonetoyouandmakesatonement, powerful scenes of forgiveness and reconciliation youare required to forgive them. The rabbis call in all literature is the depiction of Joseph disclos- one who withholds such forgiveness ‘cruel’.Indeed, ing himself to his brothers in Gen. 45. Forgiveness they state that you must not only forgive the person is enjoined explicitly in many places in the Hebrew who has wronged you, but you must also pray that scriptures (e.g. Lev. 19.17; Prov. 25.21). God will forgive them too. The same injunction to The theme of forgiveness is carried on in both the forgive one another is expressed in the New Tes- Jewish and Christian traditions. The rabbis, render- tament in more absolute and extreme terms. Jesus ing explicit what is implicit in the scriptures, teach is repeatedly depicted as preaching the need to for- that God (like human beings) has two natures. On give one another. In Matt. 5.39 Jesus says, ‘if any one the one hand, God is capable of judgement: reward- strikes you on the right cheek, turn to him the other ing and punishing human beings in exact recom- also’, and a few verses later makes explicit the ide- pense for their actions. On the other, God has the ology that underlies this injunction, ‘love your ene- capacity and impulse to treat human beings with mies and pray for those who persecute you’ (Matt. mercy, to forgive them their shortcomings and take 5.44). In the Sermon on the Mount Jesus makes

158 France clear the theological underpinning of this teaching: This issue will continue to play a significant role in ‘be merciful as your Father is merciful’ (Luke 6.36). the dialogue. DANIEL POLISH As he is being crucified Jesus is presented as Fourth Lateran Council see Lateran Council (IV) embodying the quality of forgiveness when he says, France ‘Father forgive them, they know not what they From the Roman period until the present Jews do’ (Luke 23.34). Such teaching may be regarded have lived in France, which currently hosts Europe’s as representing an extreme version of the nor- largest Jewish community (600,000). The first doc- mative teaching about forgiveness of the Judaism umented community, in 465, was located in Brit- of Jesus’ time, but it does not constitute a break tany. At that time the Council of Vannes prohibited with it. Christian clergy from taking their meals with Jews Where the Gospel traditions’ depiction of Jesus (thus suggesting good social relations between Jews does break with conventional Jewish teaching is and Christians). At other provincial councils bish- in those instances where Jesus is represented as ops adopted measures to separate Jews and Chris- assertingthathehimselfhadtheauthoritytoforgive tians and to mark the inferiority of the former, a sins – as in Matt. 9.2–6, Mark 2.5–11 and Luke 5.20– tendency reinforced by Agobard, who condemned 24: ‘the Son of Man has the authority on earth to for- Christians for celebrating the Sabbath with Jews. givesins’.InJohn20.21–23,inhispost-Resurrection During the eighth century Jews were active in com- appearance to the disciples in the upper room, merce and medicine, and the Carolingian emperors Jesus is depicted as passing the authority to for- allowed them to become accredited purveyors in give sins to them, and implicitly to the Church the imperial court and involved in agriculture and which they represent: ‘as the Father has sent me, especially viticulture, which they dominated, even even so I send you . . . If you forgive the sins of providing wine for mass. any, they are forgiven.’ This is a perspective with- The Crusades had comparatively little effect on out antecedent in biblical or Jewish teaching, where the Jews of France, but were followed by a long no individual has the power to offer forgiveness to period of persecution. In some cities, such as others. Beziers, Jews were forced to pay a special tax every One cannot conclude a discussion of the issue of Palm Sunday. In Toulouse Jewish representatives forgiveness in the context of the Jewish–Christian had to go to the cathedral on a weekly basis to encounter without noting that in recent years, as have their ears boxed, and France’s first blood libel Jews and Christians have engaged in ever deeper charge occurred in Blois in 1171 when 31 Jews, hav- conversations, the challenge has grown about what ing rejected baptism,were burned at the stake. to make of 2,000 years of conflict and especially The cathedral of Notre Dame in Strasbourg, with the tragic events of the Holocaust. The Catholic its two statues, Ecclesia and Synagoga (c.1230), Church and various Protestant bodies, most promi- demonstrates the traditional Adversus Judaeos nently the Lutheran Church, have voiced repen- approach. tance for the ‘teaching of contempt’ that has, The situation worsened during the rule of King over the centuries, resulted in violence against the Philip Augustus (r.1180–1223), who imprisoned all Jews, but both Jewish and Christian writers have Jews in his lands and demanded a ransom for their asked whether Christian bodies have sufficiently release. In 1215 the Fourth Lateran Council forced acknowledgedtheextentoftheirinvolvement.Con- Jews to wear a badge in the provinces of Langue- versely,Christian expressions of atonement present doc, Normandy and Provence (see yellow badge). In the Jewish community with a dilemma. Though 1240 Jews were expelled from Brittany, and numer- instrumentalities exist to make atonement and to ous disputations and anti-Jewish tracts were pub- ask forgiveness, Jewish participants in the dia- lished. A notorious Talmud trial took place in Paris logue assert that no reciprocal mechanism exists in and24cartloadsoftheTalmudwere burnedin1242, the Jewish community to grant forgiveness. Even marking the decline in northern France of talmu- more complicated is the ethical issue: is an assem- dic study, which had been built up by scholars such blage of individuals in a position to grant forgive- as Rashi.Violence against Jews culminated in their ness for wrongs not done directly to them? Put suc- definitive expulsion from France in 1394, but the cinctly, who can forgive on behalf of the victims? Jews of Avignon and Comtat Venaissin were spared

159 Franciscans

a similar fate by papal intervention. Indeed the demning antisemitism. In 1997 the French bish- Jewish communities in that region were known as ops issued a ‘declaration of repentance’ for Catholic ‘the Pope’s Jews’ and flourished. failings during the Holocaust. The Jewish com- From the 1500s Marranos settled in France, fol- munity is currently facing growing antisemitism, lowed by Jews from Poland and Ukraine fleeing notably among some French Muslims, stimulated the Chmeilnicki massacres of 1648. Anti-Jewish in part by the increasing violence in the Middle East laws began to be repealed in the 1780s, and the since 2002. EDWARD KESSLER French Revolution granted Jews citizenship as indi- Franciscans viduals while depriving them of their group priv- Roman Catholic missionary order founded (1209) ileges. Voltaire called for religious tolerance but by St Francis of Assisi (1181/2–1226) which formerly also described Jews in ways that suggested they had promoted Christian anti-Judaism.From 1232 the innate negative qualities. Napoleon considered the Franciscan Order, based on poverty, preaching Jews ‘a nation within a nation’ and decided to cre- and mendicancy, was entrusted, together with the ate a Jewish communal structure sanctioned by the Dominicans,byPopeGregory IX with the task of state, ordering the convening of a Grand Sanhedrin rootingoutheresy(consideredtobetreasonagainst whichpavedthewayfortheformationoftheconsis- God) by inquisitors. Like Dominicans, Francis- torial system, making Judaism a recognised religion can friars were specifically trained for controversy under government control. with Jews and Muslims, studying Hebrew,Ara- While the situation improved for Jews thereafter, bic and rabbinic commentaries, and having influ- the 1840 Damascus Affair, which was one of the lat- ence within universities. Mendicant friars, includ- est examples of the blood libel charge, led to out- ing apostate Jews such as Nicholas Donin, led breaks of anti-Jewish disorder in 1848. An upsurge Church denunciation of the Talmud. The papal of antisemitism began in the late 1800s, and Jews bull Turbato corde, issued in 1267 by Clement were blamed for the collapse of the Union Gen´ erale,´ IV and reissued by later popes, gave Franciscan a leading Catholic bank. The Dreyfus affair took and Dominican inquisitors permanent permission place against this background, motivating Theodor to use ecclesiastical punishment and the secular Herzl to write his book The Jewish State in 1896 and arm against Christian heretics, converted Jews who Emile Zola (1840–1902) his article J’accuse . . . ! and reverted to Judaism and their Jewish accomplices. eventually led to the 1905 law separating Church The first Franciscan pope, Nicholas IV (1288–92), and state. was stridently anti-Jewish, legislating that forcibly When Germany invaded on 10 May 1940 an esti- converted Jews who reverted were equivalent to mated 300,000 Jews lived in France. Twenty-five heretics and that archbishops and bishops should per cent perished in the Holocaust,asignificantly aid the Inquisition. The Spanish Inquisition itself lower proportion than in other European countries. was founded by a Franciscan, Alonso de Espina, France became a haven for postwar refugees, and who wrote Fortalitium fidei (‘Fortress of the Faith’), within25yearsitsJewishpopulationtripled.In1948 an influential treatise against the ‘Jewish heresy’ the AmitieJud´ eo-Chr´ etienne´ was founded with which urged expulsion of Jews. the aim of improving relations between Christians A key Franciscan aim was to convert Jews. and Jews, but the Finaly Case demonstrated ongo- NicholasofLyrausedhisvastknowledgeofrabbinic ing obstacles, as did Jean-Paul Sartre’s (1905–80) commentaries, including Rashi,topromote under- influential book Anti-Semite and Jew,inwhich he standing of the literal biblical sense and to attempt wrote that antisemitism ‘derives not from thought methodically to convert Jews. Aggressively conver- but from fear of oneself and of truth ...Ina sionist sermons were promoted, promulgated by word, anti-Semitism is fear of being alive.’ Never- the papal bull Vineam sorec in 1278 and forced com- theless, individual figures such as Jules Isaac made pulsorily on many Jewish communities. a significant contribution to fostering better rela- Virulently anti-Jewish sermons, like those of tions between Jews and Christians, and since 1965 Berthold of Regensburg (before 1210–72), who and the publication of Nostra Aetate the Catholic claimed that Jews awaited Antichrist and were the Church in France has been at the forefront of con- devil’s allies, were matched by aggressive political

160 Frederick II of Babenberg

policies, such as Duns Scotus’s(c.1265–1308) urging opment of Anne as a symbol of Jewish suffering the kidnap and forcible conversion of Jewish chil- in the Holocaust are relevant to Jewish–Christian dren. Such views hardened in the late fourteenth relations. century due to internal pressures for reform and The diary is a complex work, detailing the rou- increasing opposition to Christian impoverishment tine events and strains of life in hiding as much as attributed to Jewish moneylenders, especially in more profound matters. It reflects Anne’s upbring- Italy. ing in an assimilated Jewish family: she observes The Order promoted implementation of all Hanukkah and Christmas,reads the NewTesta- canonical anti-Jewish legislation, including segre- ment and stresses the value of the individual’s gation, wearing the Jewish badge (see yellow badge) conscience. But Anne also rejects conversion to and economic restrictions. Fiercely anti-Jewish ser- Christianity. She believes in God, and in a form mons by Bernardino di Siena (1380–1444) typi- of Jewish chosenness and mission.She locates cally conjured a vision of Christendom endan- her experiences within a broader history of Jewish gered, even destroyed, by poverty due to Jewish persecution. MELANIE J. WRIGHT usury and the poison of Jewish influence. Such Frank, Jacob (1726–91) sermons to mass audiences, like those of St John Polish Jewish religious leader and Messianic of Capistrano (1386–1456), and St Bernardino da claimant. After travelling through Turkey, the heart- Feltre (second half of the fifteenth century), pro- land of Shabbetaianism (see Shabbetai Zvi), he moted and achieved expulsion of Jews from Ital- returned (c.1755) home to (then in Poland, ian and North European cities. In consequence of now in Ukraine) and gathered a following from local Franciscan anti-Jewish agitation, Jews were vio- sectarian circles of the same origin. After 1763 he lently persecuted, as during allegations of the selected 12 apostles and assumed the role of the blood libel (Breslau, 1453 under Capistrano) and Messiah.Seeing Christianity as a transition stage host desecration (Trent, 1475 under da Feltre), on the way towards the future ‘Messianic religion’, following which many Jews were tortured and he led his followers into baptism.Rejecting Talmud executed, often by burning. While one or two and claiming to find the doctrine of the Trinity in Franciscans converted to Judaism, and mysticism Kabbalah (see mysticism), the movement was origi- within medieval Spanish Jewry was possibly influ- nally accepted and supported by Christian political enced by the Spiritual Franciscans, several apostate and religious leaders in Poland, Moravia and Ger- Jews became Franciscans and expert anti-Jewish many as a disseminator of Christianity among Jews, agitators. but was eventually recognised as a sect. After 1816 In the modern period Franciscans, like Domini- Frankists were absorbed into the Roman Catholic cans, abandoned any anti-Judaic agenda, and some Church. PETR FRYSˇ Franciscan religious courageously saved Jews dur- Frederick II of Babenberg (c.1210–46) ing the Shoah.InIsrael the Franciscans, estab- ‘The Quarrelsome’; last duke of the Babenberg lished in Jerusalem since 1229, are Custodians of dynasty in Austria (r.1230–46). In his struggle with the Christian Holy Places. Emperor Frederick II of Hohenstaufen (r.1215– MARGARET BREARLEY 50), he took both sympathetic and unsympathetic Frank, Anne (1929–45) measures towards Jews: he secured himself the Teenage diarist. In 1942 the Frank family, includ- support of the citizens of Wiener-Neustadt by bar- ing schoolgirl Anne, hid from Nazi persecution in ring Jews from office, but in his famous char- an Amsterdam office building. Assisted by Chris- ter from 1244 benevolently regulated the posi- tians, they survived until discovery in 1944. Anne tion of Jews, subjecting them directly to his own went (via Westerbork and Auschwitz)toBelsen, ducal, rather than imperial jurisdiction. The char- where she died (March 1945). She is remembered ter secured fair transit, trading and moneylending for her diary, begun in 1942, and revised by her in conditions, allowed some self-government, raised anticipationofpublication,followingaradioappeal the value of Jewish oaths and protected Jewish for people to record their wartime experiences for children, synagogues and cemeteries. For almost posterity. Its contents, reception and the devel- two centuries similar charters in Hungary, Poland,

161 Free will

Bohemia and Silesia (see Czechia)were based Catholicism and Judaism, some forms of which on it. PETR FRYSˇ have increasing cross-religious links. Protestant, Free will Catholic, and Jewish ‘fundamentalism’ is growing When Aquinas wrote, ‘Man has free choice, or oth- alongside similar movements in other world reli- erwisecounsels,exhortations,commandswouldbe gions like Islam and Hinduism. in vain’ (Summa 1a, 83.a.1), he affirms the common Protestant fundamentalism began in the United view of both Jewish and Christian traditions that States during the 1830s and 1840s, and is rooted humanity has the capacity and obligation freely to in Christian millenarianism. However, its great- do good and avoid evil, to love God and to exercise est growth was in the early twentieth century. In religious and moral responsibility. Neither religion 1902 the American Bible League issued ‘The Funda- is compatible with a strong deterministic denial of mentals’, 12 theological affirmations including the human freedom. But both are uncertain about how VirginBirth,theBible’sinerrancy,theSecondCom- to reconcile freedom with divine foreknowledge – ing of Jesus, and the resurrection and atonement ‘everything is foreseen, but freedom of choice is of Jesus. Both Jewish and Christian fundamentalists given’ (Avot 3.15) identifies the tension rather than reject modern scriptural criticism, particularly the the solution – and about the impact of external and documentary theory of biblical scholarship. Fun- internal factors on our freedom. But the distinc- damentalists generally reject the Darwinian con- tive religious difference is that most Western Chris- cept of human evolution, as well as abortion and tian thinking on free will is shaped by Augustine’s euthanasia. In recent years American Christian and analysis of the impact of original sin on our nature Jewish fundamentalist leaders, sometimes work- and his later pessimism that the human will is so ing together, have advocated a broad public policy impaired that only with the help of divine grace agenda that opposes the strict separation of Church can the goal of achieved freedom be reached. For and state and ‘secular humanism’, a pejorative Augustine, if evil does not come from God, it must term used to describe opponents of fundamental- originate in and subsequently affect, the exercise ism. Once belittled by modernists, Protestant fun- of creaturely free will. Jewish thought sees no need damentalism remains a major force within Chris- to develop such explanatory, causal accounts, but tianity, especially among newly emerging Chris- is no less attentive to the problematics of human tian communities in Asia, South America and freedom. JOHN MCDADE Africa. French literature see literature, French There is also a form of Catholic fundamental- Freud, Sigmund (1856–1939) ism, although it frequently bears the name ‘tra- Founder of psychoanalysis. A neurologist of Jew- ditional Catholicism’, which affirms the centrality ish origins, Freud is remembered for his stud- and authority of the priest and a diminution of the ies of the unconscious mind and the motiva- laity’s recent involvement in Church governance, tions, desires and conflicts underpinning human education and ritual. At its core traditional Catholi- behaviour. Judaism and Christianity were for him cism seeks either the reversal or the elimination of objects of critical enquiry. Freud likened religious many of the liturgical, educational and theological rites to the obsessional behaviours of psychiatric reforms adopted at Vatican II, including the Nostra patients, linking both to the repression of the sex- Aetate Declaration that decried ‘all forms of anti- ual (or other self-seeking) instincts. He also decon- Semitism’ and rejected the deicide charge against structed the founding narratives of both religions. the Jewish people. Freud’s career was overshadowed by antisemitism. Jewish fundamentalists generally focus on issues The Nazis burned his books; he criticised Christian related to the land and State of Israel and the failure to intervene on behalf of Jews, which, he City of Jerusalem.Such Jews are called haredim, argued, contradicted any claim to practise love of or the ‘trembling fearful ones’. In recent years they enemies. MELANIE J. WRIGHT have emerged as a significant political and reli- Fundamentalism gious force within Israel as well as in the Diaspora. Although the term ‘fundamentalism’ is commonly The haredim not only affirm the literal truth of the associated with Protestant Christianity, there are HebrewBible,butseektoimposemanybiblicaland similar religious movements within both Roman talmudic laws and ordinances, the halakhah, upon

162 Fundamentalism the modern State of Israel in key areas of life includ- in Jerusalem. Christian allies of the haredim believe ing education, medicine, food, transportation, law, the creation of the Jewish state in 1948 and the yet- the arts and government. Some haredim and other to-be-built Third Temple are theological prerequi- like-minded Jews, both within and outside Israel, sites for the Second Coming of Jesus. Some of these have joined with Christian fundamentalists in call- same fundamentalists also actively seek the con- ing for the erection of Judaism’s Third Holy Temple version of Jews to Christianity. A. JAMES RUDIN

163 GGGG

Gamaliel Jesus as a means by which to nullify anti-Judaism Biblical character (Num. 1–10), also name of six rab- among Christian scholars. At the same time, the binic authorities, one of which is Rabban G. ha- recognition of Jesus as a Pharisee would, he hoped, Zaken (‘the Elder’) (first century CE), the (grand?) prevent Jewish conversion to Christianity, for the son of Hillel (end of first century BCE and beginning Pharisees had been a liberalising force and were, he of first century CE), who is known for his takkanot argued, the spiritual ancestors of modern Reform (halakhic decrees), which were ‘for the benefit of Judaism. DANIEL R. LANGTON humanity’ (Gittin 4.2f.). Acts 5.34 describes him Gender see feminism and feminist writings as ‘respected by all the people’, and according to Germany Acts 22.3 he was the teacher of Paul.InPs.-Clem. Until the late nineteenth century ‘Germany’ con- 1.65 it is stated that he ‘was secretly our brother sisted of many states and principalities, and the in the faith [i.e. a Christian], but by our advice nature of ‘German’ Jewish–Christian relations is remained among them [i.e. the Jews]’. For a Jewish thus difficult to define. While ‘Germany’ can loosely obituary, see Sotah 9.15. JESPER SVARTVIK apply to all the German-speaking lands, follow- Geiger, Abraham (1810–74) ing the Enlightenment it most commonly referred Leading German Reform rabbi and scholar born to the German-speaking territories caught up in into a distinguished family in Frankfurt. Through- the struggle between the Austro-Hungarian Empire out his career Geiger protested against and sought and Prussia (thus not including Switzerland). Since to correct Christian views of Judaism. He was a 1945 the term is no longer used for the territories founder member of the Academy for the Scien- which the victorious Allies granted to other states, tific Study of Judaism (see Wissenschaft des Juden- notably Austria. tums), which was established in Berlin in 1872 and ThefirstJewishpresenceinGermanlandsismen- which he directed until his death. His collection of tioned in records dating around 321 CE. Jews came essays on Jewish history (DasJudentum und seine in the wake of the Romans and settled in particu- Geschichte, 1864) contains three that focus on Jesus lar in Rhineland cities such as Cologne and Mainz. and his disciples, reflecting a developing inter- The Christianisation of the Empire put Jews in the est among some nineteenth-century Jews in Jesus precarious situation of a religious and economic in the context of Jewish ethics.For Geiger, Jesus minority.Inthe early Middle Ages Jews were not was a Pharisaic Messianic claimant who generally restricted in terms of their economic activity and affirmed the Law but whose lack of interest in mate- could be found in all professions, even agriculture. rial life and the joys of the world distinguished him Jews were under the protection of the emperors, a from mainstream Pharisaism. He denied that Jesus protection that was particularly valuable in the face taught anything original. A principle lying behind of mob violence and pogroms.Valued economi- much of Geiger’s work was a concern to challenge cally by the ruling classes, Jews enjoyed privileges in the contemporary Christian view of Christianity as cities, since their economic prosperity was seen as the fulfilment of a flawed Judaism. Geiger argued enhancing the value of the city as a whole. However, that it should rather be seen as a tangential off- thelocalpopulationdidnotalwaysreactfavourably, shoot, and that the quest of Protestant scholars to and expulsions were not unheard of even before the uncover the historical Jesus would reveal that the Crusades, the first taking place in 1012 in Mainz. beliefs of the founding figure of Christianity were The Crusades further altered the relationship essentially Jewish in nature. In this way he used between Christians and Jews in German lands. Now

164 Germany mob violence inspired by Christian preaching pre- German national revolution of 1848 reversed this vailed, and Jews in cities increasingly suffered. In development again, and with the founding of the terms of economic relations with the Christian German Reich in 1871 Jews gained equal rights of population, Jews were increasingly expelled from citizenship. the guilds and therefore found their professional Jewish–Christian relations gained renewed reli- opportunities diminished. With the Church pro- gious importance to Christians with the Enlight- hibiting Christians from engaging in usury, this enment and the Jewish emancipation in the and pawnbroking became the main occupation of eighteenth century. Poets such as Lessing were Jews, although they also continued to be involved inspired by written exchanges between J. K. Lavater in trade and even agriculture in a minor way. The (1741–1801) and Moses Mendelssohn, the most sig- Second Crusade, launched in 1146, saw the Jews nificant play in this respect being Lessing’s Nathan seeking direct protection in castles and other prop- the Wise which propagates the equality of all reli- erty of the nobility until mob violence, inspired gions. Many Jews sought equality in Christian soci- by local preachers, had passed. Yet, while Jews ety through baptism, the aim often being assim- largely remained under the protection of the nobil- ilation.Others, such as the poet Heine, saw their ity, Church legislation of the Fourth Lateran Coun- baptismal certificate as an ‘entry ticket to Euro- cil in 1215 required them to wear a yellow badge, pean culture’ and combined it with fervent social the so-called ‘Jew badge’, and 1235 saw Germany’s criticism of the ‘enlightened’ society which needed first blood libel case, in the city of Fulda. From such validation of individuals. Jewish emancipa- then onwards, the history of Jewish–Christian rela- tion and the Jewish Enlightenment, Haskalah, also tions in Germany was primarily characterised by brought about a fragmentation of Jewish religious widespread expulsions, continuing until the fif- life, resulting in the establishment of an Ortho- teenth century. These signalled the social decline dox and a Reform movement in Germany. With of the Jewish communities in Germany, moving the emergence of the Christian scholarly move- the centre of Jewish life in Europe further to the ment Wissenschaft des Judentums at the end of east (see Poland, Hungary). However, while the the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth cen- history of expulsions had a negative impact on tury, Jews and Christians became embroiled in a Jewish–Christian relations, the economic position struggle about the interpretation of Jewish history of Jews in Germany improved. Increasing inter- during biblical times and after. If for a while the national trade offered Jewish traders the oppor- emergence of chairs in Jewish studies at German tunity to break away from almost exclusive occu- universities appeared to offer Jews equal oppor- pation with moneylending to engage in wholesale tunities to Christians in teaching Judaism from and act as welcome middlemen between Christian areligious and historical perspective, the hopes merchants. placed on these developments were not fulfilled: Only with the Reformation did a more posi- since the chairs were mostly established in Chris- tive attitude among the majority Christian popu- tian theological faculties, Jews were often pre- lation come to bear on Jewish–Christian relations vented from taking them up. Yet, inspired and led in Germany. The humanist tradition, in particular, by people such as Rosenzweig, Buber and Hans emphasised the enduring qualities of Jewish reli- Joachim Schoeps (1909–80), Jewish–Christian dia- gious teaching and took up Hebrew in the canon logues began to take place face to face in the Frank- of scholarly languages along with Greek and Latin. furter Lehrhaus with Buber and in writing in the The ensuing religious wars did also bring forth anti- journal Der Jude, edited by Buber. Jewish violence, not least inspired by Luther’s trac- The advent of Nazism and the Holocaust tate On the Jews and their Lies (1543), but smaller destroyed many of the hopes of German Jews for philosemitic Christian reform movements, such a secure and equal future in Germany based on the as the Anabaptists, fostered good relations with insights of the Enlightenment and consistent with Jews. Modernity and the Enlightenment equalised the burgeoning Jewish–Christian dialogue. Already the civil status of Jews with that of their Christian during the Weimar Republic (1919–33) the dia- fellow citizens, but since this move was enforced logue movement had been disrupted by increas- by Napoleon it was reversed after his defeat. The ing popular and political antisemitism,inwhich

165 Ghetto

the Christian participants in the dialogues were demise, Pius IX complained that Jews were ‘bark- often implicated. However, in the Federal Repub- ing’ throughout the city, a limitless urban defile- lic of Germany, founded in 1949, a number of ment reminiscent of the kind of noise pollution local Societies for Christian–Jewish Co-operation medievals said came from the ‘barking’ that sub- (Gesellschaften fur¨ christlich-judische¨ Zusamme- stituted prayer in the synagogues; dogs were also narbeit) were instituted by the American Allied a classic image applied to Jews accused of pro- Forces. While these endeavours proved controver- faning the eucharist or ‘sucking blood’ by taking sial and gained little support from the German pop- interest. Italian ghettos beyond the Papal State rep- ulation, attitudes changed in the 1950s when Ger- resented state acquiescence to a new, papally deter- mans took over their leadership. Christians and mined equilibrium. The old Jewish status of ‘regu- Jews in Germany began to make contact with each lated, but free to roam’ the medieval city did not other on their own terms, and the work of the soci- suit the defensive post-Reformation papal strategy, eties continues in the present. In particular since let alone the Papal State itself. the 1960s, Christian–Jewish conversations have Jews saw the ghetto as Jewish ‘sacred space’, t o taken on a much more public form. The institu- beself-governedthroughinstitutionsbasedoncon- tional Churches, Catholic and Protestant alike, have sensus, particularly a system of voluntary arbitra- made considerable efforts to initiate conversations tion. In Rome Jewish notaries, at once rabbis and with Jews, and these have prompted the establish- writing in Hebrew, created effective tools that made ment of institutions dedicated to Christian–Jewish this system work. Some Jews preferred enclosure, conversations, such as the Martin Buber Haus in and even celebrated a ‘Purim’inthanksgiving. In Heppenheim and the Hedwig Dransfeld Haus in fact, ghettos were no salvation. Ghettoised Jews Bendorf. With the Jewish community in Germany faced conversionary pressures and grave economic growing since the 1990s and thus establishing a crises, especially in Rome. Crowding, bad sanita- more confident public presence, not least through tion but especially poverty grew geometrically. The the building of new synagogues and community historian of Rome, Ferdinand Gregorovius (1821– centres, Christian–Jewish conversations after the 91), empathetically details this mid-nineteenth- Holocaust have entered a new phase, drawing century squalor. on the resources of Christians and Jews who feel The term ‘ghetto’ has been used in the twentieth equally at home in Germany. century to apply to poor urban neighbourhoods, See also Confessing Church; Hitler, Adolf; litera- regardless of their residents’ identity, but also to ture, German; Rhineland Synod places like the Warsaw Ghetto established by the K. HANNAH HOLTSCHNEIDER Nazis as holding areas prior to transporting Jews to Ghetto extermination camps like Auschwitz. Technically, the first ghetto was decreed in 1516 See also Pale of Settlement KENNETH STOW when Venice conditioned permanent Jewish resi- Gnosticism dence on Jews living apart from the majority Chris- Gnosticism is a modern term coined from the tian population (the name ghetto comes from that ancient Greek word for knowledge, gnosis. Ancient of the island where Jews were ordered to live). Pre- ‘Gnostics’ would not have used this term as part viously, Spain and German cities had fixed areas of of their religious self-description. The term ‘Gnos- Jewish residence, but none was as regulated as in ticism’ does not refer to a single ancient religious Venice and, subsequently, elsewhere in Italy. The movement; rather it describes a set of theological ghetto era truly began in 1555, when Pope Paul IV ideas taught by a variety of ancient religious teach- (1555–9) established a ghetto in Rome. In the suc- ers, each of whom filtered them through their own ceeding80yearsghettosappearedthroughoutItaly; personal religious vision. the last, however, in Correggio (Reggio Emiglia), was Gnosticism was built upon a radicalised Platon- decreed only in the 1760s. ism in which Plato’s contrast between the superior Paul IV aimed at converting Jews through sepa- intelligible world and the world of more or less neu- ration and restriction, viewing the ghetto as a social tral material reality is reread as a cosmic conflict and cultural limbo which also guarded Christian between good and evil. Gnosticism is, thus, funda- purity. In 1873, three years after the Roman ghetto’s mentally dualist. The intelligible, or spiritual, world

166 God is the true home of all human beings. Through God amassive deception, human spirits have become Contemporary Jewish–Christian dialogue began trapped in bodies. The physical world is the locus on modern terms. In the fashion of liberal reli- of evil and the enemy of spirit, and the only way gionists in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century to escape from this plight is to receive specialised Germany, the authors of post-Second World War revealed knowledge from a Gnostic teacher. dialogue assumed that theology is a private mat- Modern understanding of the exact content of ter. With memories of modern Europe’s religious this knowledge is limited because it tends to have wars and medieval Europe’s religious polemics, been passed verbally rather than in written form. they assumed that, when Jews and Christians talk However, scholarly understanding of Gnosticism about their intimate beliefs about God, the results was significantly enhanced during the twentieth are interminable debate and disagreement, which century with the discovery of important textual can even grow into hatred and violence. To avoid records such as the dramatic find at Nag Hamadi such results, contemporary dialogue was built on in 1945. Because so much surviving Gnostic source non-theological foundations: on talk about social materialbuildsuponChristianthemes,someschol- ethics and about hopefully shared criticisms of reli- ars have suggested that Gnosticism actually origi- gious particularism and shared visions of peace nated within Christianity. Other scholars, citing the and understanding. preoccupation of the Nag Hamadi literature with In the last two decades, however, Jewish– biblical figures like Adam, Eve,Enoch, Melchizedek Christian dialogue has begun a new era of theo- and Sophia (wisdom), argue that the ultimate logical exchange. Recent discussants believe there sources of Gnosticism lie in Alexandrian Judaism is a third pathway to dialogue that reproduces nei- and that reference to the minim may at times indi- ther the religious exclusivism of medieval debates cate the presence of heretical Jewish Gnostics as nor the atheological universalism of modern times. opposed to Christians. Still others argue that Gnos- For participants in this third way, knowledge of God ticism was a religious movement broader than both is always contextual: God has spoken in particular traditions. ways to the particular communities of Israel and of Whatever its origins, Gnosticism impacted the Church, and Jews and Christians lack the capac- emerging Christianity far more forcefully than it ity to construct clearly universal propositions about did emerging Rabbinic Judaism.Paul’s tendency the meaning of what God has spoken. For recent to distinguish sharply between the spirit of the law discussants, this is not, however, an impediment and the letter of the law lent itself readily to Gnostic to dialogue but the condition of it. Dialogue pre- interpretation. Marcion, seen by many as a Chris- supposes real difference, and difference can lead to tian Gnostic, rejected all of the Bible and accepted mutual exclusion only when human beings restate only Paul as an authentic witness to the truth of the difference as a clash of clearly stated univer- Christ. Paul’s desire to include the Gentiles in the sal beliefs. If, however, the difference is not only Church, seemingly at the expense of ethnic Israel, aboutGodbutalsoauthoredbyGod,thenGodalone was part of the engine powering the separation of knows what the difference means and how it can or Judaism and Christianity. Rabbinic commitment should be mediated. to holiness laws and to separation from Gentiles This third pathway to dialogue is promoted by a may have shielded Judaism from the Gnosticism movement of what some label ‘postliberal’ theolo- that affected Christianity in the second and third gians, including Christian interpreters of both Karl centuries. Responding to the growing influence of Barth (1886–1968) and Thomas Aquinas and Jewish Gnostic teachers (e.g. Valentinus (d. 160)), Chris- interpreters of Franz Rosenzweig and Emmanuel tian theologians like Irenaeus of Lyons were forced Levinas (1906–95). Emulating both the modern to defend vigorously the integrity of the whole Bible goal of interreligious understanding and the pre- and to argue that Gnostic celebration of spirit at the modern goal of fidelity to the revealed Word, expense of body must be rejected. However, the fre- postliberal theologians believe that a certain dis- quent repetition of anti-Gnostic arguments in early cipline of scriptural study can provide a means Christian literature testifies to the magnitude of the of achieving both. These theologians read the text challenge. JOHN J. O’KEEFE of Tanakh/Old Testament as a common source of

167 God

narratives and namings that is received differently meals. According to this teaching, God is the god for by differing communities of Rabbinic Judaism and whom no single description is adequate, but who, early Christianity after the first century. Three char- in answer to Israel’s call, offers names to call him. acteristics of the one God become significant sub- Anticipating future disagreements between Chris- jectsforlatertheologicalinterpretation:(1)oneGod tian and Jewish theologians, the rabbinic sages sug- creates all existence; (2) God creates humanity for gested that the two central names – elohim and the specific purpose of imitating God in the world YHWH – should be considered attributes of God, and, thereby, serving as agent of what some will call since God cannot be named in himself, but only in ‘God’s self-knowledge’ and others will call ‘God’s relation to his actions in the world. As attributes, relation to another’; (3) God is displeased, however, elohim would signify divine justice and YHWH with humanity’s failures to live up to its purpose divine mercy. and, to correct these failures, God sends his Word From the beginning of the Exile through the time directly to humanity, so that through it humanity of Constantine, the communities of early Rabbinic will finally fulfil its purpose. Judaism and early Christianity nurtured mutually For the NewTestament witness, the name of this exclusive theological identities. In some ways the redeeming Word is Jesus Christ, so that the redeem- resultant schism helped each of these young reli- ing word of God is incarnate in the earthly life of the gions define their identity boundaries, in other Jew, Jesus of Nazareth. This Jew is rejected by most ways it led them to overemphasise their differences, of his people, is handed over to Roman authori- transforming allusive scriptural accounts into two ties who crucify him, and on the third day after his sets of sharply defined, irreconcilable doctrines. death he is resurrected and returns to earth to be Jewish doctrines emerged out of readings of the seen by his apostles as the Messiah of the Jews and written Torah, concerning God’s unity (Deut. 6.4), redeemer of humanity. As made more fully clear in God’s otherness (Num. 23.19) and God’s enduring the early Church Council of Nicaea, the Gospel nar- love of Israel (Isa. 43.1, 2, 10). When addressing the rative is a witness to the triune identity of the one issue of Christianity, the rabbinic sages tended to God who is at once Father (‘maker of all things both interpret such verses as proofs of the fallacies of the seenandunseen’),Son(‘theonly-begottenfromthe gospel. In the twelfth century, for example, Mai- Father’) and Spirit (see Trinity). monides argued that Christians committed ‘idol According to Jewish post-liberals, the Roman worship’ by associating God with Jesus’ creaturely political authority that crucified Jesus also de- body (Commentary on the Mishnah, Avodah Zarah stroyed Israel’s Temple in 70 CE and, at the end of 1.3; and Mishneh Torah, Hilchot Avodat Kochavim the Jewish–Roman Wars in 135 CE, initiated Israel’s 9.4). exile by dispossessing Israel of its place in the Holy Christian doctrines emerged out of readings Land. How could the God who elected Israel aban- of the Gospel narratives and of Paul’s letters. don her to such a fate? The rabbinic sages’ response These readings identified Jesus as God incarnate, to that question constitutes the elemental theol- redeemer of all creation, and Messiah of the Jews ogy of Judaism. God remains ohev yisrael: one who (Col. 1.15, 20; John 19.14–15). They identified ‘loves Israel’. This does not mean that God’s love the Jews as the elect of God (Rom. 11.11) who is exclusive; God loves all the nations of the world. rejected the Messiah (Acts 7.51) and who suffer for It simply means that Israel’s destruction and exile their rejection until the end of days (Rom. 11.7– were not signs that God’slove abated. Israel was not 10). Patristic and medieval theologians tended to divorced; her covenant with God remained intact; interpret these readings in supersessionist ways: the words of Torah remained true and authorita- claiming that the Church replaced Israel as God’s tive. Israel did now, however, recognise new mean- covenant partner, that Israel’s law is abrogated, and ings in those words. The rabbis taught, for example, that Israel’s suffering remains a public mark of her that the God who instructed Israel to worship him rejection. Augustine’s reading defined the centre of through Temple sacrifice also invites Israel to serve Christian theologies of Judaism from the patristic him, outside any temple, through the worship of the through the medieval periods: that Israel’s impov- heart:gatheringinsynagoguesforverbalprayerand erished station among the Christian nations would text study and in family units to offer blessings over remain, until the end of days, a sign of both her

168 God enduring covenant and her calamitous sin (Civ. joined this dialogue tended to identify their reli- 18.46). gion with an even more humanistic variety of what While there were also ameliorative voices – such the German Jewish philosopher Hermann Cohen as Bernard of Clairvaux among medieval Chris- called the ‘religion of reason out of the sources of tians and Rabbi Menahem ben Solomon Meiri Judaism’ (Religion der Vernunft aus den Quellen des among medieval Jews – the modern vision of Judentums). For two decades the resultant dialogue Jewish–Christian dialogue was shaped largely as promoted a new degree of civic sharing among con- areaction against the memory of more violent gregations of Jews and Christians and numerous interactions, Protestant–Catholic as well as Jewish– projects of shared social justice. Christian. The vision moved, in fact, beyond dia- The current epoch of Jewish–Christian dialogue logue itself to a vision of universal agreement that emerges out of a critique of inadequacies in the might smooth away religious difference altogether. previous one. The critique is informed, for one, Formodern Jews this was a vision of emancipation: by ‘postmodern’ criticisms of Enlightenment uni- of being freed from socio-cultural isolation and versalism as a human construct that had to repre- being invited into equal citizenship in the Euro- sent, however subtly, the earthbound interests of pean nation states. For everyday citizens the ticket the humans who constructed it. Thus, for example, to freedom was removing the most visible trappings Hermann Cohen discovered that his universalist of religious law. For scholars the ticket was mak- colleagues in German academe could discriminate ing peace with European rationalism, which meant against him as a Jewish philosopher even though seeking ways to assimilate rabbinic understand- he had devoted his life’s work to the project of uni- ings of God to the emergent, liberal vision of a God versal, ethical theism. European universalism, it of universal reason and ethics.For modern Chris- appeared, was inseparable from the nationalisms tians like Gotthold Lessing God is like a father of the individual nations that promoted it. While who gave each of his three sons an identical inheriting such criticisms of the Enlightenment, the ring, but each thought he possessed the true postliberal architects of current Jewish–Christian one. In his Nathan the Wise (1779) Lessing let dialogue do not share postmodernism’s mistrust Nathan (modelled on the Jewish philosopher Moses of religious belief and conviction. For the postlib- Mendelssohn) bear the enlightened Christian’s erals the only ‘universal’ that can stand up to post- vision of the brotherhood of humanity that united modern criticism is the life of God and the revela- all three Abrahamic faiths. tion of God’s living Word. This Word is revealed as After the Second World War the founders of con- an event that interrupts and reorders the intellec- temporaryJewish–Christiandialoguedrewoncom- tual and social constructions of those who receive parable Enlightenment resources for their rules it. The Word therefore interrupts both modern con- of engagement. As illustrated in the work of Roy structions of a universal religion of reason and pre- (1918–98) and Alice Eckardt (b. 1923), Christian par- modern constructions of Judaism or of Christianity ticipants were moved by compassion for the victims as sole embodiments of this universality. The body of centuries of Christian anti-Judaism. Anticipat- of this Word is scripture as received by its evolv- ing the work of Rosemary Ruether (b. 1936), the ing communities and traditions of readers, whose Eckardts identified classical Christology itself as own bodies belong to the social and natural orders a source of this anti-Judaism. If God favoured the of creation. Each community encounters God inti- body of Christ instead of the body of Israel, then mately in the way it receives the scriptural Word, Christians would eventually forget that the Jews but this encounter interrupts any effort to ‘cap- who suffered exile for their sins could also merit ture’ this intimacy in concepts. God’s presence is God’s love. The only solution would be to reap- known, instead, by its fruit, and the fruit is displayed propriate Enlightenment humanism,evenifnot in action: in changed patterns of doing, speaking, its rationalism, identifying Christianity with a reli- caring, relating. Postliberal Jews and Christians gion of the universal God whose attributes of love believe that, in this epoch, the two communities and compassion were displayed prototypically in have discovered that each is influenced by the ways the life of Jesus, but in a way that invited dialogue the other receives the scriptural Word. This dis- with humanists from all other faiths. The Jews who covery leads them to try studying their scriptures

169 Golden Calf

together from time to time: not as academic sci- marked their life in Egypt. As a result ‘God turned entists, but as believers; not united by one faith, away from them and handed them over to the wor- but distinguished by different faiths and different ship of the host of heaven’, finally exiling them to ways of reading. They challenge and interrogate Babylon. The implication is that the redemption one another, but, abandoning both medieval and from Egypt never achieved its purpose of uniting modern ways of constructing their differences, they Israel to the one true God. The Israelites proved find that the challenge uncovers something sur- to be irredeemable idolaters, so God finally ban- prising. Without seeking or coming to any doc- ished them back into exile. This line of argument trinal agreements, they find they grow closer in wasdevelopedmoreexplicitlybyBarn.4.6–8,where friendship, in the way they see the presence of it is argued that Moses’ breaking of the Tablets of God in the other’s different readings, and in the Stone when he saw the Calf represents the nulli- heightened intensity of their dedication to serving fying of God’s offer of the covenant to Israel. That this God in the social and natural worlds. For the covenant was reoffered in Jesus the Beloved, the postliberals the goal of Jewish–Christian theologi- new Moses. Again rejected by Israel who spurned cal dialogue is not doctrinal agreement, but more God’s new emissary, it was accepted by the Church, profound relationship, with one another and with the true heir of Sinai. God. PETER OCHS The parallelism between Moses and Christ, Golden Calf between Sinai and Golgotha, became a theme The name given to the story in Exod. 32.1–35 (cf. of Christian preaching (e.g. Ephrem Syrus, Serm. Deut. 9.7–29) which tells how, while Moses was 3.421; and Cassiodorus, Exp. Ps. 105.19). The sin on top of Mount Sinai receiving the Torah, the of the Golden Calf regularly appears in Christian Israelites on the plain below made a Golden Calf catalogues of the sins of Israel, which prove the andworshippedit.Israel’sunfaithfulnessatthispiv- ingrained depravity of the Jews (e.g. Cyprian, Test. otal moment in her history, when she was entering 1.1; Ephrem Syrus, Comm. ev. conc. 9.8; Raymond into a solemn covenant with God, perplexed and Martini, Pugio Fidei,II1,ed.Carpzov, 261; III 3, 16, embarrassed Jewish commentators. The Talmud ed. Carpzov, 845). expresses the enormity of the sin by comparing Rabbinic texts, while acknowledging the enor- Israel to ‘a shameless bride who plays the harlot mity of the sin, attempt to mitigate its impact in var- within her bridal canopy’ (b. Shabbat 88b). The ious ways. They stress the efficacy of Moses’ inter- repercussions of this apostasy were felt through- cession on Israel’sbehalf, the cleansing of the camp out Jewish history: according to another talmudic of the idolaters, and the reoffering of the covenant dictum, ‘there is not a misfortune that Israel has in the second Tablets of the Law (Exodus Rabbah suffered, which is not partly retribution for the sin 41–45) – all points in the biblical story that Chris- of the Calf’ (b. Sanhedrin 102a). Uneasiness about tian writers tend to ignore. They blame the apostasy the story surfaces early. Josephus (Ant. 3.89–101) on the ‘mixed multitude’ of Egyptians who came up entirely omits it (perhaps sensitive to accusations with the Israelites from Egypt – possibly an implicit circulating in Rome in the late first century that attack on proselytes or even on Christians as lead- Jews worshipped animals) and Philo (Mos. 2.161– ing Israel astray from its allegiance to God (Targum 73, 270–1) strikingly fails to mention Aaron’s ques- Canticles 1.12). Some texts link the institution of tionable role in the episode. In the second century the Tabernacle with the Golden Calf: the Taberna- CE the rabbis stipulated that, although the story cle was given to Israel as a means of atonement, not couldbereadpubliclyinHebrewinsynagogue,only only for the sin of the Calf but to ensure that other parts of it could be translated into Aramaic in the such sins should not irrevocably rupture Israel’s Targum (m. Megillah 4.10). relationship with God (Targum Canticles 1.5; 3.4). Christian writers tried to exploit the Golden Calf It was argued that even if the sin of the Calf had forpolemicalends.InStephen’sspeechinActs7.39– not been more or less immediately atoned for, it 43 it is used to hint that the covenant between was already covered by the all-embracing merit of Israel and God was never fully consummated. The the Fathers, particularly by the binding of Isaac Israelites ‘put aside’ God’s emissary Moses, and (Targum Canticles 1.13; 2.17). Above all, attempts relapsed into the idolatrous practices that had were made to exonerate Aaron – attempts echoed in

170 Good Friday Prayer for the Perfidious Jews

Christian tradition as well (perhaps because Aaron to sin or treachery, but asks God to ‘withdraw the was seen as a type of Christ). veil from their hearts’ so they may ‘acknowledge Though the aggadah makes a concerted effort to the light of your truth, which is Christ’.From patris- play down the effects of the incident of the Golden tic times, however, a gradual claim that moral fail- Calf, it is not clear whether this was a response ure was the cause of Jewish ‘blindness’ to Christ specifically to Christian polemic,ortomore gen- was advanced in both East and West. Pope Leo I eral theological unease. Probably both factors were (the Great) (r.440–61) repeatedly accuses the Jews at work. The unease began too early to be attributed of such (Sermon 52.5 and 70), while the corre- solely to Christian influence, but later develop- sponding ‘guilt’ of the Jews for their alleged crimes ments were almost certainly shaped by the growing against Jesus is equated with perfidia in the cate- Jewish–Christian debate. cheticalhomiliesofthenorthAfricanQuodvultdeus See also idolatry PHILIP ALEXANDER (De Symbolo 3.6; Contra Iudaeos 17.8). Prayer texts Golden Rule regarding perfidia in the seventh-century Gelesian Since the eighteenth century the Golden Rule has Sacramentary (1.41, 45) would inevitably be read been the name given to a maxim which Hillel the through this lens. By the medieval period the notion Elder (end of first century BCE and beginning of that the perfidia of the Jews was principally a kind first century CE) formulated negatively as follows: of wickedness or sin was firmly in place in authors ‘What is hateful to you, do not do unto others: this such as Agobard (De insolentia Iudaeorum 4) and is the entire Law; the rest is mere commentary. Go routinely reinforced in the social and legal policies and learn!’ (b. Shabbat 31a). Its positive formula- of popes such as Innocent III (Licet perfidia Iudae- tion is found in the NewTestament:‘Do to oth- orum, 1109) and Clement VI (Quamvis perfidiam ers as you would have them do to you’ (Luke 6.31, Iudaeorum, 1348). cf. Matt. 7.12). The Golden Rule is a fundamen- From the end of the Second World War discus- tal principle for balancing reciprocal interests. For sions took place about removing or substituting a long time Christians saw a lesser ethic in Hil- the word perfidiis from the Good Friday prayer. lel’s negative formulation, which was surpassed by On 10 June 1948 the Sacred Congregation for Rites, the positive formulation of Jesus in the Sermon responding to a dubium or question, stated that ‘it on the Mount.Today, however, Christian theol- would not be inappropriate in vernacular transla- ogy emphasises that both formulations have the tions ...torender the sense of the prayer by infi- same meaning. Both Jews and Christians accept delity or unfaithful in believing’(Acta Apostolica the Golden Rule as a summary of and for ethical Sedis 40.342). In 1959, during his first Lent as pope, conduct. HANS HERMANN HENRIX John XXIII ordered the term perfidiis be dropped Good Friday see Holy Week altogether, leaving the prayer simply one for ‘the Good Friday Prayer for the Perfidious Jews conversion of Jews’ in the 1962 Roman Missal. In Until the reform of the Roman Rite of the Catholic 1965 the Sacred Congregation for Rites formally liturgy in 1970, following Vatican II,ithadfrom amended parts of the text to bring it into ‘accord ancient times been the practice on Good Friday with the mind and decrees of the Second Vatican to say a threefold prayer during the veneration of Council concerning ecumenism’ (Acta Apostolica the cross. The Church first prayed for its own mem- Sedis 57.412–13). In the 1970 revision of the Roman bers, the fideles (‘the faithful’,full believers), then for Missal the prayer was changed completely, asking the conversion of Jews, who were considered perfi- God to strengthen ‘the Jewish People’ in the faith deles (‘unfaithful’ or perhaps ‘half-believers’, since given to them by God, preserving the affirmation in they believed in the true God but not in Christ), Nostra Aetate of God’s ‘irrevocable covenant’ with and finally for the infideles (‘non-believers, infi- the Jews: ‘Let us pray for the Jewish People, the first dels’). Over the centuries, however, the theologi- to hear the word of God, that they may continue cal polemics of Christian teaching against Judaism to grow in the love of His Name and in faithfulness gradually drew out of the Latin word perfidii its to His Covenant . . . Listen to your Church as we modern connotations of treachery. pray that the people you first made your own may The prayer itself, as found in the 1962 Roman arrive at the fullness of redemption.’ ‘Fullness of Missal, does not attribute the ‘blindness’ of Jews redemption’ here is eschatological,mirroring the

171 Grace

Church’s own prayers for herself. This is the only and Judaism a religion of grace (Gen. 12.3). It is official prayer for Jews in Catholic liturgy today. in this area of Jewish–Christian dialogue that the EUGENE J. FISHER AND DENNIS D. MCMANUS concept of grace may bear real fruit, when Chris- Grace tians and Jews may discover that they are speak- The concept of grace is both problematic and fruit- ing of the same divine intentionality, indeed that ful in Jewish–Christian relations. The problems they are speaking, as Rosenzweig once suggested, arise on both sides of the dialogue. The Christian the same truth in Jewish and Christian forms. tradition has a long history of opposing Law and Further fruitful discussion will help resolve para- grace on the basis of John 1.17 (‘the law was given doxes that both Jewish and Christian theologies through Moses: grace and truth came through Jesus recognise, for example how God’s graciousness to Christ’) and the opposition of ‘the law of sin and humankind is related to God’srole as judge of all the death’ and the ‘law of the Spirit of life in Jesus Christ’ earth. KENNETH CRACKNELL in Rom. 7–8. ‘Law’ in both cases translates the Greek Grace after meals see birkhat hamazon word nomos,aterm that takes us into the seman- Greek language and culture tic field of codes and legalistic observances. In this The known history of the Greek language stretches context God became the Lawgiver, and the relation- back into the second millenium BCE, although the ship with God was determined by the keeping of first major literary texts are the Homeric poems, the Law. Salvation then came, so Christian theol- which are now generally dated to the eighth cen- ogy has alleged, through works and not by grace, tury BCE. The greatness of fifth-century Athenian and Christian preachers have dwelt (and often still authors, in many genres, led to a pre-eminent posi- do) on this supposed contrast between Judaism tion for the Attic dialect, which was maintained into and Christianity.One consequence of this profound modern times. Greek came to be the common lan- Christian misunderstanding of law in relation to guage of the eastern Mediterranean area and of the grace is that Jewish writers have avoided the use Near East after the conquests of Alexander the Great of the latter term. The Hebrew word for grace, h. en, (d. 323 BCE). The importance of Greek for Jewish– from the root h. anan, has been translated in various Christian relations derives from this phenomenon, ways but almost never as grace. As Larry Hoffman for it was used by Jews from that time onwards, and (b. 1942) has written, ‘Jewish translators system- subsequently by the first Christian communities. atically avoid using theological language that they The Roman conquest did not lead to a Latinisation mistakenly think is purely Christian’. This has left of the eastern lands, and Greek remained the lan- Christian visitors to the synagogue to mistake guage of the medieval Byzantine Empire. the significance of a prayer like ‘Avinu, Malkenu, According to a fairly reliable tradition, the Torah, h. oneinu vaneinu ki ein banu ma’asim/Asei imanu or Pentateuch, was translated into Greek in Alexan- z. edekah va-h. esed ve-hoshieinu’, which, Hoffman dria around the middle of the third century BCE. says, can mean nothing but ‘Our Father, our King, Among Jews of the Diaspora there developed a respond to us with grace, for we have no good deed significant literary culture in Greek, and the lan- to our credit / Deal charitably and lovingly with guage was widely used in Palestine as well, at least us and save us’ (‘Jewish and Christian Liturgy’, in among the upper classes. The principal monu- Christianity in Jewish Terms, 2000). In the light of ments of Judaeo-Hellenistic literature are the Sep- this we may revisit the affirmations in the Hebrew tuagint and the voluminous writings of the philoso- scriptures that indicate Israel’sdeep understanding pher Philo and the historian Josephus.Remains that it exists through grace. The Land was the gift of Judaeo-Hellenistic literature from the post-Bar of grace; the Torah was given as an act of grace; the Kokhba era are sparse, although we know from sacrificial system was a gift of grace; the covenants various indications that throughout the eastern were always the acts of a gracious God; the deliv- Mediterranean communities Jews continued to use erance from Egypt was a supreme sign of grace, Greek as their primary language. Christianity, for for it belongs to the nature of God to pardon iniq- its part, as soon as it expanded beyond Palestine uity and delight in steadfast love (Mic. 7.18). Israel and the Aramaic environment, became a primarily then becomes the manifestation in the world of Greek-speakingmovement.Greekwasthelanguage God’s presence and the permanence of his grace, of the synagogues of the Diaspora, where Paul

172 Gregory IX

often began his missionary activities, and also natu- and Judaism within the history of Christian salva- rally became the medium through which the gospel tion. However, his theological writings develop a was spread to the Gentiles. As Christians sought to more negative assessment of Judaism than Augus- define their community as an independent entity, tine by emphasising the role of Jews in the peri- they not only employed the Greek language, but ods only prior to the coming of Jesus and at the also began to express themselves within a Greek very end of history when the Jews will convert to cultural framework. This tendency becomes par- Christianity. The themes of blindness to the truth ticularly manifest during the period of the Apolo- and the triumph of Christianity as the True Israel gists (c.125–225 CE), and remains a characteristic of preclude any significant role for Jews prior to their most of Christian literature throughout the patris- conversion.Bycontrast, 28 of Gregory’s 800 letters tic period, which corresponds approximately to the reveal a distinct tendency to protect the physical rabbinic period in Judaism. safety of the Jews. He intervened on several occa- In light of these circumstances, it is evident that sions to prevent violence against Jews, their syn- most of the first Jewish–Christian discussions and agogues and their cemeteries. When a synagogue disputations will have taken place in Greek. More- was destroyed by a Christian mob he ordered the over, since there is little reference to Christian- bishop to rebuild it. Gregory’s most important con- ity at all in surviving Judaeo-Hellenistic literature, tributiontoJewish–Christianrelationswashisletter and references to Christians and Christianity in to the Bishop of Palermo (598) that began with the the rabbinic corpus are often enigmatic or ellip- words Sicut Judaeis. This document provided the tical, one is forced to rely extensively on patristic formula for all subsequent letters of papal protec- literature in Greek (also in Latin and Syriac) for tion of Jewish rights in Christian Europe during the the reconstruction of early Jewish–Christian rela- Middle Ages. MICHAEL A. SIGNER tions. Many works treat the subject only indirectly, Gregory IX (d. 1241) but others are specifically concerned with Jewish– The pope (1227–41) who first ordered the Talmud Christian debates. Of special interest are the dia- burned (between 1239 and 1242). Gregory most logues between Jews and Christians, a famous early likely was instigated by the secular Masters at the example of which is Justin Martyr’s Dialogue with University of Paris, who were exploiting the accu- the Jew Trypho (c.160 CE). This dialogue and numer- sation of (the probable convert) Nicholas Donin, ous others like it were written in Greek and are set who said that the Talmud was a lex nova, forbidden in a Greek cultural context. While these texts often non-scriptural law, by which he was alluding – as represent literary constructions rather than verba- popes from Innocent IV came to understand – to tim accounts of what was actually said, no student the formal legal compendium, the Decretales. This of Jewish–Christian relations can afford to ignore work, which Gregory IX himself had authorised in them. 1234,indeeddoesrestonnon-scripturallaw,princi- See also Hellenism ADAM KAMESAR pally edited papal dicta. The Decretals defined Jew- Gregory I (‘the Great’) (540–604) ish (canonically permitted) rights and made into Pope (590–604) and a most significant figure in the permanently valid law the papal letter known as intellectual and social history of Jewish–Christian Sicut Judaeis non, first issued between about 1119 relations. Gregory’s writings reveal the influence and 1191, which guarantees Jews peaceful existence of St Augustine with respect to the place of Jews and due legal process. KENNETH STOW

173 HHHH

Hagar ple, attending synagogue on Sabbath and wearing Egyptian maid of Sarah, who gave her to Abra- fringedgarments.EvidenceforaChristianversionis ham so that God’s promise of a son could be ful- found in 1 John 2.6: ‘Whoever claims to live in him filled (Gen. 16.1–16). Following Philo of Alexandria [Jesus] must walk [italics added] as Jesus did’ (cf. (Leg. 3.244), Jerome translated Hagar as paroichia Rom. 6.4; 8.4; Eph. 4.1). For Jews, halakhah defines (‘alongside the house’, i.e. alien) or pilgrim. Hagar what they must do and not do, and is Judaism’s and her son Ishmael were driven into the wilder- answer to the question, ‘What does the Lord your ness after Sarah became displeased because ‘he God require of you?’ (Deut. 10.12). In the NewTesta- played with her son Isaac’ (Gen. 21.9). The rabbis ment it is occasionally referred to as ‘the tradition and Paul interpret this to be mockery and persecu- of the elders’ (e.g. Mark 7.3, 5). From Matt. 23.3, tion of the younger child (Gal. 4.29). In the effort to referring to the scribes and Pharisees (‘do what- offset Galatian Christians’ attraction to the Law of ever they teach you’), it would seem that Jesus’ gen- Moses, Paul contrasted the two wives of Abraham eral attitude towards it was affirmative, although and their respective sons (Gal. 4.21–31). By use of many of the arguments between Jesus and his fel- ‘allegory’ (or rather typology), Paul linked Hagar low Jews were centred on conflicting interpreta- and Mount Sinai with contemporary Jerusalem, ‘in tions of halakhah. The Pharisees and their succes- slavery along with her children’ (4.25). Implicitly sors, the rabbis, constructed a code of conduct of the free-born Sarah is linked with ‘the Jerusalem monumental comprehensiveness and specificity, above’, the mother of Christianity, children of the going far beyond the scope of modern secular law. promiselikeIsaac(4.26,28).Thisinterpretationwas Halakhah covers every aspect of life – indeed, what- the basis for Church Fathers to explore the rela- evercanbeexpressedintheimperative‘youshall’or tionship between Jews and Christians (Ambrose, ‘you shall not’ – regardless of whether it is enforce- Abr. 14.454; Augustine, Civ. 15.2; Jerome, Comm. able. Thus ‘you shall love your neighbour as your- Gal. 26.417). Isidore of Seville developed the iden- self’ (Lev. 19.18) is as much part of the halakhah as tification of Hagar with the OldTestament and the smallest details of civil and ritual law. Christian- synagogue, and of Sarah with NewTestament and ity from an early period sought to break the legal Church. From Gen. 21.14 he linked Ishmael with constraints of Judaism, building on the letters of ‘the sinful and foolish people’ clinging to the syna- Paul which indicate that, while he saw the law as gogue, ‘expelled from her lands to wander the entire excellent and divine, he also viewed it as a ‘curse’ world and not to know well the way, which is Christ’ because it revealed human sinfulness. (81.248). After the rise of Islam,John of Damascus Halakhah effectively regulated Jewish individ- linked the Saracens with the descendants of Ish- ual and communal life and could be interpreted mael; his derivation of the term Saracen (Sarra- strictly or leniently. Relations with the non-Jewish kenoi)isthat ‘Sarah sent [Hagar] away empty’ world, including Christianity, influenced its devel- (94.764). LAWRENCE E. FRIZZELL opment. For example, the ban on polygamy, gener- Halakhah allyattributedtoGershombenJudahofMainz(960– From a verb meaning ‘to walk’, halakhah refers to 1028), was clearly influenced by Christianity, and it Jewish law developed over two millennia. However, is no coincidence that polygamy was not banned there also exists a strand of Christian halakhah, for Jews living in Islamic countries. Louis Jacobs in addition to the obvious fact that Jesus,asan (b. 1920) suggests that the setting aside of the bib- observant Jew, followed Jewish law by, for exam- lical law concerning converts from certain nations

174 Harnack, Adolf von

(such as the Ammonites or Moabites cf. Deut. 23.4) case of Hanukkah) and involves the lighting of was also influenced by Christianity. According to candles.During the talmudic and post-talmudic the rabbinic interpretation, a member of one of periods Torah readings were instituted and liturgy these groups may not marry a Jewish woman, even was adopted that stressed the miracle, summarised after converting to Judaism, but the law does not the physical deliverance and praised God for that apply to female converts – Ruth was a Moabite and similar interventions. It also became custom- woman (y. Yevamot 8.3 (9c)). However, the Mish- ary to read an Aramaic version of the Hanukkah nah tells of a male Ammonite convert who was story, the Scroll of Antiochus, and to sing a domes- accepted (m. Yadayim 4.4, b. Berakhot 28a), con- tic hymn chronicling the persecutions of the Jews. cluding that ‘Sennacherib confused the nations’ (in Medieval rabbinic law and tradition ensured an other words, it was no longer possible to assume expansion of the festival’s importance, with spe- that anyone who claimed to belong to a nation cial roles for women and children. Some elements really did belong), thus making conversion possi- of these developments may conceivably reflect the ble. Today Orthodox Jews maintain the undimin- influence of a Christian environment. Such cur- ishedauthorityofhalakhah,whileProgressiveJews rent practices as the exchange of gifts, the sending either modify it conservatively or reconstruct it on of Hanukkah cards and more elaborate synagogal the basis of a non-fundamentalist reading of scrip- services, which emerged in the Jewish communi- ture supplemented by modern consideration. ties of the western and not the eastern world, have JOHN D. RAYNER AND EDWARD KESSLER undoubtedly been adopted under the influence of Ha-Levi, Judah see Judah ha-Levi Christmas festivities. STEFAN C. REIF Halleluyah Haredi A phrase in Hebrew liturgy,animperative plural Literally ‘trembling’. ‘Ultra-orthodox’ Jewish com- andashortenedformofYahweh(thetetragramma- munity, its origins being the eighteenth-century ton), meaning ‘praise Yah’.It occurs 23 times open- development of the Ashkenazi movements of ing or closing (or both) the Psalms (intermittently Hasidism and its opposition, Misnagdism, which 106–35; consistently 146–50). It appears to have lost found a mirror-image in the Sefardi world. Today its literal meaning early on and is found in various the communities are largest in the United States non-canonical works (Tobit, 3 Maccabees, Dead and Israel.While largely secluded from mainstream Sea Scrolls). It quickly moved into Christianity (Rev. society, following a tightly regulated lifestyle, haredi 19.1–4,earlyecclesiasticalwritings).Itsvocalisation beliefs and moral understanding of the world are is one of only a few liturgical customs practised by remarkably similar to those of some evangelical Jews and Christians alike. FRANK SHAW and – as demonstrated in research by Gershon Ha-Meiri, Menahem ben Solomon see Meiri, Greenberg (1998)–Orthodox Christian communi- Menahem ben Solomon ties. Concepts of human relationships with God and Hanukkah their distortion through sin,ofspiritual purity and AJewish mid-winter festival of light, already asso- of gender roles find parallels in Christian thought ciated in pre-Christian times with the victory of which have recently become the focus of investi- Judah the Maccabee over the Syrian general Lysias gation and promise to open a new field of Jewish– in 164 BCE and over the attempted Hellenisation Christian interaction hitherto largely unnoticed. of the Jewish homeland. The rededication (Hebrew K. HANNAH HOLTSCHNEIDER hanukkah)oftheTemple was celebrated for eight Harnack, Adolf von (1851–1930) days and marked with music,praise, fire and palm GermanProtestanttheologian,professorinLeipzig, branches, in a manner reminiscent both of Jewish Giessen, Marburg and, from 1888, Berlin; enno- (e.g. Sukkot) and non-Jewish feasts (e.g. Dionysia). bled in 1914. In 1899–1900 he held a series of lec- In the first century Josephus refers to it as the fes- tures, the transcript of which was published in 1900 tival of lights, and contemporary rabbinic sources under the title of DasWesen des Christentums.Crit- refer to the kindling of lights, the recitation of hal- icising traditional Christian dogma, and stressing lel, and the prohibition of mourning. Like Christ- the personality and teachings of Jesus (i.e. God mas,Hanukkah takes place in mid-winter, starts being a heavenly father, the infinite worth of per- on the twenty-fifth of the month (Kislev in the sonality and the commandment of love), he gave

175 Hasidei Ashkenaz

expression to the conviction that Roman Catholic at the feet of Palestinian rabbis, was incorporated and OrthodoxChristianity are not compatible with into the Vulgate,aversion of the Bible much closer the original teachings of Jesus. In emphasising the to the original than was once supposed. His com- radicality and novelty of the teachings of Jesus mentaries also contain much exegetical material he grossly misrepresented Second Temple Judaism received from his Jewish teachers. The missionary to such an extent that leading Jewish authorities, orders of the thirteenth century regarded a knowl- Leo Baeck being the best known, set out a cri- edge of Hebrew as essential for purposes of con- tique of Harnack’s apologetic presentation. Baeck version.IfJews were to be won for Christ, their established that Harnack was incapable of separat- religion had to be understood and their interpre- ing halakhah from aggadah, which resulted in his tation of certain biblical passages refuted. To this comparing the ethics of Jesus, not with the ethics end Hebrew must be learned so that Christians of the Pharisees, but with their ritual regulations. could engage Jews in disputations.Nicholas of The portrait of Jesus in DasWesen des Christen- Lyra, whose knowledge of Hebrew and of the work tums has been highly influential and remains a of Jewish exegetes is indisputable, was anxious to stumbling-block in Jewish–Christian relations (see, discover the literal sense of scripture. Because his e.g., supersessionism), since it tends to present a commentaries betray the influence of Rashi,heis Jesus who is radically different from his contem- credited with securing a place for traditional Jewish poraries in every respect. In his book on Marcion, exegesis in Christian thought. Harnack went so far as to advocate that the Hebrew After Lyra’s death what little interest had been scriptures be removed from the Christian canon shown by Christians in Hebrew studies waned. altogether. JESPER SVARTVIK It was not until the Renaissance that we find a Hasidei Ashkenaz resurgence as Hebrew gained recognition as one Asmall but influential Jewish pietistic group in of the historic languages of the West. By 1546 twelfth- and thirteenth-century Germany, which chairs of Hebrew had been established in the major both reacted against and was influenced by con- European universities. Pico della Mirandola and temporary Christian pietism. Their popular book his disciple Johannes Reuchlin stood at the fore- Sefer Hasidim became a guide for pious Jewish liv- front of this movement. Pico was the first Chris- ing. It debates many questions of everyday life for tian to take an interest in the Kabbalah.Both he Jews among Christians, strongly advising the pious and Reuchlin believed that fundamental Christian Jewtoabhor Christian customs, even to the extent truths were to be found in the writings of Jewish of banning melodies used in church. In spite of mystics. This humanist desire to go ad fontes (back this, the hasidim were willing to adopt what they to the original sources) not only inspired Chris- considered to be praiseworthy Christian pietistic tians to study post-biblical Jewish literature, it also practices, such as exposure to excessive cold and gave biblical translation a new impetus. New Latin flagellation as forms of penance/penitence. Earthly versions of the Old Testament quickly assumed love became for them an allegory for the love of an important role in the field of biblical schol- God, with the ideal being a monastic absence of arship. Those of Pagninus (1470–1536), Muntzer¨ passion. MICHAEL HILTON (1489–1552) and Tremellius (1510–80) in particu- Hasidism see mysticism lar played a crucial part in the transmission of Haskalah see Enlightenment rabbinic explanations of difficult texts. The Ref- Hebraists, Christian ormation emphasised the study of Hebrew even The term refers to Gentiles who became profi- further. Luther, though antagonistic to rabbinic cient Hebrew scholars, and usually applies to the exegesis, had a high regard for the Hebrew lan- period between 450 and 1800. Before Jewish stud- guage and recognised its importance for under- ies became a recognised part of university cur- standing scripture. In his Rules for Translating ricula in the early modern period (c.1520), Chris- the Bible (1532) he states that he always consults tians studied Hebrew for various reasons. During experts to discover the exact meaning of a Hebrew the early centuries Jerome was motivated to trace word. In the following century John Lightfoot the OldTestament back to its source in what he (d. 1675) demonstrated the significance of Jewish called the hebraica veritas.His expertise, gained studies for the interpretation of the NewTestament.

176 Hebrew Bible

The Geneva Academy succeeded in drawing stu- achieved with the greater use of the codex and dents from many different countries, with the result development of the Massoretic system, prior to the that Calvinist scholars became some of the lead- ninth century CE. ing Christian Hebraists of the seventeenth century. The use of the Hebrew Bible and its Greek ver- During this period Christian Hebraism became sion, the Septuagint (LXX), among early followers aweapon in the disputes between Protestants of Jesus to comprehend him as God’s Messiah and andCatholics.Sixteenth-centuryProtestantdivines Son of God has had lasting effects on the Jewish– used the HebrewBible and rabbinic commentaries Christian relationship. Paul summarised key ele- to support their case for scriptural over ecclesi- ments of his witness as being ‘in accordance with astical authority in matters of faith, witness the the scriptures’ (1 Cor. 15.3–4). Subsequently, the extensive writings of Hugh Broughton (d. 1612). The writers of the four Gospels used the Hebrew Bible in role played by these Gentile scholars in the history manifold ways to establish the continuity of God’s of scholarship was considerable. They persuaded work in Jesus with God’s work in biblical Israel. Christian theologians to attend not only to the orig- Matthew used explicit fulfilment citations through- inal text of the Hebrew Bible, but also to the Jew- out the birth narrative (see 1.23; 2.6, 15, 18, 23, etc., ish exegetical tradition. It was due to their influ- with variations on the formula, ‘this took place in ence that rabbinic explanations of difficult Hebrew order to fulfil what had been spoken through the words found their way into early vernacular Bible prophet’). The language and imagery of the Hebrew translations. GARETH LLOYD JONES Bible is ubiquitous in the NewTestament, with Hebrew Bible notable emphasis in the Gospel passion narratives Heb. Tanakh; the 24 books comprising the scrip- and the books of Hebrews and Revelation. Both as tural canon of the Jewish community, which is also an authority for the New Testamentauthors and as a the Hebrew textual version of the Christian Old hermeneutical key for New Testament readers, it is Testament.‘Tanakh’ is an acronym of the names indispensable for understanding the earliest claims of its constituent parts, Torah, Nevi’im, Ketuvim about Jesus. (Torah, Prophets, Writings). The Torah is identi- Christian reliance on the Hebrew Bible spawned fied with the ‘book of the Torah of Moses’ that contradictory dynamics after the fall of the Ezra read to the Israelites who returned to Judea Jerusalem Temple in 70 CE, which triggered the in the post-exilic period (Neh. 8) and is clearly eventual separation of Judaism and Christianity. recognised as scripture in the last centuries BCE, Left to ask where God would be found if there were as evidenced by the Dead Sea Scrolls and Philo. no Temple, Jews divided: some found the answer Prophetic texts and the Psalms (part of the Writ- in the Torah as taught by rabbis, others found it in ings) are interpreted by the pesher method in the Jesus as fulfilment of the Torah, and others found it Dead Sea Scrolls, indicating their acceptance at inthescripturesalone,whetherTorah(Samaritans) that time as divinely inspired texts. Traditionally, or Tanakh (Karaites). As Christianity grew increas- the final decisions regarding canonisation of the 24 ingly Gentile in its demographics, some with ten- books were made by the Council of Jamnia/Yavneh dencies toward Gnosticism questioned the value of around 90 CE, but recent scholarship has found theHebrewBiblefortheChurch;Marcionproposed thisdifficulttosubstantiate.Canonisationwasmost to eliminate it from the Christian canon (along with likely a communal process, shaped around issues much of the New Testament). Others saw it as vital of Jewish identity and distinctiveness, both in the testimony to the truth of Christian faith as God’s wake of the failed Judean rebellions of 66–73 and fulfilment of the promises to biblical Israel. In the 132–5 CE and in response to continuing contact Adversus Judaeos writings of early Church theolo- withGreco-RomansocietyandemergingChristian- gians (Church Fathers), the distinction between ity. Talmudic discussions focus on the ritual sta- Christian and Jewish understandings of key biblical tus of individual books (whether or not they ‘defile texts becomes a defining characteristic of Christian the hands’ – m. Yadayim 3.2) and consistency with self-understanding. Rosemary Ruether (b. 1936) established authority (on Ezekiel and the Torah, has identified two patterns in these writings. The see b. Shabbat 13b and b. Hagigah 13a) without ‘rejectionist’ pattern bifurcates the message of enumerating a canonical list. Standardisation was Israel’s prophets into condemnation, addressed to

177 Hebrew Bible

historical Israel, and promise, addressed to the remez, derash and sod (abbreviated as ‘PaRDeS’ NewIsrael, the Church. Thereby God reiterates the and translated as ‘plain, symbolic, homiletical and biblical pattern of promoting the younger sibling mystical’) yielded similar interpretive possibilities over the elder. The ‘supersessionist’ pattern grants to the Christian historical, allegorical, moral and value to Israel’s historical blessings, but asserts that anagogical senses, respectively. Common interests Christianity moves forward with their spiritual ful- in biblical topics and the emergence of the uni- filments while carnal Judaism remains ‘stagnant versity led to increasing interaction among Jewish in useless antiquity’ (Augustine, Adv. Jud. 6(8)). and Christian scholars, and the twelfth to the sev- According to John Chrysostom, the law (Torah) enteenth centuries saw a flourishing of Christian that Israel repeatedly failed to observe has now Hebraists, especially among the mendicant orders, been superseded by Christian faith, making Jew- the Victorines and the dissidents seeking reforma- ish efforts at Torah-observance especially perverse. tion of the Roman Catholic Church. While the men- Thus the theme of Jewish incompetence as readers dicants used their Hebrew learning to proselytise of the Hebrew Bible became characteristic of Chris- Jews, the latter groups followed the lead of the early tian anti-Jewish disputation; Augustine’s enduring church theologian Jerome in seeking clearer insight image of the Jews as a witness people included his into biblical truth through the ‘authentic Hebrew’ assertion that the Christian doctrine of fulfilment (hebraica veritas) text. They also studied rabbinic was more credible for the fact that the fulfilled scrip- and kabbalistic texts, believing that these preserved tures had been preserved by a people who did not meanings that had come to be distorted by Church believe them (the ‘book-bearers’). translations and interpretations. The Hebrew Bible itself shows several cases of Beginning with the rise of universities in the reinterpretation among the canonical books, as in Renaissance and the sweeping intellectual changes the Isaiah book, which is expanded twice beyond of the Enlightenment,Jews and Christians found the lifetime of the prophet, and the recasting of greater common ground in their approach to the Samuel–KingsbytheauthorofChronicles.Thewrit- Hebrew Bible through literary and historical crit- ers of the Dead Sea Scrolls utilised interpretive tech- icism (see biblical criticism). Barukh Spinoza,in niques not unlike those known in early Christian his Tractatus Theologio-Politicus (1670), severed circles, and the Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha the study of biblical history from doctrinal asser- demonstrate the creativity of both Jews and Chris- tions by theologians much as Richard Simon (1638– tians in carrying forward the biblical heritage. By 1712) did in his Histoire critique du Vieux Testament the early centuries CE the Bible came to be under- (1678). Thereafter the ‘liberal’ approach to bibli- stood as Written Torah, a closed canon, while a body cal interpretation would bear greater resemblances of Oral Torah – traditionally understood to have across the divide of faith than to ‘traditional’ meth- come with the Written Torah to Moses at Mount ods within the same faith community. Such aca- Sinai – developed in RabbinicJudaism as a comple- demic congruence afforded greater opportunity for mentary canon. Jacob Neusner (b. 1932) and others interaction among Jewish and Christian scholars, have explored the relationship of these two canons, but long centuries of anti-Judaism also continued which differ markedly in style, focus and authority. to infect Christian biblical scholarship. Thus Julius Rabbinic tradition in the post-Mishnaic period, in Wellhausen’s late-nineteenth-century summation response to Christian reliance on biblical prophecy of the documentary hypothesis of Pentateuchal and psalms for Christological arguments, devel- (Torah) composition, like his broader studies on the oped a principle of Torah priority over Prophets and history of Israel, combined keen historical acumen Writings as theological authorities. Samaritans do with prejudiced caricatures of Judaism. The persis- not include the latter two collections in their canon, tence of such bias in European and North Ameri- and Karaites reject the rabbinic use of Oral Torah can biblical studies prompted Solomon Schechter and use the ‘plain meaning’ of the Hebrew Bible as (1847–1915) to brand higher criticism a form of their sole authority. ‘higher antisemitism’ and contributed to the devel- Medieval Jewish and Christian biblical interpre- opment of a twentieth-century Israeli school of tation ran parallel courses in their development thought. Yehezkel Kaufmann’s(1889–1964) work on of fourfold exegesis. The Jewish quartet of peshat, the history of biblical Israel; archaeological study

178 Hebrew Bible by Benjamin Mazar (1906–95), Yohanan Aharoni tion Society of America asserts ‘Tanakh’ convinc- (1919–76), and the father–son succession of Eliezer ingly as the title of its Bible for the Jewish com- Sukenik (1889–1953) and Yigael Yadin (1917–84); munity, while Paul van Buren (1924–97) makes a the text-critical investigations of Shemaryahu Tal- thoughtful, if not self-evident, case for retaining mon (b. 1920), Moshe Goshen-Gottstein (1925–91) ‘Old Testament’ in Christian circles (1998). Yet, as and Emanuel Tov (b. 1941) are all exemplary of an object of joint interest or of scholarly study, distinctive Israeli approaches. In the last case, for the heritage of biblical Israel seems too complex instance, the Hebrew University Bible Project pur- and multivalent to admit of a single adequate sues its work toward a critical edition of the Hebrew title. Bible differently than the United Bible Societies, Rather than exposing a failure of theological basing the work on a manuscript authenticated imagination, this inability to name the biblical writ- by Maimonides, entirely forswearing conjectural ings univocally is a reflex of their radically com- reconstruction of text forms that have no witness munal character. James A. Sanders (b. 1927) set the in the manuscript record, and including more evi- new agenda for canonical studies, shifting the focus dence from traditional Jewish sources such as the from their content or their inspired composition to Talmud and the masora. The distinctly Christian, the communities that revere them in different eras even Protestant, development of biblical theology for varied reasons (Canon and Community, Torah is one that has found little resonance in the Jew- and Canon). Thereby he has provided the histori- ish academy. Albeit the biblical style was instru- cal and theoretical grounding for the spirit in which mental in Martin Buber’s articulation of the I– the Hebrew Bible has become a vehicle of common Thou character of divine–human relations, and exploration and mutual self-disclosure among Jews Franz Rosenzweig’s theology took full cognisance and Christians, rather than a bone of contention of the biblical witness, their joint biblical project over which to press exclusive claims. In his work resulted in a translation of the Hebrew Bible rather lies the impetus for a new ‘confessional criticism’ than an explicit biblical theology. Isaac Kalimi that could elaborate a common Jewish and Chris- (b. 1952) in 2002 called for greater attention to a tian exegetical method without surrendering dis- Jewish biblical theology, notwithstanding its nec- tinctive theological claims to modernity’s rational- essary differences from Christian biblical and ‘Old ist norm, a project that is also being pursued by Testament’ theology. Peter Ochs (b. 1950) under the rubric of ‘scriptural In the post-Shoah and postmodern era, the reasoning’. Hebrew Bible has become, in the words of the Chris- Beginning with the recognition of modern bibli- tian 2002 statement A Sacred Obligation, something cal studies in the papal encyclical Divino Afflante that ‘both connects and separates Jews and Chris- Spiritu (1943), and the Vatican II repudiation of tians’. The optimistic rationalism of the modern anti-Judaism in Nostra Aetate (1965), the Roman era, already challenged by neo-Orthodox Christian Catholic Church has undertaken its own rethink- theologians beginning with Karl Barth (1886–1968), ing of the place of the Hebrew Bible in Church exploded in the Final Solution, so that a neutral and theology. Catholic revisions to the lectionary approachtotheHebrewBibleasaliterary-historical cycle in the 1970s led the way for all major liturgi- product is no longer credible. Neither, however, can cal denominations to re-examine their use of the there be a return to the pre-modern, doctrinally OldTestament in worship. The Pontifical Biblical determined mutual alienation of Jewish and Chris- Commission, in its comprehensive 2001 publica- tian interpretation. A new understanding of canon tion The Jewish People and their Sacred Scriptures and biblical authority is being fashioned among in the Christian Bible, affirmed the integrity of both progressive thinkers in both communities. the Jewish and Christian readings of the Hebrew One deceptively superficial symptom of the Bible as ‘irreducible’ and affirmed that ‘the Jewish problem lies in disputes over the proper name of reading of the Bible is a possible one, in continu- the canonical collection, with no satisfactory con- ity with the Jewish Sacred Scriptures . . . a reading sensus emerging among the options of ‘Hebrew analogous to the Christian reading’ (II.A.7, §22). Bible’, ‘Jewish Bible’, ‘Old Testament’, ‘First Testa- The Hebrew Bible has been both battleground ment’, ‘Shared Testament’ etc. The Jewish Publica- and weapon in the long conflict of Christianity and

179 Hebrew Christians

Judaism that was largely forsworn in the latter half but at the same time provides fertile ground for of the twentieth century. Both in shared study of debate about interpretation. these scriptures and in their respective recastings In Jesus’ time few Jews spoke Hebrew, and in the of theological language for a new era of mutual great community of Alexandria even the Bible was respect, Jews and Christians have begun to take read in Greek. The rabbis and their followers, how- up the challenge of discerning anew what role the ever, have continued to this day to use Hebrew for Hebrew Bible will play in their relationship. Bible, prayer and study, and in recent times it has PETER A. PETTIT revived as a spoken language in Israel. Hebrew Christians Early Judaism and Christianity sought to justify Hebrew Christians emerged as a group of Jewish themselves as fulfilment of the Hebrew scriptures. converts to Christianity in the early nineteenth cen- Gospels and midrash abound with proof-texts tury, at the same time as the first translation of the from the same scriptures. Jews had the advantage NewTestament into Hebrew (1838). The Hebrew over Greek-speaking Gentile Christians, since they Christian movement was established initially in could always reject Christian interpretation on the England in 1865 but soon moved to the United grounds that it was based on a misunderstand- States. The first mission, the ‘Israelites of the New ing of the Hebrew text. The Church Father Ori- Covenant Movement’, was established in Kishinev, gen of Alexandria composed his Hexapla,ofwhich Russia, in 1882 by Joseph Rabinowitz (1837–99), only fragments remain, not only to establish a cor- amember of a distinguished hasidic family, who rect biblical text, but to provide Christian schol- developed a version of Maimonides’13principles ars with material to rebut Jewish arguments. The of Jewish faith, as well as a version of the 39 Arti- Greek Septuagint,invaried recensions, became the clesoftheChurchofEngland.Rabinowitz’sattempt definitive text for many Orthodox Churches.Fol- to combine a Jewish lifestyle with belief in Jesus’ lowing Origen, Jerome, who learned Hebrew and Messiahship caused great controversy but was sup- some midrash from Jews in Bethlehem, translated ported by some Jewish-Christian leaders. An inter- the scriptures from Hebrew into Latin. His Vulgate national body of Jewish Christians known as the was accepted as the official version of the scrip- Hebrew Christian Alliance was established in 1915 tures by the Catholic Church only at the Council in New York. The Alliance grew significantly in the of Trent; today the Church regards it as ‘authentic first half of the twentieth century and initiated mis- from the judicial, but not from the critical point of sions to Jews in the US and in Europe. In the second view’. half of the twentieth century there was increasing The rabbis shared with Christians the notion that tension within the movement between a younger the text of scripture was literally the word of God. generation who wished to emphasise Jewish prac- They held that the received text of the Five Books tice and maintain their own places of worship and of Moses was free from error and redundancy, and the more traditionally minded who wanted to inte- comprehensive. In order to constrain the meaning grateintotheGentileChurches.Someleftthemove- of the Hebrew text so that it would accord with tra- ment to establish modern Messianic Jewish groups ditional teaching they devised rules of interpreta- such as Jews for Jesus, and in 1975 the Hebrew tion for both halakhah and aggadah, and these Christian Alliance changed its name to Messianic determine the limits of midrashic interpretation. Jewish Alliance, thus fulfilling Rabinowitz’s vision. These limits enabled them, by a close reading of EDWARD KESSLER the Hebrew text, to rebut both pagan critique of Hebrew language scripture and Christological readings. Though they Hebrew is the language of almost the entire corpus looked on the Greek Septuagint with disfavour, the of the Hebrew scriptures, or OldTestament,except rabbis encouraged Aramaic translation; the Tal- for Daniel and part of Ezra/Nehemiah. Hebrew mud several times adduces support for a particular words adopted into English and other languages understanding of a biblical word or phrase ‘as Rav include Messiah,Jubilee, Amen and Halleluyah; Yosef translated [into Aramaic]’, and commended Hebrew concepts translated into those languages the regular reading, in public and private, of are far more numerous. This shared vocabulary Targum (Aramaic translation), in particular that forms a strong bond between Jews and Christians, attributed to ‘Onkelos the Proselyte’.

180 Heine, Heinrich

Through the Middle Ages Jews enlarged the precise meaning of Shiloh in Gen. 49.10, or other vocabulary of Hebrew and developed new styles, alleged Christological references. In the light of sometimes drawing on models from surrounding modern biblical scholarship such debates are futile. cultures. The formal study of Hebrew grammar We must distinguish between the objective study and lexicography was well advanced by the late of the biblical texts in their historical context and tenth century in Muslim Spain, when Judah ben the use made of those texts within particular faith David Hayyuj (c.940–c.1010) arrived from Fez and communities,ChristianorJewish–thatis,Christian argued, against Menahem ibn Saruq (c.910–c.970), andJewishhermeneutic.Theobjectivestudyhasits that all Hebrew roots were triliteral. It was, how- own disciplines, independent of later Christian and ever, Menahem’s Mahberet,ordictionary, that pro- Jewish hermeneutic. The use of the Bible in the faith foundly influenced the French commentator Rashi community is quite another matter; there is much in his effort to recover the peshat,orplain meaning, for Jews and Christians to learn from each other’s of scripture. Rashi’s commentaries were meant for hermeneutic, but ultimately the question of what the ordinary educated Jew, but they soon became hermeneutic to adopt, and how this relates to the known to Christians, both to those who hoped such ‘plain meaning’, is a theological issue constrained knowledge would aid their conversionist aims, and but not completely determined by the study of the to Renaissance scholars such as Hugh of St Victor Hebrew language. NORMAN SOLOMON (d. 1142) in Paris, who rather like Rashi set him- Hebrew literature see literature, Hebrew, modern self the task of rehabilitating the literal sense of Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich (1770–1831) scripture. Others, such as Robert Grosseteste (d. Philosopher. A university lecturer and, from 1818, 1253), Bishop of Lincoln, and the doctor mirabilis professor of philosophy in Berlin, Hegel dominated Roger Bacon (1214–92) in Oxford, carried the work nineteenth-century philosophy and, particularly forward. In 1312 The Council of Vienne decreed through his influence on Karl Marx (1818–83), sig- that two teaching posts each for Greek, Hebrew, nificantly affected politics. Hegel believed his philo- Syriac and Arabic should be established at Paris, sophy marked the high-water mark of human Oxford, Bologna and . Much of the new attempts to comprehend the ‘absolute idea’,or God. Hebrew scholarship is summed up in Nicholas of He considered Jewish religion limited in its appre- Lyra’s Postillae, strongly influenced by Rashi. The hension of the absolute, but not wrong. Christian- Lollard English Bible (1388), and successive trans- ity he thought truer, but justified and fulfilled only lations into European vernaculars, were influenced in his philosophy. As a result, he lent philosophi- in turn by Lyra’s work. cal credibility to the idea that Protestant Christian- It might be said that Christian Hebraism, and so ity is a more advanced form of religious belief than indirectly Rashi and the Jewish grammarians, was Judaism. STEPHEN PLANT responsible for the Reformation. Scholarly work on Heine, Heinrich (1797–1856) the original Hebrew text, as on the Greek of the Born Harry Heine to Jewish parents, Heine con- NewTestament, cast doubt on traditional Chris- verted to Christianity to make a civil service career tian exegesis;itstrengthened the hand of those, possible, but is remembered as a poet and essay- like Luther, who regarded only scripture (sola scrip- ist. His work explored Judaism, Jewish–Christian tura)asauthoritative, and demanded freedom of encounter, and antisemitism in modern Europe. interpretation. A similar questioning of traditional For example, his Disputation describes a disputa- interpretation had occurred in the Jewish world, tion in medieval Toledo. Heine’sbiography is repre- and it is ironic to see the Catholic Richard Simon sentative of a generation of Jewish intellectuals who (1638–1712), a pioneer of historico-critical bibli- abandoned Judaism only to return to it in later life. cal research, addressing a Protestant correspon- He famously regarded baptism as an ‘entry ticket to dent as ‘mon cher Cara¨ıte’, and signing off ‘Le European culture’ and said of Judaism, ‘I never left Rabbaniste’. it’. Until recently his origins and politics made him Still today there are conservative Jews and Chris- a controversial figure in his native Germany.Under tians who do battle with ‘proof-texts’ and rehearse Nazism, his celebrated poem Die Lorelei, which has ancient debates as to whether almah in Isa. 7.14 been set to music many times, was attributed to an means ‘virgin’ or ‘young woman’, or what is the ‘author unknown’. MELANIE J. WRIGHT

181 Hellenism

Hellenism which soon acquired broader cultural connota- Three different if related uses of ‘Hellenism’ are tions. Drawing upon the work of the German classi- to be distinguished: an ancient Greek term, a cal scholar J. J. Winckelmann (1717–68), who cham- modern designation of a culture and its interac- pioned the ideal of a Hellenic age, the historian J. G. tion in the ancient world, and a modern concept Droysen (1808–84) applied the term ‘Hellenism’ to representing both cultural and intellectual move- the cultural fusion of the period after Alexander the ments. Confusion between the different denota- Great(d.323BCE)whenGreekandNearEasterntra- tions has caused misunderstanding, but has also in ditions met. Rejecting the perception of this period the modern era been used to promote anti-Jewish as one of post-classical decline, he sought to reha- sentiments. A similar confusion has been the basis bilitate it as an ideal epoch, a time of transition dur- for an attempted resolution of difficulties in Jewish– ing which occurred the developments necessary for Christian relations. that fusion of the cultures of the pagan Greek world Hellenism first appears as an ethnic designa- and the Semitic Eastern lands whose outcome was tion (as opposed to a cultural or linguistic one) Christianity. The influence of Hegel detectable in in the apocryphal book 2 Maccabees (4.13). Used the work of Winckelmann makes it possible to see in parallelism with the term ‘foreign’, it denotes this account of the meeting of Greek and Hebraic the charge levelled by the Maccabees, during their elements in Christianity as a Hegelian synthesis; revolt against Seleucid rule (167–165 BCE), at the while espousing a synthesis of the Hebraic and the actions of those Jews they considered to be aban- Hellenic, Droysen held to the belief that they were doning Jewish practice and succumbing to the ways opposed and required the brilliance of Christianity of their overlords; it is thus presented as antithet- to unite them. The effect that such opinions had on ical to Judaism. Hellenism in this context appears the presentation of Judaism can be detected in a to be a term of propaganda against the Maccabean number of writers. Already in the works of Johann opponents, and it should not be considered that Gottfried von Herder (1744–1803) the superiority theMaccabeeswereagainst‘Greek’practicesperse. of the Greeks to the Hebrews had been claimed, Christian authors in antiquity expanded this ethnic with post-exilic Judaism being preferred to pre- usage to denote paganism in general. exilic, and in the course of the nineteenth cen- In modern scholarship Hellenism denotes the tury many writers extolled the qualities of Hel- spread of Greek cultural influence, whether in lenic Christianity in contrast to the more archaic language, literature, thought or political institu- Judaism. In France E. Renan (1823–92) argued that tions, throughout the Mediterranean and Near East the Semitic (i.e. Israelite) contribution to the cham- in antiquity. Such cultural influence (which the pioning of paganism was not enough to prevent Maccabees have erroneously been said to have the charge of small-mindedness from being applied opposed) was aided by the Empire of Alexander the to the Semites, invoking once more the superior- Great and the kingdoms of his successors, but in ity of the Hellenic achievement over the Semitic most regions it seems that there was a symbiosis and even claiming that Jesus should be considered of Greek and native cultures rather than a domi- aGalilean rather than a Jew. In England, mean- nance of one over the other. Both Jewish and Chris- while, Matthew Arnold (1822–88), under the influ- tian authors were influenced by Greek language (an ence of both Herder and Heine, claimed that Eng- influence found even in rabbinic Hebrew) and by land required a new Hellenic artistic spirit, seeing Greek philosophical concepts and literary forms, EnglishtraditionasacombinationofHellenismand and for many Jews in the Roman Empire Greek the bondage of law and sin in Hebraism. Under was the usual form of communication and expres- Arnold’sowninfluenceasaliterarycritic,aHebrew– sion. The synagogue, for example, could be said to Hellenic opposition has become a popular liter- have been a Greek institution only hebraised in late ary tool, without any prejudicial overtones, and is antiquity. to be found in literary critics and philosophers, In the eighteenth century a revival of interest including Emmanuel Levinas (1906–95). This third in the classical world, termed Neo-hellenism, pro- use of the term Hellenism can often be confused duced a binary model of ethnic identity which with its designation of the ancient period in some distinguished between Hebraic and Hellenic, and modern studies of ancient Jewish history. Thus one

182 Heresy

sometimesfindsthepre-Christianperiodportrayed massacres and forced conversions of the First Cru- as one of opposition between Judaism and Hel- sade in 1096, and asked the Bishop of Speyer lenism, as, for example, in the works of the historian to shelter survivors of the massacre. He opposed Martin Hengel (b. 1926), who in similar Hegelian forced baptisms and stated that Jews should come terms finds the resolution of such an opposition in underhisjurisdictionratherthantheChurch,partly aChristianityinwhichitisnolongerpossibletosep- because he viewed Jews as valuable property. In arate the two elements. The problem with all such 1103, in Mainz, Jews were included for the first reconstructions is that they do not conform to the timeinaLandfrieden(peaceproclamation)–along- historical evidence, which suggests a prevalence of side clerics, women and merchants – in which the symbiosis over opposition throughout the ancient emperor pledged to protect certain classes. period. The privileging as ideal of any one culture EDWARD KESSLER or age is also highly subjective. Herbert, George (1593–1633) Some Christian writers on Jewish–Christian rela- Anglicanpastorandpoet;hispoems,oftenwithbib- tions, in an attempt to purge Christianity of its lical resonances, were collected under the title The anti-Judaism, have resorted to a Hebrew–Hellenic Temple, published posthumously.His 12-line poem oppositionintheirhistoricalreconstructionofearly ‘The Jews’ is evocative, especially because he died Christianity. They have precedence in this from well before Oliver Cromwell allowed Jews to return Martin Buber, who distinguished the faith of Jesus, to England. The poem develops a theme of what as the biblical pattern of faith belonging to the peo- might be called benign supersessionism.Jews lack ple of Israel too, from the faith of Paul,aGreek vitality because their treasures have been usurped propositional faith. Others have tried to return by Christianity.However, through the humble inter- Christianity to its Jewish roots by downplaying cession of the Church, Jewish spiritual life will be Greco-Roman elements and emphasising a wis- revitalised. Probably this will take place before the dom Christology rather than the Greek philosophi- final days. Influenced by Herbert, Henry Vaughan cal Christology of the early Councils. This overlooks (1622–95) wrote a much longer poem with the same the fact that early Judaism was itself Hellenistic and title. LAWRENCE E. FRIZZELL that to search for a pure Jewish or ‘Hebraic’ Chris- Heresy tianity is thus a flawed enterprise. From Greek hairesis, which originally meant a free See also ancient authors JAMES K. AITKEN choice, as in ‘free-will offering’ (Lev. 22.18 LXX), or Henry III (1207–72) a party of acceptable opinion, such as Sadducees, King of England (1216–72) whose reign saw the Pharisees and Christians (Acts 5.17; 15.5; 24.14). decline of medieval Jewry from a position of rel- Paul perceived a pejorative in others’ designating ative prosperity to one of complete ruin, buffeted theJewish-Christiancommunityasaheresy(‘every- by an increasingly hostile Church. Jews were seen where it is spoken against’) and preferred ‘The Way’. as a source for royal income and, for example, By the end of the second century, influenced sig- Henry financed his son Edward’s crusade from Jew- nificantly by Irenaeus (see, e.g., his Contra haere- ish funds. Henry established the Domus Conver- sis), the term ‘heresy’ was used widely to describe sorum and ordered synagogue worship to be held and discredit Christian opponents but not Jews, quietly so that Christians passing by did not have to who were viewed as unbelievers who had a special hear it. In 1217, shortly after Lateran Council IV,he relationship with the Church. Irenaeus described ordered that Jews should wear the ‘Jew badge’; Jews his own position as orthodox (from ortho,‘straight’, were also forbidden to employ Christian nurses or anddoxa,thinking),condemningothersasheretics. maids or prevent other Jews from converting to Although the term so understood does not exist in Christianity. EDWARD KESSLER the Hebrew Bible,inpost-Second Temple Judaism Henry IV (1050–1106) the rabbis used a number of terms to define a Holy Roman Emperor and King of Germany (1056– heretic, the most relevant to Jewish–Christian rela- 1106) whose measures defined the status of Jews tions being min. The minim (pl.) referred to Jews in Germany, often in opposition to the less lib- of offensive theologies and practices and was likely eral Pope Gregory VII (r.1073–85). He allowed bap- at one time to have included Jewish Christians (see tised Jews to revert to Judaism, notably after the birkat ha-minim).

183 Herford, R(obert) Travers

Christian persecution and elimination of Chris- wrote of Pharisaism’s piety, loving concern and tian heresies tended to ignore Judaism, partly as a humaneness. His published works cite a particu- result of the influence of Augustine’s doctrine, reaf- lar indebtedness to the work of Jacob Lauterbach firmed consistently by medieval popes, that Jews (1873–1942) and Leo Baeck.Ofhis nine books, three were not to be killed or forced to accept baptism of the most significant remain Christianity in Tal- and that the continued existence of the Jewish mud and Midrash (1903), The Pharisees (1924) and people,observingitsownfaith,wasGod’swill.Thus, The Ethics of the Talmud (1945). after the conversion of Constantine, neither the PHILIP CULBERTSON widespread Adversus Judaeos literature nor Chris- Hermeneutics tian violence against Jews results in the elimina- Hermeneutics addresses the assumptions that tion of Judaism. Although Jews were forced to live a underlie the process of interpretation. A history lifeofdispersion,subjugationandinferiority,Chris- of the subject as it affects the interpretation of tian toleration of Judaism was far more lenient scripture would require an examination of the than the Church’s policy toward its own Christian earliest theoretical discussions in Plato (427–347 heretics. For its part, Judaism was not beyond con- BCE), through the practical rules to be found cern with heresy and persecution of Jewish heretics. within both Jewish and Christian tradition, to This was sometimes supported by the Christian the modern formal study of the subject follow- powers. For example, the Dutch Reformed Church ing Friedrich Schleiermacher (1768–1834), Wilhelm encouraged the Amsterdam Jewish community in Dilthey (1833–1911), Martin Heidegger (1889– its measures against Spinoza, whose philosophy 1976), Hans-Georg Gadamer (1900–2002) and Paul influenced Christianity. Since the Enlightenment Ricoeur (1913–2005). In the modern era the church the charge of heresy has carried less and less weight would be represented by Rudolf Bultmann (1884– in Judaism and Christianity, although some fun- 1976) and Karl Barth (1886–1968), the Jewish world damentalist groups still threaten excommunica- by Hermann Cohen,Franz Rosenzweig,Martin tion for heretics. For example, ultra-Orthodox Jews Buber and Leo Baeck. The interaction between accused Chief Rabbi Dr Jonathan Sacks (b. 1948) of the two traditions in their engagement with the heresy in 2002 on account of some statements in biblical text is a key element in Jewish–Christian his book Dignity of Difference, such as his assertion relations. that no one religion has a monopoly on truth. The Fishbane (b. 1943) distinguishes between expli- ongoing power of the charge of heresy within these catio, which addresses the philological or historical groups is illustrated by the fact that Sacks changed content of a text and interpretatio, which engages some of the offending language in the second edi- with the reception of the text by later genera- tion. Controversies within the Jewish community tions. Regarding the former, the ongoing Jewish affect Christian–Jewish dialogue: for example, sig- engagement with the Hebrew text led Christians nificant pressure is brought to bear on Orthodox to turn to the rabbis when seeking to uncover Jews to refrain from dialogue by the haredim. the ‘plain’ meaning of scripture. Thus Origen in EDWARD KESSLER the third century CE, the first Christian scholar to Herford, R(obert) Travers (1860–1950) study Hebrew, consulted leading Jewish scholars Christian scholar of Rabbinic Judaism.Follow- during visits to the land of Israel.Inthe four- ing his education in London and Leiden, Herford teenth century Nicholas of Lyra,inhiscommit- served lengthy ministries at Manchester’s Stand ment to a commentary on the literal meaning of Unitarian Chapel and in London. Like other non- the Bible, studied the commentaries of Rashi,in Jewish scholars in this field, Herford took up the whichregardhewasfollowingthesimilarsteptaken study of Rabbinics as an inquiry into Christian by Andrew of St Victor.Lyra in turn influenced origins. He is generally placed in the same class the Bible translations of Wycliffe (c.1329–84) and as Charles Taylor (1840–1908) and Herbert Danby, of Luther. However, the ‘traffic’ was not simply British Christians who were disturbed by the prej- in one direction, as Rashi’s concern with creating udices of earlier Christian scholars. Herford regu- a sentence-by-sentence commentary expounding larly translated halakhah as ‘walking in the way’ the peshat (plain meaning) of Torah parallels the to deflect any sense of Judaism as legalistic, and contemporary development in Christian circles of a

184 Heschel, Abraham Joshua

movement that sought to emphasise the literal sets the nativity when Quirinius governed Syria (c.6 meaning of scripture. CE). This possible discrepancy (the dates Josephus On the level of interpretatio the rabbis derived provides are not without problems) has served as hermeneutic rules (middot) for the interpretation an argument against the historicity of the Gospels. of scripture: 7 middot are attributed to Hillel, 13 Herod’s son Antipas (?13 BCE–?45), the tetrarch of to Rabbi Ishmael and 32 to Rabbi Jose Galili. Galilee, beheaded John the Baptist either because The former two addressed primarily issues of law, John condemned his incestuous marriage (so halakhah, while the latter addressed broader ethi- the Gospels) or as a pre-emptive strike against calandmoralissues,aggadah.Similarmethodscan John’s popularity (so Josephus). Christian writings be found operating in the NewTestament. Later describe Agrippa I (c.10 BCE–44 CE) unfavourably: Jewish commentary tends to reflect the need to he executed James, imprisoned Peter and, not hav- counter Christian contentions regarding, for exam- ing rebuffed the crowd’s idolatry towards him, ple, the divinity of Jesus and related Messianic died ignominiously, devoured by worms (Acts expectations, sometimes fought out in the context 12.20–23). Jewish tradition emphasises his gen- of disputations.Hence a variety of Jewish interpre- erous and compassionate nature and his obser- tations of Isa. 52–53, the ‘Suffering Servant’ pas- vance of halakhic regulations (e.g. Josephus, Ant. sage, identify this figure at various times with the 19.330f.). AMY-JILL LEVINE Jewish people as a whole, with one of the prophets Herzl, Theodor (1860–1904) or kings, even with the ‘yet-to-appear’ Messiah, all Budapest-born father of political Zionism.Asa of which served to combat Christian identification journalist he covered the Dreyfus Affair in 1895, of the text with Jesus. which convinced him of the need for a radical solu- In modernity, with the radical change in the tion to antisemitism.InThe Jewish State (1896) central authority of scripture, Christians and Jews he outlined a secular argument for the establish- face similar problems. The assault on the tra- ment of a Jewish state, not necessarily in Palestine. ditional view of scripture by historical criticism Despite a lack of interest in Jewish religious Zion- (see biblical criticism) affected both traditions ism, Herzl was prepared to tolerate Christian Zion- equally. However, by the end of the twentieth ism insofar as it helped him to gain the support of century both had found ways of accommodating European powers. One of Herzl’s earliest support- themselves to the challenge, either by an outward ers (present at the first World Zionist Conference, rejection of the approach, the ‘neo-orthodox’ or 1897) was the Anglican priest and Restorationist ‘fundamentalist’ position, or by emphasising the William Hechler (1845–1931) who pressed for a human contribution over time to the process of return to Israel and who introduced Herzl to a num- revelation. JONATHAN MAGONET ber of powerful contacts within the German ruling Herod/Herodian dynasty classes. DANIEL R. LANGTON Herod the Great, his son Antipas and his grandson Heschel, Abraham Joshua (1907–72) Agrippa I are remembered differently by Jews and Philosopher, theologian, and social activist. Born Christians. Rome appointed Herod (73–?4 BCE), in Warsaw, Poland, the descendant of long lines grandson of an Idumean convert to Judaism, king of renowned hasidic rabbis, Heschel eventually of Judea, Galilee and Perea in 40 BCE. Matt. 2.1– became the most prominent American Jewish reli- 18 depicts Herod as a new Pharaoh who slaughters gious thinker of the twentieth century. Raised Jewish children in the effort to kill the rival ‘King of to become a hasidic rebbe, he emerged as one the Jews’ mentioned by the Magi. Although some of the most influential Jews with respect to interpreters distinguish the evil Jewish Herod from Jewish–Christian relations. He earned his doc- the faithful Gentile Magi, Matthew’s Gospel rejects torate in philosophy at the University of Berlin such division: the holy family and slaughtered chil- (1933), succeeded Martin Buber as director of dren are also Jews. Whereas today Jews remem- Judische¨ Lehrhaus (founded by Franz Rosen- ber Herod primarily for building the Western Wall zweig)inFrankfurt-am-Main (1937–8) and taught (the Kotel), contemporary Jewish sources confirm at Hebrew Union College in Cincinnatti (1940–5) Matthew’s picture of a paranoid despot. Josephus and at the Jewish Theological Seminary in New York suggests Herod died c.4 BCE, although Luke 2.2 (1945–72).

185 Hexapla

Aprolific writer, Heschel made scholarly con- Christians and a new Christian self-understanding tributions to the study of the Bible,rabbinic lit- vis-a-vis` Judaism. JOHN C. MERKLE erature, medieval philosophy, Jewish mysticism, Hexapla Hasidism and interfaith relations. His books – espe- A compilation by Origen in parallel columns, the cially The Sabbath (1951), ManIsnot Alone (1951), Hexapla contained the Hebrew text of the Tanakh/ Man’s Quest for God (1954) and God inSearch of OldTestament, the Hebrew transliterated into Man (1955) – have inspired countless Christians as Greek characters, the Jewish translation of Aquila, well as Jews to perceive the spiritual grandeur of that of Symmachus (second century CE), the Septu- Judaism. Heschel’s social activism also had great agint, and the version of Theodotion (late second influence on Jewish–Christian relations. In 1963 century CE?). It is preserved in quotations in the he delivered the keynote address at the National Church Fathers,marginal notes on manuscripts Conference on Religion and Race, which led to and a few manuscript leaves of the Hexapla itself. widespread participation by rabbis and Christian Its purpose is disputed, as its role may have been clergy in the great ‘march on Washington’. He often for textual criticism or education, but Origen (Ep. appeared with Martin Luther King (1929–68), who Afr. 9.5) claims he compiled it for debate with called Heschel ‘a truly great prophet’,and he walked the Jews. Eusebius certainly made use of Aquila, by King’s side in the front row of the march at Symmachus and Theodotion (sometimes known Selma. Heschel and King forged a close friendship as ‘the Three’) for his Proof of the Gospel, which is that became symbolic of fruitful Jewish–Christian an apologetic, and amongst Adversus Judaeos texts encounter. A co-founder of the national interfaith the Anonymous Dialogue with the Jews (sixth cen- group Clergy and Laity Concerned about Viet- tury?) employs them extensively. nam, Heschel inspired King to join him in publicly See also Bible translations, ancient protesting against the war in Vietnam and in work- JAMES K. AITKEN ing to end it. Historic Peace Churches Active in formal interfaith relations, Heschel The Historic Peace Churches (HPCs) – Brethren, assumed a prominent role in negotiations between Quakers and Mennonites (the largest of the Jewish organisations and the hierarchy of the Anabaptist family of churches) – are Christian com- Roman Catholic Church before and during Vatican munions that refuse to participate in war or to II.Hewas the most influential American Jewish del- justify it theologically. They also share some com- egate at the council, encouraging Church leaders to mon approaches to Church and state relations condemn antisemitism,toeliminate anti-Judaism and to Jewish–Christian relations, and histories of from Church teachings and to acknowledge the persecution. Sociologist Max Weber (1864–1920) integrity and permanent preciousness of Judaism. termed them ‘believers’ churches’ because of their Although the final conciliar decree on interfaith emphasis on voluntaryism. The groups have their relations, Nostra Aetate, did not fulfil Heschel’s origins in the Radical Reformation and English expectations,heconsidereditalandmarkinthehis- Revolution. The HPC umbrella label dates from tory of Jewish–Christian relations. Heschel also had 1935, when Church representatives met in Kansas far-reaching interfaith influence apart from formal to discuss how their pacifism could be ecumeni- interfaith dialogue. Through his writing, teaching cally articulated. Since then the HPCs have come and public lecturing, he taught Jews and Christians together periodically,most recently to influence the to recognise the sanctity of each other’sreligion and World Council of Churches’ ‘Decade to Overcome helped them realise the mutual spiritual benefits of Violence’ (2001–2010). interfaith encounter. Living his last decade of life in Debates about HPC identity were to the fore the midst of an interfaith revolution he helped cre- during and after the Holocaust. HPC members’ ate, Heschel had the opportunity to reach the Chris- responses during this period varied. Some Euro- tian world in ways unknown to Jews of previous pean Mennonites abandoned pacifism and sup- generations. And while he was one of many Jewish ported Hitler; their American counterparts, and religious thinkers of the twentieth century to influ- the other HPCs, generally opposed Nazism but ence Christian thinking, he more than others fos- were slow to criticise antisemitism,atleast before tered an enhanced appreciation of Judaism among Kristallnacht. In keeping with the HPCs’ general

186 Hitler, Adolf

preferenceforimplicittheology,theyhaveissuedno one of many examples) or used formulas such as ‘In collective statements on issues in Jewish–Christian very truth I tell you . . .’ (Mark 3.28, also one exam- relations, although some individual HPC churches ple) he drew from a well of unshakeable confidence have done so. It is only very recently that HPCs in Judaism and a conviction that God loved him and have begun to examine how being a peace church all people. informs relationships with other Christians and Some of the finest portraits of the historical Jesus with those of other faiths, including Jews. Whilst have been presented by Jewish scholars based in many Quakers subscribe to some form of plural- Jerusalem (Joseph Klausner,David Flusser (1917– ism, the normative HPC position does not reject 2000), Scholem Ben Chorin (1913–99)). Other lead- mission per se, but criticises much Christian wit- ing Jewish contributors include Samuel Sandmel ness, viewing it as abusive of power, reductionist (1911–79), Paula Fredriksen (b. 1951), Geza Vermes in its emphasis on doctrine and ritual, and overly (b.1924)andMartinBuber,whoin1919(DerHeilige identified with Western culture. Weg;‘The Holy Way’) referred to Jesus as ‘brother’ of MELANIE J. WRIGHT the Jews and argued that Jesus was a representative Historical criticism see biblical criticism Jew concerned about the unity of humankind who Historical Jesus opened up the Jewish faith to the world. Studies of the historical Jesus – an attempt to sep- Christian scholars and theologians now routinely arate the pre-Easter historical figure of Jesus from teach that Jesus, his family and all his early fol- the post-Easter Christ of faith – have been led by lowers were Jews, and that the NewTestament Christiantheologiansandscholarsoverseveralcen- was written within a Jewish context. Rediscover- turies, but were invigorated by Abraham Geiger’s ing the Jewish origins of Christianity has also led multi-volume nineteenth-century work on the his- to a greater understanding of and appreciation for tory of Judaism, treating Jesus as part of Jewish his- Torah, which Christians often pictured as a burden tory, and Albert Schweitzer’s(1875–1965) The Quest rather than as a joy (for delight in the Law, see Ps. of the Historical Jesus.Several waves of intense 119.77, 174). In a Christian context this celebration research occurred in the twentieth century, with of respect or awe for the Law appears in the Epistle emerging focus on the Jewish roots of Jesus. to Diognetus (12.6) (see Apostolic Fathers). Many ChristianandJewishscholarstodayconcur WILLIAM KLASSEN that Jesus was a hasidic Jew from the Galilee who Hitler, Adolf (1889–1945) developed a group of disciples and taught in the German leader and antisemite. For Hitler, race, not Temple and among the people. He was a miracle- religion, was the dominant motive for his objec- worker who attracted the disinherited and outcasts, tive of destroying Jews and Judaism. He believed as well as some wealthy Jews. He had a relationship that Jews were responsible for Germany’s defeat in with the Pharisees and ties to renewal groups such the First World War, and in his autobiography Mein as the Qumran sect. He proclaimed the rule of God Kampf (1924) he wrote: ‘The Jew has always been as having arrived, and was crucified at the age of 33 a people with definite racial characteristics and after he refused to cooperate with either Temple or never a religion; only in order to get ahead he early Roman authorities. sought for a means which could distract unpleasant Jesus preached about the KingdomofGod,acen- attention from his person.’ Yet if race provided the tral Jewish motif, and invited people to repent as a mythology and motivation for antisemitism, sec- means of entering the Kingdom, also a Jewish man- ularised religious language provided the justifica- date. Scholars contend that his love ethic, including tion. Hitler employed religious imagery and did not love for the enemy, was based on the book of Leviti- hesitate to use overtly Christian language to appeal cus(19.15–18),aswerehisurgingstoturnawayfrom to a pious audience. He wrote that the Jews’ ‘whole revenge and retaliation. There is no evidence that existence is an embodied protest against the aes- Jesus sought to establish a new religion. Rather, as a thetics of the Lord’s image’ and affirmed that ‘I am prophetofrenewalhesoughttodrawpeoplebackto acting in accordance with the will of the Almighty covenantal faithfulness. He sought the unity of the Creator: by defending myself against the Jew, I am Jewish people under the sovereignty of God. When fighting for the word of the Lord’. Such statements he referred to himself as ‘son of man’(Mark 2.10 as show the legacy of the Adversus Judaeos literature

187 Hoi Ioudaioi

and the Church’scenturies of teaching of contempt. but to first-century Jews (historical); not to all Jew- As Jules Isaac showed immediately after the war, it ish social groups, but only to the Jewish author- was this that sowed the seeds of hatred and made ities (sociological); not to all places, but to Judea it so easy for Hitler to use antisemitism as a politi- (geographical); not to Jews of all faith convictions, cal weapon. Controversy still surrounds the actions but only to those who do not believe in the Johan- of Cardinal Eugenio Pacelli (Pope Pius XII), who nine Jesus (theological). A limitation of the scope of signed a concordat in 1935 guaranteeing the right ‘the Jews’ is in many cases the correct interpretation of the Church ‘to regulate her own affairs’,the terms and avoids the danger of generalising the negative of which Hitler broke almost immediately. Hitler’s connotation to the entire people of Israel. actions against Jews started immediately after he A number of authors have, however, raised criti- gained power in January 1933, and when the war calquestionsabouttheseattemptstolimittherefer- ended in 1945 so had a whole way of life for Euro- entof‘theJews’inJohn(e.g.Culpepper,JohntheSon pean Jews. EDWARD KESSLER of Zebedee,Reinhartz, Befriending the Beloved Dis- Hoi Ioudaioi ciple). While the expression frequently refers to the In biblical and non-biblical sources of the Greco- Jerusalem authorities, there are places, especially Roman period the expression hoi Ioudaioi (‘the John 6.41, 52, where it clearly refers to the Jewish Jews’) is mostly used in a neutral sense. In Jewish– people as a whole. As to the geographical limita- Christian relations problems arise from the nega- tion, by the time of the New Testament the scope tive use of the term in the NewTestament. Although of the expression had taken on a religious meaning aproblematicusecanalsobefoundin1Thess.2.14– and included not only Judeans, but also Galileans 16 and Matt. 28.15, scholarly discussion has focused (cf. John 4.9). Independently of its referent, how- mainly on the Fourth Gospel, where the expres- ever, the term tends to generalise and stereotype sion ‘the Jews’ is used extensively, with frequently the people referred to. Even if a limited referent was changing referents (the whole people, the authori- originally intended, by using the general expres- ties in Jerusalem, the Pharisees, the Judeans etc.) sion ‘the Jews’, with changing referents, it becomes and in approximately half the cases with a pejo- possible for later readers to universalise its scope rative meaning in the context of fierce conflict and in the extreme to include Jews of all times and (with a climax in John 8.31–59). This evidence con- places. fronts Jewish–Christian relations with the ques- Here the question arises whether anti-Judaism tion of whether anti-Judaism exists in the New can be limited to later interpreters, or whether the Testament. The Fourth Gospel (John) is the most fourth evangelist himself is to be held responsible Judaeo-centric of the Gospels, and almost every- for the anti-Jewish potential of the text. This means one we meet there is a Jew. Nevertheless, there that even the commonly accepted ‘two-level drama are some among these Jews to whom the evan- technique’ (Martyn, The Gospel of John), which sees gelist refers as ‘the Jews’. The meaning associated in the Fourth Gospel a combination of the story of with this expression has important implications the earthly Jesus (level one) and the story of the for the question whether the Fourth Gospel has Johannine community (level two), and which by the anti-Jewish dimensions: the broader the assumed use of hoi Ioudaioi projects the conflict with oppo- meaning, the greater the potential for anti- nentsoftheJohanninecommunityontotheconflict Judaism; the narrower the meaning, the smaller the with opponents of the earthly Jesus, cannot solve potential. the problem. For the two-level drama technique is Many authors use historical, sociological, geo- morally problematic, especially in the light of post- graphical or theological arguments to limit the ref- Shoah Christian–Jewish relations, since it runs the erent of ‘the Jews’ (von Wahlde, ‘The Johannine risk of legitimating the ‘transfer of hostility’ from “Jews”’, ‘“The Jews” in the Gospel of John’, Motyer the time of Jesus to the time of the Johannine com- (Your Father the Devil), cf. the document of the Pon- munity and beyond. No matter how sophisticated tifical Biblical Commission On the Jewish People the attempts to avoid an anti-Jewish understanding and their Sacred Scriptures,nr. 79 (2001)). In this of the Fourth Gospel, the general expression ‘the way they can argue that John is not anti-Jewish, Jews’ and its use in the (con)text confronts each since he does not intend to refer to Jews of all times, reading of the Gospel of John with the risk of a new

188 Holiness

‘transfer of hostility’ and raises the question how ings remained, then Rabbinic Judaism should to deal with this problem in Christian life and in be regarded as an unhelpful development and Christian–Jewish relations. of limited relevance to the modern Jew. Among Several suggestions have been made to reduce the reforms he introduced at the Berlin congre- the anti-Jewish potential of hoi Ioudaioi: leaving gation established in 1847 were such ‘Christian it untranslated, or even removing the most customs’ as Sunday services and bareheaded problematic text (John 8.43–50) completely from worship. DANIEL R. LANGTON the Gospel; translating it as ‘the Judeans’ or ‘the Holiness Jewish authorities’; putting ‘the Jews’ between quo- Though there are some differences of emphasis, tation marks, or adding footnotes historically to holiness is a unifying concept in Jewish–Christian contextualise the problem. However, none of these relations. For both Jews and Christians holiness proposals addresses the underlying issue of the derives from God himself. He is holy (kaddosh). The Christology of John. In John ‘the Jews’ are those most common epithet for God in rabbinical litera- Jews who remain ‘disciples of Moses’ and refuse ture is ‘The Holy One, blessed be He’, that is, set to become ‘disciples of Jesus’: the negative use of apart from his creation. (The title ‘Holy One’ is also the term is a barometer of the ‘parting of the ways’ frequent in Isa. 40–55.) Much of Jewish and Chris- betweenChristianityandJudaism.Thefourthevan- tianliturgyemphasisesGod’sholinessasacausefor gelist constructs his Christology in such a way that adoration. Jewish and Christian scripture contains only those who believe in Jesus as the Messiah and numerous references not only to God’sholiness but the Son of God are authentic believers. But even also to the consequent need for his people to be though many of the statements of the evangelist holy. This is worked out variously by Judaism and tend towards exclusivism, the deepest message of Christianity in both ceremonial and moral terms. the Gospel is inclusivistic insofar as it stresses that Judaism tends to emphasise the idea of separa- Jesus was sent for the salvation of the world (John tion from and Christianity the idea of dedication to 3.16, cf. 4.42), that is, of all. Some Johannine schol- something, but the two processes are inextricably ars (e.g. Schneiders, The Revelatory Text, With Oil linked. By rejecting certain activities and thoughts, in their Lamps) today stress God’s universal salvific both Jew and Christian are believed to come closer intention as the ‘ultimate horizon’ (Ricoeur (1913– to God. The so-called ‘holiness code’ of Lev. 17–26 2005)) of the Gospel of John. In a post-Shoah con- spells out the requirements incumbent on a peo- text, searching for a non-supersessionist theology, ple who accept the invitation to be ‘a priestly king- this theology implies that God’s plan of salvation is dom and a holy nation’ (Exod. 19.6). The recur- so universal that the rejection of Christ as mediator rent refrain of Leviticus is: ‘You shall be holy, for of salvation is not necessarily a reason for exclud- I the LORD your God am holy’ (e.g. 19.2). This is to ing Jews from salvation. In this view the Fourth be expressed in ways ranging from how they treat Gospel projects an all-inclusive ‘alternative world’ their neighbour to being distinctive by eating only (Ricoeur, The Conflict of Interpretation) which tran- permitted food (Lev. 19.17–18 and 11.44–47 respec- scends its anti-Jewish potential and therefore need tively). 1 Peter presents Christians as inheriting this not present a stumbling block for Jewish–Christian position as a covenant people (notably 1.15–16 and relations. 2.9–10). Whether this implies the supersession of DIDIER POLLEFEYT AND REIMUND BIERINGER Judaism by Christianity remains a vexed question in Holdheim, Samuel (1806–60) Jewish–Christian relations. In both traditions writ- German Reform rabbi and scholar. A radical ings, places, people, things and, supremely, times reformer, Holdheim personified the so-called aresetapartasholy.Inhisprosepoem‘TheSabbath’ nineteenth-century Christianisation of Judaism Heschel writes: ‘Judaism teaches us to be attached (see Progressive Judaism). Despite a traditional to holiness in time . ..The Sabbaths are our great talmudic education, he shared a common Chris- cathedrals; and our Holy of Holies is the Day of tian assumption that the destruction of the Sec- Atonement.’ So the Kiddush (meaning ‘sanctifying’) ond Temple and Jerusalem had been a sign from is recited at the beginning of Jewish festivals, set- God that the civil and ritual laws were no longer ting the time apart. Other important Jewish prayers necessary. If, he argued, only the moral teach- take their title from the opening word or phrase in

189 Holocaust

Hebrew or Aramaic, derived from the same Hebrew that all that is required is for the Churches to apol- root for ‘to be holy’. From the Kedushah comes the ogise for past actions or inaction and Jews and Christian Sanctus, both in turn deriving from the Christians can demonstrate their ‘new’ relation- words of the seraphim in Isa. 6.3. Nahmanides, ship through their shared commitment to com- in his commentary on Lev. 19.2, argues that not memorating the Holocaust, thus ensuring it never only the holy man (ha-kodesh,atitle reserved for happens again. Sharing One Hope? The Church the most saintly) but also the average Jew must go of England and Christian–Jewish Relations (2001) beyond the law in his cultivation of holiness. Jew- begs to differ and notes that ‘many aspects of [the ish mysticism conceives of a particular unity with Holocaust’s] history, its current commemoration, God achieved by the most holy. The hasidic prac- and its philosophical or theological interpretation tice of going to pray at the gravestone of famous arouse great controversy’. rebbes may be taken to indicate belief in the great ‘The Holocaust’ is a complex metanarrative with holiness of figures who are exceptionally close to multiple chronologies (histories of the Holocaust God.ExceptionalsainthoodisalsopartoftheChris- differed from country to country), incorporat- tian tradition, but so too is the notion that all God’s ing numerous experiences and events (e.g. the people are called to be saints, combining the moral Kindertransports, ghettos, hiding, resistance, the and spiritual connotations of Jewish holiness. As Einsatzgruppen, death camps) and perspectives in Judaism, human beings attain holiness as they (the ‘classic’ typology of victims, perpetrators and imitate God in all his attributes, such as mercy (b. bystanders). How one experienced the Holocaust Shabbat 133b), though, in Christianity, the model was influenced by factors such as gender, class, is seen as God in Christ, not only as a historical nationality, political and religious affiliation. The figure but as a present reality in the experience of multifaceted, contested nature of the Holocaust his followers (for example, Francis of Assisi (1182– provokes numerous controversies over appropri- 1226) and, most famously, Thomas aK` empis (1380– ate commemoration of the Holocaust; recurrent 1471)). John Wesley drew on the Catholic tradi- disputes over the presence of Christian symbols tion in his stress on the pursuit of holiness, com- at Auschwitz being the most obvious example (see bining it with the Protestant justification by faith Carmelite controversy). in his ideas of ‘perfection’. The Salvation Army’s Whilst there is agreement over the importance main act of worship is the ‘holiness meeting’ and of remembering and studying these events, there therehavebeen‘holinessmovements’rangingfrom is no consensus over how to interpret them. To those in mid-nineteenth-century America to the take one example, there is deep-rooted disagree- Keswick Conventions in Britain. The largest holi- ment over the uniqueness of the Holocaust and its ness denomination in Britain today is the Church of relationship to Nazi persecution of ‘other’ victims, the Nazarene with which three holiness groupings whether in the Euthanasia Programme or policies of British origin have joined. The defining charac- targeting Gypsies, Poles, Soviet POWs, homosexu- teristic of these Christian movements or denom- als or Jehovah’s Witnesses.Confronted with such inations is a stress on God’s action. Their mem- disagreement, Christians making statements about bers offer themselves to God trusting that he can the Holocaust can either follow the Church of Eng- work in them. In the late nineteenth century par- land’s example and simply note alternative view- ticularly they constituted a reaction against all the points, or risk articulating a more explicit position effort and endeavour of Calvinism as the road to that, however well meant and carefully worded, will sanctification. There are similarities here with the attract criticism from those with differing views. JewishemphasisonholinessassomethingGoduses Thus, Pope John Paul II was heavily criticised for in and for people. That what is vital is the power of saying, as a Polish Catholic, to the Jewish commu- the Holy Spirit is reflected in the scriptures of both nity in Warsaw, ‘the threat against you was also a traditions. CHRISTINE PILKINGTON threat against us; this latter was not realized to the Holocaust same extent because it did not have the time to be The Holocaust is a central preoccupation of post- fulfilled to the same degree’ (14 June 1989 and 9 war Jewish–Christian relations. Yet it is frequently June 1991), and two of the more controversial ele- assumed that we know what the Holocaust was/is, ments of We Remember: A Reflection on the Shoah

190 Holocaust

(1998)were its robust defence of Pope Pius XII and Post-Holocaust responses take the form of state- the claim that Nazism was ‘a thoroughly modern ments on Christian–Jewish relations (the major- neo-pagan regime’ which rejected Christianity and ity issued by Christian churches, with exceptions sought to destroy the Church or subject it ‘to the such as Dabru Emet (2000)) or post-Holocaust the- interests of the Nazi state’. ologies outlining the impact that the Holocaust Three areas continue to dominate discus- either has had, or should have, on Jewish and Chris- sion of the Holocaust in this context: anti- tian self-understanding (by Jewish thinkers such as Judaism/antisemitism, the responses of Chris- Marc Ellis (b. 1952), Emil Fackenheim (1916–2003), tians 1933–45 and post-Holocaust responses. The Melissa Raphael (b. 1960) and Richard Rubenstein TenPoints of Seelisberg (1947) conceded that, (b. 1924); and Christian thinkers such as Alice (b. whilst the church has ‘always affirmed the un- 1923) and Roy Eckardt (1918–98), Katharina von Christian character of antisemitism, as of all forms Kellenbach (b. 1960), Friedrich-Wilhelm Marquardt of racial hatred’, it failed ‘to prevent the manifes- (1928–2002) and Ruether). Whilst these represent tation among Christians, in various forms, of an a start, Sharing One Hope? notes that ‘much more undiscriminating racial hatred of the Jews as a needs to be done by Christians on [the Holocaust’s] whole people’.Disagreement persists as to whether theological implications’. In recent years consid- anti-Judaism/antisemitism should be seen as sin- erable changes have been made in the teaching ful and ‘un-Christian’ or as central to Christian of Hebrew Bible and NewTestament,yet impact self-understanding. Church statements adopt the on the teaching of theology is less obvious. Post- first position; many Holocaust theologians the lat- Holocaust theology, when acknowledged at all ter, for example, Rosemary Radford Ruether (b. (particularly in a European context), is generally 1936) insists that anti-Judaism is the ‘left hand of studied on its own terms as a special subject, rather Christology’. than as an integral part of courses on dogmatic or Christian responses to the Holocaust varied systematic theology. enormously. Individuals and institutions failed to Dabru Emet is typical in combining all three ele- demonstrate solidarity with their Jewish neigh- ments outlined above, performing a delicate bal- bours by condemning and actively opposing Nazi ancing act. It begins by condemning Christian anti- policies. It is essential to differentiate between such Judaism (Nazi ideology would never have ‘taken failures and explicit endorsement of, and active hold’ or been ‘carried out’ but for the ‘long history participation in, Nazi policies, whether by groups of Christian anti-Judaism’; many Christians ‘par- (e.g. the Deutsche Christen)orindividuals (e.g. Dr ticipated, or were sympathetic to, Nazi atrocities JozefTiso, a Catholic priest who, as leader of Slo- against Jews’, others failed to ‘protest sufficiently’). vakia, collaborated with Hitler). It is equally impor- Simultaneously, it insists that ‘Nazism was not a tant to remember and reflect on Christian resis- Christian phenomenon’, nor was it ‘an inevitable tance, both individual and collective (e.g. The White outcome of Christianity’,and the authors echo John Rose in Germany,LeChambon in France). The Paul II in stating that if ‘the Nazi extermination of bitter controversy over Pope Pius XII and access the Jews had been fully successful, it would have to the Vatican’s archives for 1939–45 suggests that turned its murderous rage more directly to Chris- there has yet to be a full, unapologetic exploration tians’.Finally,it applauds ‘recent efforts in Christian of the complex and varied Christian motivations theology to repudiate unequivocally contempt of and responses during the Holocaust. In 1999 the Judaism and the Jewish people’.Unsurprisingly,this International Catholic–Jewish Historical Commis- treatment of the Holocaust was the most controver- sion was appointed (by the Vatican’s Commission sial element of Dabru Emet.Responses ranged from for Religious Relations with the Jews and the Inter- outright condemnation to delight at the acknowl- national Jewish Committee on Interreligious Con- edgement of fundamental change within the Chris- sultations) with instructions to do precisely this. It tian churches. Commitment to remembering and suspendeditsactivitiesin2001amidstconsiderable reflecting on the Holocaust clearly continues to acrimony, demonstrating both the deeply rooted divide, as much as it unites, Christians and Jews. sensitivities and the practical difficulties involved See also Holocaust education; Holocaust Memo- in such a process. rial Days; Shoah ISABEL WOLLASTON

191 Holocaust education

Holocaust education History and Ourselves National Foundation, insti- Confronting the Holocaust (Shoah)isessential to tuted in 1979 in Boston, Massachusetts, offers pro- therelationofJewsandChristians.Indeed,theprin- grammes, resources and speakers to help middle cipal impetus for scrutinising traditional Christian and secondary school teachers relate the teach- teaching about Jews and Judaism originates from ing of the Holocaust and other instances of col- facing ways such teaching prepared the ground on lective violence to contemporary issues. Private which the ‘venomous plant of hatred for the Jews foundations underwrite collections of testimonies was able to flourish’ (‘Declaration of Repentance’, of survivors; the Shoah Foundation established by Catholic Bishops of France, 1997). The 2001 Leuen- filmmaker Steven Spielberg (b. 1946) has video- berg Document from the Reformation Churches in taped some 51,000 testimonies in 32 languages Europe declares that the Holocaust demands ‘per- from persons living in 57 countries. Internet sites manent theological self-examination and renewal offer a wealth of information, permitting computer [that] compels us to investigate the causes of the users to study documentation, view maps and pho- hatredofJews’that‘repeatedlybreaksoutanew’(see tographs, read interpretive essays, do virtual tours Leuenberg Church Fellowship). Moreover, Holo- of concentration camp museums, and download caust education is vital to counter claims of the resources for teaching. Some sites offer interactive ‘myth’ of the Holocaust spread by deniers who materials for children. allege Jews have exaggerated, even invented, the Holocaust museums and educational centres charge of Nazi genocide. It is fundamental to ful- offer a wealth of resources on which Jews and Chris- filling the hope expressed in the 1998 Vatican docu- tians may also draw. While the most notable is Yad ment We Remember: Reflections on the Shoah:‘The Vashem, with its archives containing over 58 million spoiled seeds of anti-Judaism and antisemitism pages of documentation, and its library more than must never again be allowed to take root in any 87,000 volumes, museums are widespread: Central human heart.’ and Eastern Europe, Australia (Sydney and Mel- Thus, many churches have a profound com- bourne), Canada (Vancouver), Japan (Fukuyama mitment to Holocaust education. Often collabo- City) and the United Kingdom (Nottinghamshire). rating with Jewish agencies and institutions, they In addition to the United States Holocaust Memo- have published resources, sponsored conferences rial Museum in Washington DC, at least 18 other and workshops for teachers, and designed cur- cities in the United States house museums or ricula. They have encouraged rituals and prayers centres. MARY C. BOYS for Holocaust remembrance, particularly around Holocaust Memorial Days YomHaShoah (Day of Holocaust Remembrance, Holocaust Memorial Days (HMDs) are on 27 Nisan in the Jewish calendar, which is the government-initiated days of remembrance fifth day following the eighth day of Passover; see established as a relatively recent attempt to insert Holocaust Memorial Days). The National Catholic the Holocaust into formal narratives of national Center for Holocaust Education, Seton Hill Uni- collective memory. versity in Greensburg, Pennsylania, working in In 1951 the Israeli government established 27 cooperation with Israel’s YadVashem, The Holo- Nisan as Holocaust and Ghetto Uprising Remem- caust Martyrs’ and Heroes’ Remembrance Author- brance Day (YomHaShoah veHaGvurah). Their ity in Jerusalem, provides many resources for hope was that YomHaShoah would be a focal point teachers. for Israeli collective memory, and be observed by Of course, study of the Holocaust, a serious inter- Jewish communities worldwide. Yet, over 50 years est of many committed to the elimination of intol- later, it is still not universally observed. It faced erance, prejudice, discrimination and genocide, Orthodox opposition from the start with many transcends the Jewish–Christian relationship. This Orthodox Jews preferring to remember the Holo- widespread interest provides Christians and Jews caust on traditional fast days such as Tisha Be’av with a burgeoning array of scholarly and popular and Asarah Betevet (in 1948 the rabbinic authori- resources. Universities offer courses that approach ties in Israel designated the latter as the appropri- the Holocaust from diverse disciplines. The Facing ate date on which to say Kaddish and light yahrzeit

192 Holocaust theology candles for Jews who died in the Holocaust whose an important vehicle for Holocaust education, par- date of death is unknown). ticularly in schools. They provide Churches with Whereas YomHaShoah falls within the Jewish an opportunity to disseminate new thinking on calendar,most HMDs are designed by, and for, Jewish–Christian relations since 1945. Thus, when non-Jews as part of a national civic cycle of com- in 2003 HMD fell on a Sunday the Catholic Bish- memorative events. The Holocaust is remembered ops’ Conference of England and Wales published as part of a broader educational agenda promoting Judaism and Christianity: Healing the Breach: Sug- anti-racism, pluralism, multiculturalism and civil gestions for Teachers and Preachers.Despite such society. Local, regional and national events take initiatives, observance of HMD in the UK is, as yet, place, with particular attention paid to participa- nowhere near as firmly established in the national tionofschoolsandrepresentativesofeachcountry’s political and religious commemorative calendar as faith communities. This linkage of the Holocaust to are the Days of Remembrance in the US or Yom broader educational, political and social issues, and HaShoah in Israel. to subsequent genocides, remains a source of con- See also memorialisation ISABEL WOLLASTON troversy among both Jews and non-Jews. Holocaust theology Elie Wiesel (b. 1928), chair of the United States The Holocaust is a term used to denote the sys- Holocaust Memorial Council (USHMC), played a tematic, state-sponsored campaign to persecute key role in establishing the Holocaust in the Amer- and eliminate the Jewish people during the Sec- ican civic calendar. In 1980 Congress passed a law ond World War. The implementation of Nazi poli- giving the USHMC responsibility for establishing cies that culminated in mass-murder required a and promoting annual (weeklong) Days of Remem- fusion of expertise from virtually every profession. brance. At Wiesel’s insistence, the Days of Remem- The complicity of a population baptised in Chris- brance coincided with YomHaShoah.Events are tian culture and educated at some of the most elite ecumenical and interfaith, reflecting the role the universities in the world continues to raise deeply Holocaust now plays in American civil religion. disturbing questions about the moral and spiri- There are an increasing number of interfaith litur- tual credibility of the Church and the academy. gies (see, for example, those collected by Marcia Holocaust theology has emerged as a response Littell). In May 2000 the United Methodist Church’s to an epoch-making disaster so catastrophic as General Conference passed a resolution calling for to require a redefinition of the theological, eth- the promotion of observance of YomHaShoah in ical and spiritual contours of both Judaism and local congregations. Christianity. The Stockholm Forum on Holocaust Education, Both Jews and Christians are grounded in revela- Remembrance and Research (2000), attended by tory affirmations of God as the Creator, Sustainer delegates from 44 governments from around the and Redeemer of the world. The identity of God world, played a crucial role in establishing and is disclosed not only in the natural order but also promoting HMDs: European government ministers through the course of history, most especially in committed themselves to establishing an annual the election and covenantal formation of commu- day dedicated to Holocaust education and remem- nities whose destinies are indissolubly bound to brance. Various dates were chosen, creating a God’s ongoing involvement in the world. Since God national HMD alongside YomHaShoah.Several is understood as the Lord of all history, the evil countries, for example Estonia, Finland, Sweden as well as the good is classically attributed to the and the UK, observe HMD on 27 January (the date inscrutable will of the Almighty (see Isa. 45.7), and Auschwitz was liberated). Others chose dates with so disasters are traditionally interpreted as pun- particular national resonance, for example 3 May ishments that serve to reorient the wayward or as (the Czech Republic), 16 July (France), 4 July (Latvia) the necessary birth pangs of the Messianic era. The and 29 September (Lithuania). logicofthisfaithgeneratesanuntenableconclusion HMDs are a vehicle for the civil religion of a par- forHolocausttheologians:ifGodisnottheauthorof ticular country. Emphasis is placed upon education the Holocaust, God at the very least shares respon- and ecumenical/interfaith cooperation. HMDs are sibility for the tragedies and atrocities that have

193 Holocaust theology

befallen the people of Israel.Holocaust theology is ful to God’spromises ‘for the gifts and calling of God born out of the conviction that traditional theodi- are irrevocable’ (Rom. 11.29). cies buckle under the weight of the Shoah (Hebrew These official documents indicate that a revolu- for ‘total destruction’), and the magnitude of the tionary shift in the theological understanding of theological collapse demands that Jews and Chris- many Christians is in the making. The changes tians develop a radically different understanding of are clearing a path for a far deeper understanding God and God’s relationship to the world, which in of Judaism and opening up a far more construc- turn requires our religious communities to redefine tive relationship with the Jewish people. While the the horizons of their moral obligations. changes signal an acknowledgement of Christian The first generation of Christians and Jews to complicity, the Holocaust continues to raise sig- confront the enormity of the Shoah began with a nificant theological issues for the Jewish–Christian probingexaminationofthepervasiveandoftenelu- encounter. Many Christians and Jews insist that sive character of anti-Judaism within the Christian Christian supersessionism will endure as long as tradition. The pioneering work of Jewish scholars the evangelical imperative to conversion of Jews suchasJulesIsaac,EliezerBerkovits(1908–92),Emil to Christianity stands intact. A theological agenda Fackenheim (1916–2003) and Richard Rubenstein that seeks to absorb the Jewish people into the (b. 1924) was reinforced by Christian scholars such Body of Christ registers in the hearts and minds as James Parkes,Roy (1918–98) and Alice Eckardt of many as an ecclesiastical policy that sanctions (b. 1923), Franklin Littell (b. 1917), Edward Flannery the elimination of Judaism and legitimises spiritual (1912–98), Rosemary Ruether (b. 1936) and Paul van genocide. Buren (1924–98), all of whom underscored the ways A second area for the Jewish–Christian encounter in which Christian affirmations were advanced at concerns the fact that the vast majority of Jews the expense of Judaism and the Jewish people. understand the State of Israel as a political and the- Their scholarship demonstrated that Christian tri- ological necessity in the aftermath of the Holocaust. umphalism has spilled into almost every corner of Christians are profoundly divided in their appraisal the Church. Indeed the vast majority of the most of the State of Israel, and the pervasive conviction gifted preachers and teachers within the Roman that God’s presence is not determined by particu- Catholic,Protestant and Orthodox Christian tra- lar geographical attachments generates significant ditions enshrined the teaching of contempt, and disjuncture with the Jewish people. thereby provided biblical, historical and theological The most explicit Christian response to the warrants for the marginalisation and persecution of Holocaust was the 1998 document issued by the the Jewish people. RomanCatholicChurchandentitledWe Remember: With the acknowledgement that Christian anti- AReflection on the Shoah.While this statement Judaism provided an ideological seedbed for demonstrates a profound act of repentance, the the rise of modern antisemitism, the Roman efforts to distinguish Christian anti-Judaism from Catholic Church and many Protestant denomina- modern antisemitism have evoked critical reac- tions issued public documents that condemned tions. Most especially contested is the claim that racism and antisemitism as contrary to the Chris- the roots of antisemitism are found outside of tianproclamation.TheThirdAssemblyoftheWorld Christianity. Council of Churches in 1961 and the declaration The declaration entitled Dabru Emet: AJewish known as Nostra Aetate of the Roman Catholic Response to Christians and Christianity reflects the Church’s Second Vatican Council in 1965 repudi- emergingpossibilityofongoingtheologicalengage- ated one of the most toxic teachings within the ment with respect to these and other concerns Christiantradition,namelythedeicidecharge.Sub- vital to both Christians and Jews. The assertion sequent documents have exposed some of the roots that ‘Nazism was not a Christian phenomenon’ has of Christian supersessionism and countered a the- evoked searching debate and called both religious ology of displacement by grounding their affirma- communities to a more nuanced reading of Western tions of God’s enduring covenant with the Jewish history. The statement that ‘Christians can respect people in the biblical axiom that God remains faith- the Jewish people’s claim upon the land of Israel’

194 Holy Spirit prompts both Jews and Christians to re-examine Some Jewish scholars have maintained that the sin- the particular terms of their own covenants with gularity of the Holocaust resides in the magnitude God and their relationship to one another. So Chris- of the disaster, and yet they insist that these events tians are challenged to struggle with a theological need to be read and interpreted against the hori- claim that is foreign to their own covenant in their zonofother catastrophes. Historians are concerned assessmentofGod’spromiseoftheLandtotheJews. about descriptive language of uniqueness, for this Jews in turn encounter the problem of particularity discourse tends to mystify these events and under- when assessing the Christian affirmation that God mines any analytic effort to explain the complex of wasuniquelymanifestinJesusofNazareth.Howare historicalfactors.TheemphasisplacedontheHolo- Christians and Jews to make sense of the founda- caust concerns other Jewish thinkers, who fear that tional claims of the other when these affirmations this ‘epoch-making event’ may become the touch- are unintelligible, if not offensive, precisely because stone of Jewish identity and enculturate Jews to of the particularity of the revelational claims within think of themselves as ‘victims’ and the rest of the their inherited religious languages? The discovery world, most especially Christians, as ‘perpetrators’, that religious differences and disagreement can be ‘bystanders’ and on very rare occasions ‘rescuers’.If a source of wisdom may prove the most critical the Holocaust defines the terms of religious engage- achievement for Christians and Jews in the post- ment, Christians and Jews often find themselves Shoah era. frozen in roles that stunt the growth of more cre- Many of the most serious theological challenges ative and reciprocal partnerships. As the survivors evoked by the Holocaust revolve around questions of the Holocaust grow older and die, the legacy of of power, authority and obedience. Each commu- the Shoah will suffer the loss of an exceptionally nity is struggling to come to terms with traditions powerful voice. It remains to be seen if Christians that have often romanticised powerlessness and will embrace the ethical demands of remember- have failed to develop the disciplined practices of ing this painful chapter in the history of Jewish– translating its ethical commitments into the politi- Christian relations. The southern hemisphere is callifeofthelargersociety.ForChristiansthearticu- becoming the demographic centre of the Chris- lationofpoliticaltheologies,whichnolongerisolate tian population, and there are increasing num- the Kingdom of God from the earthly kingdoms, is bers of people who do not see themselves reflected a fundamental challenge. For Jews the establish- in the history of Europe. The prospect of sharing ment and advancement of the State of Israel has a the burdens of this legacy will in large measure political significance inseparable from its religious depend on the educational discovery that the spir- import. While diverse religious and ethnic popu- itual and moral credibility of Churches everywhere lations dispute the future of the land, Jews inside is inseparable from an honest reckoning with this Israel are caught in a struggle to define a demo- past. The kind of future that Holocaust theologians cratic order where political and religious concerns dare to envision depends upon a comprehensive intersect.HowwilltheStateofIsraelremainaJewish memory. country faithful to the core ethical values of its tradi- See also death of God theology; Jewish–Christian tion in the midst of rival claimants to the land and to relations, modern scholarship in the state? Jews who live in other lands are exploring CHRISTOPHER M. LEIGHTON new ways of moving beyond the isolationism once Holy see holiness imposed, bringing their distinct traditions to bear Holy See’s Commission for Religious Relations on civil life, and adjudicating the duelling claims of with the Jews see Jewish–Christian relations, their religious and national loyalties. institutions Jewish and Christian scholars continue to debate Holy Spirit the uniqueness of the Holocaust and to examine its Both Christianity and Judaism describe God as relationship with respect to other genocidal catas- holy and as spirit, transcending matter of which trophes. At issue are the meanings that Jews and God is creator. Distinctively, however, Christianity Christians find in the Shoah, and the theological views the Holy Spirit as the Third Person of the understandings that they develop of one another. Blessed Trinity, together with the Father and the

195 Holy Week

Son. In the NewTestament the term ‘spirit of God’ through the Saturday before Easter is known as indicates the influence of God on human actions, the ‘Paschal Triduum’, in which the Last Supper of but there are also passages, notably in John and Jesus, together with his death and rising from the in Paul, that portray the Holy Spirit as divine, for tomb, are marked with the most solemn liturgies. example John 20.22–23 and 1 Cor. 6.11. Paul’s com- The observance of the triduum, done annually in ment, in Acts 28.25, that the Holy Spirit ‘spoke to Jerusalem by the third century, was undoubtedly our fathers through Isaiah’ mirrors the traditional the foundation of the entire week’s celebrations. Jewish understanding of Holy Spirit, based on the Historically, Holy Week has been tragically marked Hebrew term ruah. ha-kodesh, which indicates a by four recurring issues which forged negative links force emanating from God that impels prophecy with Judaism. and other forms of divine inspiration. Thus, as First, the ancient Quartodeciman controversy the rabbinic scholar Marc Bregman (b. 1946) has over the date of Easter – whether to observe the pointed out, the rabbis understood the Hebrew celebration of Easter on 14 Nisan, as per the Jew- Bible to have been composed by God or by means of ish calendar,ortokeep it on the first Sunday that theHolySpirit.Forexample,Solomonissaidtohave followed the Paschal moon – seems to have been composed the books attributed to him – Proverbs, an opportunity for anti-Jewish rhetoric by various Song of Songs and Ecclesiastes – in his old age ‘when Church Fathers,ashinted at by Eusebius (Hist. the Holy Spirit settled on him’ just before death. eccl. 5.23). No doubt the arguments of Appolinar- The Acts of the Apostles (2.2–4) describes the ius of Hieropolis (Chronicon Paschale)(c.186), Blas- descent of the Holy Spirit on the apostles, indicat- tus (cf. Hist. eccl. 5.15 and 20) (c.175) and others ing that the Holy Spirit will be the life of the church spurred Pseudo-Tertullian’s comment (Adv. omn. (cf. Jas 1.18) and an instrument in God’s hands. haer. 8.1) that Christian adherence to the Jewish cal- The concept continues to be found in Christian endar is nothing less than the continued ‘Judais- preaching, with the Holy Spirit enabling a response ing’ofChristianity, long scorned by Christians in of faith. Interestingly in Judaism, although direct their attempt to establish an identity distinct from divine inspiration came to an end after the canon Judaism. was closed, the Holy Spirit continued to function, Second, the liturgies of Holy Week were pro- as indicated by the numerous stories of rabbis who gressively interpreted in an anti-Jewish way. An are said to have ‘seen by means of the Holy Spirit’, ancient petition for the Jews in the Good Friday indicating the prophetic aura of a seer. Abraham prayers of the Roman rite, for example, was even- Joshua Heschel documents examples of rabbis in tually offered pro perfidiis Iudaeis,or‘forthe per- the Middle Ages who are said to have experienced fidious Jews’. The Gospel readings of the trial and prophetic inspiration by means of the Holy Spirit. death of Jesus, on both Palm Sunday and Good Paralleling Christianity, the Holy Spirit is also per- Friday, served as additional occasions on which sonified in rabbinic literature. For example, the rab- anti-Jewish sentiment was fostered. Accompanied bisdescribeitleavingandreturningtoGodordepict by anti-Jewish preaching, such observances were God as speaking with the Holy Spirit. It is particu- lethal for Jewish–Christian relations even late into larly interesting that the rabbis conceive of the Holy the twentieth century. Not until the Roman liturgy’s Spirit in the form of a dove, as does the New Tes- reform in 1970 (and subsequent revisions in most tament account of the baptism of Jesus (cf. Mark Protestant churches, such as can be found in the 1.10 and parallels). In the Targum on the Song of Book of Common Prayer), were texts such as the Songs 2.12, the phrase ‘the voice of the turtle-dove’ Good Friday prayers amended. Similarly, instruc- is paraphrased as ‘the voice of the spirit of the Holy tions by national bishops’ conferences on the cor- One’. EDWARD KESSLER rect way to preach about Jews and Judaism (1988) Holy Week in the liturgy have tried to correct for anti-Jewish ‘Holy Week’, or the seven days during which Chris- homilies often given in earlier Holy Week liturgies. tians commemorate the final week of Christ’s life in Third, the medieval ‘blood libel’ seems to have Jerusalem, stretches from the Sunday before Easter originated in Holy Week (see William of Norwich). (Palm or ‘Passion’ Sunday) through the following The terrible association resulting in the Chris- Saturday. The three-day period from the Thursday tian mind between the coincidental observance

196 Host desecration

of Passover and Easter, along with alleged Jewish of both traditions felt challenged to rethink their desire to use children’s blood in the preparation of behavioural norms. Today both Judaism and Chris- Passover maz. z. ot, further vitiated the meaning of tianity are fractured in their attitudes toward homo- Holy Week for both communities. sexuals (and lesbians) and same-sex behaviour. Fourth, the production of Passion plays dur- Orthodox Judaism condemns all homosexuality, ing Holy Week (most famously in Oberammer- but Reform Judaism officially allows the ordina- gau, 1634), in which Jews were portrayed as ‘Christ tion of homosexuals and the blessing of homo- killers’ in the drama of Jesus’ last three days of sexual relationships. A Vatican encyclical of 1975 life, only deepened the opprobrium of Christians pronounced that homosexual identity has ‘a strong towards Jews (see deicide, charge of). Remnant tendency toward intrinsic moral evil’; yet a move- anti-Judaism can be seen today in surviving Pas- ment for the recognition of gays in the church sion dramas, such as the Procession de los Borrachos has arisen within Catholicism. Protestants also on Good Friday in Seville, Spain. have widely varying policies at both national and DENNIS D. MCMANUS local level. For example, the Episcopal Church USA Homily see preaching recognises that homosexuals ‘deserve’ God’s love Homosexuality and the sacraments of the church, yet prohibits While Judaism and Christianity individually have a ordination of non-celibate homosexuals and the great deal to say about homosexuality, the Jewish– liturgical acknowledgement of gay relationships. Christian encounter maintains an ambiguous These painful divisions could produce some inter- silence on the topic. Perhaps one of the mitigating esting configurations within the Jewish–Christian factors is the problem of vocabulary.‘Homosexual’ encounter – such as the conservative wings of as an identity category was unknown until the early Christianity and Judaism in opposition to the lib- twentieth century. The traditional references are eral wings of both – but thus far no formal inter- nottoidentities,buttoactivities.Thushomosexuals faith coalitions around sexuality seem to have and homosexuality are not per se forbidden; rather, emerged. PHILIP CULBERTSON specific types of male-to-male sexual behaviour are Hosanna prohibited, whether committed by homosexual or Greek transliteration of Hebrew hoshana:‘O heterosexual men. There is little reference in either deliver.’ A cry of deep dependence and need in tradition to female-to-female sex. Jewish sources, ‘hosanna’ became one of affir- Despite several biblical verses that are presumed mation and exultation in Christian worship. The by some scholars to refer to homosexuality (Gen. word is used in Jewish worship as part of the 38.4–10; Lev. 18.22; 20.13 in the Hebrew Bible;Rom. prayer for rain during Sukkot, accompanied by 1.27; 1 Cor. 6.9; 1 Tim. 1.10; Jude 7 in the New the waving of palm branches. It also occurs as a Testament), Jewish and Christian legal codes do cry to God for help (‘We beg you, save us!’) in not always explicitly prohibit male-to-male sex. In Ps. 118.25, where it is associated with the exclu- m. Kiddushin 4.14 Rabbi Judah prohibits two bach- sion of a pilgrim from the Temple; this passage elors from sleeping together under one blanket, but was also used in Jewish Passover rites in New Tes- at b. Kiddushin 82a the sages pronounce the safe- tament times. Hosanna occurs six times in the guard irrelevant, as Jews are not tempted by male- NewTestament: all are ascriptions of praise when to-male sex. Christian sources seem more prag- Jesus enters Jerusalem (Matt. 21.9; Mark 11.9–10; matic, perhaps because of the tradition of monastic John 12.13). A Messianic dimension may have been celibacy that is absent from Judaism. Medieval present in Judaic usage, but the anger of the chief codes of penance include specific restrictions on priests and scribes at the public response to Jesus people sleeping together or even being found in (Matt.21.15)suggeststhatreferencestotheMessiah suspicious circumstances. Such codes do not, of were considered illegitimate in this context, as course, address how humans actually behave, but well as politically and religiously provocative (Pope, rather how they were expected to behave. ‘Hosanna’). WILLIAM KLASSEN Once ‘homosexuality’ was recognised as an iden- Host desecration tity category by Kraft-Ebbing (1840–1902) and This accusation against the Jews of Europe devel- Freud early in the twentieth century, some parts oped in the thirteenth century in tandem with the

197 Hugh of Lincoln

rise in interest in the eucharist within Christian reli- According to the Latin sources, he was popular with gious culture. From the twelfth century theologians Lincoln’s Jews; they were amongst the mourners at andChurchleadersemphasisedthecentralityofthe his funeral. eucharist among the seven sacraments. All sacra- ‘Little Hugh’ was a boy allegedly imprisoned, ments offered Christians access to saving grace, but tortured and killed by Lincoln’s Jews (led by Kop- the eucharist was unique, as involving the physical pin) in mocking re-enactment of the crucifixion. presence of Christ in the bread and wine. As aware- While Hugh did die, the story is false: it and Hugh’s ness of the doctrine of transubstantiation spread, elevation as a martyr are (like that of William greater anxiety was displayed about access to the of Norwich) functions of medieval anti-Judaism. eucharist, and greater care taken of the consecrated The libel led to the execution of 19 Jews. Others bread, which each church kept for ritual use. A vivid were imprisoned and released on payment of a fine. narrative developed, and was enacted in Paris in Little Hugh’s tomb in Lincoln Cathedral became a 1290, which attributed to a Jew – later to groups of place of pilgrimage (possibly instigated by Edward Jews – the desire to desecrate a eucharistic wafer I in the 1290s) and his ‘martyrdom’amotif in as re-enactment of the crucifixion. The narrative English folklore. Chaucer alludes to it in the ‘Pri- also claimed that the eucharist was not destroyed, oresses Tale’, as does Joyce in Ulysses. However, the but manifested its mystery by turning into flesh, cult was suppressed and the (Anglican) Cathedral or a child Christ, or a crucifix; once discovered, now features an inscription asking forgiveness for the accused Jew was invariably executed by judi- the libel. MELANIE J. WRIGHT cial process or at the hands of a mob. The tale was Huguenots recorded in Parisian chronicles and then spread fur- The Huguenots (the origin of the term is unclear) ther in sermons, exemplary tales inserted into ser- wereaProtestant Church established in the six- mons, and formed the basis for devotional images. teenth century by Calvin.Following persecution Forover a hundred communities in towns and vil- (most famously, the St Bartholomew’s Day mas- lages of Franconia, Bavaria, Austria, Silesia and Cat- sacre of 1572), the majority fled their native France alonia, however, it was a painful lived reality: Jewish to other countries (especially the United King- communities were destroyed, and chapels and cults dom and the United States), preserving the French were established on the sites of the alleged abuse. language and culture in these new locations for Grounded in the images of eucharistic worship, many generations. Others practised their religion the host desecration charge was nonetheless crit- secretly, rather like the ‘Marranos’inmedieval icised by some contemporary writers, and robustly Spain.Huguenot self-understanding likened the rejected by several Protestant writers. Luther sin- experience of persecution and dispersal to that gled out for derision the cult that developed follow- of the biblical Hebrews. Consciousness of this ing a host desecration accusation at Sternberg in heritage was a factor motivating the villagers of Mecklenburg in 1485. MIRI RUBIN Le Chambon-sur-Lignon in southern France, who Hugh of Lincoln were descended from Huguenots, to shelter 5,000 TwoSaint Hughs of Lincoln were instrumental in refugees (mostly Jews) from the Nazis during the Jewish–Christian relations: one was a Carthusian Second World War. Subsequently, they were col- bishop of Lincoln (c.1140–1200) and the other was a lectively recognised as Righteous Gentiles. The child (usually designated ‘Little Saint Hugh’) whose Chambon Foundation was established after the death (1255) triggered one of the most notorious Holocaust and is dedicated to protecting the blood libel cases in medieval Europe. memory of those who rescued Jews during the Consecrated in 1181, Bishop Hugh was noted Holocaust. MELANIE J. WRIGHT for holiness, his assertion of the liberty of the H. ukkat ha-Goy church vis-a-vis` the monarchy, and a concern for Lit. ‘practice of the nations’, based on Lev. 20.23, marginalised groups including the poor, the sick refers to the biblical command not to follow and Jews. He intervened to suppress a blood libel immoral practices of the Gentile nations, extended cult in Stamford, Lincolnshire, and anti-Jewish vio- by the rabbis to include idolatrous practices lence in the diocese following Richard I’s acces- (see idolatry). On some occasions the rabbis sion (1189) and departure on the Third Crusade. applied h. ukkat ha-Goy strictly,particularly if Jewish

198 Hungary

identity was seen as threatened – for example, the nineteenth century: the Nietzschean, the Comtean principle was applied against the use of an organ and the Marxist. Although very different, they all in synagogue or the wearing of canonicals by the assumed atheism and that the task of philosophy is rabbi and cantor (both clearly influenced by Chris- to enable people to cope with and accept this reality. tian custom). Many changes adopted by Reform There are forms of both Christianity and Judaism Judaism were also condemned as h. ukkat ha-Goy, that describe themselves as ‘humanist’, meaning such as uncovering the head in prayer. In the con- that they are ‘non-theist’, and Jewish and Christian text of contemporary Jewish–Christian relations, groups draw heavily on each other’s writings. The h. ukkat ha-Goy raises the question of how to respect Society for Humanistic Judaism, founded in 1969 the ‘other’ while remaining different and how to by Rabbi Sherwin T. Wine (b. 1928), explains that achieve integration without assimilation. ‘Humanistic Judaism embraces a human-centred PETR FRYSˇ philosophy that combines the celebration of Jew- Humanism ish culture and identity with an adherence to Humanism has shaped the Jewish–Christian humanistic values and ideas’.Many Unitarian Uni- encounter in several ways. Many Jews and Chris- versalists share a similar commitment: William tians have been inspired to collaborate in joint ethi- Murry argues that a majority identify with ‘reli- cal projects by a shared commitment to humanism gious humanism’, which involves a commitment to (defined as the ‘affirmation of humanity’). Again, people and agnosticism about metaphysics. Uni- some Jews and Christians have created movements tarian Universalists are the fastest growing liberal thataimtobuildabridgewithsecularismandcreate church in New England, and significant numbers a form of faith that denies any transcendent entity. of Jews are joining the movement. Such forms of And there is also some evidence that the emphasis Christianity and Judaism are seen as an impor- on ‘dialogue’isitself a result of the modern empha- tant bridge to modern Western secular culture and sis on humanism. hope to attract those who find the metaphysics Both Jews and Christians seem to have been implausible. involved in the initial development of classical Humanism has been significant in creating the humanism. It was in the fourteenth and fifteenth culture in which ‘dialogue’ is viewed as supremely centuries, in the so-called northern European important. The spirit of the Renaissance stressed Renaissance, that the term ‘humanism’ came into the importance of the Socratic discourse (conver- widespread use. In that context most humanists sationasameanstotruth),whichinturninfluenced were religious, and the goal was the purification the creation of a climate favourable to conversation and renewal of Christianity, in ways that some Jews between Jews and Christians. IAN MARKHAM found very congenial. In keeping with the spirit of Hungary the Renaissance, humanists shared a cultural and Formerly part of the Habsburg Empire, Hungary educational programme that derived inspiration was granted some degree of self-government in the from antiquity and stressed the importance of elo- Compromise of 1867 and established as an inde- quence.TodaymanytraditionalChristiansandJews pendent state in 1918. Aligned with Nazi Germany want to affirm the humanist emphasis on the signif- in the Second World War, it was transformed into icance and value of people, and some, such as the a single-party Communist state after 1945. Since Christian theologian William Schweiker (b. 1953), 1990 it has had a multi-party democratic govern- talk about a ‘theological humanism’ as the poten- ment. From the eleventh century Roman Catholi- tial solution to the human preoccupation with cism has been the dominant religion. Jews had materialism. been given full citizenship rights in 1867 and by The modern term ‘humanism’, which arose dur- the Second World War were highly integrated into ing the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, is today Hungarian culture, numbering nearly 5 per cent used as a label by many who wish to affirm human- of the population. However, from 1938 to 1941 ity while denying any metaphysics, and in this antisemitic laws were promulgated, reflecting both respect too it has shaped the Jewish–Christian Nazi pressure and indigenous nationalist senti- encounter. Henri de Lubac (1896–1991) identi- ments, the latter promoted in the ‘Szeged Idea’ of fies three forms of humanism that dominate the right-wing government based on ‘Christianity’ and

199 Hutterites

nationalism, which influenced the Hungarian ruler has led to some resurgence of right-wing nation- Admiral Horthy (1868–1957) and was prevalent in alism and antisemitism, but also to such fruit- racial form among Church dignitaries. Such con- ful meetings between Christians and Jews as the cern as there was for Jews in these circles tended Lutheran–Jewish conference on ‘Antisemitism and to be reserved for those who had converted to Anti-Judaism Today’ in September 2001 and state- Christianity. In 1941 725,007 Jews were recorded ments such as the November 1994 Joint State- in Hungary; by the end of the war 564,500 had ment on the Fiftieth Anniversary of the Holo- been killed (see Holocaust). The institutional pres- caust by the bishops of the Hungarian Catholic ence of Judaism under Communism was mini- Church and the Ecumenical Council of Churches in mal, and the Catholic Church was persecuted. Such Hungary. common political cause as existed between Jews DAVID WEIGALL and Christians, however, resulted in little positive Hutterites see Anabaptists change in the encounter. The liberation of Hun- Hymnody see Andrew of Crete; music; piyyut; gary from single-party Communist rule in 1989 Romanos Melodos

200 IIII

Ibn Ezra, Abraham ben Me’ir (1089–1164) Iconoclasm Spanish philosopher, astronomer, mathematician, The deliberate destruction of religious art has linguist, poet and biblical exegete. Ibn Ezra was occurred at many points in history with commu- widely travelled, and his numerous works con- nities of both Jews and Christians, as well as among tributed substantially to cultural learning between Muslims. Although the often-stated justification for the three Abrahamic faiths. For example, his philo- such destruction was the divine injunction against sophical poetry Hayy ben Meqits was a source of ‘graven images’ as conveyed by the so-called ‘sec- inspiration for Dante’s (1265–1321) Divina Com- ond commandment’, as well as the fundamental media.Ibn Ezra’s study of the Bible remains influ- concern that religious images either led to or consti- ential – his Bible commentaries are still printed tuted the sin of idolatry,most iconoclastic episodes in all editions of the Mikraot Gedolot (rabbini- emerged out of a complex web of religious, cultural cal Bibles) – and he is viewed by some as the and political circumstances, and were often justi- father of biblical criticism as a result of his sug- fied by complex theological arguments. The first of gestion that Deut. 1.1 implies that Moses could not the two most famous episodes of widespread and have written the whole Torah.His view was devel- systematic icon-smashing began in the eighth cen- oped by Spinoza, whose writings undermined the tury,when the Byzantine Emperor Leo III (r.717–41) traditional understanding of a perfect and divine ordered the destruction of all icons, arguing that scripture. STEFAN SCHREINER they inhibited the conversion of Jews and Muslims Ibn Gabirol, Solomon ben Judah (c.1020–c.1057) to Christianity since these two groups would have Known in Arabic as Sulayman ibn Yahya ibn foundiconstobeessentiallyidolatrous.Bycontrast, Gabirul, and in Latin as Avicebron, Solomon ibn the second period of iconoclasm, associated with Gabirol was one of the most outstanding Jew- the sixteenth-century Protestant Reformation, had ish poets in Muslim Spain during the era of the little relevance to Jewish–Christian relations. taifa or ‘party’ kings, as well as a philosopher ROBIN M. JENSEN whose works were esteemed throughout Christian Iconography Europe. His poetry survived as part of the liturgy ‘Iconography’ generally refers to pictorial images in of the Sephardi Jews, including pieces such as ‘Sha- visual art, and specifically to visual art that encom- har Abashkeshch. a’ (‘At Dawn I Seek You’), which passes religious themes or motifs. Scholars who became part of the daily morning prayers. His study iconography focus more on the meaning or ‘Fountain of Life’, or ‘Fons Vitae’ as it was known subject matter conveyed by the imagery in a work of in Latin Europe, was written in Arabic, but that ver- artthanonthework’sformalorstylisticaspects,and sion is lost, though parts survive in a later Hebrew are especially interested in the interplay of visual translation; the fullest surviving text is that in Latin, imagery and religious belief and practice. The par- attributed to Avicebron, whom medieval Christian allels as well as clear differences between the icono- readers generally assumed to be a Muslim. This is graphic themes apparent in Jewish and Christian testimony to the way that ideas about the nature iconography serve as material evidence of the con- of God and the purpose of creation in medieval tinuing interaction (or lack of interaction) between Judaism, Christianity and Islam concerned com- the two communities. mon intellectual problems and allowed for some From the beginning of the third century both sharing of concepts. Jewish and Christian iconography employed sym- DAVID ABULAFIA bolic images as a means of representing aspects of

201 Identity

their faith or specific liturgical practices. For exam- while narrative imagery based on scripture stories ple, early Christians used the anchor, fish or dove is mostly found in the emerging art of manuscript as symbols of constancy, baptism or salvation. Jews illumination. The conversion of Constantine, and included the menorah, lulav or shofar in the fres- subsequently the establishment of Christianity, coes of their burial places in Rome, as references stimulated a tremendous output of monumental to their rituals as well as to their identity. Although Christian art, along with new iconographic themes far more common in Christian iconography in late and styles. On the other hand, from the late sixth antiquity (e.g. the Roman catacomb frescoes or to the thirteenth century figurative art all but dis- sarcophagus reliefs), both groups also portrayed appears from the Jewish archaeological record, and episodes from particular Bible stories, for instance scholars may only offer hypothetical artistic links the binding of Isaac and the crossing of the Red between the two communities. Sea. Some scholars have offered the appearance of When Jewish illuminated manuscripts begin to certain common scenes in the art of both commu- appear in the thirteenth century they seemed ini- nities as indicating a shared iconographic model or tially to be more influenced by Muslim than by prototype (perhaps an illuminated copy of the Sep- Christian artworks. During the high Middle Ages, tuagint), which in turn suggests a certain degree of while Christian narrative imagery concentrates on continuing interaction between the two commu- Bible illumination, the richest Jewish iconography nities, or perhaps evidence that the communities comes from medieval haggadah manuscripts. Nev- employed the same artists’ workshops. In addition, ertheless, most scholars believe that a large degree the appearance of certain details borrowed from of mutual influence can be seen in both Jewish and Jewish midrashic writings indicate Christian famil- Christian iconography from the period: that Jews iarity with this literature. borrowed Christian motifs while Christians often Both communities adapted popular icono- hired Jewish workshops or purchased illuminated graphic motifs from the secular and religious art Bibles from them. of their surrounding environment. For this reason In the modern era, despite important attempts both Christian and Jewish visual art reveal striking to create a Jewish style or characteristic iconogra- similarities to the art of their polytheistic neigh- phy (e.g. the efforts of Vladimir Stasov (1824–1906) bours. For example, the Christian Good Shepherd in Russia), both Jewish and Christian artists are as looks much like Hermes carrying a ram over his much or more patronised by secular clients than by shoulders, Jonah is portrayed in the posture of the their own religious communities, leading to a great classical hero Endymion, and representations of degree of assimilation to contemporary culture and Daniel draw from the standard presentations of taste on all sides. Hercules or other heroes from classical mythol- See also Dura Europos ROBIN M. JENSEN ogy. Both Jesus in Christian imagery and David in Identity Jewish art (e.g. the mosaic pavement found in the Christians have defined themselves and their reli- sixth-centuryGazasynagogue)wereshownwiththe gious beliefs from the earliest times in contradis- attributes of Orpheus, the mythological singer who tinction to Jews and Judaism, yet at the same tamed the wild beasts. Christians may have seen time claimed continuity. Jews and Judaism, too, this as an allegory for the salvation of the soul from have been profoundly shaped by their reactions its baser passions, while Jews may have borrowed to, and the influence of, Christianity. Thus issues the representation of Orpheus in order to portray of identity lie at the heart of the study of Jewish– David as musician and poet. Similarly the figure of Christian relations. Depending upon the perspec- SolorHelios occurs in both Jewish and Christian tive and the criteria adopted, the so-called ‘parting iconography. For Christians the figure was under- of the ways’ – the emergence of two faith com- stood to represent Christ/Logos as the bringer of munities that saw themselves and each other as light out of darkness. distinct religious groupings – can be said to have After the fourth century monumental Christian occurred at different times and places throughout art focuses more on iconic and dogmatic imagery the Roman Empire, sometime between the first (especially portraits of Jesus, Mary and the saints), and fifth centuries. From a Christian perspective

202 Idolatry the Jews became ‘the other’ as the result of the halakhah.Incontrast, Christian identity does not need to explain theologically the Jewish refusal to incorporatetheJewishemphasisuponpeoplehood. acknowledge Jesus as Messiah and as a result of It tendsrathertostressspiritualmembershipwithin the influence of Paul’s teachings that encouraged a universal body of Christ, often reinforced by rit- aGentile Christian constituency. Socio-political uals such as baptism, and self-definition accord- factors encouraged divided loyalties, for example ing to creed. The exploration of non-religious when many Jewish Christians would not unite Jewish identities must also be taken into account in under the self-proclaimed Messiah BarKokhba any discussion of Jewish–Christian relations in the during the rebellion against Rome, 132–5. From a post-Enlightenment era. DANIEL R. LANGTON Jewish perspective the gradual growth of influence Idolatry of rabbinic authority among synagogues through- Idolatry, in the biblical sense of the worship of dif- out Palestine and Diaspora Jewish communities, ferent gods, particularly through the use of tan- and the sidelining of those who did not subscribe gible images, clearly plays little part in the con- to the interpretation of the oral law according to temporary encounter between Jews and Christians Rabbinic Judaism,meant that legal (halakhic) def- within Western culture. Indeed, both would take initions of Jewish identity and of heresy (minut) for granted their shared exclusive belief in the One became theologically significant factors. Christian God. Nevertheless, in earlier periods Jews, along- claims regarding the divine nature of their Christ, side Muslims, had considerable difficulty in differ- and increasing Gentile dominance of the move- entiatingtheChristianuseofimagesofthecrucified ment with its attendant antinomianism, would Jesus,ofMary and of the saints from pagan forms have alienated them from the wider Jewish com- of worship. munity. From the contemporary external view- The Hebrew Bible presents itself as a record of point Roman legislation represents an alterna- the struggle to establish in the world the concept of tive criterion for distinguishing between Jews and the One God of the universe, which is the particular Christians. From the modern historical perspec- vocation of the children ofIsrael.Atall stages in bib- tive the issue is further complicated by the ques- lical Israel’s history different concepts of religion tion of whether one focuses upon popular or official formed the background to this task, each associated behaviour among the two groups, and the issues of with the seductive temptation to ‘worship other who and what define Jewish and Christian identi- gods’. Nevertheless, as the Israelites emerged from ties. A particularly complex area, today as in ancient each of these encounters they also incorporated times,involvesthosewhoregardthemselvesasboth elements from the host culture, transmuted and Jewish and Christian. Whether Ebionites during the hence subsumed under the monotheistic quest. first few centuries or Hebrew Christians in the Rabbinic Judaism pronounced the end of idol- nineteenth century or Messianic Jews in the twen- atry. Thus confronted with the statues of the gods tieth century, such groups have provoked acute of Rome they could argue: ‘They do not say, “let reactions from both Jewish and Christian com- us make a bath for Aphrodite” [i.e. worship the munities. Conversion practices also reveal striking goddess], but “Let us make an Aphrodite as an differences in terms of identity among Jews and adornment for the bath!”’ (m. Avodah Zarah 3.4). Christians. Until relatively recently, Jewish identity An entirely different challenge was presented to has tended to be defined according to halakhah the Jewish world by Christianity, particularly in the in terms of Jewish matrilineal descent or by a pro- Middle Ages. The use of images within churches cess of conversion that adheres to approved rit- was puzzling, if not offensive, to Jewish sensitivi- ual. Complications have arisen as a result of the ties. The talmudic abbreviation akum,made up of emergence of Progressive Jewish denominations, the initials of the words avodat kokhavim u maza- which are prepared to set the halakhah to one side, lot,‘the worship of stars and planets’, could be and also as a consequence of the creation of a reread as avodat kristus u maria, the worship of secular, Zionist State of Israel, whose legal defini- Christ and Mary. The difficulty of understanding tion of a Jew corresponds more closely to histor- the Trinity was and remains a theological puzzle for ical perceptions of Jewishness than it does to the Jews, and indeed for many Christians. Nevertheless

203 Ignatius of Antioch

thekabbalisticconceptofthesferot,tenemanations etc.). The proximity to a text itself inhibits non- whereby the transcendent God becomes immanent canonical insertions into the artwork, while at the in the world, may be recognised as an analogous same time highlighting certain passages by giv- system. ing them visual portrayal, sometimes in sequen- In the modern period the majority of Jews are less tial images. Although narrative art was common in interested in the beliefs and practices of Christian- Christianity from the third century onwards, based ity and more in the impact of Christian teachings on on the surviving examples, Christian book illumi- behaviour towards the Jewish people. Nevertheless, nation seems to date from the fifth century, the ear- Jewish reactions against the affirmation of Dabru liest example being the six surviving leaves from Emet that Jews and Christians worship the same the book of Kings in the Quedlinburg Itala. By con- God suggest that old doubts still persist. Christians trast, the earliest existing Jewish examples date to have rarely viewed Jewish religious practices as the ninth century and were, at first, entirely geomet- idolatrous. ricorcalligraphic in their design. Despite the mon- In the context of Jewish–Christian dialogue the umentally important example of narrative paint- approach to the issue of idolatry by Erich Fromm ing in the Dura Europos Synagogue, no illustrated (1900–80) opens up an area for a shared task of manuscript of a Jewish Bible can be dated prior to exploration. He argues: ‘An idol represents the the thirteenth century. object of man’s central passion; the desire to return Despite the lack of examples, a theoretical con- to the soil-mother, the craving for possession, nection between early Christian art and Jewish power, fame, and so forth. The passion represented manuscript illumination has been posited by many by the idol is, at the same time, the supreme value scholars, who pointed to the extensive iconog- withinman’ssystemofvalues.’Thustheexploration raphy of the third-century Dura Europos syna- of the nature of idolatry, which would include a gogue as evidence of a Jewish source or model rigorous self-examination of the history of values for Christian iconography, from third- and fourth- and practices of both religions, offers a common century Roman catacomb frescoes to the first ground for a shared exploration of past and present Christian Bible illustrations. These scholars argue lapses. that Christian iconographic themes or motifs were See also Avodah zarah; Golden Calf derived from lost earlier copies of presumed Jew- JONATHAN MAGONET ish prototypes that no longer exist. These theo- Ignatius of Antioch (c.30–107 CE) retical Jewish prototypes include illustrated Bibles Bishop of Antioch in Syria from c.69 CE, known (in both Hebrew and Greek) as well as the pattern especially for a series of epistles written while under books used by artists’ workshops to decorate syn- escort from Antioch to his martyrdom in Rome – a agogues like the one at Dura. According to schol- prospect he looked forward to with great enthusi- arly premise, such Bibles or pattern books were asm. The epistles lay down some of the basic prin- then ‘borrowed’ by Christians who wished to dec- ciples of orthodox ecclesiology and Christology – orate tombs, churches and eventually Bibles, espe- seeing the bishop as the locus of Church unity cially for artistic representation of scenes from the and arguing for the full divinity and humanity of Hebrew scriptures. Extra-canonical elements from Jesus Christ. They also mark a key stage in the rabbinic aggadah and midrash on these stories self-definition of Christianity, emphasising Chris- that appear in Christian paintings provide evidence tianity’s supersession of Judaism and the need for such Christian adaptation. The difficulty with for Christians to dispense entirely with Jewish this argument is the problem of proving the exis- customs. tence of a lost model, and the possibility that both See also Apostolic Fathers; early Church iconographic and oral traditions were simultane- MARCUS PLESTED ously transmitted and mutually influential between Illuminated manuscripts Christians and Jews. Illuminations of the Bible are a particular kind of The difficulties in establishing direct links narrative art, directly associated with an actual text, between theoretical Jewish illuminated Bibles and in contrast to visual representations of scriptural Christian iconography in Late Antiquity notwith- stories in other venues (church walls, pavements standing, the mutual influence of Jewish and

204 Immanuel

Christian iconography is clearly apparent in the The concept ‘image of God’ (1 Cor. 11.7; Jas 3.9) art of the Middle Ages. Christian workshops may is the foundation for the call to imitate God (Lev. even have produced Bibles for Jewish clients, 19.2; Matt. 5.48; Luke 6.36; 1 Pet. 1.16) by recognis- although certain medieval Jewish illuminators and ing the divine presence in one’s neighbour (1 John clients also are known by name. Additionally,Jewish 4.20, see Matt. 25.31–46). For Christian theologians manuscripts have certain distinguishing charac- Jesus is the image of the invisible God (Col. 1.15), teristics. For example, the lack of a capital letter and through him people conform to the divine in Hebrew script prevents the development of the exemplar (Rom. 8.29; 2 Cor. 3.18). Christ is the last initial letter as in Christian manuscripts, and cer- Adam, whose obedience provides the foundation tain liturgical implements or elements unique to for human transformation (1 Cor. 15.45–50). Jewish Judaism may be seen in certain examples. Finally, teachers drew upon Gen. 1.26–28 as a foundation although Christians began to portray God anthro- for doctrinal and moral insights into the meaning pomorphically as an old man, Jewish illumina- of life and respect for the inherent dignity of every tions resisted portraying the divine and contin- human being. When discussing the responsibility ued the long-established tradition of suggesting of judges regarding the death penalty, for example, the presence of God with a hand or light beams the sages noted: ‘Aking stamps many coins with one coming from the heavens. Thus early Jewish influ- seal and they are all alike; but the King of Kings, the ence on Christian illuminations can only be theo- Holy One Blessed Be He, has stamped each human retically supposed, while later Christian influence being with the seal of the first man, yet not one is on Jewish illuminations seems to have been lim- like his fellow’ (m. Sanhedrin 4.5). ited by particular Jewish traditions and theological Imago Dei is the doctrinal foundation for both sensibilities. ROBIN M. JENSEN Jews and Christians to grapple with virtually all Imago Dei issues of the moral order, from the challenge for ‘Image of God’. As the apex of creation, human each person to conform human life to the divine beings (male and female) are in the image and exemplar, to a self-respect that acknowledges the likeness of God (Gen. 1.26–28; 5.1–3; 9.6; Ps. 8.5–8; basic equality of all persons, to the human respon- Sir. 17.1–14). Both Jewish and Christian theologians sibility for the rest of creation. have pondered at length the precise content of this LAWRENCE E. FRIZZELL doctrine. In the Middle Ages they focused on the Immanuel intellect and will, residing in the immortal soul,as Although it occurs only three times in the Old distinguishing humanity from other animate crea- Testament and NewTestament (Isa. 7.14; 8.8; tures. More recently scholars have looked for the Matt. 1.23), the word Immanuel (literally, ‘God with meaning that the doctrine would have evoked for us’) has left a significant impression in the Christian pre-philosophical communities. In the context of imagination, principally because it occurs fre- the creation hymn (Gen. 1.1–2.4) the human being quently in Christian hymnody, especially around is the viceroy, the representative of God in caring the music-rich Advent and Christmas liturgical for the earth and its inhabitants. Secondly, human seasons and epitomically in the hymn ‘O Come, O beings are created to be in a covenantal dialogue Come Emmanuel’ (a frequent alternative spelling). with God and to represent the rest of creation as Its significance to Jewish–Christian relations lies in the high priest mediating worship of the Creator. Matthew’s interpretation of Isa. 7.14 as a Messianic In the Torah only two earthly realities are created prophecy fulfilled in Jesus: ‘All this took place to according to a heavenly model: the human being fulfil what the Lord had said through the prophet: and the tabernacle in the wilderness (Exod. 25.40; “The virgin will be with child and will give birth 26.30 etc.). Just as the tent of meeting (and later to a son, and they will call him Immanuel” – which the Temple) was the context within which sac- means, “God with us”’ (Matt. 1.22–23). Translations rificial worship would be united with the celes- of this passage rendering the Hebrew almah as tial cult, so the human person should recognise ‘young woman’ rather than as ‘virgin’ have removed the responsibility of reflecting God’s presence and some of the traditionally apologetical edge from the ordering the innate capacity of all creatures to serve Christian prophecy-fulfilment rendering. God. See also Messiah MICHAEL MCGARRY

205 Immortality

Immortality of God’s Word with Jesus of Nazareth. As a result, Literally ‘the state of not being subject to death’.The the concept of incarnation is generally viewed as concept of an immortal soul does not appear in the one of the main dividing lines between Judaism Hebrew canon or the NewTestament.Both corpora andChristianity.Its‘maximalist’estimateofChrist’s present the soul as dying (Judg. 16.30; Ezek. 18.4, 20; significance – nothing less than the actuality of Acts 3.23; Rev. 16.3), the opposite of ancient Greek divine love, wisdom, self-expression is mediated immortality; a ‘dead soul’ (Lev. 21.11; Num. 6.6) is through him – develops in conjunction with a Trini- contradictory in terms of Platonic philosophy. Late tarian account of God as a generative mystery of in the OldTestament period, when the resurrec- self-expression (Word) and self-bestowal (Spirit), tion is conceptualised, immortality is never men- contact with which enables humanity to participate tioned with it. Certainly adoption of the immor- in the divine life (see Trinity). tal soul occurs in the more Hellenised circles of Incarnational Christology envisages not a Zeus- ancient Judaism (Philo, Josephus, Wisdom), but like metamorphosis into creaturely form, but a it is not generally found in Palestinian literature. union of the divine and the human in one per- Sir. 17.30 states that humankind is not immortal, son in ways that maintain the transcendent char- implying only God is. Both at Qumran (Puech) acter of the divine and the dependent status of the and in the Mishnah (Sanhedrin 10.1) resurrec- created order. Judaism insists no less strongly than tion, not the immortal soul, is the basis for a Christianity on the condescension of the transcen- share in the world to come. In the New Testa- dent God in being with his people, and the theme ment immortality is an inherent attribute of God of the Shekinah is the closest Jewish analogue to alone (1 Tim. 6.16) but is attained by Christians Incarnation: ‘when they [Israel] went into Egypt, through a spiritual resurrection (1 Cor. 15.44–6 the Shekinah went with them; in Babylon the Shek- contrasts this resurrection with the mortal, phys- inah was with them’ (b. Megillah 29a). Analogously, ical soul). As Judaism and Christianity contin- Jewish tradition thinks of the divine origin of Torah ued, pervasive Greek thinking worked its way as the vehicle of God’s self-bestowal to Israel, but more fully into both. In rabbinic writings this it never treats Torah as the self-manifestation of is difficult to pinpoint (Grintz); for Christian- God in the way Christian theology treats Christ as ity it appears quickly (Diogn. 6.8; Athenagorus, the Son/Word who ‘bears the very stamp of God’s Legatio 27.2), though Christians and Jews had prob- nature’ (Heb. 1.3). JOHN MCDADE lemsmeldingtheJewishandGreekconcepts(Justin Incense Martyr,Dial.4–5;Tatian,Oratio13;2Esd.7.75–101). While the Temple stood incense was offered twice Early Jewish–Christian interaction likely hastened daily by the officiating priests on a golden altar fusing the originally foreign notions, especially standing in the Holy Place before the entrance to from Hellenised Judaism to nascent Christianity. the Holy of Holies (Exod. 30.1–10). It belonged to Today the immortal soul notion is normative to the category of most holy things, and its manufac- many in both (and other) faiths. FRANK SHAW ture and use outside the Temple were strictly for- Incarnation bidden. Profound symbolism was often attached Incarnational Christology sees Jesus as ‘the incar- to it: Ben Sira (c.180 BCE) listed its ingredients as nate (enfleshed) Word of God’. It originates in the redolent of that Wisdom which is Torah (Sir. 24.15); way early Christian teachers read Jewish poems Philo regarded it as thanksgiving for the rational about personified divine Wisdom (Prov. 8.22; Wis. spirit in humankind (Spec. 1.171) and accounted 7–10; Sir. 24): they present the Word/Wisdom of God one grain of greater worth than blood sacrifice coming to dwell in human history, not in Torah (Spec. 1.274–7). Some Christians of the first cen- as Sir. 24.23 suggests, but in Christ who radiates tury CE viewed it as symbolic of prayer:itfeatures the divine kabod (‘glory’) (John 1.1–16). It devel- in the Apocalypse of John in the heavenly liturgy ops central Jewish themes in relation to Christ there described (Rev. 5.8; 8.3–5), which probably and the character of God with consequences that owes a good deal to Jewish prototypes. Incense come to exceed the limits of normative Judaism was not used in Christian worship at first, how- because it thinks of God’s self-diffusive goodness ever, since its offering at altars dedicated to the towards the creation as culminating in the union Roman emperor was an essential element of cult

206 Innocent III

paid to that personage, which Christians regarded Mary and Joseph, a descendant of the Davidic as idolatry. Those who temporised and offered the line, note the announcement by a heavenly fig- incense were contemptuously dubbed thurificati; ure of the impending birth, and state that although and it was only some time after Constantine that legally engaged Mary and Joseph had not yet come its use in Christian worship became general. Once to live together, hence the circumstances of con- adopted, it inevitably suggested that such worship ception were implicitly ‘problematic’. Both narrate was related in some way to the service of the Jewish that the conception of the child by Mary hap- Temple; and it ranks along with other solemn cere- pened not through normal intercourse but by the monies described in the Bible and adopted by the agency of the Holy Spirit, and agree that the birth Church, like the anointing of priests, the purifica- of Jesus happened at Bethlehem. Beyond those tion of women after childbirth, and the use of a shared details, other elements of the two accounts breastplate with 12 precious stones by certain arch- differ markedly, as Matthew’s story comes from bishops. Its place in Jewish–Christian relations is Joseph’s perspective and is situated in Bethlehem, two-edged, since its prominent place in Christian while Luke’s story is told through Mary’s eyes as worship inside church buildings and outside in pro- the couple leave their home in Nazareth to travel cessionscouldsuggesttoJewsatriumphalistappro- to Bethlehem to register in the census. As the con- priation of solemn Jewish rites: at the same time, tradictions attest, midrashic and theological ele- however, its use by present-day Christians, partic- ments mark these stories more than accurate his- ularly in the West, sometimes carries with it a high torical memory. Their attempts to emphasise Jesus’ regard for the Hebrew scriptures and for Jewish cer- Davidic descent, his similarity with biblical ances- emonies generally. C. T. R. HAYWARD tors (Joseph, Moses) and his filial relation to God India through the power of the Holy Spirit are problem- India provides an intriguing example of a country atic claims and together contribute to a portrait of where both Jews and Christians flourished under Jesus as the fulfilment of biblical prophecy and the the benevolent rule of a third religious community, replacement for Jewish mediations of God’s pres- Hindus. Different groups of Jews and Christians ence in the world (see supersessionism). have prospered in India. The earliest Jewish com- BARBARA E. BOWE munity to be located in the Diaspora is found in Innocent III (1160/1–1216) Cochin, Kerala, and claims to be descended from Pope (1198–1216). Born in Italy as Lotario dei Segni. traders from the land of Israel during the reign During his pontificate, which marks a highpoint of King Solomon. One group was given copper in the medieval papacy, Innocent dealt with prob- plates by a local Hindu ruler in 379 BCE, bestowing lems of heresy and major issues of Church doctrine ‘princely rights’ for contributing to the prosperity like transubstantiation. In 1207 Innocent preached of his territories. Most Indian Jews testify to the tol- the Albigensian Crusade against the Cathars. He erance of Hindus, as do Christians. The latter have was favourable to the new rules of the Franciscans been in India since the middle of the second cen- and Dominicans,recognising the potential of both tury CE and possibly since the days of the apos- orders for his fight against religious deviance. As tle Thomas. Ironically, their first persecutors seem far as Jews were concerned, Innocent upheld the to have been Portuguese Christians in the fifteenth traditional papal policy of broad toleration.Ina and sixteenth centuries who attempted to correct bull of 1205, however, he emphasised the superi- Orthodox Indian Christians to Catholic faith; the ority of Christianity over Jews by declaring that Jewish community was left in peace. Jews had to live in a state of Perpetual Servitude. MARTIN FORWARD Although the term was new, the underlying con- Infancy narratives cepts were not. Augustine’s witness theory sub- The common designation for the first two chap- sumed the idea of Jewish subservience. The term ters of the Gospels of Matthew and Luke that nar- did not imply slavery or serfdom in a strictly legal rate the circumstances surrounding the birth of sense. The bull demanded that Jews no longer Jesus. Although these two Gospels agree on cer- employ Christian wet-nurses: scandal had been tain details of the story, their differences are strik- caused by rumours that Jews did not want their ing. Both Gospels name the parents of Jesus as children to receive breast milk from women just

207 Innocent IV

after they had been to Mass at Easter.In1198 Inno- work in 1481 as an attempt to deal not only with cent ruled that crusaders should not be charged Conversos but also the threat of Jews who were interest on their loans from Jews whilst on cru- influencing the apostasy of these converts. This was sade (see usury). On forced baptism Innocent ruled not an attack on Judaism itself, but an attempt to in 1201 that, notwithstanding the illegality of the stop Christian Judaising and the influence Jews and procedure, the forced convert could not return to Judaism had in relation to the Conversos. Apostasy his original faith because that would constitute was held to be a greater sin than unbelief accord- an insult to the sacrament. The apogee of Inno- ing to Thomas Aquinas and other medieval the- cent’sreign was the Fourth LateranCouncil of 1215, ologians. The main problem with the Inquisition in which contained a number of important canons on regard to Jews and Judaism was the line of demar- the Jews. ANNA SAPIR ABULAFIA cation between Conversos and the non-converted Innocent IV (c.1200–54) Jews: what right did the Church have to protect and Pope (1243–54). A renowned canonist, he asserted defend its own (Conversos) and to pursue Jews as the Jews’ right to justice, illustrated by his support Jews? The line was crossed during the Talmud trial for Jews who sought to recover debts owed to them of Paris in the 1240s, and although for the most in Champagne in 1247; he also set a precedent by part the Inquisition went after relapsing Conversos, condemningthebloodlibelonmorethanoneocca- there was the tendency to think that the Inquisitors sion. On the other hand, he decreed the burning had a right to go after non-converted Jews because of the Talmud and other Jewish books and often of the supposed threat they posed to the Conversos reminded rulers of the need to implement the deci- and their relapsing back into Judaism. The Inquisi- sions of Lateran Council (IV) such as the wearing tion caused much hardship on the part of the Jew- of the yellow badge and other distinctive clothing. ish community and it certainly contributed to other Innocent was also eager to facilitate the conver- behaviours detrimental to the Jewish community sion of Jews, often supporting Jewish converts to in Europe: expulsions (for example, from Spain in Christianity in arguments with local rulers. 1492 and Portugal a few years later), confiscation of EDWARD KESSLER property and expropriation of all rights as citizens Inquisition within a host country. A major controversy is the The Inquisition (the ‘Holy Office of the Inquisition’) role of the converts themselves in the persecution began in the thirteenth century against heretical of their former religionists: in some cases the Con- groups in southern France and lasted off and on versos themselves became the major enemy of Jews until the nineteenth century. From its beginnings it living in their midst. STEVEN J. MCMICHAEL was not primarily concerned with Jews and Judaism Inscriptions, ancient per se, but at various times Judaism was a major Inscriptions and their study (epigraphy) shed factor. For example, a type of Inquisition was held light indirectly and sometimes directly on Jewish– against Jews when Church leaders became con- Christian relations in antiquity. Subjects illumi- cerned about the teachings of the Talmud concern- nated include Jewish names, marriages, occu- ing Christianity in Paris in the 1240s. After the 1391 pations, organisation, languages and localities; riots that began in Seville and spread throughout proselytes and godfearers; synagogues; conversion the Iberian peninsula, a group called the Conver- to Christianity; and formulae and symbols of Jewish sos (see also Marranos) came into existence when a and Christian loyalty. number of the Jews converted to Christianity under The ever-increasing body of inscriptions spon- the choice of baptism or death. These converted sored by or concerning Jews (over 2,000) illumi- Jews were a cause of much suspicion, and there- nates Judea and Syria together with some places fore Church leaders felt the need to ensure that for which Christian literary documentation is richer their conversions were valid and real, especially in than Jewish, notably the lands around the Mediter- the later half of the fifteenth century. Alonso de ranean from Asia Minor to Spain, and from Arabia Espina and others argued for an institution that and Egypt to North Africa. The main languages are would eradicate apostasy and heresy in Spain. The Aramaic, Hebrew, Greek and Latin. Most are funer- National Spanish Inquisition was founded in 1478 ary inscriptions, ranging from names on ossuaries by Pope Sixtus IV (1471–84) and officially began its and plaques to full epitaphs. Dedications relating

208 Inspiration

to synagogues are also numerous. Epitaphs likewise anything from it’ (Deut. 13.1, Hebrew Bible). This predominate in the far larger body of contemporary uniqueness of the Torah corresponds to the incom- Latin and Greek Christian inscriptions. parability of Moses who received it on Mount Sinai It hasoftenbeensuggested(byscholarsincluding directly from God. ‘The Holy Spirit’(ruah. ha- E. L. Sukenik (1889–1953) of the Hebrew University kodesh), however, inspired the writings of the other and B. Bagatti (1905–90) of the Jerusalem Fran- prophets. Understood as the spirit of prophecy in ciscans) that the names or symbols of Christian Rabbinical Judaism, the Holy Spirit comes from Jews occur in Judean inscriptions of the first and God and is given to the prophets to an unequal second centuries, but it remains hard to present degree (Leviticus Rabbah 15.2). If a writing was a clear example. Some alleged epigraphic indica- inspired by the Holy Spirit it was counted among tions of communal loyalty are therefore doubt- the books of the biblical canon in addition to the ful, but in general such indications shed light on Torah(Pentateuch). After a long process of devel- Jewish–Christian relations. Thus Jewish inscrip- opment the ‘early prophets’ (Joshua–2 Kings) and tions often include explicit description as Hebrew, the ‘major prophets’, as well as the ‘Hagiographa’ Jeworproselyte, occasionally with further refer- (Psalms–2 Chronicles), achieved this canonical ence to Judaism; so Polycharmus, benefactor of a status. synagogue at Stobi in Macedonia, had ‘governed The significance attached to ‘the law and the pro- his life in every way according to Judaism’ (c.150– phets’ in Judaism during the period of the Second 250; CIJ 694). Comparably, many Christian inscrip- Temple makes it understandable that ‘the scrip- tions from the second century onwards include tures’ played an important role in early Christian- such descriptions as ‘faithful’, ‘Christian’ or ‘cate- ity (Matt. 5.17–19 and passim). For the early Chris- chumen’. Common epigraphic symbols of Jewish tian community it was one and the same God who loyalty include shofar, menorah, ethrog and lulav ‘spoke to our ancestors . . . by the prophets, but in (compare Christian use of crosses or monograms); these last days . . . to us by his Son’ (Heb. 1.1f.). signs of hope shared by Jewish and Christian epig- It regarded sacred scripture as ‘inspired by God’ raphy include the dove and the palm. Half-hidden (2 Tim. 3.16). 2 Pet. 1.21 says of the scriptures of expressions of faith are less prominent in Jewish Israel that ‘no prophecy ever came by human will, than in Christian inscriptions, but famous allu- butmenandwomenmovedbytheHolySpiritspoke sions to afterlife occur in the Roman Jewish Latin from God’; the fulfilment of this prophecy took verse epitaph of Regina (third–fourth century; CIJ place in the Christ event (Matt. 1.23f.; 2.17f., and 476). The importance of proselytes and godfear- passim). Thus the hermeneutic shifts: in the New ers is confirmed by inscribed listing of names Testament the Torah is no longer incomparable; from Aphrodisias in Caria (probably third century) the prophets are now ranked higher (cf. The Pon- published by J. M. Reynolds and R. Tannenbaum tifical Biblical Commission, no. 11 and passim) and (Jews and God-fearers at Aphrodisias). Baptismal inspirationisattributedtotheNewTestamentitself. names taken by Jews who became Christians are The Holy Spirit – understood ever more clearly as inscribed for instance in Grado in north Italy the self-communicating and communicated gift of (CIJ i2 643a). WILLIAM HORBURY God himself and not, as in Judaism, as a gift that, Inspiration while coming from God, is not itself divine – has The notion that people compose scriptures under ‘inspired each one of the saints, whether prophets the influence of divine inspiration (Latin inspiratio) or apostles; and that there was not one Spirit in the is found in many religions. The concept of inspi- men of the old dispensation and another in those ration is fundamental for understanding scripture who were inspired at the advent of Christ is most and tradition in Judaism and Christianity. Both tra- clearly taught’ (Origen, Princ. 1, Praefatio 4). For ditions start with biblical statements, but develop the Catholic Church Vatican II states that every- their understanding of inspiration differently. thing ‘the inspired authors . . . affirm should be The Torah takes a central place in the Jewish regarded as affirmed by the Holy Spirit’; the biblical understanding of the divine origin of the sacred writings ‘firmly, faithfully and without error, teach scriptures: ‘You must diligently observe everything that truth which God, for the sake of our salvation, that I command you; do not add to it or take wished to see confided to the sacred Scriptures’

209 Institute of Christian and Jewish Studies

(Deiverbum 11). The question of how the ‘Holy contentious issue for both Judaism and Christian- Spirit’ or God’s Spirit and human authors work ity. It has become even more pronounced in recent together has continued to preoccupy Jewish and decadeswiththedeclineofsocialandculturalbarri- Christian scholars, including Rosenzweig, Buber ers that previously reinforced the religious division and Karl Rahner (1904–84). between members of the two faiths. HANS HERMANN HENRIX The objections of Judaism are rooted in the con- Institute of Christian and Jewish Studies (ICJS) cern of Abraham that his son should not marry see Dabru Emet; Jewish–Christian relations, any of the local pagan Canaanites lest they lead centres for the study of him astray religiously (Gen. 24.3–4). The biblical Institute of Judaeo–Christian Studies see ban against intermarrying with the seven nations Jewish–Christian relations, centres for the in the land of Israel (Deut. 4.1–4) was extended study of; Oesterreicher, John by rabbinic authorities to all Gentiles (b. Avodah Intercessions Zarah 36b; b. Yevamot 45a). The emancipation of Drawing on shared biblical models, prayers for the Jews and their integration into general society dur- benefit of the community and its members are ing the eighteenth century led to a rise in intermar- integral to public worship for Jews and Christians. riage, despite continued rabbinic opposition. Fol- Jewish intercessions appear in the petitions of the lowing the Second World War the Holocaust was weekday Amidah,inprivate supplicatory prayers often cited as providing additional reasons against (tahanun), and in prayers accompanying the Torah intermarriage: first, as evidence that Jews could reading. The first two categories are largely Mes- neverfullytrusttheGentileworld;secondly,accord- sianic, asking God for redemptive amelioration of ing to Emil Fackenheim (1916–2003), Jews had a the current situation. In these, non-Jews, includ- duty not to give Hitler posthumous victory by dis- ing Christians, appear primarily as persecutors and appearing,adangerposedbyintermarriage;thirdly, enemies whom God should overthrow. Modern lib- Jews had a duty to replenish the 6 million lost Jewish eral liturgies generally eliminate this negative por- livesbyhavingJewishchildren.Christianobjections trayal. An early modern intercession that accompa- to intermarriage also stem from the very beginnings nies the Torah reading, documented first in Europe, of the faith. Paul forbids Christians to marry non- prays for the monarch – usually Christian. Chris- believers (1 Cor. 7.12–16; 2 Cor. 6.14–16). His jus- tian intercessions, also called the Prayer of the tification is theological: that Christians are living Faithful or bidding prayers, appear first in Justin parts of the Church, which is the body of Christ; Martyr (1Apol. 65), where they also follow the scrip- thus they are part of Christ’s body, a spiritual one- ture reading. Christian intercessions ask for God’s ness that would be sullied if they married out of blessing on members of the church and civil lead- the faith (Eph. 5.21–31). This ban later led to the erships, the deceased, the living, humanity glob- introduction of the yellow badge and the ghetto ally and the agricultural realm. There was great as ways of preventing intimacy between Jews and variation in the placement and content of these Christians. intercessions before they largely disappeared from In recent times both Jewish and Christian author- medievalrites,tobereplacedbyvariouslitaniesand ities have had to confront the reality of the secu- biddingprayers.OnlytheGoodFridayintercessions larisation of society and an ever-increasing inter- continuedintheRomanCatholicrite,until1959(see marriage rate even amongst those attached to their Good Friday Prayer for the Perfidious Jews). faith. By the 1990s the intermarriage rate for Jews Twentieth-century liturgical reforms revived reg- in Britain was 44 per cent and in the United ular intercessory prayer, often encouraging free States 52 per cent. Amongst Catholics it was over response to contemporary issues and events. 65 per cent in both countries, while it was a seri- Prayers for Jews’ wellbeing are not uncommon. ous issue for Anglicans and other Protestant groups See also birkat ha-minim RUTH LANGER too. The reaction of some religious leaders was Intermarriage to oppose intermarriage even more vehemently, Intermarriage – defined as marriage between with, for example, the Chief Rabbi of Orthodox members of different faiths, each of whom main- Jewry in Britain, Immanuel Jakobovits (1921–99), tains their own religious identity – has long been a describing it as a ‘cancer’. More liberally minded

210 International Christian Embassy priests, rabbis and vicars regarded intermarried ‘Animproved relationship will not accelerate the couples as an inevitable result of a pluralist society cultural and religious assimilation that Jews rightly and sought to accommodate them by welcoming fear...norincrease intermarriage between Jews them into their communities and respecting their and non-Jews’. For those engaged in dialogue, the religious differences. Several Churches have pub- issue has thrown into sharp relief the question to lished advice for their ministers on how to conduct what extent the two faiths accept each other: if both such ceremonies (e.g. the Church of England’s 1992 are considered valid paths to God, then intermar- ‘Guidelines for the Celebration of Mixed-Faith Mar- riage should not pose any theological problems, riages in Church’). Despite these efforts at inclu- even though it may still raise practical difficulties sion, Jewish and Christian ministers alike fear that for those involved. The traditional teachings of both intermarriage is a threat to religious continuity, in faiths regarding intermarriage have also been chal- terms of both the observances of the couple them- lenged by the pluralism within society at large. In selves and the education of any children they may an era in which many children are brought up to have. The Catholic Church will often insist that oppose intolerance of any kind and to value indi- they will only officiate at an intermarriage if the viduals in their own right, it has become increas- Catholic partner agrees to bring up any children ingly hard for both ministers and parents to insist in the Catholic faith, while most rabbis decline to on the need to keep separate from those of a differ- be present at either a marriage or blessing cere- ent religious identity. This has been exacerbated by mony involving a non-Jewish partner. The Church thewayinwhich,formanypeople,faithhasbecome of England is legally obliged to marry anyone res- ‘privatised’: something to be practised by individ- ident in one of its parishes, but also has to keep uals in their own way and which need not have an to the Trinitarian formulation of its marriage ser- impact on others in the same family. In this climate vice. The overall result is that although most Jewish– a person from a different religious background is Christian couples wish to receive God’s blessing regarded as no less suitable as a marriage partner. on their union, they reluctantly decide that a reg- See also assimilation JONATHAN ROMAIN istry office wedding is the only acceptable option. International Catholic–Jewish Liaison Committee By contrast, marriages officiated jointly by Jew- see Jewish–Christian relations, institutions ish and Christian ministers are common in North International Christian Embassy America, where many in the clergy feel it is more Established in 1980, the International Christian constructive to help the couple unite their two Embassy in Jerusalem (ICEJ) is one of the foremost traditions than to refuse to assist them. Another organisations of advocates of Christian Zionism. concern of ministers of both faiths is the pastoral ICEJ officially repudiates replacement theology aspect: that unless couples are fully prepared for and any liberation theology that scapegoats Jews the possible difficulties they can face, they could and Judaism. Its supporters, drawn largely from find that differences in religious practice, cultural among fundamentalists and evangelicals, affirm expectations and family pressures cause a seri- that Jews are still the Chosen People and that the ous strain on the marital relationship. Ministers Promised Land is theirs as ‘an everlasting posses- themselves can face an acute dilemma: they wish sion by an eternal covenant’. They believe that the to preserve their own faith tradition by discour- modern-day restoration of the State of Israel, with aging intermarriage, yet want to respond posi- Jerusalem as its capital, is in fulfilment of biblical tively to intermarried couples who approach them prophecies, and thus scripture commands Chris- for help. tians to support this divine scheme. ICEJ’s flag- The issue has also affected Jewish–Christian dia- ship activity is an annual nine-day Christian cel- logue, insofar as the fear of engaging in any action ebration of the Feast of Tabernacles in Jerusalem that might be seen to encourage blurring of reli- during Sukkot, which attracts some 5,000 per- gious boundaries has led many rabbis to shun inter- sons from more than 100 countries. Other projects faith activities. The ground-breaking Jewish state- include financial assistance to bring Jews to Israel, ment on Christianity published in 2000, Dabru social aid in Israel and ‘bless Israel’ events in local Emet, acknowledged the prevalence of such con- churches and communities worldwide. ICEJ mon- cerns and sought to allay them by declaring that itors antisemitism and anti-Israel biases in the

211 International Council of Christians and Jews

secular and religious media and strives to counter useful collection of statements by Jewish and Chris- them through publications that present a ‘bibli- tian groups. On a smaller scale but with a similar cal Zionist’ understanding of current affairs affect- type of content is the website of the Baltimore Insti- ing the Jewish people and the State of Israel. The tute for Christian and Jewish Studies. The site of the embassy has organised several Christian Zionist Avraham Harman Institute of Contemporary Jewry congresses, first in Basel in 1985 and most recently in Jerusalem also provides articles and a searchable in Jerusalem in 2001. ICEJ’sChristian critics include bibliography. As databases have become a stan- both conservatives, who fault them for failing to dard backend to many websites, the scale of mate- evangelise Jews, and liberals, who censure their rial that one may now access is greater than ever. unconditional support for the State of Israel. Right- Specialist bibliographic resources can be searched wing Israeli politicians publicly salute ICEJ’s sup- from databases, including the RAMBI catalogue of port, while left-wing parties and liberal Jewish cir- Jewish studies, but apart from the Harman Insti- cles are circumspect in their contacts with the tute’s resources, little can yet be found for Jewish– embassy. DANIEL ROSSING Christian relations specifically. It is likely, how- International Council of Christians and Jews ever, that in the future such resources will become see Council(s) of Christians and Jews increasingly available, allowing the searching of International Jewish Committee for Interreligious texts and discussions in depth. Consultations see Jewish–Christian relations, As distance learning has become a common institutions mode of course delivery, the Internet has been Internet utilised in course teaching, including courses on The Internet as a new medium of communication Jewish–Christian relations. The Centre for the study has taken many by surprise in its speed of develop- of Jewish–Christian Relations (Cambridge, UK) has ment and universal application. It has raised con- been particularly active in this regard. Small insti- cern over the accessibility of a wide range of positive tutions are enabled to provide courses for people in and negative information, but has also presented manypartsoftheworldwithouttheadditionalcosts new opportunities to be explored. Its manifesta- of travel or accommodation. In particular teachers, tion in the World Wide Web (since 1991, with the and not just the students, may be in different loca- creation of the Web consortium in 1994) will be tions, bringing an international flavour to the edu- most familiar, but the Internet as a method of com- cational experience. One may therefore offer, for munication between individuals is much older. It example, contemporary perspectives from Poland, has allowed communication between scholars and Israel and Germany in a course based in the USA. individuals who are geographically dispersed, has Web pages can provide access to course materi- improved cooperation and has allowed for discus- als, in the manner of a book, but with hyperlinks sion groups to operate virtually. One of the old- allowing for further exploration of topics on exter- est and more successful discussion groups in the nal sites. Discussion groups provide some of the humanities has been the Ioudaios-list, specialising experience of dialogue, again with the possibility in Judaism in antiquity. The consequences of the of contact with people in disparate locations, but new developments provided by the web for Jewish– the future might see significant development in this Christian relations are significant. area as technology allows the improved exchange of The available resources for research into the field live images and sound. are many. Gateways providing organised links to The provision of publications on the Internet other sites that are specifically focussed on Jewish– was an early goal. Ioudaios has published since Christian relations are few, but gateways for the the early 1990s book reviews and occasional arti- study of the ancient world are common, includ- cles on ancient Judaism and Christian origins, and ing the ABZU resources for the ancient Near East many free publications still exist. The web jour- and ‘Biblical Studies on the Web’ (bsw.org), which nal Crosscurrents, for example, contains articles on provides access to a range of journals. For Jewish– contemporary religious issues, and JCRelations.net Christian relations the JCRelations.net website has regularly includes discussions of issues relevant to become the most visited site. It contains articles Jewish–Christian relations. Some journals are avail- and discussions on key issues, the latest news, and a able on the web by subscription, and a site such

212 Irenaeus of Lyons

as ‘Biblical studies on the web’ provides a compre- tury that more than a handful of Jews inhabited hensive list, indicating level of access to the infor- Ireland. This did not discourage active mission mation. Other types of publication available are work, for example among Dublin Jewry in the reviews of books or films, statements by organi- eighteenth century. In 1846 legal discriminations sations, transcripts of parliamentary proceedings against Jews desiring naturalisation were abolished and press releases, all of which could be useful for and a statute prescribing a special dress for the research in the area. Jews was repealed. Although conditions were not The presence of racist and antisemitic web- always favourable, its small size, its low profile sites, and Holocaust denial pages, and the prop- and the Irish preoccupation with British oppres- agation of such material by email, have been a sors meant that the Jewish community attracted lit- particular concern. The situation is monitored by tle overt antisemitism,most Catholic antagonism the Anti-defamation League (ADL) and the Avra- being reserved for Protestants. Exceptions included ham Harman Institute of Contemporary Jewry in the anti-Jewish riots in Limerick (1884) and Cork Jerusalem. Although this is a new form of com- (1894), which followed the arrival of refugees from munication, the material is not new and the same pogroms in Eastern Europe, and the boycott of the issues apply as with more traditional media.Web- Jewish community in Cork from 1904, an explic- sites tend to be viewed by those already looking for itly antisemitic campaign led by Father John Creagh them, and this material need not reach new audi- (1870–1947). However, the all-pervading culture of ences, although certain groups are clearly targeted. conservative Catholic triumphalism that followed The difference with the Internet is that any person theindependenceofIrelandfromProtestantBritain can establish a site for little cost and can promote in 1922 reinforced a sense of alienness felt by opinions anonymously. The speed of exchange of many Jews, often experienced as polite or silent information globally also allows for an issue to antisemitism. Nor were relations with Irish Protes- be spread extremely quickly and for immediate tants, a fellow minority group, much warmer; the response, which has both positive and negative Church of Ireland Jews Society (for Hebrew Chris- applications. The fact that sites can be viewed in any tians)represented one institutional effort to engage country allows the propagation of hate to those who with Jews. During the 1930s and throughout the might not have been able to reach it before. In par- Second World War Ireland took very few Jewish ticular, a site can be established in one country but refugees, its envoy in Berlin was a notorious anti- viewed in another where such a site might be illegal. semite, and despite his admiration for Chief Rabbi The use of ‘spam’ for the distribution of racist infor- Herzog (1888–1959), who publicly supported Irish mation is also common, although spam-blockers nationalist claims, Eamon De Valera (1882–1975) often reduce this threat. While Internet providers even paid his condolences to the Nazi delegation can block access to particular sites, and govern- in Dublin at the death of Hitler.Reflecting Vatican ments can legislate against certain types of mate- reservations, Ireland only extended de jure recog- rial (albeit only within the confines of their juris- nition of the State of Israel in 1963. An abortive diction), such measures have raised concerns over attempt at Jewish–Christian dialogue was made freedom of speech, especially on the Internet. Cam- during the war; initiated in 1942 by lay Catholics, paigns by pressure groups and the public can also the Pillar of Fire society ceased its activities after be effective, such as that against certain discussion the third meeting. An Irish Council of Christians groups at Yahoo, which was led by the ADL, or the and Jews was established in 1983. public-wide pressure on Amazon not to sell Mein DANIEL R. LANGTON Kampf and other hate literature. As always, educa- Irenaeus of Lyons (c.130–c.200) tion is the best solution, and the Internet provides Bishop of Lyons and ChurchFather.Anative of Asia an opportunity for websites promoting tolerance Minor,Irenaeus spent the greater part of his life in and understanding. JAMES K. AITKEN Gaul. He is best known for his theological works Ireland (Against the Heresies and Demonstration of the While Jewish settlement can be said to have begun Apostolic Preaching), in which he clearly delineated around the time of the expulsions from England Christian orthodoxy from Gnostic heresy (partic- (1290), it was not until the early nineteenth cen- ularly through his conception of the apostolic

213 Isaac

tradition and the unity of the two Testaments), study the Jewish question. Eventually incorporated incidentally producing the first great synthesis of into the deliberations of Vatican II, it thus helped Christian doctrine.Irenaeus has little sympathy for shape the 1965 declaration Nostra Aetate repudiat- the Jews. Notwithstanding their special election by ing the charge of deicide and calling for Jewish– God, they have not heeded the prophets and have Christian dialogue.Despite the loss of his fam- connived in the crucifixion of Christ (and indeed ily, Isaac did not hesitate to enter into dialogue in later anti-Christian persecutions). Judaism has with Christianity, envisaging an optimistic future therefore been comprehensively superseded by and aspiring to positive relations between both Christianity (see supersessionism). Irenaeus also religions. STEPHEN PLANT takes issue with certain points of Jewish exegesis Isabella of Castile see Ferdinand the Catholic (e.g. regarding Isa. 7.14) and laments the survival of Isaiah Jewish practices in certain Christian groupings. Of the biblical prophets none has played a more MARCUS PLESTED crucial role in Jewish–Christian relations than Isa- Isaac iah. He was one of the eighth-century prophets Son of Abraham and father of Jacob,Isaac is the who, like Hosea, Amos and Micah, witnessed the patriarch least commented upon in Jewish and Assyrian invasions of Israel and Judah, but unlike Christian writings, although much attention has them also lived through the long and relatively been given to the significance of the binding of prosperous reign of Hezekiah and saw the unex- Isaac (Gen. 22). The other two main events in his pected survival of Jerusalem in 701 BCE. Not all life, according to the biblical narrative, are his mar- of the 66 chapters that bear his name, however, riage to Rebecca and his blessing of Jacob over Esau. could have been written in the eighth century: In early Christian thought Isaac’s importance lies large parts of the book, especially chs 40–66, as the in his being the son of the exemplary figure of faith medieval Spanish Jewish commentator Ibn Ezra (Abraham), who received a son as God promised recognised, appear to have been written much (e.g. Rom. 9.7, identified with Christ in Gal. 3.16). later, after Jerusalem had been destroyed by the As the child of promise, Isaac is also contrasted with Babylonians in the sixth century BCE. The division Ishmael (Rom. 9.7, 10; Gal. 4.28; Heb. 11.18) (see into three clear sections (1–39, 40–55 and 56–66) is Hagar). The rabbis too compare Isaac favourably now considered an oversimplification: some parts with Ishmael, but this may represent a response to of 1–39 (‘Proto-Isaiah’), notably the ‘Isaiah Apoc- Islamic tradition rather than to Christianity. alypse’ in 24–27, are almost certainly later than EDWARD KESSLER ‘Deutero-Isaiah’. Still later are the works known Isaac, Jules (1877–1963) as the Martyrdom and Ascension of Isaiah, which French historian of antisemitism.His wife and have come down to us in both Jewish and Christian daughter died in the Holocaust.In1946, at an inter- versions. national conference of Jews and Christians, Isaac Uniquely Isaianic is the focus on Jerusalem, the was largely responsible for the ‘Ten Points of Seel- ‘daughter of Zion’, and the power of the ‘Holy One isberg’, influential guidelines for Christian preach- of Israel’ to intervene in history on her behalf. ers and teachers concerning Jewish–Christian rela- This gives the whole book an impressive unity tions. In La genese` de l’antisemitisme´ (1956) and and ensured its central role in the history of both The Teaching of Contempt: Christian Roots of Anti- Judaism and Christianity from the beginning. Isa- Semitism (1964) Isaac revealed the Christian roots iah is exceptionally prominent among the Dead of antisemitism and coined the phrase ‘teaching Sea Scrolls and in the NewTestament as well as of contempt’. He was instrumental in persuading in the Jewish lectionary. The special place that Pope John XXIII to attend to relations with Jews and Isaiah held in the hearts of Jews can be illus- Judaism at Vatican II as a result of their meeting in trated by the Kedushah (6.3) and the ‘consola- 1960, at which time he presented him with a doc- tion readings’ from Isa. 41–61, as well as by the ument on the Church’s involvement in promoting disproportionate frequency of Isaianic allusions the teaching of contempt. Isaac urged the Pope to in modern Jewish history and philosophy: Ariel, tackle the legacy of anti-Judaism and antisemitism; Rishon LeTzion, Nes Harim, Neveh Shalom, Yad this resulted in the creation of a subcommission to Vashem, El mistater (‘God who hides himself’).

214 Islam

It was the Church, however, that made Isaiah eral baptism of all the Jews of Spain (613), the first peculiarly their own, in particular finding in the of such scope, and he condemned forced conver- numerous ‘Messianic’ prophecies, such as those sions. Nonetheless, the fourth Toledan Council of in chs 7, 9, 11, 35, 42, 49, 53 and 61, the language 633, with Isidore at its head, prohibited converts and imagery they needed to express their beliefs from returning to their original beliefs and thus nul- about Christ.ForJerome Isaiah was more evange- lifying accepted sacraments. PETR FRYSˇ list than prophet because he described Christ’s life Islam and work in detail as though it had already hap- In one sense Islam’s influence upon Jewish– pened (e.g. 9.6; 53), not as a prophecy of what was Christian relations can be dealt with under its to come. References to the Trinity (6.3; 42.1), the general supersessionist attitude to other religions. Virgin Mary (7.14), the eucharist (55.1), even bish- Muslims believe that Islam was the final religion ops (60.17b Greek episkopoi), were readily found revealed by God through the Prophet Muhammad in Isaiah, together with countless expressions that (c.570–632), and many thus have difficulty in came to be integral parts of Christian vocabulary, responding positively to a religiously plural world. like Immanuel,avoice crying in the wilderness, Islam condemns not only more recent religions, like man of sorrows, good news to the poor. Indeed, Sikhism, but also polytheistic faiths. modern Jewish Bible translators could not use the Islam sees itself as perfecting other previ- phrase ‘Prince of Peace’ because of its Christian ous monotheistic religions. Muhammad’s religious associations. Sadly Isaiah’s role in the history of practice at first owed much to Arabian Christians Christian anti-Judaism and antisemitism was cru- and especially Jews: Muslims faced Jerusalem in cial. Not only were some of the best-known dis- prayer and fasted during the DayofAtonement. puted texts in Jewish–Christian debate to be found But after Muhammad failed to gain the support of in Isaiah (7.14; 53 – see ‘Suffering Servant’), but both other groups, his became a separate religion, the venom that Isaiah so frequently directed at his claiming to be the fulfilment and reformer of previ- own people provided the Church with scriptural ous revelations, including Judaism and Christian- authority to hurl at the Jews in all periods all man- ity. He expelled two Jewish groups from Medina; ner of accusations, not least that of deicide (Isa. finally, a third group was severely treated, the men 1.15; cf. Matt. 27.25). The post-Vatican II empha- being killed and women and children sold into slav- sis on social justice (1.17; 11.3–5; 16.3–5; 32.16– ery. Muhammad showed a similar though less vio- 20; 61.1–2) and widespread interest in the female lent ambivalence towards Christians: the Qur’an images of God (42.14; 49.14–15; 66.13) in Isaiah describes them as ‘nearest in love’ to the believ- (see feminism)promise more peaceable exchanges ers (5.82), yet condemns their Christological and in future. JOHN F. A. SAWYER Trinitarian beliefs. Ishmael see Hagar Muhammad’s ambivalent attitude towards Isidore of Seville (c.560–636) Judaism and Christianity continued into later Archbishop of Seville, last Church Father of the history. In medieval times Jews and Christians Western Church and one of the greatest scholars of were often (not always) well-treated under Muslim the early Middle Ages. He and his influential family rule, regarded (unlike polytheists and atheists) distinguished themselves in political and religious as dhimmis, ‘people of the book’, who were, on struggle against the Arianism of the Visigothic payment of a tax, allowed to practise their faith and kings. Isidore’s encyclopedia, the Etymologiae,a even to participate in political and social life. Even compilation that embodied the medieval knowl- so, this attitude was one that regarded Jews and edge of classical culture, was greatly admired for Christians as believers who had not understood centuries, and his work became the main source the logic of their faith as pointing to the finality for all later medieval history-writing in Spain. His of Islam; it treated them as clients rather than as De fide catholica ex Veteri et Novo Testamentocontra equals. Iudaeos, where, in comparatively moderate terms, To the extent that Muslims have become involved he invokes Jews to accept Christianity, was much in interfaith dialogue, they have much to discuss translated and widely read. Isidore opposed King with Jews and Christians. Islam is more alike to Sisebut’s (r.612–20) decree aimed at enforcing gen- Judaism than Christianity.Both have problems with

215 Israel Council on Interreligious Relations

Christian Trinitarian theology, stress religious law, interfaith movements, particularly those that bring and have no priesthood. Like Christianity, how- together Jews and Christians, though what results ever, Islam has a strong sense of mission to peo- this will have it is, as yet, too early to predict. ple of other religions. These similarities and dis- See also trialogue MARTIN FORWARD similarities could provide the substance of fruitful Israel Council on Interreligious Relations see and respectful debate. There are problems to this Jewish–Christian relations, institutions scenario, however. For example, Islam’s Wahabi Israel, expatriate Christians in sect, which has a following among many Muslims, Only a very small proportion of the Israeli popu- including among Diaspora communities in the lation are Christians. Of the 6 million inhabitants West, seeks to return to an idealised form of cer- of the State of Israel about 18 per cent are non- tain early Islamic values, and strongly condemns Jewish. Most of them are ‘Israeli Arabs’ or ‘Pales- many other forms of Islam, as well as other reli- tinian Arabs’. Of this group in Israel about 80 per gions. Many Wahabis as well as some other Muslims cent is Muslim and 20 per cent is Christian, part are vehemently opposed to Israel, whose control of of Arab Christianity in the Middle East. The spe- Jerusalemis seen as a particulargrievance, sinceit is cific numbers are not exactly known and are often Islam’s third holiest city. Indeed, the great mosque the subject of socio-political debate. There is a on the Temple Mount and near to the Church of small group of about 4,000 ‘Jewish Christians’or the Holy Sepulchre, the Dome of the Rock, fin- ‘Messianic Jews’inIsrael. Beside these two groups, ished in 691 or 692 CE, was intended as an early there are expatriate Christians in Israel, who came signal to both Jews and Christians that their cor- to the country for very different reasons. Any classi- rupted faith had been replaced by a pure one. But fication of these Christians must be somewhat arbi- Jerusalem has not always been seen by Muslims trary, but the following assessment is based upon as centrally important to their faith. The fall of their different motivations for coming to Israel. Jerusalem to Christians in 1099 did not initially ‘Guardians of the Holy Places’ claim to have very cause overwhelming interest in the region, and ancient rights in the Land, which they usually call even after it was recaptured by Muslims in 1187, the ‘Holy Land’.Most of these groups date their ori- in 1229 a Muslim ruler ceded it to the emperor gins back to the time of the Crusades, some to even Frederick II (r.1215–50). It was retaken in 1244 earlier. Their presence is devoted to defending the after crusaders tried to make it a wholly Christian status quo of the Holy Places and to celebrating city. the liturgy on these sites. Most of the Holy Places Since the creation of the State of Israel in 1948 are in the possession of Greek Orthodox, Roman many Muslims have emphasised Muhammad’s Catholics and Armenians. Protestants, traditionally harsherteachingstowardsJudaismandChristianity less impressed by holy sites, nonetheless maintain and regard Jewish–Christian relations with suspi- their own ‘Garden Tomb’, a supposed site of the cion as an attempt to marginalise and disempower Resurrection of Jesus, near the Damascus Gate in them. The recent creation of an Abrahamic Faiths Jerusalem. The Guardians, especially the Order of forum within the International Council of Chris- the Franciscans, see it as their duty to preserve the tians and Jews, which includes Muslims alongside Christian attachment to Jerusalem, the Holy Land Jews and Christians, may help to change this neg- and especially the Holy Places, the scenes of God’s ative point of view, but more positive contempo- special revelation. rary Muslim relations with Jews and Christians are There are also scores of religious orders and thou- greatly dependent upon intra-Islamic discussions sands of devotees present in Israel. Most of them that would admit more internal diversity, and artic- did not come especially to guard the Holy Sites. ulate and apply more generous attitudes towards Some of them live a strictly contemplative life, oth- other religions than the noisiest ones that presently ers are very much integrated in the socio-cultural emanate from the worlds of Islam. Muslim minori- landscape and the State of Israel. They live both in ties in significant numbers now live in the United the Jewish and in the Arab sectors in Israel, mostly States, the United Kingdom and elsewhere, but strictly separated. often play only a small role in the wider community. ‘Solidarity groups’, another type of Christian However, some Muslims are beginning to join in presence, can be described as seeking ‘solidarity

216 Israel, land and State of

with Israel’, as for example in the Christian vil- fulfilment both for the individual and for the com- lage Nes Ammim in West Galilee. This solidarity is munity. When dispossession and powerlessness based upon the conviction that there is a special arose as a result of the destruction of the Temple relationship of the Christian Churches toward the in 70 CE, the Jewish response consisted both of Jewish people, and on the awareness that Christians the hope of divine restoration and of the mystical bear historical responsibility for centuries of anti- idea that God was also exiled with his people. Both Judaic teaching and antisemitism. Jews and Christians agreed that the exile occurred Therearenumerousinstitutesandorganisations, partly as a result of divine punishment. Traditional especially in Jerusalem, that concentrate on biblical Christian interpretation emphasised punishment studies, archaeology or Jewish–Christian–Muslim for failing to believe in Christ, whereas Jewish inter- relations. If the Guardians of the Holy Places could pretations emphasised God’s Presence (shekinah) be designated ‘Helena-types’,looking after the orig- joining the exile and the positive consequence of inal places of the revelation as did the Empress- ensuring that Jewish teaching was spread far and Mother Helena in the fourth century, the students wide. The traditional Christian emphasis on divine of this group could be called ‘Hieronymus-types’, punishment provided the basis for supersession- attracted to the Land, like Helena’s contemporary ism and replacement theology –inother words, the monk Hieronymus, by its archaeological trea- the belief that Christians have replaced Jews as the sures and rich libraries. people of God. This teaching became dominant Finally, some Christians, in particular Evangeli- through the centuries, contributing greatly to the cals,regard the Jews as a very particular mission- development and maintenance of antisemitism. ary target, especially in the State of Israel. They see In the words of Origen,‘not only was Jerusalem this state as a sign of the approaching end of times destroyed and Israel sent into exile for crimes, but and hope to convert as many as possible of the their divine election was revoked; they were des- Jews as a kind of ‘setting of the stage’ for the immi- tined to stand in perpetual opposition to God’ (Cels. nent events of the Second Coming and/or Apoca- 4.22). The Church Fathers consistently used the lypse. Some groups, mainly Millenarian Christians, historical tragedies of the Jewish people as ‘proof’ abstain from mission to Jews, because they believe that God had rejected them definitively because of God himself will do this in due time, but wait in the their rejection of Jesus. Thus, the possibility of a land of Israel, where, according to their conviction, rebuilt Templeand the associated re-establishment the End of Time event will soon happen. of sacrifices in Jerusalem caused great concern, SIMON SCHOON especially when the rebuilding programme began Israel, land and State of under Emperor Julian in the fourth century. As Israel is often a cause of controversy in Jewish– long as Jerusalem and the Temple lay in ruins, and Christian relations. For Jews the centrality of the Jews remained in exile, it appeared that Christians land of the Bible as well as the survival of a third of were correct in claiming that Judaism had lost its world Jewry,is at stake. Christians, for their part, not legitimacy. only disagree as to the place of Israel in Christian The views expressed by the Church Fathers have theology, but also feel particular concern for Arab obviously been undermined by the emergence of Christians who live in Israel and Palestine. Israel the State of Israel, in which Jews are a sovereign cannot be viewed simply as a geographical and majority and Judaism the majority religion. In political entity whose emergence is like the estab- addition, Christianity is forced to acknowledge its lishment of any new state. Political, social, cultural minority status, which is emphasised by the dimin- and religious concerns all affect its place in the ishing number of Christians living in Israel. Gen- Jewish–Christian relationship. uine contact between Arab Christians and Jews The land and State of Israel are intricately related is limited and often overshadowed by the Israeli– to a number of subjects in that relationship. For Palestinian conflict. As a result, dialogue between example, it is impossible to examine the covenant Jews and Christians (and Muslims) is often trans- of Israel with God if no account is taken of the formed into dialogue between Jews and Palestini- place of land. In the Bible possession of the land ans or Jews and Arabs, with national identities of Israel was an indispensable condition of self- emphasised far more than religious differences. A

217 Israel, land and State of

further complication for interfaith relations is the not only for survival in response to the breakdown fact that, while in other parts of the world where in Europe in the late nineteenth and early twen- the Churches have conducted missionary activity tieth centuries, but also for fulfilment. Yet not all the Church leadership is almost completely in the Jews supported a Jewish state, particularly before hands of local Christians, in Israel the Churches are the Holocaust.Indeed, Jewish attachment to the controlled by foreigners (to the indigenous Arab land of Israel caused great controversy, and vocifer- Christians) such as Greeks, English or Germans – ous arguments over the appropriateness of Zionism and this despite the fact that Arab Christians trace took place between all Jewish groups. their Christianity back to the first-century Chris- From the Christian perspective, perhaps because tians. land is not central to Christian theology Christians In recent times a Palestinian theology of libera- have found it hard to grasp that the Jews feel tied to tionhasdevelopedoutofreplacementtheologyand a particular territory. Walter Brueggemann argues the everyday experiences of Palestinian Christians that the subject of ‘land’ should move to the centre living in Israel since 1948. It is not too extreme to of Christian theology and suggests that Christians state that the Palestinian Church has faced a major cannot engage in serious dialogue with Jews unless theological crisis since the establishment of Israel. they acknowledge land to be the central agenda. A considerable part of this crisis has been due to In his view the State of Israel highlights the lack of a belief that the Bible has been used as a political a theology of place in contemporary Christianity. Zionisttext.NaimAteek(b.1937)arguesthat‘before W. D. Davies (1911–2001), in contrast, argues that the creation of the state, the Old Testament was land is relatively unimportant and that Jesus paid considered an essential part of Christian scripture, little attention to the relationship between God, pointing and witnessing to Jesus. Since the creation Israel and the land. He refers to the NewTesta- of the state, some Jewish and Christian interpreters ment for support, pointing out, for example, that have read the Old Testament largely as a Zionist of the 47 references to Israel in the New Testa- text to such an extent that it has become almost ment only three refer specifically to the land, while repugnant to Palestinian Christians’ (Justice and the overwhelming majority pertains to the Jewish Only Justice, 77). The continuing problems faced people. by the Palestinian people have added to the cri- That it is highly unlikely the early Christians sis. Replacement theology has been revitalised by ignored the land of Israel, however, is suggested Palestinian liberation theology and there is also by the liturgical cycle. The early Christian liturgy great frustration among many Arab Christians that traced the path of Jesus from birth in Bethlehem, they have had to pay the price of Western Christian through upbringing and early ministry in the antisemitism. Galilee and teaching and healing throughout Israel As far as Jewish hopes of liberation were con- to suffering, death and resurrection in and around cerned, the will to survive in the Diaspora gener- Jerusalem. Pilgrimages also illustrate the impor- ated Jewish Messianic hopes of redemption, which tance of the land of Israel to the early Christian occasionally led to a high level of anticipation and community, and figures such as Melito of Sardis the extraordinary claims of self-appointed Messi- and Eusebius of Caesarea both visited the ‘Holy ahs such as BarKokhba and Shabbetai Zvi.One Land’. In the fourth century CE Constantine’s con- of the common features of these times of Messianic version to Christianity led to an increasing num- fervour was that the Promised Land became a sym- ber of Christian pilgrimages. He also initiated the bol of redress for all the wrongs that Jews had suf- building of many churches on the sites of the most fered. Thus, modern Zionism is in part the fusion significant events of Jesus’ earthly ministry. The of Messianic fervour and the longing for Zion.Jews ruins found at Jewish sites (such as the Temple) took their destiny into their own hands and stopped symbolised the ‘old’ Jerusalem, in comparison waiting for a divine solution to their predicament. to the rising in the ‘new’ Jerusalem. A This was a dramatic break from the Diaspora strat- further increase in the number of Christian pil- egy of survival, which advocated endurance of the grims occurred when Constantine’s mother Helena status quo as part of the covenant with God. For (c.255–330) made her own pilgrimage and discov- many Jews the Jewish state offered the best hope ered the ‘True Cross’ on which Jesus was crucified.

218 Israel, land and State of

In 360 the Church of the Resurrection (Anasta- For example, Isa. 11.10–14 is seen as predicting the sis) was dedicated (on part of which today stands capture of the Sinai and Gaza in the Six-Day War in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre). From the very 1967 and Luke 21.24 the return of Jerusalem to Jew- beginning, therefore, Christians were keenly aware ish control. However, it is worth remembering that of the fact that the land of Israel in general, and such rejoicing in the Jewish return to Zion is some- Jerusalem in particular, provided evidence for the times theologically self-interested because Jews are most momentous acts of history. Christians soon viewed as pawns on the chessboard of history,being identified the land of Israel as the Holy Land and used to fulfil the final predetermined game-plan. Jerusalem as the Holy City. These views are representative of a remnant theol- In contrasttothenumerousinterpretationsofthe ogy, which is based on the premise that God is still destruction of the Temple and the Dispersion of the faithful to the Jewish people and that his covenant Jews in the writings of the Church Fathers, there was with Israel is eternal (Romans 9–11). As this was a noticeable lack of Christian comment in response acovenant of both land and people, the land of to the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948. Israel was viewed as the rightful home of the Jewish Alice Eckardt (b. 1923) argues that Christian reluc- people, to which God assured their return. Many tancetotacklethistopicisexplainedbyIsrael’schal- people have presumed that remnant theology is lenge to the traditional stereotype of Jews as a suf- the result of the growth of the modern evangeli- fering and persecuted minority, transforming the cal movement, but its origins can be traced back at victim into a victor. The first modern Christian doc- least as far as the Puritans of the seventeenth cen- ument to discuss the place of Israel in some detail tury. Today there are many manifestations of this was published in 1970 by the Synod of the Reformed position, particularly among the evangelical and Church of Holland. The Synod stressed that Chris- charismatic section of the Church, and adherents tians must appreciate the significance of the land are often called Christian Zionists.While it may of Israel for Jews. Another significant document was appear to be a fairly clear-cut and unified theology, produced by the Synod of the Evangelical Church of there are many subdivisions, one of which concerns the Rhineland in 1980 (see Rhineland Synod). This the conversion of the Jewish people. The influen- stated that ‘the continuing existence of the Jewish tial group the International Christian Embassy, people, its return to the Land of Promise, and also located in Jerusalem, speaks out publicly against all the creation of the State of Israel, are signs of the evangelistic activity among Jews, but others such as faithfulness of God towards His people’ (Towards the Church’s Ministry among Jewish People (CMJ) aRenewal of the Relationship between Christians disagree. and Jews, 2.3). This view has been endorsed by From the Roman Catholic perspective, prior other Protestant denominations such as the United to Vatican II Jews were traditionally seen only Methodist Church (USA), which in 1996 accepted as victims rather than as capable of power and ‘the theological significance of the holy land as cen- sovereignty. However, the 1965 document Nostra tral to the worship, historical traditions, hope, and Aetate,whilenotexplicitlymentioningIsrael,began identity of the Jewish people’ (Building New Bridges the process that eventually led to the Vatican’s of Hope, sec. 9). recognition of the State of Israel in 1994. The Some evangelical Christians go further and statement assured those who were dubious of or believe that the State of Israel is the fulfilment of opposed to Nostra Aetate that no value judgement biblical prophecy. They refer to the uniqueness of was intended on the Jewish political reality of Israel the ingathering of people from over 100 countries, at that time. Although Vatican II failed to address the revival of Hebrew as a spoken language after the subject, the debate began within the Catholic its removal from daily conversation for over 1,500 Church as to whether the State of Israel should be years and the survival of Jews after repeated mas- discussed at all. sacresanddispersionsthroughouttheworld.Amer- Increasing awareness among Roman Catholics of ican evangelists such as Jerry Falwell (b. 1933) and the place of Israel became much more noticeable PatRobertson (b. 1930) view biblical prophecy as duringthepapacyofJohnPaulII.Hisacknowledge- predictive in nature and argue that biblical texts can ment of its significance to Jews can be seen as early be interpreted and applied to contemporary events. as 1984 when in his Good Friday Apostolic Letter he

219 Israel, people of

wrote: ‘For the Jewish people who live in the State is actually untranslatable, and its meaning can of Israel, and who preserve in that land such pre- only be outlined and broadly explained in theo- cious testimonies to their history and their faith, we logical, sociological and political language. It indi- must ask for the desired security and the due tran- cates a community that is set apart by God’s spe- quillity that is the prerogative of every nation and cial election. It is experienced in the solidarity condition of life and of progress for every society.’ of a group of people in a community of destiny Tenyears later the State of Israel and the Holy See that has been called into being by God. The ori- exchanged ambassadors, and the process begun in gin of this community is not natural, but a mat- 1965 reached another significant landmark with the ter of election and grace. The faithful goodness of pontiff’s pilgrimage to Israel in 2000. God’s election is only realised in the ‘natural’ phys- See also Israel, people of EDWARD KESSLER icality and concrete history of the people Israel. Israel, people of The circumcision makes it clear that Israel is of ‘Israel, the People of God’ is a title claimed by the flesh as well as of the spirit. Giving up the both the Jewish people and the Christian Church. names ‘People of Israel’ and ‘People of God’ would It is regarded by Jews as being at the very core mean for Jews assimilation in the world of the of their self-understanding. For nearly two millen- nations and therefore the discontinuation of Jewish nia the Church saw itself as the ‘True Israel’ and identity. the heir of all the biblical promises towards Israel. The use of the concept ‘God’s People’ for the This rivalry produced in the course of history a Church in the NewTestament and in the varied tra- vast range of polemical and apologetic writings, by ditions of Christianity make it impossible for most both Christians and Jews. The Christian Adversus Christians to drop it. But there is a growing recog- Judaeos tradition claimed that the Church as the nition that waiving the claim to self-definition as ‘New Israel’ had replaced the ‘Israel of Old’ and was ‘God’s People’ would not rob the Church of her now the heir of God’s election and promises. identity. The use of the term ‘God’s People’ for the The phrase ‘the People of God’ is derived from Church is by no means clear of all traces of anti- the Tanakh/OldTestament. The so-called ‘covenant Judaism.Inclassical Christian dogmatic theology formula’ reads: ‘I will be your God and you will the people of Israel have merely a role of ‘foreshad- be my people’ (cf. Exod. 6.2–8; Lev. 26.12; Jer. owing’,inthetimeoftheOldTestament,thecoming 31.33b). According to the Song of Deborah, Israel of the Church in the time of its fulfilment in Christ. is ‘the People of JHWH’ (Judg. 5.11, 13). The basis of It is noteworthy that in a totally different context, the covenant is God’s election of Israel as his peo- namely in the practice of many churches in the ple (cf. Deut. 7.6; 14.2). This choice implied that the Third World, the concept ‘People of God’ is used as a people so elected acquired duties commensurate liberating term for the poor and oppressed, without with that role, a responsibility to live in ways appro- any anti-Judaic connotation. priate for the people of God, and is the reason the The Church is not called by the name ‘Israel’ in prophets criticised their people so fiercely, in pas- the New Testament(see the writings of Krister Sten- sionate and moving appeals to return to the Way, dahl (b. 1921)), and only in a few texts is the Church the Torah.Itwas never meant that the covenant called ‘People of God’. But in a centuries-long anti- of God with his people could ever be irreparably Judaic and antisemitic Wirkungsgeschichte of these broken. few texts the use of the titles ‘Israel’ and ‘People According to Judaism the election of Israel as of God’ for the Church was central in Christian God’s People is not a matter of an idea or an arti- replacement theology and practice. In the twen- cle of faith; it is a historical phenomenon that is tieth century many Christians and churches redis- connected to the concrete corporeal reality of the covered the Jews as ‘God’s Chosen People’. This Jewish people, as the ‘Body of Faith’ (so Michael was expounded in numerous official statements Wyschogrod (b. 1928)). The terms ‘People of Israel’ and declarations. But this recognition opened up and ‘People of God’ cannot be deduced from a gen- new theological problems and challenges in the eral, already accepted concept ‘people’ that is then context of Jewish–Christian relations. For example, applied to the special case of Israel. The Hebrew there is the danger that the new Christian outlook name for ‘holy people’ (goy kadosh, Exod. 19.5) on Israel as ‘God’s People’ leads to unreasonably

220 Italy

high moral and political expectations towards the was articulated most vigorously by the mendicant present Jewish people and Jewish state. And for orders, as part of their programme of defending Christian theology there is the challenge to rede- Christian orthodoxy, as in the preaching of the fine the place of the Church as ‘people’ after the Franciscan Giacomo della Marca (1394–1476) in rediscovery of Israel. east-central Italy, but this polemic does not seem In Jewish–Christian dialogue there will always to have stimulated systematic anti-Jewish violence: remain an irreducible element of dispute and there is nothing to match the expulsions of Jews even rivalry between the ‘People of Israel’ and the from thirteenth-century England or from fifteenth- ‘Church of God’, because of the fact that the ‘joint centurySpain.InsouthernItalyJewswereanimpor- heirs of the promises’ interpret these promises of tant element in the empire of Frederick II (r.1215– God differently. However, many Christians have 50). Exegetical and theological encounter between learnt a new language – for example to speak of Jews and Christians tends to run on familiar lines, Israel as ‘the first-chosen People of God’ and of the determined by the agenda of Christian apologists, Church as ‘the also-chosen ecumenical People of but there are exceptions, such as the researches of God from all the nations’.Christians learn to accept the Florentine philosopher Pico della Mirandola in dialogue that the Church is not the first and not into Kabbalah and other esoteric Jewish writings; the only one that is chosen to be God’s People. Pico, however, is an unusual figure by any standard. See also Israel, land and State of; supersessionism There was a strong element of anti-clericalism SIMON SCHOON and post-Enlightenment liberalism in the move- Italy mentfortheunificationofItaly.TheItalianstatewas The continuous presence of significant Jewish com- founded at the expense of papal government, and munities in the Italian peninsula from the Roman Jews were enfranchised in Italian parliaments from period onwards makes Italy a prime location for the the beginning. The long tradition of accommo- study of Jewish–Christian relations, but ‘Italy’ as a dation with Jewish communities helps to explain political unit is a creation of the mid-nineteenth why anti-Jewish measures were brought into force century. The greater part of the history of Jewish– only slowly under fascism, and why their appli- Christian encounter ‘in Italy’ has therefore to be cation varied from one place to another (Giorgio written as a whole series of histories, of the rela- Bassani’s (b. 1916) novel The Garden of the Finzi- tions of Jews and Christians in Rome,Naples, Continis (1962) evokes the complex dynamics of the Venice, Florence, Padua, Sicily, Umbria and the period). Only under direct Nazi occupation were other cities and regions that were included in the there systematic deportations of Jews. The silence later Italian state. Each of these major centres has of the papacy during this episode continues to been the subject of extensive scholarly study. The be intensely controversial (see Pius XII). Another richness of the evidence available for many of Christian response is illustrated by the extraordi- them, and the particular ways in which local politi- nary example of Assisi, where the bishop and many cal, economic and religious circumstances shaped religious houses were active in the rescue of Jews – the encounter of Jews and Christians in any of possibly with a degree of connivance from the Ger- them, make generalisation hazardous. At the risk man authorities. These complexities form the back- of oversimplification, however, some trends may ground to the development of Jewish–Christian be noticed. Even where (as in the Venetian ghetto relations in the postwar period, when significant from the early sixteenth century) Jews were physi- Jewish communities remained in all the major cally segregated from other citizens, and enjoyed or cities. The visit of Pope John Paul II to the princi- were compelled to a degree of autonomy in the gov- pal synagogue (Tempio Maggiore) of Rome in 1986, ernment of their own community,they remained an following an earlier meeting with the Chief Rabbi integralpartoftheeconomicfabricoftheircity.Cer- of Rome, marked an important symbolic moment, tain categories of Jewish professional were highly but the history of Jews and Christians had been esteemed (there were regularly Jewish physicians continuously intertwined in Italy to an unusual in the medieval papal court). Anti-Jewish polemic degree. ANDERS BERGQUIST

221 JJJJ

Jacob the Psalms, the name Jacob is often a synonym Also named Israel, last of the three biblical patri- for Israel, referring to the whole people, whilst archs, son of Isaac and grandson of Abraham. Esau represents the people of Edom (see Isa. 14.1; Jacob’s story is recounted in Gen. 25.19–50.14, tak- 27.9; 41.8; 60.16; Jer. 49; and Obadiah). However, in ing up a major part of Genesis. Jacob is the father Hosea there is an understanding of Jacob’s trick- of 12 tribes who would constitute the people going ery of Esau that is less complimentary to Jacob out from Egypt to the Promised Land.Jacob-Israel (Hos. 12.3–6). came to represent the whole peopleofIsrael in later In their reading of the Bible both Jews and biblical literature and in both Jewish and Christian Christians claimed the blessed son as their ances- traditions. Through centuries of polemics, both tor and designated the other son as the ances- Jews and Christians have claimed to be the authen- tor of the other. Jacob and Esau are evoked in tic descendants of Jacob, the true Israel. both rabbinic and Christian literature as extreme Jacob was born into a situation of conflict with his opposites, representing virtue, fidelity, peaceful- twin, Esau. Before their birth, their mother Rebecca ness versus dissipation, treachery and violence. was told that ‘Two nations are in your womb . . . and ForJewish commentators the territorial basis for the one shall be stronger than the other, and the conflict is replaced by the religious-cultural con- elder shall serve the younger’ (Gen. 25.23). Esau, flict: Jacob is identified with the Jewish people and emerging first, was followed by Jacob, grasping Edom is first identified with Rome, after 70 CE, Esau’s heel. The name Jacob derives from ya’aqov and then with Christianity after the fourth cen- (‘he followed on the heel of’), evoking aqev (‘heel’). tury (b. Megillah 6a). Many of these commen- Strife, trickery and competition characterise the tators described the reconciliation of the broth- brothers’ relationship. Jacob eventually flees Esau’s ers as an act of deception on the part of Esau. wrath after having tricked him out of his birthright For example, Rabbi Jannai is quoted as saying as firstborn. After a long sojourn in Mesopotamia, that Esau did not kiss Jacob but bit him (Gene- Jacob decided to return home, accompanied by his sis Rabbah 78.9). The commentators saw the con- wives, concubines and children. The description of tinued hostility between the brothers as a symbol the preparation for the meeting with Esau is among of continuing hostility between Jews and Chris- the finest examples of biblical narrative. On the eve tians (cf. Pirke de Rabbi Eliezer etc.). Laban the of the meeting Jacob wrestled with an angel and Aramean, who deceived Jacob in Mesopotamia, is received the new name ‘Israel’ – ‘because you have also seen as a forerunner of Rome, as oppressor of striven with God’ (Gen. 32.29). The next morning Israel (the Hebrew word arami is tied to the words Esau embraced him in a surprising reconciliation romai (Roman) and rammai (trickster), cf. Gene- (Gen. 33.1–11). After ch. 37 the focus moves to the sis Rabbah 70.19). However, it was the identifica- story of Joseph, and Jacob is portrayed as the griev- tion of Edom/Esau with Christianity that repeated ing father who has lost his favourite son only to itself often in Jewish literature in the Middle Ages receive him back in Egypt. After blessing his sons (cf. Nahmanides on Perashat Vayishlah,Abarbanel Jacob died and was embalmed in Egyptian style, on Isa. 35). but his body was buried in the tomb purchased Of particular interest in the Jewish–Christian by Abraham in Hebron (Gen. 50.13). In the rest of polemics engendered by the biblical figure of Jacob biblical literature, particularly in the Prophets and is the debate over the correct interpretation of the

222 James, brother of Jesus

textually problematic blessing of Judah in Gen. presided over a significant expansion in territory 49.8–12: ‘The sceptre shall not pass from Judah, which brought under his rule large numbers of nor the mace from between his feet.’ Christian non-Christians to add to the Jews and Muslims who commentators have insisted on reading these already inhabited parts of Aragon and Catalonia. verses as an important OldTestament prophecy He encouraged Jewish immigration into Majorca regarding the coming of Jesus Christ. Another par- and issued ordinances in favour of Jewish butch- ticularly important reference to Jacob for the devel- ers on the island. Yet James took a growing interest opment of Jewish–Christian polemics has been in missionary campaigns to convert the Jews and Mal. 1.2–3, ‘Yet I loved Jacob, but Esau I hated’,cited Muslims, in which Catalan friars, notably Ramon by Paul in Rom. 9.13. It is here that Paul insists that de Penyafort (c.1185–1275) and Raymond Martini, promise/election and not physical descent/flesh developed the strategy of learning the language determine the status of the one called in faith. and beliefs of the unbelievers in order to combat Those who believe in Jesus Christ are the sons them on equal territory. He thus agreed to preside of the promise, Jacob (and Isaac), while those over the disputation of Barcelona in 1263, between who refuse Jesus are like Esau (and Ishmael). The Nahmanides and Paul the Christian, one conse- Church Fathers further develop this identification quence of which was an attempt to make Jews (see Justin Martyr, Dial. 134; Origen, Hom. Gen. attend Christian sermons – a threat soon effec- 12 Ambrose, Jacob and the Happy Life etc.). Ire- tively commuted to taxation of Jews and other naeus of Lyons writes typically, ‘the latter people non-Christian subjects. Jewish life flourished in (the Gentiles) has snatched away the blessings of BarcelonaandGirona,theextensiveJewishquarters the former (the Jews) . . . just as Jacob took away of which cities were not forcibly enclosed. James the blessing from Esau’ (Haer. 4.21). The Christian saw the Jews as a financial asset and displayed sim- identification of the Jews with Esau was even used ilar ambivalence to many of his contemporaries, in medieval canon law to justify why Jews could not who devoutly aspired to their conversion, but per- own Christian slaves, ‘for the older shall serve the haps not quite yet. DAVID ABULAFIA younger’. James, brother of Jesus It should not be forgotten, however, that the Although the figure of James, the brother of Jesus, story of Jacob and Esau in the biblical text is free is of little consequence in understanding Jewish– of the stark hostility introduced in later Jewish Christian relations throughout most of the last two and Christian interpretations. The founder of neo- millennia, he is of vital, if disputed, significance in Orthodoxy, R. Samson R. Hirsch (1808–88), com- making sense of the initial phase of the relation- mentingonEsau’stearsonmeetinghisbrotherafter ship. the long separation, discards the common tradi- For some interpreters, James can be seen as the tional suspicion of Esau. He writes, ‘It is only when most prominent leader of the Jesus movement fol- the strong, as here Esau, fall round the necks of the lowing his brother’sdeath, and as advocating that it weak and cast the sword of violence far away, only should remain firmly within the Judaism of its day. then does it show that right and humaneness have Indeed, if he had not been killed in 62 CE and the made a conquest’ (on Gen. 33.4). Modern com- Temple, the focus of the piety of this early com- mentators, Jewish and Christian, have painted a munity, had not been destroyed a few years later, more sympathetic portrait of Esau and a less flat- it is quite possible that ‘Christianity’ would have tering portrait of the deception worked by Rebecca remained a Messianic sect of Judaism. in favour of Isaac. The brothers are truly reconciled Such a picture of James’s significance is plausi- on Jacob’sreturn to the Land and together they bury ble, although historical evidence that sheds light their father Isaac (Gen. 35.29) and live side by side. on him is sparse and difficult to interpret. It is This narrative can be liberated from the long tradi- undeniable that James was a key figure in the tion of polemics and reclaimed for dialogue. Jerusalem church (Gal. 1.19; 2.9; Acts 15.13; 21.18), DAVID M. NEUHAUS having probably joined the movement following a James I (1204–76) resurrection appearance (1 Cor. 15.7 and Jerome, King of Aragon-Catalonia (1213–76). King James Viv. ill. 2). There are also good grounds for arguing the Conqueror (in Catalan, Jaume or Jacme) that James remained, like his brother, a devout,

223 Jamnia/Yavneh, Council of

law-observant Jew (Hegesippus, quoted by period of Jewish–Christian relations. It is no sur- Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 2.23.4–18; see also Acts 21.18) prise that estimation of his importance varies so who was convinced that Gentile converts to the markedly between interpreters. new movement should likewise follow the full JUSTIN J. MEGGITT Torah if they were to be included in the community Jamnia/Yavneh, Council of (Gal. 2.12ff.). This interpretation of James might The existence in antiquity of a ‘Council of Phar- be confirmed by the epistle of James, although its isees’ had been mooted by Spinoza in the sev- relationship to the historical figure is problematic. enteenth century, and this in turn was located The epistle appears to have a high estimation of the at Jamnia (Hebrew: Yavneh) by the nineteenth- law and takes direct issue with the gospel of Paul century German-Jewish historian Heinrich Graetz over its place (perhaps most obviously by contest- (1817–91), whose aim was to highlight the com- ing Pauline understanding of the implications of munitarian nature of Judaism. The Council was the Abraham narrative). The veneration of James thought to have met in c.90 CE in this largely Jewish the brother of Jesus by a range of Jewish-Christian city on the coastal plain south of Jaffa. Seeing it groups, such as the Ebionites, may also support as modelled on early Church synods, nineteenth- this picture. It is also, perhaps, telling that amongst century scholars attributed to it the fixing of the those books that were later ascribed to him, the Hebrew canon, the exclusion of Christianity from Protoevangelium of James,asecond-century birth Judaism and the codification of Jewish law, and narrative, is striking in its positive portrayal of therefore considered it decisive in the split between Jewish religious authorities and their religious Church and synagogue. The hypothesis of such practices. aCouncil has, however, been widely rejected. At However, the historical James may be a rather the end of the first century R. Gamaliel II (fl. c.80– more complex figure and rather less positive in 110) is credited with introducing the curse of the his understanding of the relationship between the minim (see birkat ha-minim) into the Amidah formative Church and Judaism. Josephus records (b. Berakhot 28b–29a), and his successor Eleazar that the high priest Ananus had James put to ben Azariah (late first century) with fixing the death as a law-breaker (Ant. 20.200–1) and it is canon (m. Yadayim 3.5). The use of the term ‘on also notable that in Acts of the Apostles, as well that day’ (m. Yadayim 3.5–4.4; b. Berakhot 28a) as the Pseudo-Clementine Recognitions (a fourth- gave the impression that there was one meeting century work containing much earlier traditions) in the manner of a Council, but despite the tra- James is presented as a figure who does not advo- dition that Vespasian (r.69–79) granted Johanan cate the circumcision of Gentile converts. Indeed, ben Zakkai (first century) permission to estab- in Acts, he mediates between two wings of the early lish an academy there, Jamnia between the Jew- Church (Acts 15.1–20; 21.20), initiating the compro- ish revolts (68–72 and 132–135 CE) appears to have mise of the so-called apostolic decree (Acts 15.20, been a temporary centre of Jewish life that was 29; 21.25) – a set of regulations that would allow only partially formative. Rabbinic Judaism devel- Gentiles full membership of the new community oped over time, and the real need for codification without the need for them to observe the whole would probably have been felt after BarKokhba Torah–something that would guarantee that the (d. 135 CE) with the movement of rabbis to Galilee. movement became distinct from Judaism (despite ThecontinuationofclosecontactbetweenJewsand the resemblance of the regulations to the Noachide Christians for centuries (see, e.g., John Chrysos- laws –Gen. 9.8ff., b. Sanhedrin 56a). As well as tom), and of rabbinic diversity and discussion on being venerated by Jewish Christians,James could canonic and related issues, supports the case that also become the hero of the Second Apocalypse there was no Council with authority. of James,aGnostic work with many analogies to JAMES K. AITKEN Marcionism, and the Gospel of Thomas (logion 12), Jehovah’s Witnesses a text that is incompatible with normative Jewish Jehovah’s Witnesses (the label dates from 1931, identity of the time. but the movement began in nineteenth-century James is a crucial but also frustratingly elusive America) differ from mainline Christianity in sev- figure for those wishing to understand the earliest eralrespects,includingtheirinsistenceon‘Jehovah’

224 Jerome

as the divine name, an unwillingness to celebrate HebrewandprobablyelementsofthelocalAramaic Christmas or birthdays (because of the pagan dialect, although his claim to know ‘Chaldean’ (see roots of these practices) and a refusal to accept the Prologuetohis VulgatetranslationofTobit)may blood transfusions. Moreover, although Jehovah’s be exaggerated. He now devoted himself to biblical Witnesses view Jesus’ death as a ransom for human study,beingordainedpresbyter(379)beforevisiting sin, they reject the doctrine of the Trinity,infavour Constantinople, where he met Gregory Nazianzen of a theology close to early Arianism.Significantly (c.329–c.390).In382PopeDamasusI(366–84)sum- for Jewish–Christian relations, Jehovah’s Witnesses moned him to Rome and ordered him to prepare a are most widely known for their extensive and ener- new Latin version of the Bible. The NewTestament getic mission (directed at all non-Witnesses includ- and two versions of the Psalter were complete when ing Jews and other Christians), which is a conse- Damasus died. Jerome’s volatile personality and quence of the belief that in 1914 Christ’s ‘unseen friendship with Roman women, whom he encour- presence’ on earth began, signalling the beginning aged to learn Hebrew, made enemies at Rome, of the last days and the imminence of Armageddon. and on Damasus’s death he retired to Antioch, Today there are approximately six million active, joined by the rich widow Paula (347–404) and her evangelising Witnesses (known as ‘publishers’) in daughter. over 200 countries. Eventually Jerome settled in Bethlehem, presid- During the Second World War many Jehovah’s ing over a monastery founded by Paula and working WitnessesdiedinNaziconcentrationcamps.Whilst on his translation of the OldTestament,originally the movement initially came under suspicion for planned as a major correction of the Septuagint in what were perceived as ‘Jewish’ characteristics the light of Hebrew witnesses. Growing familiarity (extensive use of biblical-style language; practices with the Hebrew text and recognition of the chaotic derivedfrominterpretationsofHebrewBibletexts), stateoftheSeptuagintsoonpersuadedhimtoaban- the ultimate basis of Witnesses’ opposition to donthisasimpracticalandtotranslatedirectlyfrom Nazism was a belief in the exclusive Lordship of the Hebrew which, he became convinced, repre- Jehovah. Unlike some other millennial movements, sented the authentic voice of scripture, Hebraica Jehovah’s Witnesses do not regard the foundation veritas.Books outside the Hebrew Bible but in the of the State of Israel as religiously significant. They Septuagint he dubbed Apocrypha; and his appar- spiritualise‘Israel’and‘Jerusalem’andseeZionism ent downgrading of these and other aspects of the as a political and human movement that does not Septuagint in favour of Hebraica veritas elicited the advance the Kingdom of God. charge that he followed Jews, and earned him dis- MELANIE J. WRIGHT approval from authorities like Augustine.Hisear- Jerome (c.342–420) lier studies of Hebrew had involved close contact (Eusebius Hieronymus.) A Christian ascetic, pres- with Jews; he described to Damasus a visit from a byter and student of classical literature, Jerome Jew bearing scrolls from the local synagogue to help acquired a knowledge of the Hebrew language him in his researches. Scholarly converse with Jews which marked him out from other Christian schol- continued in Bethlehem; he tells, among others, of ars of his day and of later times. Born in Dalma- his teacher ‘Baraninas’ and of a Jewish scholar who tia of orthodox Christian parents, and educated at helped him translate Job. From his Jewish teachers Rome by the distinguished scholars Donatus (fl. late Jerome acquired knowledge of exegetical traditions fourth century CE) and Victorinus (fourth century), which he incorporated into his Latin versions of at Aquileia he befriended the scholar monk Rufi- the biblical books, commentaries and many let- nus (c.345–410). The later violent disruption of this ters; most of these can be traced in extant Jewish friendship typifies Jerome’spersonality,a combina- sources, while others may represent otherwise lost tion of generosity and spite which even his admir- Jewish interpretations of scripture. ers have found perplexing and which is signifi- Jerome often declares that Jewish traditions cant for all his relationships. After travels in Gaul, are true, and his Hebrew Questions on Genesis he journeyed east, fetching up in Antioch, where (completed 393?) testifies to a delight in Jewish he renounced pagan literature, becoming a hermit learning. The Vulgate, although not entirely his, in the desert of Chalcis (373–9). Here he learned incorporates much of his translation work, with its

225 Jerusalem

Jewish colouring, and remains his chief memorial. Melchizedek. Zion,asynonym for Jerusalem, even- However,JeromecopiedmaterialfromOrigen(who tually came to mean not only a city, but also a land, knew some Hebrew) and other Christian scholars, and especially a people, whose historical existence frequentlywithoutacknowledgement;andhisLatin is intimately linked with the metropolis, as a child translations are indebted to the earlier endeavours is nurtured by its mother (cf. Isa. 66.10–13). Even of Aquila,Symmachus (fl.probably late second when Titus destroyed the temple in 70 CE and Jews century CE) and Theodotion (fl. end of second cen- lost sovereignty over the sacred city, Jerusalem con- tury CE) and to other Greek renderings collected tinued to serve as the pre-eminent symbol of the by Origen in his Hexapla.While judging some Jew- people’s covenantal bond with the land of Israel. ish traditions true, others he calls fables; he attacks Fervent hope for a future ingathering of the exiles Jewish rituals, sneers at Jewish prayer, is down- in a restored Jerusalem became the lifeblood of right hostile to Judaising Christians and repeats Jewish faith and piety; the longing for Zion found stock Christian objections to Judaism. Respect for expression in every aspect of Jewish religious and individual Jewish scholars he could offer; positive communal life. Zionism took its name from the regard for Judaism and its practices seems to have city. been beyond him. His place in Jewish–Christian The Christian approach to Jerusalem is charac- relations is difficult to assess. On the one hand he terised by ambiguity. On the one hand there is a undoubtedly alerted contemporary Christians to strand in the tradition that seems to deny Jerusalem their indebtedness to Jews and Judaism at almost and the Temple any importance, as, for example, in every turn; yet his work could also be seen as the story of Jesus’ encounter with the Samaritan exploitative of Jewish tradition for narrow, partisan, woman (John 4.1–42), or in Stephen’s speech (Acts Christian purposes. In this regard he may have con- 7.1–53) before he was stoned. On the other hand the tributed to a Christian attitude which was willing notion of the Incarnation bestows sacramental sig- to learn about Judaism only to use that learning to nificance on the tangible places connected with the attack Jews and their beliefs. C. T. R. HAYWARD life, death, resurrection and ascension of Jesus. Paul Jerusalem displays special regard for the Jerusalem Church For both Jews and Christians, Jerusalem is an icon as an important link between the Gentile Church of the divine–human encounter, which links cre- and Jewish Christianity.But ultimately for Paul ation and redemption and heaven and earth. Here the true home of all Christians is not the ‘present the Temple stood and the Shekinah indwelt. Here Jerusalem’ but ‘the Jerusalem on high’ (Gal. 4.21– the Word of God became flesh in Jesus and the cru- 27). As the animosity between Jews and Christians cifixion and resurrection took place. In Jerusalem deepened in the course of the first five centuries of the people of Israel became a nation and the the Christian era, the Church Fathers increasingly Church was established through the descent of the usurped Jerusalem by spiritualising the terrestrial Holy Spirit on Pentecost.Overlooking Jerusalem’s entity and transforming it into a non-geographical man-made Temple Mount is the Mount of Olives, eschatological ‘heavenly’ Jerusalem, which they a kind of divinely designed eschatological tem- identified with mater ecclesia,Mother Church, as ple where the living and the dead crowd together, the true earthly manifestation of ‘the city of God’. awaiting resurrection and redemption in the end In the Christian scheme of sacred space Christ is of days. Jerusalem’s centrality for Jews and Chris- the temple and the ‘new’ Jerusalem is every place tians made the metropolis, both as temporal urban where the Christian community gathers as the body centre and as symbol of an eternal celestial reality, of Christ. amajor point of contention between Ecclesia and Christiansnonethelesstookamostactiveinterest Synagoga. in the earthly Jerusalem. Constantine transformed Some3,000yearsagoKingDavidmadeJerusalem the city into a major hub of the Christian ecumene, thereligiousandnationalnucleusoftheJewishpeo- much as David united the Israelites around ple. The cultic and political roles of Jerusalem under Jerusalem. Pilgrims subsequently streamed to the the monarchy were given a patriarchal prehistory holy city and relics were carried back to churches by associating the city with both the binding of everywhere, thus constantly nourishing the bond Isaac and Abraham’s meeting with the priest-king with Zion. The Byzantines banned Jews from their

226 Jesse holy city and left the Temple Mount in ruins as Jerusalem as its declared capital, and the exten- a visible sign that God had rejected them and sion of Israeli sovereignty over the entire city in transferred the power and glory to Christianity, as 1967 further polarised opinions concerning the confirmed by the grandeur of the nearby Constan- future of the city. The Vatican initially lobbied for tinian Basilica of the Resurrection. Muslims allowed internationalisation of the city, but since the late Jews to return to the city when they took control 1960shascalledonlyforinternationalguaranteesto of it in 638. The crusaders reconquered Jerusalem safeguard its sacred character and Christian inter- for Christianity in 1099, butchered and burned ests in it. Whereas Pope Paul VI shunned all con- the entire Jewish population, and established a tact with Israeli leaders when – the first reigning Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem. Muslim control, and pontiff to do so – he visited Jerusalem in 1964, the with it a Jewish presence, was re-established pilgrimage of Pope John Paul II to the holy city within a century. in March 2000 included all diplomatic formalities Just as Christianity’s stress on the primacy of required by an official visit to the State of Israel. the ‘heavenly’ Jerusalem did not impede a lively In 1980 Christian Zionists established an Interna- involvement with the terrestrial city,so also the inti- tional Christian Embassy in the city to support the mate bond of the Jewish people with the historical Jewish people in Zion. The local, largely Arab Chris- Jerusalem did not prevent the development of an tian communities now collectively comprise a tiny idea of a Jerusalem ‘above’. Such a notion clearly is minority in the city, which is the reverse of the present in late-biblical and rabbinic literature. But minority–majority roles in Jewish–Christian rela- when confronted with the Church’s claim to be the tions in the West. To date, formal Jewish–Christian sole heir to the ‘heavenly’ Jerusalem, the rabbis reit- dialogue in Jerusalem takes place mainly between erated the primacy of the earthly Zion in the divine Jews and expatriateChristiansinIsrael rather than plan. In apocalyptic literature written in Muslim indigenous Christians. DANIEL ROSSING lands in the Geonic period (seventh to eleventh Jerusalem Talmud see Talmud centuries) Jewish authors more freely develop the Jesse idea of a normative heavenly Jerusalem that is pre- Ancestral figure in the lineage of the Messiah; existent and pre-eminent, and not simply a projec- specifically, the father of King David (1 Sam. 16– tion of an ideal earthly city. 17; Ps. 72.20). His relationship to the Messianic line Throughout much of the past 1,400 years the makes him a symbolic figure in Christianity, which relations of Jews and Christians – until recent cen- may in part account for the limited attention that turies, mainly Eastern Orthodox Christians –in Jewish tradition pays to him. ‘Son of Jesse’ was a Jerusalem were tempered by the circumstances of pejorative circumlocution for David in the mouth life as dhimmis (‘protected’ minorities) under the of Saul (1 Sam. 20, 22), but otherwise is a standard rule of a Muslim majority. As the Ottoman Empire patronymic. Jesse’s identification as an ‘Ephrathite declinedinthenineteenthcenturytwomajordevel- of Bethlehem’ (1 Sam. 17.12) is consistent with opments greatly altered Jewish–Christian relations Messianic expectation (Mic. 5.2). His descent from in the city. Factors as diverse as the quest for the Boaz by Ruth the Moabite (his grandmother – historical Jesus and colonial interests led to an Ruth 4.17, 22) draws attention to the association of influx of representatives of Western Churches and the Davidic line with those outside Israel. His name Western secular powers. Parallel with, and related is twice the focus of Messianic promises in Isa. 11: to, this Christian rediscovery of the Holy Land, the ‘a shoot shall come out from the stump of Jesse’ Zionist movement emerged in Europe and Jews (v. 1) and ‘the root of Jesse shall stand as a sig- began to return to Jerusalem. Some Christians wel- nal to the peoples’ (v. 11). The latter appears to be comed and supported this restoration as a prelude Paul’s reference in Rom. 15.12, as evidence of the to the parousia.Others, like Pope Pius X (1903– Messiah’s role with the Gentiles. In Acts 13.22f. 14), insisted that the Church could not condone Paul is quoted as referring to ‘David, son of the return of the Jewish people to Jerusalem and Jesse...of[whose] posterity God has brought that if Jews insisted on going there Christian mis- to Israel a Saviour, Jesus, as he promised’. John sionaries would be waiting to convert them. The Mason Neale’s (1818–66) Advent hymn ‘Oh Come, establishment of the State of Israel in 1948, with Oh Come, Immanuel’ incorporates the epithet

227 Jesuits ()

RodofJesse (Isa. 11.1) in its third verse, draw- significance of the State of Israel for contemporary ing on antiphons used in Christian vespers as Judaism. DAVID M. NEUHAUS early as the ninth century. The Jesse tree is dec- Jesus (c.4 BCE–c.29 CE) orated throughout Advent by the daily addition The Jewish founder of Christianity (the religion of of a symbol of Jesus’‘spiritual heritage’. When the Christ or Messiah). The details of Jesus’ life European Christians initiated an ecumenical Chris- and career are a matter of much controversy, but tian moshav in northern Israel in the 1970s, they the basic outlines seem clear. He was a wandering named it Nes Ammim (‘signal to the peoples’ – Galilean preacher and healer, whose vocation may Isa. 11.11). PETER A. PETTIT have been between one (the implication of the first Jesuits (Society of Jesus) three Gospels) and three years (the impression of Catholic religious order. Attitudes towards and rela- John’s Gospel) long; it ended in execution by cruci- tionships with Jews have known sharp ups and fixion.Jesus has mostly been the focus of disunity downs in the history of the order. Founded in 1540 between Jews and Christians. The major reasons by St Ignatius of Loyola (1491–1556), the Jesuits for this lie in the realms of religious discourse and engaged in the defence and reform of the Catholic of historical events. Church in the face of the Protestant Reformation. Jesus lived his life not as a Christian but as a Jew, The Jesuits founded schools and universities and obedient (with very few exceptions) to the Jewish quickly became a leading missionary order. Often Law.Yet within a few years after his death, the regarded with suspicion, they were suppressed in faith his early followers placed in him led them to 1773 due to political pressure on the pope. Re- espouse a rather different kind of religion from that established in 1814, Jesuits played a formative role followed by most Jews. Judaism, like Islam after it, is in the Catholic reaction to modernity. However, in strongly rooted in religious law; Christianity ceased the twentieth century Jesuits were among the lead- to be so. Judaism, also like Islam, has a strong belief ing reformers at Vatican II. in the unity of God; Christianity came to place such Ignatius, though traditional insofar as mission great store in Jesus and subsequently in the doc- to the Jews was concerned, was a Judeophile at trine of the Trinity that it has seemed to many other a time when anti-Judaism raged. He refused to monotheists to be, in essence, a refined form of sanction the anti-Jewish ‘purity of blood’ ideol- polytheism. Gradually, Christian religion came to ogy, welcoming those of Jewish origin into the look less like an authentic, even if eccentric, form order. However, in 1593 the Jesuits gave in to pres- of Judaism, and more like a completely different sures and forbade converted Jews from entering religion. the order (a decision abrogated in 1946). Within During the Second Temple period there were the context of the Catholic reaction against ‘mod- many internal arguments about what it meant to ernism’, some Jesuits promoted nineteenth- and be Jewish. Did religious law permit one to acqui- twentieth-century expressions of antisemitism in esce in Roman occupation, or to fight it? How did Europe. The influential Jesuit review CiviltaC` at- the law reconcile justice and mercy? These must tolica published some virulent articles about sup- have been common debates, which one can see posed Jewish influence in Europe. Certain Jesuits mirrored in the Gospels’ accounts of Jesus’ dis- were also among those who led the anti-Dreyfus puteswithcontemporaryreligiousleaders.Yetthere camp in France. However, during the Second World were other disagreements between him and them War therewereJesuitswhodefendedandsavedJews which indicate that he espoused some very eccen- and opposed Nazism.During Vatican II the leading tric points of view. We cannot be certain of Jesus’ German Jesuit Augustin Bea was among the pro- views, for the Gospels are a highly interpretive moters of the changes in Church teaching that led genre of literature, coloured by their contributors’ to Nostra Aetate.Today an international forum of and editors’ reflections on events that had hap- Jesuit scholars and activists meets regularly to study pened 40 and more years before, in the light of and promote Jewish–Christian dialogue. Estab- the momentous events that had occurred in the lished in Krakow´ and at Auschwitz in 1998, this intervening years. Even so, his attitude towards forum convened in Jerusalem in 2000 to study the dietary laws recorded in Mark’s Gospel shows

228 Jesus little interest in the minutiae of what they require from the end of the eleventh to the fifteenth cen- that Jews eat and drink. This unusual interpreta- tury. A strong religious reason for this anti-Judaism tion eventually became common for Christians: was the belief that Jews had been guilty of deicide certainly the food laws gradually became a thing in killing Jesus, a charge that goes back at least as of the past, as accounts in Acts and the Pauline let- far as Melito of Sardis.Ofcourse, economic and ters illustrate. Moreover, although Jesus’ message other factors were often of primary importance for of the kingdom of God was clearly within main- actions taken against Jews, but these could be justi- stream Jewish tradition, the Christological refer- fied by an appeal to centuries-old claims about the ences about him and his meaning are less so. Num- Jewish failure to recognise the true importance of bers of people have claimed and been deemed to be Jesus. Messiah;somehaveevenstayedwithinmainstream It isnotsurprisingthatmanyJewishscholarshave Jewish religion. But the association of Messiah with either ignored Jesus or believed him to have been a terms like Son of Man and Son of God, which devel- Jew gone astray, or even a sorcerer, or else insulted oped a profusion of meanings, soon led to exalted him, as in the Toledot Yeshu.Asthe Middle Ages claims for Jesus that few Jews felt able to follow.Even proceeded, the wisest counsel for Jews was gener- within the NewTestament this is so; by the time of ally to keep quiet about him, though in the disputa- the full-blown Trinitarianism of the fourth-century tions Jewish scholars carefully and politely refuted creeds this gap was unbridgeably wide. Christian accusations that Jews slandered and Historical events created and accentuated these libelled Jesus. In the convivencia in Muslim Spain, religious differences. Early Christianity differed Jews and Christians lived and worked together, from other Jewish interpretations in opening its often in remarkable amity, though religious differ- insider membership to Gentiles, who soon became ences remained, as they did in the European Refor- the majority of Christians. Although the apostle mation. Then Christian views about Jews often mir- Paul struggled to hold together Jews and Gentiles rored intra-Christian disputes: Martin Luther may within one faith in Jesus as Messiah and Lord, he at first have hoped that Jews would convert to his did not succeed in this enterprise, and was greatly purified form of Christianity that stressed salvation responsible for Christianity eventually becoming a by faith in Jesus Christ; but in his disillusionment separate, mostly non-Jewish religion. This ‘parting his 1543 tract On the Jews and their Lies retraces of the ways’,however, took place over many decades with bile much of the medieval polemic against and even centuries. It began in part in Christian- them. The emancipation of Jews in the nineteenth ity’s desire to prove itself to Roman authority as century may have owed something to contempo- a peaceful religion. Christians did not feel able to rary Christian views of Jesus that regarded him as worship the emperor, and many paid the price in more human than divine, but was more probably the Neronian persecutions of 64–5 and in later mal- spurred on by the marginalisation of religion in a treatment.ButtheydistancedthemselvesfromJews Western Europe that had become wearied by dev- who rebelled against Rome. This distancing can be astating wars of religion. seen in a number of Gospel passages, for example Even so, views that emphasised the humanity in the Passion narratives, which attempt to blame of Jesus over against his divinity and that cred- Jews alone for the death of Jesus; and in the Fourth ited Paul with creating a new religion, Christian- Gospel’s deprecatory references to ‘the Jews’ (see ity (based on works by, e.g., Joseph Ernest Renan hoi Ioudaioi). (1823–92) and Adolf von Harnack and still found In time, Christianity became the state religion today in works of certain New Testament scholars, of the Roman Empire (381). The Christian inca- such as Gerd Ludemann¨ (b. 1946)), enabled cer- pacity to understand why Jews failed to see Jesus tain positive Jewish voices about Jesus to be heard: as Messiah thereafter linked them to real politi- Claude Montefiore proposed that Jesus walked in cal power and made possible extensive reprisals the footsteps of the eighth-century BCE prophets, against Jews. There were isolated outbreaks of anti- and Joseph Klausner and others echoed this pre- Judaism in the early medieval period, but these sentation of him as an ethical teacher of righ- grew stronger during the period of the Crusades teousness. Another strand of Jewish reflection has

229 Jesus

proposed Christianity and Judaism as complemen- Second Vatican Council and official statements of tary yet mutually exclusive: building on the work of the Protestant churches built upon the early stages Franz Rosenzweig, Pinchas Lapide (1922–97) has of a new biblical and theological understanding of seen Christianity as the ‘judaising of the pagans’. Jesus in relation to Judaism, and encouraged even Geza Vermes’s (b. 1924) book Jesus the Jew (1973) greater exploration of this issue. Looking back, it is drew wide attention among Christians to Jesus’ possibletoarguethatpioneers,intheirunderstand- Jewish origins, though Christians earlier in the able eagerness to mend fences, played down impor- twentieth century (R. T. Herford,George Foot tant Christian beliefs. For example, it was argued Moore (1851–1931)) had also explored this trend, that anti-Judaism is the left-hand of Christology which has now become widespread and crucial (Rosemary Ruether (b. 1936)), as also that mod- within Jesus studies. At least until the 1970s it ern research tends to deny that Jesus ever thought was common for German New Testament schol- of himself as Messiah, so Jews and Christians can ars to portray Jesus as a kind of prototype expo- agree upon that (Marcus Braybrooke (b. 1938)). The nent of idealism. Many of them betrayed an instinc- latter point is highly controversial, and the for- tive antisemitism. They depicted Judaism at the mer implies that it is impossible for Christians to time of Jesus as ‘late Judaism’ (Spatjudentum¨ ), as drink the cup of repentance and reconciliation, if Jewish religion had ended with the destruction since the well is poisoned at its source. It may be of the Temple in 70 CE, or should have. This posi- that Christians will discover that Jesus was in fact tion was based on the conviction that post-exilic a wandering healer and teacher of righteousness, Judaism had ossified and betrayed the prophetic whose real meaning is located more in the Synoptic faith of Israel.Itcontends that Jesus stands outside Gospels than in the more developed Christologies such a hardened, legalistic religion, a stranger to of John and Paul (Vermes); or this may come to be it, condemning the scribes and the Pharisees who seen as an old (early nineteenth-century), stale and were the fathers of Rabbinic Judaism and who have anachronistic interpretation. A second and third thus misled modern Judaism into perpetuating this generation of Christian (and Jewish) interpreters sterile, legalistic religion. One of the tools by which of Jesus may find it easier to disagree respectfully, some Gospel scholars have assessed (as some still rather than seek a consensus where none is likely to do) the genuineness of a saying or deed of Jesus is exist. thecriterionofdissimilarity,whichfocusesonthose Some modern Christologies that have not taken words and works of Jesus that cannot be derived Jewish–Christian relations into account have fallen from the Judaism of his day (or, indeed, from the into a reflex and implicit antisemitism. For exam- early Church). For example, using this criterion, ple,earlystagesofChristianfeministtheologyoften some scholars would claim an authentic word from condemned the OldTestament notion of God as Jesus when Matthew records his sweeping prohibi- patriarchal, which they saw Jesus, alone among his tion of all oaths (5.34, 37; but cf. Jas 5.12). Yet(among Jewish contemporaries, as challenging. More recent other objections to it) this tool divorces Jesus from feminist studies of Jesus have been much more the Judaism of his day. He was a Jew, deeply influ- nuanced and have included significant and positive enced by its unusual emphasis upon belief in one contributions by Jewish writers (e.g. Judith Plaskow God and his gift of the Torah to his people. Jesus (b. 1947)). was not an alien intruder in first-century Palestine. Recently Jews have begun to respond generously Whatever else he was, he was a reformer of Jewish to Christian attempts to undo their centuries of beliefs, not an indiscriminate faultfinder of them: anti-Judaic teaching. Dabru Emet is a recent (2000) so, at least, much up-to-date New Testament schol- statement by Jewish scholars. Jesus is mentioned arship suggests (a notable example is E. P.Sanders only briefly in one of its eight subheadings. The (b. 1937)). relevant passage begins: ‘The humanly irreconcil- The fact that the Nazis took advantage of abledifferencebetweenJewsandChristianswillnot Christian antisemitism to justify and carry out be settled until God redeems the entire world as the Holocaust led many individual Christians and promised in Scripture. Christians know and serve even specific denominations to rethink teaching God through Jesus Christ and the Christian tra- about God’s relations with Jews. The reforms of the dition. Jews know and serve God through Torah

230 Jewish–Christian relations, institutions

and the Jewish tradition.’ This apparently cautious A Sacred Obligation: Rethinking Christian Faith in statement (and the text as a whole) has not been Relation to Judaism and the Jewish People. The welcomed by all Jews. In one sense such a statement CenterforChristian–JewishLearningatBostonCol- merely represents a stream of thought dating back legecurrentlyhoststheCSG’sactivitiesandarchives at least to Rosenzweig. Yet in another it represents (bc.edu/csg). a significant step forward among Jewish scholars Starting in 1973, Catholic, Jewish and Protestant and indicates that, in mutual respect yet not in per- leaders in the United States jointly sponsored peri- fect agreement, Christians and Jews have begun to odic National Workshops in Jewish–Christian Rela- discuss the vexed issue of Jesus as one of the real tions. To date 16 have been held in various cities. differences between them. Local leaders who had collaborated in preparing for See also historical Jesus MARTIN FORWARD theworkshopheldinBaltimorein1986decidedthat Jew badge see yellow badge their combined efforts should continue. This led to Jewish–Christian relations, centres for the the establishment of the Institute of Christian and study of Jewish Studies (ICJS), one of the larger such centres Organised centres for the study and promotion of in the United States. Among the notable achieve- Jewish–Christian relations began appearing in the ments of the ICJS was the sponsorship of a group of aftermath of the Shoah, but in the last quarter of Jewish scholars who published in 2000 the ground- the twentieth century their number has increased breaking Dabru Emet: AJewish Statement on Chris- rapidly, especially in academic settings. tians and Christianity. John M. Oesterreicher founded the first such Since the 1980s more and more university-based centre in 1953 at Seton Hall University in East research institutes have appeared, such as the Orange, New Jersey, USA. His Institute of Judaeo– Centre for the study of Jewish–Christian Rela- Christian Studies published an influential series of tions (CJCR) at Cambridge in the United Kingdom yearbooks entitled The Bridge that explored theo- (cjcr.cam.ac.uk). In 2002 the Council of Centers logical concepts that would inform VaticanII’s 1965 on Jewish–Christian Relations (ccjr.us) was estab- declaration Nostra Aetate. lished ‘for the exchange of information, coopera- Beginning in 1967, the Sisters of Sion published tion, and mutual enrichment among centers and in French and English a periodical called SIDIC institutes for Christian–Jewish studies and relations (Service International de Documentation Judeo–´ in the United States’. Its 25 regular members rep- Chretienne´ ). They established a SIDIC Centre in resent academic centres in 14 states, including in Rome (sidic.org) to support the periodical and went the cities of Baltimore, Boston, Chicago, Cincinnati, on to start similar centres and initiatives in sev- Minneapolis, New York and Philadelphia. eral countries, including the SIDIC Centre in Paris, The increasing number of such academic centres the Micael Center in Montreal, and other centres or institutes suggests that post-Shoah encounters in London, Sao Paulo, Australia, Spain, Austria and between Christians and Jews have begun to con- Costa Rica. These centres promoted local interfaith sider questions that require the scholarly resources dialogue and disseminated the teachings of Nostra of universities. This represents an unprecedented Aetate. and positive development in the long-shared his- In 1969 the Faith and Order Commission of tory of Christianity and Judaism. the National Council of Churches (USA) gathered See also Jewish–Christian relations, institutions; a‘Study Group on Christian–Jewish Relations’ to Jewish–Christian relations, modern scholarship encourage scholarly research in the field. These in PHILIP A. CUNNINGHAM Catholic and Protestant academicians met semi- Jewish–Christian relations, institutions annually under the sponsorship of various agen- The last three decades of the twentieth century cies. Currently known as the Christian Scholars witnessed efforts, on the part of both Jews and Group on Christian–Jewish Relations (CSG), its Christians, to establish and creatively advance for- members over the past decades have included mal institutional relationships and opportunities some of the most significant US authors and forofficialconsultationanddialogue.Tohelptrans- researchers in Jewish–Christian studies. In 2002 the form mutual animosities and misunderstandings CSG issued the important summative statement into reconciled and informed relationships, leaders

231 Jewish–Christian relations, institutions

in the Jewish, Protestant, Eastern Orthodox and Pontifical Council for Promoting Christian Unity. Roman Catholic communities established formal With the chairmen of IJCIC, the Commission Pres- bodies such as the International Jewish Committee idents – Cardinals Willebrands (1974–89), Edward for Interreligious Consultations (IJCIC), the Liaison Cassidy (1989–2001) and Walter Kasper (2001–) – and Planning Committee (LPC) and the Interna- have co-chaired ILC. With the expressed aims tional Catholic–Jewish Liaison Committee (ILC). of improving mutual understanding, exchanging With the leadership of World Jewish Congress information, and cooperating in areas of common General Secretary Gerhart M. Riegner (1911–2001), responsibility and concern, ILC has had several for- IJCIC was founded in 1970 to facilitate Jewish– mal meetings in various venues in Europe, North Christian consultation on concerns relating to America and Jerusalem. Consultation through ILC Jewry’s historic, religious and political claim to helped inform the Holy See’s Commission in its Israel, the effects of Christian supersessionist publicationofGuidelinesandSuggestionsforImple- teaching, and the silence and passivity of the menting the Conciliar Declaration ‘Nostra Aetate’ Christian churches during the Holocaust. The 12 n. 4 (1974), Notes on the Correct Way to Present religious and non-religious IJCIC member organ- the Jews and Judaism in Preaching and Catech- isations now include: American Jewish Commit- esis in the Roman Catholic Church (1985), and We tee (AJC), Anti-Defamation League (ADL), B’nai Remember: A Reflection on the Shoah (1998). ILC B’rith International, the Israel Council on Inter- has also issued joint statements on antisemitism religious Relations, World Jewish Congress (WJC) (1990), the family (1994), the environment (1998) and bodies representing the three major Jewish and education in Catholic and Jewish seminaries denominations. (2001). The rapport established during the Second These joint efforts in consultation and dia- World War between Riegner and WorldCouncil logue have been fraught with real and potential of Churches (WCC) General Secretary Wilhelm conflict. The WCC–IJCIC relationship has strug- Visser’t Hooft (1948–66) compelled them to seek gled with: Protestant resistance to IJCIC’s insis- a formal and sustainable relationship. The first tence on determining WCC’s Jewish consulta- IJCIC–WCC international meeting was in the early tion and dialogue partners; critical voices from 1970s. These joint efforts helped facilitate the publi- Christian churches in the Middle East highlight- cation of such WCC documents as Ecumenical Con- ing Protestant concerns about the Palestinian cause siderations on Jewish–Christian Dialogue (1982). and dialogue with Muslims; the need to extend With the leadership of Bartholomaios I, Ecumeni- Jewish–Christian efforts to countries in Africa and cal Patriarch of Constantinople, and Mgr Damask- Asia; and the Protestant effort, in the pursuit of inos, Metropolitan of Switzerland, four Jewish– justice, to incorporate political advocacy into its Orthodox Christian consultations took place in: efforts in dialogue. After the first 20 years of the Lucerne, Switzerland (1977) on the notion of law Holy See–IJCIC relationship delicate issues such in Judaism and Christianity; Bucharest (1979) on as the Carmelite controversy at Auschwitz, the the role of tradition in both religions; Athens (1993) beatification of Edith Stein and the visit of Kurt on continuity and renewal; Ma’aleh HaChamisha, Waldheim (b. 1918) to the Vatican cast a heavy Israel (1998) on the encounter of Christian Ortho- shadow over the work of ILC. The 1990 ILC meeting doxy and Judaism with modernity. in Prague, calling for reconciliation and good will, In December 1970, under the leadership of Car- attempted to address the prevailing spirit of suspi- dinal Johannes Willebrands and Gerhart Riegner, cion,resentmentanddistrust.Inthefollowingyears ILC was founded to enable official relationships severe criticism of the Commission’s statement We between the Holy See’s Commission for Religious Remember: A Reflection on the Shoah,Jewish dis- Relations with the Jews and the international Jewish approval of the proposed canonisations of Popes community through IJCIC. The Holy See’s Com- Pius IX and Pius XII, and the demise of the Interna- mission, established on 22 October 1974 by Pope tional Catholic–Jewish Historical Commission led Paul VI, was preceded by the Office for Catholic– the Vatican co-chair to consider dissolving the ILC Jewish Relations headed by Cardinal Augustin Bea relationship. Internally, IJCIC leaders and mem- and is closely linked with but distinct from the bers have been in disagreement over such issues

232 Jewish–Christian relations, modern scholarship in as: Jewish over-aggressiveness in IJCIC’s relation- Department of Interfaith Affairs, through the lead- ship with the Vatican; the degree of emphasis to be ership of its Director Rabbi Leon Klenicki (1974– put on a political agenda; engaging in theological 2000), has devoted itself to Jewish–Christian under- interfaith dialogue, an activity opposed by Joseph standing on both theological and communal levels, Soloveitchik who prohibited it for Orthodox Jews; and to reducing religious prejudice and defama- and the question of whether IJCIC has outlived its tory stereotyping of the other. It has participated in usefulness. numerous Jewish–Christian dialogues with the Vat- The ability to sustain these official Jewish– ican, WCC, and American Protestant and Catholic Christian relationships, in spite of the problems clergy. AUDREY DOETZEL encountered, attests to the quality of the work Jewish–Christian relations, modern done and the good will and commitment of scholarship in those involved. The new century is seeing IJCIC Since the publication of Nostra Aetate in 1965 attempt to re-energise and redirect its efforts there has been a transformation in Christian schol- through the appointment of new leadership: IJCIC arly writings about Judaism, as well as a willing- chairman Rabbi Israel Singer (2002) and IJCIC ness among a small but growing body of Jewish governing board chairman Rabbi Joel Meyers scholars to create a Jewish theology of Christian- (2002). Renouncing a confrontational approach ity. Several major themes have emerged from these and espousing compromise, they favour a moderat- writings. ing social and diplomatic presence. The new Presi- Beginning with biblical studies, modern schol- dent of the Holy See’sCommission, Cardinal Walter arly works demonstrate a willingness to take the Kasper (b. 1933), continues to relate to IJCIC and its Hebrew Bible seriously on its own terms, rejecting constituencies. However, he is also attempting to the traditional approach of the Adversus Judaeos open new doors with a greater variety of dialogue literature, which had rendered it virtually impos- partners, including those of European Jewish lead- sible for Christians to know how to write an Old ers and Israeli officials. WCC leaders – General Sec- Testament theology. It is increasingly accepted that retary Konrad Raiser (1993–) and Programme Exec- Christian biblical theology can only be developed utive for Christian–Jewish Relations and Dialogue in dialogue with Judaism. Hans Ucko (1989–) – continue to explore ways to Associated with biblical theology are studies of work effectively with IJCIC by building mutual trust the NewTestament.Profoundly influenced by the and creating a culture of dialogue. Oxford scholar Geza Vermes (b. 1924), modern In many countries institutional efforts at dia- scholarship, which itself has influenced contem- logue and partnership are multiplying at national porary official Church statements on this topic, and local levels. These are facilitated and sup- emphasises that the ministry of Jesus can only be ported by such bodies as national conferences of understood in the historical context of first-century Protestant and Orthodox Churches, national con- Palestinian Judaism, since Jesus was a Jew who ferences of Catholic Bishops, AJC and ADL. One taught his fellow Jews, some of whom followed his example of a national partnership is that of the teaching while others did not. Scholars point out US Bishops’ Ecumenical and Interreligious Affairs that Jesus’ Jewish followers argued amongst them- Committee and the National Council of Syna- selves about the conditions under which Gentiles gogues – a partnership that has resulted in five might be admitted to this new Jewish movement joint statements, including Reflections on Covenant and with other Jews over issues such as Torah- and Mission (2002). AJC, since its inception, has observance and claims about Jesus. The New Testa- been committed to strengthening understanding ment bears witness to the disputes, which were vig- and communication across religious lines. Through orous and often bitter. Nevertheless, until recently the leadership of its National Directors of Inter- scholars neglected almost completely the fact that faith Affairs, Rabbis Marc Tanenbaum (1961–1983) the arguments were between Jews, about a Jew or and James Rudin (1983–2000), AJC has made major about Jewish issues. Traditionally, polemical pas- contributions through organisational partnerships sageswerereadasiftheywere‘Christian’arguments and coalitions, academic conferences, publications against ‘Jews’. Modern scholarship has shown that and personal interaction. Since the 1970s ADL’s to read them this way is to misread them and that

233 Jewish–Christian relations, modern scholarship in

this misreading resulted in the Christian ‘teaching of the changes necessary in Christianity after the of contempt’. Holocaust. Another German theologian, Protes- For example, Rosemary Ruether (b. 1936), build- tant scholar Jurgen¨ Moltmann (b. 1926), explored ing on the scholarship of James Parkes and Jules the significance of the Jewish ‘no’ to Jesus as the Isaac,argued that the root cause of antisemitism Messiah, suggesting that Christians should post- lay within Christian anti-Jewish teaching, specifi- pone the question of who will be revealed as the cally Christology and the Adversus Judaeos tradi- Messiahtotheendoftime,andlearnfromJewswhat tion. As she put it, ‘Anti-Judaism developed theolog- it means to live in the present in an unredeemed ically in Christianity as the left-hand of Christology. world. His view is mirrored in the 2002 statement That is to say, anti-Judaism was the negative side by the Pontifical Biblical Commission (The Jewish of the Christian claim that Jesus was the Christ.’ People and their Sacred Sciptures in the Christian Ruether suggested that when Jews refused to accept Bible) that ‘the Jewish messianic expectation is not the Christian teachings regarding Christ, Christians in vain’. felt obliged to undermine their opponents’ views. The study of antisemitism and the Holocaust This was achieved by anti-Jewish Christian teach- are of central concern to modern scholarship, as ing and supersessionist polemic. illustrated by continuing controversies over the One of the most influential postwar New Tes- role of Pius XII and the lack of access of the Vatican tament scholars is Ed Parish Sanders (b. 1937) archives for Holocaust scholars. Franklin Littell whose work is informed by a study of early Judaism (b. 1917), a Methodist theologian who was in in its own right, not just as ‘background’ to the Germany immediately after the Second World story of Christian origins. In dialogue circles it War, stresses the failures of the Churches, notably is praised for having placed issues central to Protestant ‘peddlers of cheap grace’. He promoted Christian–Jewish debate at the heart of academic the study of the Holocaust in the development biblical study. Another important biblical scholar is of Christian theology, suggesting that Christian– Krister Stendahl (b. 1921). In his studies of Paul, Jewish conversation would help free it from Stendahl maintains that the apostle’s chief con- antisemitism. Karl Barth’s (1886–1968) writings cern was not introspective and individualistic but are also an important topic. Barth’s opposition to historical and communal, that is, the question of Nazism and antisemitism was based on the view how, while the Jews remain within the Abrahamic that the relationship between the Jewish people covenant,Gentiles also can be adopted into it; ‘jus- and the Church was unbreakable because of God’s tification by faith’ means that this can be done election of the Jew Jesus, which made opposi- without strict Torah-observance. Stendahl argues tion to antisemitism the duty of every Christian. that Paul’s experience on the road to Damascus However, Barth has been criticised for using was less a ‘conversion’ than a ‘call’, a distinction supersessionist language and would not engage that bears significance for Jewish–Christian rela- in Jewish–Christian dialogue. He was concerned tions. As a result of these and other New Testament that dialogue would contradict the togetherness studies, scholarship tends to describe the relation- of Jews and Christians as revealed in the word of ship between Judaism and Christianity in terms God, thus either relativising the claims of faith of of siblings (the metaphor of elder and younger both or leading to mission.According to Barth, brothers being the most common) rather than in the Jewish–Christian relationship is comparable terms of a father (Judaism)–daughter (Christianity) to the relationship between the various Christian relationship. churches. Catholic writers such as Edward Flannery Stendahl’s work on Paul has been influential (1912–98) have also examined the history of Chris- on many Christian scholars, both Protestant and tian antisemitism, and Charlotte Klein (1915–85) Catholic. For example, German Catholic theolo- uncovered the surprisingly fixed ideas of some New gian Franz Mussner (b. 1916) interprets Romans Testament scholars, who contrasted law and grace 9–11 as an affirmation of Judaism as a positive in Pauline teaching and continually referred to first- way to God. While much of Mussner’s work is con- century Judaism as ‘late Judaism’ (Spatjudentum¨ ). cerned with the life of Jesus, an important contri- Among the scholars whose prejudices she revealed bution to Christian theology concerns the nature are Martin Noth (1902–68), Rudolf Bultmann

234 Jewish–Christian relations, modern scholarship in

(1884–1976), Otto Dibelius (1880–1967) and has been discussed and incorporated into Christian Joachim Jeremias (1900–79). A similar contribution Holocaust theology. has been made by Katharina von Kellenbach (b. Roy and Alice (b. 1923) Eckardt were profoundly 1960) whose study of certain feminist theologians shockedthattheChristianchurcheshadfor20years revealed a prejudicial portrait of Judaism as the remained silent about the Holocaust and contin- antithesis of feminist values, associating it wholly ued to remain silent about contemporary Jewish with patriarchy. The writings of Ruether can be existence (Roy called it ‘the new Christian silence’). cited in this regard, since she maintained a view of Only,he suggests, by becoming the younger brother the coming of Jesus as heralding the liberation of once again in the house of God the Father of Israel oppressed women from a patriarchal, oppressive will the Church be able to live authentically. With Jewish culture. his wife Alice he pleaded for a 180-degree reversal As far as the Holocaust is concerned, a num- of inherited Christian theology, indeed a ‘starting ber of Jewish thinkers have been particularly influ- all over again’ to eliminate all vestiges of superses- ential on Jewish and Christian theological writ- sionism.Both saw historic Christian anti-Judaism ings, especially Richard Rubenstein (b. 1924), Emil as directly connected to modern antisemitism and Fackenheim (1916–2003) and Irving Greenberg as providing the soil in which the seeds of Nazism (b. 1933). Rubenstein sets the mechanical non- could flourish. Their influence can be seen in humanity of the perpetrators of the Shoah in a the writings of scholars such as Clark Williamson vast historical context, on the one hand of slavery (b. 1935) whose book AGuest in the House of Israel: (essentiallymakinghumansintoconsumables)and Post-Holocaust Church Theology (1993) seeks to on the other the rise of the inhuman city, where reshape fundamental Church teachings on God, functionaries survey the lives of the city-dwellers Jesus, Paul, covenant, scripture and the nature of from behind closed doors. Rubenstein rejects any the Church itself. notion of God acting in history (see death of God The Eckardts also devoted themselves to inter- theology). After Auschwitz only human beings can preting the significance of the State of Israel and create value and meaning, and Judaism has a par- vigorouslydefendingitagainstitscritics.Asasource ticular role in this renewal and reintegration. of Jewish–Christian controversy, Israel has been the In response, Fackenheim, himself a survivor, subject of much discussion. The most critical schol- seeks to interpret the significance of the Shoah, ars include Christian liberation theologian Naim where evil went beyond all explanation. God and Ateek (b. 1937) and radical Jewish theologian Marc Israel are still in relationship, and the Jewish people Ellis (b. 1952) who take issue with other theologians are precluded from despair or abdication of respon- by suggesting that Holocaust theology has failed sibility. Fackenheim’s thesis of a 614th command- by neglecting to analyse the contemporary use of ment for Jews to remain Jewish and thus not to grant power, which has now passed into Jewish hands Hitler a posthumous victory gained wide recogni- in Israel. Ellis sees solidarity with the Palestinian tion among Jews and Christians, and he called on people as Jewish theology’s decisive test and sug- Christians to support Israel as a guarantor for the gests that Jews have to learn from the mistakes of future survival of the Jewish people and for Jews and Christians. Christians to work together for tikkun olam (mend- A number of Christian theologians have ing of the world). An example of Fackenheim’sinflu- attempted to develop a systematic revision of ence can be seen in the writings of Roy Eckardt Christian theology, the most detailed study being (1918–98) who, following Fackenheim, called for a by Paul van Buren (1924–98). In his trilogy A Christian return into the ongoing history of Israel. Theology of the Jewish–Christian Reality (1980–7) Irving Greenberg developed an interest in he considers the implications that emerge within Jewish–Christian relations, seeing the Holocaust as Christianity when the continuing validity of the an event that needs to lead to the re-evaluation of covenant between God and the Jewish people is Christian identity and relations with Jews. His con- acknowledged. Van Buren argued that the foun- cept of ‘voluntary covenant’, according to which dational document of the Church is the Hebrew Jews after the Holocaust are no longer commanded Bible; as a record of God’s conversations with Jews, but choose to take on the continuity of Judaism, these scriptures belong to Israel, and Christians

235 Jewish Christianity

are committed overhearers. Because the covenant logue between Karl Rahner (1904–84) and Pinchas between God and Israel continues, Churches must Lapide (1922–97) (Encountering Jesus – Encounter- reformulate all Christological statements that den- ing Judaism: A Dialogue); the jointly hosted sem- igrate Judaism. He viewed Judaism and the Jewish inar by Walter Harrelson (b. 1919) and Randall people as partners with Christians on the same M. Falk (b. 1921) (Jews and Christians: A Troubled ‘Way’ to the kingdom of God. His work has been Family); the reflection on Israel by David Burrell continued by Catholic scholar John Pawlikowski (b. 1933) and Yehezkel Landau (b. 1949) (Voices (b. 1940) who has reflected on issues associated from Jerusalem); and the study guide of the New with covenant, mission and especially Christology Testament and rabbinic texts by Michael Hilton in the light of Jewish–Christian dialogue. (b. 1951) and Gordian Marshall (b. 1938) (The Other recent studies have also considered devel- Gospels and Rabbinic Judaism). Institutes special- opments in educational and liturgical materials. ising in Jewish–Christian relations, such as the Philip Cunningham (b. 1953) has studied textbooks Centre for the study of Jewish–Christian Relations used in Catholic schools and religious education (CJCR) in Cambridge, UK and the Catholic Theo- programmes and has also written concise introduc- logical Union’s Cardinal Joseph Bernardin Center tions to the Sunday readings (following the Roman in Chicago have also produced important works, Catholic lectionary). Mary Boys (b. 1947) has tack- and the American publisher Paulist Press publishes led specific implications of Jewish–Christian dia- a series dedicated to scholarly studies of Jewish– logue (traditionally dominated by male voices) Christian relations. EDWARD KESSLER for Christian education and biblical studies. Her Jewish Christianity most important work, HasGod Only One Bless- There is no evidence in the ancient world for the ing?, addresses Christian supersessionism and sug- use of the terms Jewish Christianity or Jewish Chris- gests new ways for the Christian message to be pro- tian.Theyareinfactinventedterms,probablyintro- claimed without anti-Judaism. duced into the English language in the seventeenth For their part a small but growing number century and subsequently used, in part, to describe of Jewish scholars have considered the theologi- agroup in ancient Christianity that was seen to cal implications of Jewish–Christian relations for play a greater or lesser role in the evolution of that Judaism. The Jewish community does not subject religion. itself to the discipline of public statements like Precisely because it is not used in antiquity, set- the numerous Christian statements of the Catholic tling upon a definition of the term is difficult. and Protestant Churches. In part this is because of Some have sought to define it ethnically (a Jewish the asymmetrical nature of the history of perse- Christian is a Jew who has converted to Christian- cution of Jews by Christians and the teaching of ity – this brings out well the sense of the German contempt, and in part because of the distinctive word Judenchrist); others have defined it with ref- nature of Jewish religious polity. However, the pub- erence to specific practices (a Jewish Christian is lication of Dabru Emet in 2000 and of the book someonewhoobservescertainlawsassociatedwith that followed, Christianity in Jewish Terms, sym- Judaism, e.g. circumcision, sabbath and dietary bolises a growing awareness among Jewish the- laws); and others with reference to certain beliefs ologians of the theological implications of Jewish– (a Jewish Christian is a person who holds distinc- Christian relations. An important Jewish study tively Jewish beliefs). Most scholars would probably has been penned by David Novak (b. 1941) who agree that the second of the definitions, that related analyses the Noachide laws and the significance to praxis, is the best – the other two, it is argued, of Martin Buber and Franz Rosenzweig towards are too general in their orientation to define any- developing a Jewish theology of Jewish–Christian thing distinctive. But there remain problems with dialogue. this definition, too. How might one, for instance, A notable feature of modern scholarly writings is distinguish between a Judaiser and a Jewish Chris- the increasing number of studies either co-edited tian? By reference to the Jewish origins of the lat- by Jewish and Christian scholars or consisting of ter? But how might these be determined? And what conversations between Jews and Christians. Among practices or combination of practices made some- the more significant publications are the dia- one a Jewish Christian?

236 Jewish Christianity

In the beginning all Christians were Jewish the name Ebionite (Elchasaites, Symmachians and Christians – that is, they were a part of a Messianic Nazarenes were also names subsequently associ- sect within Judaism. It was only when a mission ated with Jewish Christians), although it is unclear to the Gentiles began, and the need for converts whether such a name was a self-designation, pos- to observe distinctive Jewish practices was ques- sibly of some antiquity (‘Ebion’, meaning poor, tioned by some, that one can begin to talk about is a word often applied in the Hebrew scrip- Jewish Christians as a group within Christianity tures to the oppressed of God). But in spite of distinct from Gentile Christians. Something of the this hostility, it is possible that some New Tes- controversy sparked off by the issue of Gentile tament texts such as Matthew, John, James, the Christian entry into the Church can be seen in epistles of Jude and 2 Peter, and Revelation, to Acts 15 and Gal. 2–5. The decision, recorded in name the most obvious, contain Jewish-Christian Gal. 2.7f., to set up two separate missions (one to material. the Gentiles, the other to the Jews) probably served Non-Christian Jewish reaction to Jewish Chris- to reinforce a sense of division, and Paul appears tians is not easy to determine. The Acts of the to have been dogged by those who questioned his Apostles indicates some hostility on the part of cer- view that Gentiles could enter the Messianic com- tain sections of society, but interestingly Josephus, munity without being circumcised (see Galatians in his account of the death of James, implies a more above and Phil. 3.5f.). complex reaction in which some Jews, implicitly It was only gradually that the Jewish Christians including himself, questioned the legality of James’s begantolosetheirinfluenceintheevolvingChurch. death. Strikingly, in this same passage, written in So, for instance, it seems clear that the community the 90s CE, Josephus appears to view James and in Jerusalem, led by James, the brother of Jesus his followers as Jews. Negative reaction appears and subsequently by others associated with Jesus’ to be more in evidence during the revolt of 66– family, wielded considerable influence well beyond 70 CE and the later Bar Kokhba revolt (132–135 the environs of Palestine. Such influence probably CE), perhaps resulting from the Messianic char- began to decline as a result of the death of James acter of these events and the refusal of Jewish (see Josephus, Ant. 20.197–203; and Eusebius, Hist. Christians to be a part of the nationalistic fervour eccl. 2.23.11–18) and the Jewish revolt of 66–70 CE dominant at these times. As relations between Jews when Eusebius records that the Jerusalem commu- and Christians became worse, attitudes amongst nity was forced to flee to Pella in the Transjorda- some Jews to Jewish Christians hardened. In this nian district (Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 3.5.3), and of the context some scholars have argued, controver- growing influence of Gentile Christianity. Although sially, that the reference to minim in the birkat the community probably returned to Jerusalem, ha-minim,ortwelfth Benediction of the Amidah, the BarKokhba revolt, which led to the expul- was principally aimed at Jewish Christians, an sion of the Jews from Palestine, significantly dimin- observation partially supported by logic (it would ished their influence, a fact that may have become only have affected those still in the Jewish com- inevitable as non-Palestinian Christianity became a munity who attended synagogue) and by some more Gentile-centred movement. A strong Jewish- patristic references, although called into question Christian presence has also been posited for Rome, by others. The notion that Jewish Christians were Antioch and Syria in general with the last of these an entity outside the Jewish community by the mid- places possibly boasting a strong Jewish-Christian dle of the second century is further implied by presence well into the third century. By the time the fact that any ongoing link to the Jewish com- of Justin Martyr around the middle of the second munity is not clear in references to, for instance, century the presence in the Christian movement of the Ebionites or Elchasaites, although certainty on JewswhocontinuedtoobserveJewishpracticeshad this point cannot be arrived at. Just as we cannot become a hotly disputed point, with Justin’s more speak of a uniform Christianity at this stage in his- liberal position an apparent exception (Dial. 47). tory, so we cannot speak of a uniform Judaism, By the time of Irenaeus,writing towards the end and we must, therefore, entertain the possibility of the second century, such people were viewed that attitudes to Jewish Christians varied between as heretical by the majority Church and given different Jewish communities. Moreover, it seems

237 Jewish perspectives on Christianity

clear that the Nazarenes, whose name may in fact Jewish perspectives on Christianity see go back to an early designation of the Christians Christianity, Jewish perspectives on (Matt. 2.23; Acts 24.5), saw themselves as operating Jewish pope see Pope, Jewish from within the Jewish community, as their com- Jews’ bishop see leaders of the Jews, externally mentary on Isaiah, quoted by Jerome, appears to appointed imply (Comm. Isa.. 8.11–15; 9.1; 19.17–21). Some Jews for Jesus rabbinic references may also support such an inter- Based in California, the Jews for Jesus movement nal Jewish profile. Jerome appeared to give voice emerged out of the Hebrew Christian Alliance in to this quest for a dual identity when he stated the 1970s under the leadership of Moishe Rosen polemically that the ‘Nazarenes’ sought to be both (b. 1932), who was anxious to maintain Jewish prac- Jews and Christians but were in fact neither (Epist. tice and culture within the setting of a belief in 112.13). Yeshua (Jesus)asthe long-awaited Messiah. The As stated above, it is difficult to make sweeping movementisactiveinmissionstowardsJewsandits statements about the beliefs and practices of the charter states that ‘we believe in the lost condition JewishChristians.Inrelationtothelatter,acommit- of every human being, whether Jew or Gentile, who menttotheobservanceofcertainJewishlawsseems does not accept salvation by faith in Jesus Christ, central, and we have some evidence of distinctive and therefore in the necessity of presenting the liturgicalpracticesandplacesofworshipcalledsyn- gospel to the Jews’. Despite this, Jews for Jesus are agogues. Traditionally they have often been asso- insistent that the Jewish component of the move- ciated with what became heretical Christological ment’s ethnic identity should be a vital feature of beliefs in which the Virgin Birth was denied and the faith and that they should be seen as part of the Jesus’ adoption as God’s Messiah was emphasised, Messianic Jewish movement. As part of its evangel- and with a hostility to the figure of Paul, whose ical activity Jews for Jesus seek to generate public- association with the supposedly antinomian party ityby,amongotherthings,controversialadvertising made him repugnant to some of them. But again such as the full-page advert that appeared in the UK these are generalisations that do not include all press on HolocaustMemorialDay in 2004 featuring groups normally thought to be Jewish Christian (the aHolocaust survivor who came to Jesus. In addi- Nazarenes, for instance, held conventional Christo- tion to its missionary activity, which Jews generally logical views and did not deride Paul). Jewish Chris- receive with deep dislike, the movement also aims tians wrote gospels (these are normally referred to to challenge Gentile Christians about their relation- as The Gospel of the Hebrews, The Gospel of the ship with Judaism and to increase their understand- Nazarenes and The Gospel of the Ebionites) and his- ing of the Jewish roots of Christianity. Although tories of the Church (the section of the Pseudo- mainstream Christianity is not as negative towards Clementine Recognitions 1.37–71 is usually taken the movement as the Jewish community, Jews for to be from a Jewish-Christian ‘Acts’ source, pos- Jesus remain on the periphery of the Church. sibly called the Anabathmoi Jakobou,orStepping EDWARD KESSLER Stones of James), but these survive only in fragmen- Joachim of Fiore (da Flora) (c.1130/5–1201/2) tary form. Italian Cistercian mystic, prophet and theologian. We hearverylittleaboutJewish-Christiangroups, Joachim’s highly influential eschatology envisaged at least in Christian sources, after the fifth cen- tripartite division of history: OldTestament – tury.Someevidencefortheirongoingexistencemay Father, Law; NewTestament –Son, Crucifixion, be discerned within Arabic sources of a later date. Sacraments; and finally an imminent third age of Groups of a broadly Jewish-Christian profile, some Spirit, liberty, love, to be inaugurated (1200–60) by of whom have their origin in the nineteenth cen- two new spiritual Orders (hermits and preaching tury, can be found in Europe, Israel and the United monks), who would convert the world and all Jews. States today (see,e.g., Hebrew Christians; Jews for The Antichrist was already alive (1190), though not Jesus; Messianic Jews). Jewish. Joachim’s millenarianism was posthumo- See also Christians, Judaising usly radicalised: mid-thirteenth-century Spiritual JAMES CARLETON PAGET Franciscans –frequently anti-Jewish – identified

238 John Paul II

themselves as Joachim’s predicted conversionist had an intimate knowledge of the great civilisation monks. His tripartite eschatology (partially con- of Eastern European Jewry and to have mourned demned 1215, 1263) influenced millenarian sects its passing as a deep, personal loss, which may and, indirectly,German Idealist philosophers: Less- explain his personal passion for Jewish–Christian ing, Schelling (1775–1854), Fichte (1762–1814), relations. Hegel;even, perhaps, the vision of the ‘Third Reich’. One can discern in John Paul’saddresses over the MARGARET BREARLEY years a growth and development in understand- John Chrysostom see Chrysostom, John ing and appreciation of how ‘the Jews define them- John Paul II (1920–2005) selves in the light of their own religious experience’ Pope (1978–2005). John Paul II’s pontificate saw (12 March 1979). He was the first pope to visit a more progress in Catholic–Jewish relations – the death camp, Auschwitz, and to pray there for its area of the Church’s ministry that embodies some victims (1979); the first to visit a synagogue and of the most ancient and potentially divisive issues to pray there with its congregation (1986); the first posed to the Church by its own history – and cer- to have a speaking knowledge of Yiddish as well tainly more dramatic gestures toward the Jewish as Hebrew and to quote approvingly post-biblical people by the Bishop of Rome than occurred dur- Jewish thinkers; the first to exchange ambassadors ing the reigns of all of his predecessors combined. with the State of Israel (1994); and the first to visit KarolWojtylagrewupinWadowice, Poland,a the central Jewish symbolic sites of Jerusalem,Yad town with a sizeable Jewish population. He entered Vashem and the Kotel (the Western Wall). He per- the University of Krakow´ in 1939, just before the sonally tackled, and led Catholic thinkers not only Nazis invaded Poland and shut down higher edu- in the Curia but around the world in tackling, all cation. During the Second World War he worked of the major areas of the Catholic–Jewish agenda, in a stone quarry, clandestinely studying in an from liturgy, biblical studies and mission in the underground seminary and engaging in anti-Nazi realm of theology, to the Shoah and the State of resistance. Ordained in 1946, he was consecrated Israel on the practical, historical level. Protestant auxiliary bishop of Krakow´ in 1958, archbishop scholars, no less than Catholics, have picked up the of Krakow´ in 1964, and cardinal in 1967. He par- challenge of his far-reaching insights in Christian– ticipated in Vatican II as bishop from 1962 to Jewish relations. 1965, being credited with the compromise that pro- While the pontificate of John Paul II was marked duced the Council’s pastoral constitution on ‘The by the most solid and extensive advances in Church in the Modern World’ (Gaudium et Spes, Catholic–Jewish relations in the history of the 1965). Church, it also saw some of the most vocal Elected pope in 1978, Wojtyla chose a name, John controversies between Catholics and Jews since Paul II, that paid homage and made a commitment Vatican II: the meeting with Kurt Waldheim to his immediate predecessors: John XXIII, who (b. 1918), the Carmelite controversy, the canon- called the Council, and Paul VI, who implemented isation of Edith Stein, the rise and demise of the that mandate and institutionalised it through the International Catholic–Jewish Historical Commis- creation of the Holy See’sCommission for Religious sion (see Jewish–Christian relations, institutions). Relations with the Jews in 1970. Wherever he went All these controversies and others revolve in the throughout the world, John Paul reached out to and main around the Holocaust.In1994 John Paul II met with local Jewish communities, giving new life arranged for a memorial concert within the Vatican and energy to Jewish–Catholic relations in Europe, tocommemorateYomHaShoah(HolocaustMemo- North and South America, the Middle East, Asia rial Day). In 1997 he personally charged the Pontif- and Australia. He made addresses and remarks on ical Biblical Commission with studying the roots Judaism on numerous occasions and in a remark- of Christian anti-Judaism in traditional polemical ably wide range of locations throughout the world. misunderstandings of the Bible. In 1998 he wel- Many of Wojtyla’s classmates and friends from his comed the Vatican document stating the Church’s youth were Jewish, and perished in the Shoah. This repentance for the Holocaust, We Remember: A thenwasthefirst(andperhapsthelast)popetohave Reflection on the Shoah, with a most unusual

239 John the Baptist

personalletterstrengtheningitstext.In2000,before The baptism of Jesus by John is interpreted by the his pilgrimage to Israel, he presided at St Peter’s evangelists as the Messiah declaring solidarity with Basilica in Rome over a millennial liturgy of repen- sinners because he had come to serve them, to rec- tance which devoted one of its seven categories of oncile them with God (Matt. 3.13–17; Mark 1.9–11; major sins of the Church to repentance for Christian John 1.24–34). teaching against Jews and Judaism over the cen- Tertullian declared that John constitutes the turies and for the failures of the Church during the point at which Judaism ceases and Christianity Shoah. This, in turn, was the basis for the prayer begins (Marc. 4.33. 47–8). Until John there existed he placed in the Kotel: ‘God of our fathers, we are only the burdens of the Law, not its remedies; then deeply saddened by the behaviour of those who in Christ abolished the yoke of works, but not the pre- the course of history have caused these children of cepts (pud. 6.3). Origen understood John’s baptism yourstosufferand,askingyourforgiveness,wewish as putting an end to the old order, but not as inau- to commit ourselves to genuine brotherhood with gurating the new (Comm. Rom. 5.8); however, the the people of the Covenant’ (26 March 2000). spirit and power of John must come upon the soul The Jewish response to John Paul’s sponsorship ofthosewhobelieveinChristtopreparefortheLord of improved relations was, at first, hesitant, given a perfect people (Fr. Luc. 4.6). his Polish background. Despite setbacks and con- Typical of the supersessionist stance of early troversies, however, he gradually won the trust of theologians is William Durand’s (?1230–96) state- many Jews, not least in Israel with his pilgrim- ment in Rationale Divinorum Officiorum, the great age there, that the Christian teshuvah (see repen- liturgical commentary of the thirteenth century, tance)hepreached and modelled is genuine, albeit that ‘John was like a cornerstone, joining the Old far from complete, in the Christian churches. In and New Testaments ...hewasamediator between retrospect, he was a prophetic figure in leading the Testaments because he was the end of the Old his Church, and many in other Churches too, into and the beginning of the New Testament, for “all a new, more hope-filled third millennium of the the Prophets and the Law prophesied until John” Jewish–Christian relationship. (Matt. 11.13) . . .’ (Book VII, ch. 14). Not until Vatican EUGENE J. FISHER II did the Catholic Church officially recognise that John the Baptist ‘from theJewishpeoplesprangtheapostles’(Nostra John, son of Zechariah and Elizabeth, a pious but Aetate no. 4) and by extension that John the Baptist childless old couple of priestly stock (only Luke 1.5– lived and died a faithful witness to the God of Israel. 25, 57–80), was a teacher of renown in Judea who LAWRENCE E. FRIZZELL was executed by Herod Antipas (Matt. 14.1–2; Mark John XXIII (1881–1963) 6.14–29; Luke 9.7–9; Josephus, Ant. 18.5.2, 116–19). Pope (1958–63). By launching the Second Vatican All these sources describe him as baptiser of people Council (Vatican II) and insisting that it direct its seeking repentance for sins; he challenged them attention to the age-old question of the Church’s to reform their lives in practical ways to prepare for understanding of God’s people, Israel,John XXIII impending judgement (Matt. 4.11–12; Luke 3.3–17). brought about the greatest revolution in Church The fourfold gospel presents John as forerunner of teaching on the question since the time of St the Messiah, fulfilling the role of Elijah the prophet Paul.Born Angelo Giuseppe Roncalli, he served according to Mal. 3.23–24 (Matt. 17.10–13; Luke as a parish priest and seminary professor from 1.16–17). However, some pilgrims to the festivals in 1904 to 1925 when he was appointed nuncio to Jerusalem carried his message to Alexandria (Acts Bulgaria by Pope Pius XI (1922–39). As nuncio in 18.25) and Ephesus (Acts 19.1–7), and in remote Istanbul, Turkey, during the Second World War, places adherents held on to his message for several Roncalli was instrumental in gaining papers for generations. Jewish refugees seeking to enter Palestine, send- Perspectives in the Dead Sea Scrolls concern- ing thousands of such documents also to the papal ing the proximity of the final days and the sym- nuncio in Budapest, Angelo Rotta (1872–1975), who bolic use of ablutions to depict turning from sin was working closely with Raoul Wallenberg (1912– are found in John’smessage, but direct dependence ?1947) and other neutral diplomats to save tens of on this group (Essenes?) need not be postulated. thousands of Jewish lives. Roncalli and Rotta used

240 Joseph the convents of the Sisters of Sion to communicate Bea, his personal confessor and a biblical scholar. clandestinely through occupied Europe. Roncalli The declaration Nostra Aetate was overwhelmingly also intervened personally with the queen of Bul- approved by the Council Fathers on 28 October garia to help protect the Jews of that country. He 1965. EUGENE J. FISHER was given the important post of nuncio to France Josel of Rosheim (c.1476/1480–1554) in 1944 and named primate of Venice in 1953. Successful Jewish advocate of German Jews dur- Already 72, and thus seen as a transitional figure ing the turbulent years of the Reformation.From who would do nothing too radical until a successor 1507 he represented the local Jewish community, was ready, Roncalli was elected pontiff in 1958, sur- quickly acquiring respect and eventually a man- prising everyone with his boldness in announcing date to represent German Jewry in both juristic and on 25 January 1959, less than 90 days after his elec- religious matters in the Reichstag and before the tion, that he was calling ‘a general Council for the emperor. His personal skills and courage repeat- universal Church’. In March 1959 John suppressed edly secured letters of protection for all German the term ‘perfidious’ from the Good Friday Prayer Jews and prevented impending expulsions.Josel for the Jews. also blocked anti-Jewish legislation and frequently In October 1960 Pope John received a delega- defended Jews, including himself, against blood tion of American Jewish leaders for the first time libel charges, and was much in demand by other in Vatican history. They presented him with a European Jewish communities. After a split with Torah scroll in gratitude for the Jewish lives he Luther and other initially sympathetic Reform- had saved during the Shoah.Hereplied, ‘We are ers, Josel increasingly oriented his politics towards all sons of the same heavenly Father. Among us support of the Catholic emperor rather than the there must ever be the brightness of love and its Protestant aristocracy. PETR FRYSˇ practice.’ Then, stretching out his arms, he con- Joseph cluded, ‘I am Joseph (Giuseppe), your brother’ Eleventh son of Jacob, the biblical patriarch. As (Gen. 45.4). In using his baptismal name, the Pope with many other biblical figures, midrashic inter- made an unprecedented gesture of personal and fil- pretation of Joseph in Jewish tradition influenced ial warmth toward his guests, acknowledging their his portrayal in Christian writings. According to full dignity as descendants of the Patriarchs of the Genesis, Joseph was born in the Mesopotamian Bible. The statement was pregnant with theological town of Haran as the elder of Rachel’s two sons. implications that would come to fruit in the years to Joseph’s story is told in a tightly crafted narrative in follow. Gen. 37–50. Scholars have long noted that the liter- Already on 13 June 1960 John had received Jules ary character of the Joseph novella is distinct from Isaac, who argued for specific changes in Church the rest of Genesis and Exodus because of its uni- teaching on Jews and Judaism. The first request fied plot and cohesive narrative. A central dimen- from a Catholic source that the Council consider sion of the novella’s theology is the absence of God, the sacred bond between the Church and the Jewish who remains in the background rather than as a people had come on 24 April 1960 when the Pontif- theophanic presence as elsewhere in the book of ical Biblical Institute of Rome presented its formal Genesis. petitio,arguing on the basis of the Pauline epis- Joseph has captured the imagination of many tles and the Council of Trent that it was part of Jewish and Christian interpreters. In rabbinic tra- ‘the deposit of faith’ that the Jews could not be dition Joseph earned the sobriquet ‘the righteous’, seen as ‘rejected’ by God or collectively guilty of in part because of exegetical elaboration on the the death of Jesus, despite the ‘erroneous inter- episode with his master Potiphar’s wife, known in pretation of certain NewTestament citations’ over extra-biblical literature as Zuleika. Already in the the centuries. Likewise, recommendations for such Hellenistic period his continence during the seduc- changes came before the Council from European tion attempt was a central feature of his reputa- bishops, especially German, British and French, tion. 1 Macc. 2.53 reads: ‘Joseph in the time of and the US bishops, for whom it was a major goal. his distress kept the commandment, and became The Pope assigned the task of developing a cor- lord of Egypt.’ One of the latest midrashic works, rective statement on Judaism to Cardinal Augustin Sefer ha-Yashar, contains an elaborate reworking of

241 Joseph II

the Joseph story. As James Kugel has demonstrated successors, in part due to Jewish reluctance to (In Potiphar’s House, 1990), many of the midrashic assimilate. MARGARET BREARLEY elaborations of the story are rooted in a particu- Josephus (Flavius Josephus) (37/38–?100) lar detail or peculiarity of the Hebrew text itself. In Jewish–Greek historian; Jerusalem priest, of Has- Gen. 39.14 Potiphar’swife says, ‘See (plural impera- monaean descent. A religious education under dif- tive), my husband has brought a Hebrew among ferent authorities was followed by a prominent us to sport with us’. The anomalous first person political role, first in an embassy to Rome and sub- plural is taken to suggest that she first made her sequently with the outbreak of revolt against Rome, false report to an assembly of women in her house- when the Jerusalem leadership put him in mili- hold. Such interpretive elements found their way tary command of Galilee. Josephus accompanied into Christian depictions of the Joseph story. One the Roman forces during the suppression of the example is the sequence of illustrations in the East- revolt, and records his own unsuccessful efforts to ern Christian illuminated Bible, the Vienna Gene- persuade the defenders of Jerusalem to surren- sis.Joseph is mentioned twice in the NewTesta- der. After the war Josephus received Roman citi- ment:Stephen’s recapitulation of the story in Acts zenship and economic support from the emper- 7.9–15 mentions Joseph’s God-given wisdom as the ors Vespasian (r.69–79) and his son Titus (r.79– reason for his success in Egypt;Hebrews includes 81). Of his subsequent activities we know only Joseph as an exemplar of faith along with other bib- of his work as a writer of Jewish history. He is lical heroes. The Church Fathers, such as Gregory the author of four extant works, composed in of Nyssa (c.330–95) and Basil (c.330–79), shared Greek: (1) a seven-volume history of the Jewish the perspective of early Jewish interpretation by War, from the Maccabaean Revolt to the Fall of extolling Joseph’s chastity and restraint. Others are Masada (composed before 79); (2) the Jewish Antiq- more influenced by Hebrews’ portrayal of Joseph uities,in20books, comprising a history of the as a man of constant faith. Christian interpreters Jews from creation to the outbreak of the Jewish take Joseph’sexemplary status one step further and Warin66, designed to prove the antiquity of the view Joseph as a type of Christ.Ambrose (c.339–97), Jews and to make Jewish history comprehensible for instance, finds typological parallels between in Greek terms (completed 93/94); (3) Josephus’s events in the life of Joseph and Jesus,relating to Life,anapologetic defence of his activities in Galilee their betrayal, suffering, endurance and ultimate (appended to the Antiquities); (4) Against Apion triumph over life’s circumstances. (Book 2.52–113 in Latin) arguing for the greater JUDITH H. NEWMAN antiquity and morality of Judaism vis-a-vis` Greek Joseph II (1741–90) culture, and refuting anti-Jewish detractors. Holy Roman Emperor (1765–90). Influenced by From an early period Josephus’s writings were Enlightenment notions of ‘benign despotism’ transmitted and translated in Christian circles, (Sonnenfels) and Christian championing of Jewish and played a fundamental role in arguments for civil emancipation (Dohm), Joseph influentially the authenticity of Christian teaching and in the promoted partial emancipation of Jews, abolish- development of ideas about the relationship of ing the Jewish poll tax and yellow badge.His ChristianitytoJudaism.TheAntiquitiesproviderare Edict of Tolerance (January 1782), welcomed by testimonyoutsidetheNewTestamenttocentralfig- Haskalah leaders, encouraged German-speaking ures in Christian history: John the Baptist (though schools, opening of universities to Jews and abo- Josephus does not connect him with Jesus); James lition of certain economic restrictions. Yet, because the brother of Jesus; and, most crucially, Jesus him- of prohibiting official use of Hebrew and Yiddish self. The description of Jesus as the Messiah,resur- (1781), forcing Jews to adopt German names and rected on the third day, is to be regarded as the work decreeing military service (1787), abolishing rab- of an early Christian interpolator. Doubts about the binical jurisdiction (1784), decreeing expulsion for authenticity of the ‘Testimonium Flavianum’ (as offences against Christianity and limiting Jewish Josephus’s testimony to Jesus became known) go residence rights, Joseph’s stringent reforms were back to the sixteenth century – partly reflecting the perceived by traditionalists as gezerah,‘disaster’. viewamongChristiansandJewsthataJewcouldnot They tended to become a dead letter under his havewrittensopositivelyaboutJesus.Nevertheless,

242 Judaising Christians

many Christians continued to revere Josephus as fact that, unlike Judaism, they cannot base their aJew who proclaimed Christ. Josephus’s interpre- doctrines on an unequivocal historical revelation tation (in the Jewish War)ofthe fall of Jerusalem such as the one at Sinai witnessed by 600,000 peo- as punishment for the sins of a few is developed ple. He develops a theology of the galut, which sees in Christian apologetics to prove the depravity in the exile not primarily a ‘punishment’,but rather of the Jews, the fulfilment of Christ’s prophecies a task ordained by God: as in the body no organ can of the destruction of the Temple, and the pun- exist without the heart, so also is Israel’s existence ishment of the Jewish people for the rejection of among the nations vital to lead them to the way of Christ. revelation. EDWARD KESSLER In Christian scholarship and popular culture Judaisers see Judaising Christians Josephus’swritings functioned until the modern era Judaising Christians as a trustworthy guide to the history, geography ‘Judaising Christians’ is a term used in various (for pilgrims and crusaders) and religious prac- periods of Church history that generally refers to tices of the Jewish world. By contrast, his neglect Christians who have gone beyond an appreciation in early Jewish tradition may be partly attributed to of Judaism to be actually observing some aspect his positive evaluation among Christians. Medieval of the Jewish cult or Jewish rituals. In various Hebrew versions of Josephus’s works served Jewish periods of history, especially in the Reformation, scholars as a historical sourcebook for understand- the term Judaiser was used polemically for those ing Rabbinic Judaism and as the basis for argu- who were judged to be abandoning Christianity for ments against Christian emendations of Josephus Judaism. (in translation, they also proved influential among Judaising among Christians has been seen as a some Christians). problem for Christians since the very beginnings of In modern scholarship, Jewish and Christian, the Church. The role of the Mosaic Law and other Josephus is rightly viewed as the fundamen- elements of Judaism served as an identity issue for tal source for understanding the diverse Jewish the early Christians. In the NewTestament there is world within which both Christianity and Rabbinic evidence that the early Christian community was Judaism developed. His writings show no con- divided over the issue. For example, one possible sciousness of Christianity as a movement separate reading of the Sermon on the Mount (Matt. 5.17– from Judaism. SARAH J. K. PEARCE 20) suggests that the early Christians continued to Judah ha-Levi (c.1070/75–1141) believe that some form of Law observance was nec- Poet, philosopher, apologist and physician. He was essary, while it appears that Paul of Tarsus was born in Tudela (Spain) and died in Egypt on his against any sort of Jewish observance for Gentile way to the land of Israel.Judah was one of the most converts.EventheNewTestamentisnottotallycon- importantHebrewpoetsandreligiousphilosophers sistent in reporting what happened at the Jerusalem of the Middle Ages. His importance for Jewish– Council that was convoked to decide whether it Christian relations lies in his treatise Sefer ha- was necessary for Gentile converts to be circum- Kuzari, which is one of the first comprehensive cised and practise certain Jewish food laws: Acts 15 attempts at a systematic representation of Jewish indicates that Christians were not to eat blood or teaching. Based on a fictitious dialogue between the meat of strangled animals, whereas Paul (Gala- the king of the Khazars and a representative from tians) does not mention such prohibitions. In the Aristotelianism, Christianity, Islam and Judaism early Christian period there is mention of Judaising (the king realises that Christianity and Islam are when Christians continue to observe Jewish cus- both based on Judaism), the treatise allows ha- toms and rituals, such as fasting on Jewish days of Levi to demonstrate the superiority of Judaism as fasting and going to the synagogue for various rit- aprophetically mediated religion over other reli- uals. Charges of ‘Judaising’ among Christians are gions, in particular Christianity and Islam, to which seen in the discussions of the establishment of the he nevertheless grants a place as praeparatio mes- Lord’sDay (Sunday) and the dating of Easter in rela- sianica because they contain authentic Jewish ele- tion to Passover. The sermons of John Chrysostom ments. His rejection of Christianity and Islam is reveal that Christians were ‘Judaising’ well into the based not on their faith claims but rather on the fourth century when, for example, he criticised his

243 Judaism, Christian perspectives on

church members for attending Jewish Sabbath ser- in Judaism. The Roman Catholic Church and many vices. Certain groups (e.g. Ebionites) maintained Protestant denominations now teach the ongo- their strong Jewish roots for which they were chas- ing validity of the Jewish covenant with God as tised as Judaisers by other Christians. Many of the well as the significance of the Jewishness of Jesus anti-Jewish materials from the early Church stem for Christian self-understanding. These changes from a desire to put a stop to Jewish influence have taken place without lapsing into Christian and the allure that Jewish rituals and faith had for Judaising. The serious study of Judaism as a liv- Christians. ing faith, and its relationship with Christianity, From the early Church to the Middle Ages there are viewed as an essential non-marginal part of appears much legislation to keep Christians sep- Christian formation today, and Christians are now arated from Jews. Underlying this legislation and urged to learn about Jews and Judaism from the other forms of anti-Judaism is the constant fear Jewish people themselves, to be in dialogue with of the supposed Jewish threat. All these legal Jews, and to be promoters of mutual respect and documents are evidence that there were actual esteem. STEVEN J. MCMICHAEL positive social relationships between Jews and Judaism, Christian perspectives on Christians throughout the Middle Ages. The papal While the earliest Christian community originated bull Cum nimis absurdum of 1555 of Pope Paul IV within the Jewish world of Eretz Israel under Roman (1555–9), which solidified the tendency toward rule, its future lay in the external Gentile world total separation by demanding that all Jews in the of the Roman Empire and for a number of cen- Papal States be forced into a ghetto, was partly turies in other parts of the East. Paul’s mission- intended to eliminate Jewish influence within ary work helped spread the Christian movement, Christian society. while the Roman destruction of Jerusalem and The sixteenth century also saw a limited return its Temple (70 CE) and periodic persecution of to a Judaising tendency within Christianity as small Christian groups influenced the Gospels’ down- groups of Protestants, in the rediscovery of the playing of Pilate’s role in the execution of Jesus. Hebrew scriptures, felt compelled to return to Gradually the Church came to view Judaism as the Jewish Sabbath observance (for example, the Sab- preliminary and now outdated covenant people batarians) and were thereby condemned by most replaced by the newly covenanted people of the Protestants.Luther’s studyofscripturebroughthim ecclesia, thus influencing the understanding of agreater awareness of the Jewishness of Jesus (That thefinalisedGospels’anti-Judaicpassagesfromthe Jesus Christ was Born a Jew, 1523) – by which he may second century into the present. Yet many Chris- have opened himself up to the charge of Judais- tians in the early centuries were attracted to the ing by his opponents – but this did not lead him synagogues and their services, especially at the to Judaise in any way; rather, it reinforced his con- High Holy Days and Passover.Consequently such demnation of this Judaising tendency in Christian- Church leaders as Chrysostom,Gregory of Nyssa ity (which he saw as promoting ‘works righteous- (c.332–398) and Jerome produced defamatory writ- ness’) and raised his hopes for the conversion of ings and sermons and insisted that Jews did not Jews to a renewed and reformed Christian commu- understand that the OldTestament was a prefig- nity. Luther’s attack on Sabbatarians and Jews (On uring of Christ and the Church (cf. Epistle of Barn- the Jews and their Lies, 1543) not only expressed abas).InthesecondcenturyBishopMelitoofSardis Luther’s rejection of this Judaising tendency, and embeddedthefirstunambiguousaccusationofdei- his agony over the failure to convert Jews, but also cide in liturgy. Later Augustine’s theology por- his defence against what he thought was an attempt trayed degraded Jews as children of Cain whose dis- on the part of the Jewish community to seek the persionandwoeswereGod’spunishment;thusthey conversion of Christians to Judaism. served as witnesses to their own evil and to Chris- In the last hundred years, and especially since tian truth. Even so, they were not to be harmed but Nostra Aetate in 1965, there has been increasing preached to with love. This basic theology contin- understanding of and appreciation for the Hebrew ued until the sixteenth century, though with many scriptures and Judaism among Christians. Many variations in the mercy or degradation shown to Christians have rediscovered the roots of their faith Jews.

244 Judaism, Christian perspectives on

Before the NewTestament documents were from 751 to 877 the Carolingian Christian emper- assembled the Jewish scriptures remained the ors’ reversal of this policy was fiercely opposed by major sacred writings for both communities, vituperative Church leaders such as Agobard of even though they were understood differently by Lyons.But after 879 Jews were once again viewed Christians as they sought to establish their own as Judases and left to the Church’s harsh treat- distinctive and legitimate relationship with Israel’s ment without protection or legal redress. During God. As the Church spread outside Palestine it the First Crusade (1096), despite some protection increasingly denied the significance of that land offered by local bishops, up to 10,000 Jews in east- despite the presence of indigenous Christian com- ern France and Germany’s Rhineland perished as munities. However, Emperor Constantine gave they chose death over forced conversion.Popular Christianity special status and supported the build- hostility to Jews increased in the aftermath, and ing of large churches on significant sites of Jesus’ subsequent Crusades over several centuries led to life and death. Monastic orders followed suit. From more deaths, despite some countervailing Church the end of the fourth century until the Muslim con- efforts. From the twelfth century on a number of quest in 638 Palestine was a Byzantine Christian popes denounced accusations of Jewish ritual mur- country with Jerusalem as a patriarchal see. In the der of Christian children, host desecration and fifth and sixth centuries more than 500 churches causing the Black Death, all of which usually led to built there attracted thousands of Christian pil- group executions. The religious orders of Domini- grims, and residents claimed that the grace of cans (1216) and Franciscans (1209), founded God was more abundant in Jerusalem than else- during Innocent III’s papacy, became fiercely where. Increasingly the term ‘holy land’ was used, anti-Jewish in their activities. They initiated the though rejected by such Church Fathers as Origen Inquisition, burned thousands of Talmuds and and Eusebius who insisted that the biblical pas- other Jewish books (Paris, 1240), preached conver- sages regarding promise and restoration referred sionist sermons at which Jewish attendance was to the future Church. Jerome focused on combat- compelled by order of Pope Nicholas III (1263), ting Jewish restoration expectations, and Emperor held enforced public disputations (Paris 1240, Julian’s late fourth-century plan to rebuild the Tem- Barcelona 1263), accused Jews of blood libel (1246, ple and restore Jerusalem to the Jews worried sev- 1475), instigated massacres in Navarre (1328), and eral generations of Christians even after his early agitated for the wearing of a distinctive badge which death terminated the project. the Fourth Lateran Council (1215) authorised (see In the Eastern Byzantine Empire the Justinian yellowbadge). Converted Jews were separated from Code (535–53) removed many Jewish rights granted non-converts. By the fifteenth century Jews had by the Theodosian Code (438). Severe restrictions been removed from most of Western Europe, with on synagogue practices enabled local authorities to only small numbers remaining in some German outlaw Judaism, close synagogues and enforce bap- principalities. tisms, despite some Church council opposition to The early Protestant Reformers, particularly such baptisms (e.g. Nicaea 787). In Western Europe Luther and his colleagues, used vitriolic language Pope Gregory the Great insisted that the Jews’ in urging harsh repressions for Jews, though Calvin limited legal rights be respected and their inter- and Calvinist churches were less antagonistic and nal affairs not be disturbed. Even so, he exhorted held a more positive view of Judaism’s adherence his bishops to work for Jewish conversions. While to Old Testament teachings. This produced more Gregory’s policy of humanity and relative pro- tolerance for Jews in the Netherlands and later tection was the official Church position through in the American colonies, where the proliferation the later Middle Ages, it was more often ignored of many denominations, the separation of Church than observed. In the early seventh century rank- andstate,andemphasisontherightsofhumankind ing churchmen of Spain and France attempted helpedcreateamorehospitablemilieuforJews.The to counter the civil authorities’ anti-Jewish mea- reactionary Catholic Counter-Reformation became sures which stripped Jews of their rights, put severe more radically anti-Jewish when Pope Paul IV restrictions on their religious practices and finally (1555–9) overturned Augustine’s theology by insist- ordered them to convert or leave. By contrast, ing that Jewish survival was tied to their converting.

245 Judas Iscariot

He imposed on Rome’s Jews a walled ghetto its assertion that Jews were permanently elected and many harsh restrictions. Further repressions as God’s people, and that the Church was taken continued within the Papal States until 1870. into this covenant with God through Jesus Christ In the sixteenth century a small English Protes- the Jew. Hence the Church has no mission to the tant millenarian movement emphasised Jewish Jews. In 1982 the Texas Conference of Churches restoration to the Land as an essential element in alsostressed‘avoidanceofanyconversionaryintent the Second Coming. This spread to Europe and in or proselytism’ since Christ’s coming did not dis- the eighteenth century to America. While the nine- solve the covenant between the Jewish people and teenth century witnessed political emancipation God. The United Church of Canada also repudi- of Jews, missionary activities to convert Jews ates efforts to convert Jews since it insists God’s multiplied in European Protestantism and some covenant with Israel is irrevocable (2002). An ecu- American Churches. During the years of the Third menical American scholars’ group repeated these Reich, while most German Churches accepted the assertions, along with seeing contempt for Jews as state’s ‘race, soil, and blood’ stance, the Reformed dishonouring God, and affirming the redemptive Churches in the Netherlands began to question tra- power of God’s enduring covenant with the Jewish ditional theology about Judaism and the necessity people (A Sacred Obligation, 2002). The Orthodox of Jewish conversion. In 1947 Christians and Jews Church,many of the Churches in the land of Israel, meeting at Seelisberg,Switzerland, called on the along with fundamentalist and biblically conserva- Churches to revise their thinking and preaching tive Churches generally, have not participated in about Judaism and its people. Yet in 1948, while these theological revisions and many Churches still acknowledging and regretting the Churches’ con- insist on the missionary obligation. tribution to antisemitism, both the Evangelical See also Christianity, Jewish perspectives on Church in Germany and the WorldCouncil of ALICE L. ECKARDT Churches at Amsterdam still insisted Christians Judas Iscariot were obligated to include Jews in their evangelis- Of the 12 apostles mentioned in the NewTesta- tic work since Israel’s election had passed to the ment, none is more widely discussed or maligned Church. than Judas, viewed by many Christians as the Deep-seated theological change came only two ‘betrayer’ of Jesus.Over the centuries Judas came to three decades after the Holocaust.Considera- to be seen as the archetypal Jew. As a result no tion of the Church’s ‘teaching of contempt’ for the other disciple of Jesus has figured so prominently JewishpeoplewasputontheSecondVaticanCoun- in Jewish–Christian relations. cil’s agenda by Pope John XXIII at the urging of In NewTestament sources Judas is always listed Jules Isaac and resulted in Nostra Aetate (1965). at the end of Jesus’ 12 apostles. He carried the Its insistence that ‘Jews should not be presented as purse for the disciples (John 12.6) and handed Jesus rejected . . . by God’ was a significant turning point over to the Temple authorities during Passover. for the Catholic Church and has been followed by When he became aware that Jesus had been trans- further documents. When Pope John Paul II led the ferred to Pilate, the Roman governor, he rushed Vatican to recognise the State of Israel,heover- back to the authorities to proclaim Jesus’ inno- turned centuries of teaching that tied Jewish evic- cence (Matt. 27.4). He then either committed sui- tionfromtheirlandtotheirsinfulrejectionofChrist. cide (Matt. 27.5) or died from a fall in the Valley of Pope John Paul II repeatedly enhanced apprecia- Gehinnom (Acts 1.18). tion of Judaism and its people. Yet the Church as The Gospels’ portrait of Judas has been compli- representative of God and Christ on earth is not cated by centuries of mistranslation. In the origi- seen as guilty of any error or wrong (We Remember: nal Greek only once is Judas referred to as a traitor AReflection on the Shoah, 1998). Since 1970 main- (prodotes; see Luke 6.16). All other Gospel refer- line Protestant Churches have adopted statements ences are to ‘informer’ and ‘handing over’. Recent reflecting newly positive views of Judaism and scholarship has finally noted these errors, most rejecting supersessionism. The Evangelical Church significantly by changing Bauer’s Greek–English of the Rhineland’s 1980 document (see Rhineland Lexicon (2000 edn) reference for paradidomi from Synod) was a major turning point in Europe with ‘betray’ to ‘hand over’.

246 Julian (‘the Apostate’)

The earliest Gospel, Mark, speaks of handing rior to Hellenism and Judaistic, while lacking the Jesus over to the Chief Priests (Mark 14.1; 10.43), but antiquity of Judaism’s Law.Asemperor he intro- Mark sees this as an act of God and foreseen by Jesus duced fiscal changes to benefit pagans and Jews, (Mark 14.17–21). By contrast, John says it occurred reversed anti-Jewish laws, removed clergy priv- after Satan entered into Judas (John 13.21–7). Yet ileges and disadvantaged Christian teachers of Matthew has Jesus and Judas warmly embracing at rhetoric.Capitalising on Christianity’sinternal rifts the time of Jesus’ arrest, with Jesus saying, ‘Friend, and its antipathy towards the Jews, Julian planned this is what you are here for’ (Matt. 26.50). The ear- to revive both pagan worship (a Caesarea Philippi liest mention of the death of Jesus in Paul refers to inscription bears witness to the fact that pagan ‘the Jews’ killing Jesus (1 Thess. 2.14–16); a later ref- temples were restored) and a traditional Temple- erence cites Jesus’ arrest (1 Cor. 11.23) but makes centred Judaism. Hillel II was Jewish Patriarch no mention of Judas or his deed. in Tiberias and Cyril bishop in Jerusalem when The early Church exempted Judas and Jews col- Julian met Jewish representatives in Antioch.In lectively from the salvific effect of Jesus’ prayer his address To the Community of the Jews (cf. also from the cross, ‘Father, forgive them for they do Epistle 204) he announced that Jerusalem would not know what they are doing’ (Luke 23.34), on formally be accessible to the Jews again, the city the ground that they knew what they were doing and Temple rebuilt and sacrifice reinstituted (lack- in condemning him (Flusser, ‘“Sie wissen nicht was ing sacrificial rites, Christianity would become sietun”’).EarlyJewishsourcesneithermalignednor anomalous). Thus the increasingly Christian archi- praised Judas; they could not understand, however, tecture of Jerusalem would be challenged and why Christians condemned him (Bammel, ‘Judas Jesus’much-cited prophecy (‘no stone left on in der judischen¨ uberlieferung’).¨ Despite the con- another’, Matt. 24.2) invalidated. Jewish sources of tention of some prominent Christians that Judas the fourth century are unforthcoming about rela- had a place in the divine plan (the second-century tions with paganism and Christianity, but Christian ‘Gospel of Judas’ and the writings of Origen), the sources tell of Jews’ enthusiasm for Temple- later response of the Church contributed to cen- building, and a Temple Mount inscription quot- turies of persecution and violence by Christians ing Isa. 66.14 suggests Jewish hopefulness. How- against Jews. In visual art, especially paintings of ever, establishing a Jerusalem High Priest would the Last Supper,Judas was often depicted as the have demoted the Patriarch, and the sparseness of evil Jew with hook nose and money bag. The name talmudic evidence may suggest Palestinian rabbis’ of Judas, yehudah in Hebrew, signified infamy for hesitation. Christians; in Germany parents were forbidden by Work began on the Temple in 353 CE. Reports are law to name a child Judas. However, in recent years overlaid with legend – ‘balls of fire’ and an earth- Judas has been viewed with more sympathy, as wit- quake figure in them – but it is clear that build- ness his depiction in the rock musical Jesus Christ ing work ceased. Relations between Christians and Superstar and the Negro spiritual, ‘When you get to Jews became fraught and accounts (of varying reli- heaven, rub poor lil’ Judas’ head’. ability) report mutual recriminations and violence WILLIAM KLASSEN in Julian’s reign: Christian deaths and ransacked Judgement see Day of Judgement; immortality; churches in Palestine, Syria and Egypt, and Jews salvation; soul massacred in Edessa; pagans suffered too. Within Julian (‘the Apostate’) (331–63 CE) a few weeks of the events Julian, emperor for just (Flavius Claudius Julianus.) Emperor (361–3). Con- 19 months, died of wounds in battle against the stantine’s nephew and a key figure in the evolu- Persians. His war against them – in particular a tion of both Christianity and Judaism and of rela- desire to gain the support of Persian Jewry – may tions between them, he might have stemmed the have been another factor motivating his plan for the tide of Christian history and altered the direction Temple. ‘Vicisti Galilaee’ (‘O Galilean thou hast con- of Jewish history, but in trying to use Judaism quered’) were allegedly his deathbed words. After to thwart Christianity he did neither. Julian had a lull Christian anti-Judaism flourished, ensuring studied Neoplatonism and later publicly and vitu- that Jews’ civil status was affected adversely, and peratively abandoned Christianity as both infe- while in the fourth century Judaism was to assert

247 Justice

its own understanding of covenant, Messiah, land Christ’; ethical living flows from this (1 Cor. 6.15ff.). and scripture in material gathered for midrash The Jewish interpretation of justice focuses on the and Palestinian Talmud, Christianity dominated divine imperatives communicated in Torah and the period culturally and politically. intensified by the prophets: from its experience of Ephrem,John Chrysostom,Rufinus (c.345–410), God, Israel becomes a covenantal people in the land Socrates Scholasticus (c.380–450), Sozomen (fifth given by God, and serves God through Torah and century) and others wrote negatively about Julian miz. vot.Because the truth of God cannot be thought andinsomecasesaboutJews;theTheodosianCode conceptually, but can only be lived out in obedi- preserved the relevant edicts. Julian’s own writings ent witness, Jewish fidelity to Torah, as enacted in (especially Against the Galileans) and Ammianus the ideal of the righteous man (z. addik), is declara- Marcellinus (c.330–395) are important sources for tive of the truth of God by inseparably linking the the history of events and of Jewish–Christian rela- religious and the ethical commandments:‘Act with tions during this formative period. The funeral ora- justice and do no wrong or violence to the alien, the tion by Libanius of Antioch (314–c.393) (sophist and orphan and the widow, or shed innocent blood in Julian’s friend) contrasts well with Against Julian by this place’ (Jer. 22.3). From the perspective of this bishop Gregory Nazianzen (c.329–c.390), formerly powerful association of religious and social imper- Julian’s Athens classmate. CHRISTINE TREVETT atives – the moral life is true justice and the foun- Justice dation of the common, social good under God – From its biblical roots, justice (z. edakah)evokes justice could be regarded as the source and the goal righteousness,right order, harmony, vindication of what is intended by the religious practice of both of the innocent, fairness and so on. The notion traditions. JOHN MCDADE generates multiple connotations (juridical, ethical, Justification religious) in both traditions, both of which rely on A Christian doctrine articulating the grounds and the Jewish scriptures for the insight that justice is process whereby sinful human beings are restored an attribute of God who is supremely ‘just’ in his to righteousness before God. Paul focuses on it actions towards all and whose justice is compati- in his letters to the Romans and the Galatians, ble with the exercise of his mercy. Consequently, althoughelsewhereintheNewTestamentitgarners because God is just in his relations with humans, little attention. Augustine developed the doctrine justice and right behaviour towards God and oth- in opposition to Pelagianism, and Martin Luther set ers are what are required of his people if they are to it at the centre of his Reformation,making it defini- witnesstothecharacterofGod.TheJewishtradition tive of Protestant theology and central to mod- teaches Christians that worship of God requires ern Protestant–Catholic disputes. ‘Jewish legalism’, moral and social expression in attending to the ‘Judaising’ and ‘works righteousness’ are often pro- needs of the poor and the defenceless. A commit- jected as the counterpoint to a proper understand- ment to social and economic justice is required ing of justification, so the doctrine has become a by the dynamic of both traditions (Deut. 18ff.; focus for both Christian anti-Judaism and Jewish– Jas 2.14). Christian dialogue. Judaism and Christianity differ, of course, in how Paul speaks of ‘justification by faith apart from they understand the self-disclosure of the just God. works of the law’ (Rom. 3.28; Gal. 2.16), giving Religiously, the key statement in the Christian tra- to subsequent theology an adversarial theme on dition is made by Paul’s words to the Romans that whichpervasiveChristiananti-Judaismcapitalised. God’s justice is revealed in the gospel of Christ: it If faith is opposed to works/law and Paul is argu- is ‘the power of God for salvation to everyone who ing for Christian faith against legalistic Jewish alter- has faith’ (Rom. 1.16–17). God’s action in Christ is natives, then Christianity at its core is found to be thus the decisive expression of God’s will to bring the corrective to Judaism. Indeed Luther indicts as all into union with Christ – in Paul’s eyes this jus- aJudaiser everyone – papist, Muslim, iconoclast tice has been disclosed ‘apart from Torah’ (3.21), and more – who fails to acknowledge this cen- and contact with it is through faith. The reorder- tral doctrine by which ‘the church stands or falls’. ing of human life in its fulfilled form (‘justice’) is Whether understood forensically as ‘declaring’ the through living out the consequences of being ‘in sinnerrighteousoreffectivelyas‘making’thesinner

248 Justinian I

righteous, justification is centred in God’s act on pre-existent Logos, and of those who lived accord- behalf of the sinner and contrasted to every form ing to the Logos as Christians before Christ, includ- of righteousness centred in human effort, epito- ing Socrates, Heraclitus, Abraham and the three in mised for centuries in the Christian caricature of the fiery furnace. He claims the scriptures for the self-righteous, Torah-observant Judaism. Christians, citing the story of the translation of the Krister Stendahl (b. 1921) shifted the discussion Septuagint in defence of their authenticity. Pur- of Paul’s meaning from abstract theological theory porting to describe a real encounter, the Dialogue about individual sin and redemption to the specific develops many of the arguments that continued to problem Paul addressed in Romans and Galatians: be used in later Adversus Judaeos literature: that how Gentiles can be included in the people of Jesus is already present as Lord in the theophanies God without requiring Torah-observance. This shift of the scriptures; that his death and resurrection, undercuts the long-standing, dominant presuppo- and the coming to faith of the Gentiles, were proph- sition that Paul presents Christianity and Judaism esied therein; that the Law was given because of in opposition. Rather, Paul affirms that Jews are jus- Israel’s hardness of heart but is now replaced by tified (Rom. 1.16f.; 3.29f.; Gal. 2.15f.) and asks how faith in Jesus as the only means of salvation; that Gentiles also can be. He asserts that both Jews and Christians are the heirs to all God’s promises and Gentiles are justified by God’s grace, through faith thus are the True Israel.Justin also asserts Jewish (Rom. 3.24), for which his biblical model is Gen. hostility against and cursing of Christians. Much 15.6: ‘[Abraham] believed the Lord, and the Lord more detailed than similar subsequent literature, reckoned it to him as righteousness.’ This reckoning and betraying some knowledge of Jewish interpre- and God’s accompanying covenant are the ground tation, the Dialogue probably does testify to gen- of Jewish justification; the Torah, dated by Paul as uine Jewish–Christian encounters, but remains the 430 years later, does not annul it (Gal. 3.17). What- literary creation of its author. JUDITH LIEU ever else the Torah avails – and Paul affirms it as Justinian I (483–565) ‘holy and just and good’ – Jews do not need it for Eastern Roman emperor (527–565). Born at Taure- justification; neither, then, do Gentiles. Thus it is sium in Illyricum, probably of Slavic parents, Jus- finally God who is justified in choosing to include tinian, named originally Uprauda, was adopted by the Gentiles within the people of God (Rom. 3.4, the Emperor Justin I (518–527), taking a variant 25f.), apart from the requirements of Torah. form of his name: he was educated at Constantino- The Pauline understanding of justification pre- ple, but spoke Greek with a foreign accent all his supposesanessentialhumansinfulness(Rom.2.12; life. Becoming expert in ecclesiastical matters, he 3.9–26) that lays the groundwork for the doctrine advised Justin on Church policy before becoming of original sin but that is unfamiliar in Judaism. co-emperor with him for the last months of his Justification thus finds its closest parallel in Jewish reign. In 523 he married Theodora, she and Jus- thought not in the cognate semantic arena of right- tinian effectively co-ruling the Empire from 527. eousness (z. edek/z. edakah), but in the realm of JustinianwasastaunchupholderoforthodoxChris- election, or of that constitutive redemption that tianity, expressing attitudes to the Jews principally freed Israel from bondage in Egypt (see Chosen in his legal activity. He systematically consolidated People). PETER A. PETTIT earlier Roman Law in five stages, simplifying and Justin Martyr (? c.110–167 CE) bringing order to unwieldy and sometimes con- Christian apologist and writer. Justin Martyr was tradictory legal texts. This process resulted in two born a ‘pagan’ in Samaria, converted to Christianity digests of laws, the second of which (Codex repeti- after exploring a variety of philosophies, and later tae praelectionis of 534) is known simply as the moved to Rome as a Christian teacher, where he Digest or Code of Justinian. This huge enterprise died a martyr. He is best known for his two Apolo- of legal reform was undertaken by skilled jurists gies (the second an appendix) addressed to Anton- led by Tribonium (late fifth century to 546/7), who inus Pius (c.156) and for the Dialogue with the Jew presided over the various commissions and was Trypho, conventionally situated in Ephesus close highly influential in determining the final forms to BarKokhba’s revolt but written later at Rome of the texts. While his initial endeavours pre- (155–60 CE). His Apology develops the idea of the served earlier laws against the Jews (see Theodosian

249 Justinian Code

Code), Justinian’s law of 531 preventing heretics sale of Church property to Jews, and synagogues or Jews testifying in court against orthodox Chris- built on land shown to belong to the Church were tians pointed to a new severity. His Digest omit- to be confiscated. Novella 146 dealt exclusively with ted all reference to Judaism as religio licita.Sub- the Jews, forbidding the reading of the Torah in sequent imperial ordinances (Novellae) introduced Hebrew, but permitting use of the Septuagint or anti-Jewish rulings in Novellae 37, 45, 131 and Aquila’s version, while forbidding the deuterosis¯ ,a 146, issued in 535, 537, 545 and 553 respectively. term which certainly included in its meaning the In all but the last of these Jews are listed with Mishnah and probably the teachings of the rabbis heretics (Novellae 37, 45, 131), Samaritans (Novel- ingeneral,whowerealreadydescribedasdeuterotai¯ lae 45 and 131) and pagans (Novella 131). Novella in Jerome’s writings (e.g. Comm. Isa. 10.1; Comm. 37 legislated for Justinian’s newly acquired North Habac. 2.9). This final Novella supports the opinion African province: Jews and heretics were forbid- of some students that Justinian regarded Judaism den to worship, and their buildings were to be as a heresy and himself as final judge in all matters taken over by the Church; an ancient synagogue religious in his realm. The effect of his laws during at Borion was a victim of this law. Novella 45 his reign was limited, for they were poorly enforced; refused exemption from minor public office to reli- but provision was made for bishops as well as gious officials, Jews being permitted only the ‘pains provincial governors to enact them, opening the and penalties’ of such duties and none of their way for direct ecclesiastical interference in Jewish rewards; Jews holding offices higher than orthodox affairs. C. T. R. HAYWARD Christians were to be fined. Novella 131 prohibited Justinian Code see Justinian I

250 KKKK

Kabbalah see mysticism neo-Kantian ethical idealism in turn influenced a Kaddish see Lord’s Prayer generation of liberal Protestant pastors and theolo- Kant, Immanuel (1724–1804) gians. Whether in fact Kant’s moral philosophy can The paradigmatic philosopher of the modern era, be detached from his assessments of the revealed Kant viewed Christianity, Judaism and their rela- religions is an open question. What is certain is that tion in terms broadly characteristic of the Euro- his thought has been a fruitful medium of intellec- pean Enlightenment.Kant held that true reli- tual cross-fertilisation between Christians and Jews gion was moral religion, which could be wholly for generations, leaving its mark on figures such as derived from human reason alone. He esteemed Karl Barth (1886–1968), Martin Buber,Emmanuel positive religions such as Christianity and Judaism Levinas (1906–95) and others. only insofar as they could be made to serve R. KENDALL SOULEN the interests of moral religion. Measured by this Karaites standard, Kant regarded Christianity as mod- Jewish sect (Kara’im;Hebrew: ‘scripturalists’ or erately useful and Judaism as utterly without ‘propagandists’) that originated as a current within value. Jesus’moral teaching contains the essence Judaism opposed to Rabbanite Judaism. The of moral religion, while Judaism scarcely qualifies Karaite doctrine is characterised by its denial of as a religion at all, since it elevates statutory law the Oral Law and recognition of the scriptures and national interest above the claims of morality. as the sole and direct source of religious revela- EarlyChristiansappealedtoJewishscripturesoutof tion.According to the Karaites, their confession temporary pedagogical need, but their subsequent was founded by Anan ben David, a Jewish religious decisionpermanentlytoretainJewishelementswas leader who was active in Iraq in the mid-eighth cen- the original source of the Church’s moral corrup- tury CE. Karaism spread from Iraq to Iran, Egypt, the tion. Christianity would better serve moral religion, land of Israel and other countries, and for several Kant believed, if it were purified of its residual Jew- centuries presented a serious challenge to Rabban- ishness. In sum, Kant espoused a typically modern ite Judaism, compelling it to redefine itself against form of Christian anti-Judaism, viewing Judaism Karaism. not as a superseded instrument of God (the tradi- In the thirteenth century the Karaites settled in tional view), but rather as a foreign religion essen- the Crimea, and by the end of the fourteenth cen- tially unconnected to Christianity and the universal tury in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The most moral values it represents. important Karaite author in Lithuania was Isaak Despite his negative view of Judaism, Kant has b. Abraham Troki (1533–94) who wrote an impor- proveninfluentialamongbothChristianandJewish tant anti-Christian treatise Hizzuk Emuna.In thinkers for over two centuries. Jews in particu- the late eighteenth century, after the partitions lar have sought to appropriate Kant by detaching of Poland and Russian conquest of the Crimea, his moral philosophy from his judgements about East European Karaites found themselves within the relative value of Judaism and Christianity. The the bounds of Russia. The restrictions imposed German Jewish philosopher Hermann Cohen, for upon the Jews (including the Pale of Settle- example, championed Kant’s ethical interpreta- ment)prompted East European Karaites to dis- tion of religion, but argued that Kant badly mis- tance themselves from the Jews. The collector understood the true nature of Judaism. Cohen’s and archaeologist Abraham Firkowicz (1786–1874)

251 Khazars

invented the myth that the Karaites came to the Kibbutz CrimeainthesixthcenturyBCEwithPersiantroops. Voluntary, collective settlement in Israel. An In thesecondhalfofthenineteenthcenturyRussian offshoot of Zionism, the first kibbutzim were legislation separated the Karaites from the Jews and founded in the early twentieth century, by pioneers they were given full civil rights, equal with the Chris- anticipating the establishment of a Jewish home- tian population. In the early twentieth century the land. Momentum gathered during and after the idea became dominant that East European Karaites Holocaust.Today, there are 267 kibbutzim, some were descendants of the Khazars, which eventually of which are significant sites of Jewish–Christian saved them during the Shoah. encounter. ARTEM FEDORTCHOUK The kibbutz has socialist roots. Members have Khazars little private wealth or family life. Work is valued A national group of Turkic type, the core of the and mandatory for all who are able; elected com- Khazar Khaganate, a powerful state in Eastern mittees and officers are responsible for community Europe between the seventh and tenth centuries welfare. Most kibbutzim have agricultural roots, CE, the rulers of which were converted to Judaism although many have diversified into industry. In in the eighth or ninth century. The semi-legendary recent years the movement has been shaken by the circumstances of the Khazars’ conversion are individualist desires of some members, the need to described in several Hebrew as well as Arabic employ outside labour, and a tendency towards the sources. A common feature of all these versions is re-emergence of traditional gender roles. Whereas the so-called Choice of Faith, which included a reli- many earlier kibbutzim were secular, and observed gious debate between representatives of Judaism, only those festivals that resonated with their expe- Christianity and Islam. This legend most proba- rience of working the land, later ones are shaped bly reflects the realpolitik of the region – through- by varied political and religious beliefs. Many kib- out its history the Khazar Khaganate was sand- butzim rely on seasonal volunteer labour, often wiched between the Christian Byzantine Empire young Europeans, who inevitably become involved and the Muslim Caliphate, so the Khazar rulers in what the WorldCouncil of Churches terms ‘dia- choose the third option to escape subordination logue of life’. Some kibbutzim run guesthouses to one of them. After the debate the king of the popular with Christian pilgrims.Religious kibbutz Khazars (Bulan, according to one version) accepted Lavi has responded to this by opening an educa- the religion of Israel. This story is reflected in tion centre, aimed at developing Christian under- Judah ha-Levi’s famous apologetic dialogue Sefer standing of Judaism. Shared experience of living ha-Kuzari, and also possibly in the Russian Pri- in community has also formed the basis of con- mary Chronicle’s account of the conversion of the tacts between Jewish kibbutz members and those Russian Prince Vladimir (965–1015) to Christian- Anabaptist churches that eschew private property, ity (where the prince chooses among several reli- such as the Hutterian Brethren. Inspired by the gious missions, including that of the Khazar Jews). kibbutz model, Nes Ammim was established in The problem of Khazar influence (and the influ- Israel by Christians seeking to create an environ- ence of Khazar Judaism) on the formation and early ment of interfaith cooperation. history of the Russian state, as well as of the Rus- MELANIE J. WRIGHT sian Orthodox Church,ismuch discussed. The Kiddush see wine question of the Khazar legacy was at the origin of Kiddush ha-Shem several nineteenth- and twentieth-century myths The literal meaning of Kiddush ha-Shem is the which played an important part in Jewish–Christian sanctification of God’s name. It became associ- relations (e.g. the theory of the Khazar origin of ated more specifically with martyrdom during the Ashkenazi Jewry, popularised by Arthur Koestler period of Roman persecutions in Palestine in the (1905–83); the theory of the Khazar origin of East early second century CE. Rabbi Akiba formulated European Karaites). In Soviet and post-Soviet Rus- an understanding of martyrdom as an act and pub- sia the history of the Khazars became a subject lic declaration of love,asyet another means of of many (generally antisemitic) speculations by expressing love of God. Jewish ideas developed ‘patriotic’ authors. ARTEM FEDORTCHOUK within a world that offered examples of Christian

252 Kingdom of priests

martyrdom, especially under Emperor Diocletian ularly affirms God as King (Deut. 33.5; Judg. 8.23; (r.284–305). Another formative stage was the period Isa. 43.15). 1 Chron. 17.14 locates the reign of God of massacres of Jews perpetrated by French and specifically in the house of David, and the Psalms north German contingents which gathered to hail God as king over the nations (Pss 22.28; 47.2, march westwards and form part of what came to 7–8). God’s reign was both a present (Pss 93; 95) be known as the First Crusade, inspired by the and a future reality related to judgement (Pss 96.13; preachingofPopeUrbanIIin1095.Astheymarched 98.9). Prophetic hope looked to a future time when through the rich Rhineland cities, home to old and God’sruleofjusticeandpeacewouldbeestablished prosperous Jewish communities, these armed pil- forever (Jer. 30.9; Ezek. 37.24–26). During the post- grims began the work of holy war by attacking exilic period Jews longed for the coming of God’s local Jews. Within their quarters, and even when rule to break the political power of their Hellenis- protected by local prelates, many Jews chose to tic and Roman overlords. The phrase appears in take their own lives and those of their children the Qumran texts (1QM 6.6) (see Dead Sea Scrolls), rather than endure forced conversion or be killed and was known to Philo (Spec. 4.164) and used in by the attackers. The Hebrew chronicle accounts the Amidah and Kaddish prayers. Jesus proclaimed that followed elaborated a powerful myth of self- that the kingdom of God had come near (Mark 1.15; immolation, attributing to the martyrs ritualised Matt. 4.17). Matthew’s Gospel prefers the circum- gestures (like the blessing of the knife, prayer) and locution ‘kingdom of heaven’ and so avoids using extraordinarycourage.TheseeventsmarkedJewsas the name of God. In the prayer that Jesus taught well as Christians powerfully in following centuries. his disciples, the ‘Lord’s Prayer’, Christians pray They offered Jews examples for emulation, which for the coming of the kingdom of God (Matt. 6.10; were commemorated in liturgy; and in Christians Luke 11.2). Jesus’ parables claim that the kingdom they aroused puzzlement, which sometimes led to has already come, while for Luke the exorcism of further demonisation of Jews as unnatural child- demons points to God’s powerful reign present in killers. Although it affected only a small minority of Jesus (Luke 11.20). Surprisingly, the Gospel of John Jews in any generation, Kiddush ha-Shem remained makes little mention of the kingdom of God, but apowerful moral example, invigorated by ever new Christian apostolic preaching (e.g. Acts 8.12; 19.8) examples of people choosing to commit public, rit- took up the proclamation of the kingdom where ualised self-killing in the face of violence and the the apostles preached in the Diaspora synagogues. threat of forced baptism. MIRI RUBIN Christians and Jews today both continue to pray Kimhi, David (1160–1235) for God’s kingdom of justice and peace in hope (see Jewish exegete, grammarian and controversialist Dabru Emet). BARBARA E. BOWE of southern France (known as Radak from the Kingdom of priests acronym Rabbi David Kimhi). His father, Joseph In the chapter preceding the list of the Ten Com- (1105–1170), wrote The Book of the Covenant,a mandments,Israel is called a kingdom of priests response to Christian polemical arguments. Most of (Exod. 19.6). This is usually understood as a cul- David’s references to Christianity are in his biblical tic metaphor in a collective sense comprising commentaries, especially on Psalms (first printed every member of the entire people, since a spe- in 1477). After reporting Christological interpreta- cific priesthood, the Levites, was appointed with- tions of Pss 2, 21, 45, 72, 87 and 110, he provides out geographical inheritance in the Land (Josh. answers to be used by Jews in rebuttal, most of 13.33). After the fall of the second Temple, Rabbinic which are based on the plain meaning of the correct Judaismcametoemphasisescholarship,nothered- biblical text. These passages were censored from ity, thereby relativising the role of the priests (who printed editions beginning in the sixteenth century. are actually lacking in the chain of religious author- Kimhi’s writings reveal knowledge of the Vulgate ities in m. Avot 1.1). and the NewTestament. MARC SAPERSTEIN Two polemical understandings of this concept Kingdom of God have hampered its interpretation: (1) Christians A term describing God’s sovereignty and rule over have at times referred to 1 Pet. 2.9 (which quotes Israel and, by extension, over the nations. Without Exod. 19.6; see also Rev. 1.6; 5.10) as a justifica- using the specific phrase, the OldTestament reg- tion for the replacement theology paradigm (see

253 Kittel, Gerhard

also Heb. 7–9 where Christ is portrayed as a heav- Klausner, Joseph (1874–1958) enly high priest who makes the old covenant void). Born near Vilna, his PhD at formed (2) Refuting what he understood as a Roman the basis for The Messianic Idea in Israel (1903– Catholic abuse, Luther repeatedly referred to 1 Pet. 4), which emphasised the centrality of Messian- 2.9 when arguing in favour of a universal priesthood ism to Judaism (see Messianic movements). After of all Christian believers, stating that every Chris- moving to Palestine in 1917, as the first Professor tian through baptism is consecrated as a priest. of Hebrew Literature at the Hebrew University he Since then, the heat of the debate has abated, and reflected on the origins of Christianity in books on Vatican II (e.g. Lumen Gentium 10) and the Cat- Jesus (1922) and Paul (1939). An ardent Zionist,he echism of the Catholic Church (§§1546f.) seem to saw Christianity as partaking of Jewish Messianism, affirm Luther’s proposals. and Jesus and Paul as figures in the history of his Present-day biblical scholarship tends to argue country. JAMES K. AITKEN that Exod. 19.6 and 1 Pet. 2.9 are best understood as Kolbe, Maximilian (1894–1941) a collective vocation to holiness,rather than as an Polish Franciscan who perished in Auschwitz.Dur- agenda of rights and privileges granted to an indi- ing the 1920s Kolbe built a friary near Warsaw,called vidual, or, even worse, as an instrument to depre- the City of Mary Immaculate (Niepokalanow),´ ciate the ordination of the priesthood of another which became Poland’s main Catholic publishing religious community. JESPER SVARTVIK house. Kolbe knew little about Jews and Judaism, Kittel, Gerhard (1888–1948) although he appears to have believed in the verac- Kittel is remembered by Bible scholars as editor ity of the Protocols of the Elders of Zion and as a of The Theological Dictionary of the New Testa- missionary expressed hope for the conversion of ment.Hewas also a Nazi, joining the party (1933) the Jewish people. He was involved in hiding 2,000 and its Reich Institute for the History of the New Jews in Niepokalanow,´ arrested in January 1941 Germany (1936). He openly supported Nazi policies and transported to Auschwitz. When a prisoner against Jews (whom he believed to be morally and escaped, 10 inmates were ordered into the starva- racially degenerate) with the possible exception of tion bunker, and Kolbe took the place of Franciszek genocide. After the war Kittel was imprisoned. He Gajowniczek, because he had a wife and children. defended his views, arguing that he was no more Twoweeks later, only Kolbe and three others were antisemitic than Paul, that his motivations were still alive; they were killed by an injection of car- Christian and his methods scientific. Released in bolic acid. He was beatified by Pope Paul VI and 1946, he briefly resumed his researches, but not his canonised by Pope John Paul II. university career at Tubingen.¨ STEPHEN NICHOLLS MELANIE J. WRIGHT Kristallnacht see pogroms

254 LLLL

Lamb of God see Paschal lamb Land of Israel see Israel, land and State of Lambeth Conference 1988 Langton, Stephen (c.1150–1228) Once each decade the Archbishop of Canterbury Archbishop of Canterbury (1207–28). Langton was invites the bishops of the Anglican communion to one of the leading figures of the Lateran Coun- conference at Lambeth in London. The 1988 assem- cil (IV) of 1215 and promoted its regulations in bly was the first to consider Jewish–Christian rela- England, including those about Jews – especially tions in depth. the compulsory wearing of the badge (see yellow The Bishop of Oxford (Richard Harries (b. 1936)) badge) introduced in 1218 and 1222, restrictions and Orthodox Jewish scholar Norman Solomon on intercourse of Jews and Christians, and a ban on (b. 1933) led a working group which drafted a text new synagogues. However, he also opposed anti- for debate at the meeting. After much discussion it Jewish riots by English crusaders.Asalongstand- was rewritten, largely in response to the insistence ing professor at the University of Paris, he stood in of Jerusalem Bishop Samir Kafity (b. 1933) that the the tradition of the Christian Hebraists.Heisalso dialogue must include Islam. The final text, Jews, believed to be responsible for the division of the Christians and Muslims: The Way of Dialogue, was Bible into today’s chapters, a custom the eventual commended by the bishops and appeared as an adoption of which into Jewish Bibles attests to the appendix to the conference report. It is a landmark mutual influence of Jewish and Christian biblical document in Anglican–Jewish relations. scholarship. PETR FRYSˇ Three sections in the document explore ‘The Way Last Supper of Understanding’, ‘The Way of Affirmation’ and The common designation for the last meal Jesus ‘The Way of Sharing’. Judaism is affirmed as a liv- shared with his disciples before his death in ing religion and as ‘a people and a civilisation’. Jerusalem during the festival time of Passover. Scholarly re-evaluation of difficult NewTestament Almost every aspect of this meal has been mat- texts is commended and the history of Christian ter for scholarly debate: whether it was indeed a anti-Judaism acknowledged. The document rejects Passover meal, who attended, what if any escha- supersessionism and advocates common action tological overtones were present, what words and on matters of social justice; it was one of the first actions did Jesus use, and what are the salvific and such statements to proclaim ‘common mission’. theologicalimplicationsofthiseventforChristians? The most contested sections discuss Christian mis- This final meal should be seen in light of the sion to Jews. Whilst proselytism is rejected, a range patterns of Jewish festive meals in general and the of positions is recognised. Anglicans still disagree meal traditions at Qumran, and in light of the many about what constitutes appropriate and inappro- table fellowship meals Jesus shared with others, priate sharing of their faith with Jews. including outcasts and sinners, during his lifetime. Other sessions at Lambeth also touched on inter- In these meals the participants would share com- faith matters, especially in relation to the land mon food as a sign of friendship. The Gospels dif- of Israel (resolution 24), and since 1988 Angli- fer in their description of who gathered with Jesus. cans have continued to debate related areas of Mark and Matthew note that two ‘disciples’ made faith and practice, including recently the Church thepreparationsforthesupperandthenJesuscame of England’s attitude towards Jewish believers in with the Twelve, implying that the group consisted Jesus. of more than just the Twelve. Luke refers to both See also Anglicanism MELANIE J. WRIGHT ‘disciples’ and ‘apostles’ at different points, and

255 Lateran Council (IV)

John speaks only of disciples. Those gathered at observing any of the former Jewish practices. Jews the supper, then, were not designated by name nor were ordered to refrain from public appearance limited only to the Twelve. The Gospels differ also during the days before Easter, especially on Good in the exact chronology of the meal. The Synoptics Friday (a ruling said to prevent mockery of Chris- identify the meal as a Passover meal (Mark 14.12–16 tian sensibilities, but also perhaps partly for the and parallels) whereas John locates the meal on the Jews’ own protection). A more current issue was Preparation Day for Passover (John 19.14, 31, 36). usury: Christians must boycott Jews who extort Attempts to explain these differences by appealing ‘heavy and unrestrained interest’; kings should act totwodifferentcalendarsinuseatthetimehavenot to restrain Jews in this area, and force them to remit proved convincing. But despite this difference, all interest to Christians who set out on a Crusade. three Gospels interpret the meal within a Passover Most influential was the decree compelling Jews context, a fact supported also by Paul (1 Cor. 5.7). (and Muslims living under Christian rule) to wear In addition, Paul’s first letter to Corinth (1 Cor. distinctive, recognisable dress,inorderto avoid 11.26) points to the eschatological dimension of the ‘prohibited intercourse’ (sexual relations, perhaps supper which ‘proclaim[ed] the death of the Lord excessive socialising) based on mistaken identity. until he comes’.Two different traditions convey the The context was a society in which it was assumed actual words and actions of Jesus at the meal, one thatthelegallydefinedcategorytowhicheveryindi- followed by Mark and Matthew, the other in Paul vidual belonged (e.g. nobles, serfs, clergy and mem- and Luke. Mark’s account of Jesus’ words over the bers of various religious orders) should be identifi- bread,‘took, blessed,broke, gave’, are closer to the able by dress. Furthermore, the decree appeals to familiar Hebrew barak than to Paul and Luke’srefer- the biblical precept that Jews should wear distinc- ence to Jesus ‘giving thanks’.But the Pauline/Lukan tive fringes on their garments (Num. 15.38). Never- words over the cup ‘this cup is the new covenant theless, it was generally perceived by Jews as man- in my blood’ preserve the oldest tradition of the dating a ‘badge of shame’,and in this sense a similar cup blessing.Inboth, however, sacrificial language ordinancerequiringayellowbadgewasimposedby and the emphasis on the bread and cup ‘given for the Nazis in occupied Poland, Germany itself and you’ signal the meal’s atoning and salvific signifi- elsewhere. MARC SAPERSTEIN cance for Christians and explain why they continue Latin to celebrate Jesus’ action in eucharistic ritual meals. Study of the use of Latin, both by Christians and The Passover context for Jesus’ words and actions to a lesser extent by Jews, provides evidence of the at the supper before he died has generated in recent influence of Jewish biblical interpretation on early years a resurgence of interest among Christians in Christian exegesis.Familiarity with Latin in the the meaning and significance of the Passover meal. land of Israel is attested by papyri from Muraba‘at, It has prompted many synagogue communities to Latin inscriptions in the Temple warning Gentiles invite Christian guests to their Passover seder meals not to trespass beyond their court, and the num- andtoprovideexplanationandgreaterunderstand- ber of Latin loan words in the Mishnah.AtRome, ing of this shared meal tradition. however, only about a quarter of Jewish funerary See also eucharist BARBARA E. BOWE inscriptions in the catacombs (ranging from first Lateran Council (IV) century BCE to early fourth century CE) are in Latin, General Council of the Church, summoned by Greek being preferred. Likewise, Roman Christians Innocent III, opened November 1215, attended used Greek until the time of Pope Victor I (189–198 by some 400 bishops, 800 abbots and priors, and CE),whentheuseoftheOldLatin(VetusLatina)ver- lay representatives of various European nations. sions of the Bible seem established in Roman North In addition to addressing significant political and AfricaandSouthernGaul.Theseprobablyrepresent doctrinal issues (including transubstantiation and a number of different Christian translations of the confession), several decrees attempt to regulate the Septuagint, some of which indicate knowledge of position of the Jews in Christendom. Some reaf- Hebrew and Jewish exegetical tradition. The rab- firmed ancient rules. It was prohibited to appoint bis of Jerome’s day regarded Latin as a language aJew to a position of authority over Christians. fit for war (y. Megillah 1.11); and it was evidently Converts from Judaism must be constrained from little esteemed (b. Gittin 80a). Remarkable among

256 Law

Jewish medieval scholars for his knowledge of Latin names of Holocaust victims will be removed from was the poet Immanuel ben Solomon ben Jekuthiel its registers. MELANIE J. WRIGHT of Rome (c.1261–1328): he was evidently familiar Law with and admired the work of Dante (1265–1321), The place of law in religion has been the focus and some of his own Hebrew poetry was trans- of considerable attention in Jewish–Christian rela- lated into Latin. But the Renaissance saw Jewish tions, much of it generated by failure among scholars generally renew interest in Latin, among Christians to appreciate the true meaning of the them Azariah dei Rossi (c.1511–c.1578), whose Hebrew term ‘Torah’. Though ‘law’ is used in most Me’or Einayim makes extensive use of the Latin English Bibles to translate Torah, the word reflects Fathers. the ancient Greek (Septuagint) and Latin (Vulgate) See also Bible translations, ancient; disputation versions of scripture, which have nomos and lex C. T. R. HAYWARD respectively. This translation has given rise to the Latter-Day Saints misapprehension that Judaism is based entirely on There are several hundred Churches (popularly legalism, but modern scholarship has helped to (mis)named Mormon) which trace their origins clarify the true significance of the original Hebrew. to Joseph Smith, Jr’s (1806–44) Christian revival- While the Torah does contain commandments ist ministry. The largest of these is the Church of and precepts that are binding on Jews, it has Jesus Christ of the Latter-Day Saints (LDS). LDS another, equally important characteristic, namely thought radicalises traditional Christian claims to ‘instruction’ or ‘revelation’. It has within it ele- be the people Israel; adherents see themselves as ments of both halakhah (ordinance) and aggadah Jews descended from Ephraim, and Jews as descen- (story). dants of Judah. Accordingly, whilst the LDS is not Though many Christians find it hard to believe immune from antisemitism,members feel them- that Jews are able to embrace willingly the scrupu- selves to be specially related to the Jewish peo- lous observance of a host of commandments or ple and the State of Israel.Some smaller Saints’ miz. vot, the rabbis regard the halakhah not as churches have adopted Judaising practices, includ- restriction but as liberation, not as a demand but ing dietary laws and Sabbath observance. The LDS as a gift. God has decreed the commandments also holds that Native Americans are descendants and expects them to be kept, but humans have of the lost tribes of Israel, and that the true Eden and been given the intellectual freedom to interpret Zion are located in the United States. These ideas and apply them. In rabbinic thought there is much are found in the Book of Mormon, which Smith is emphasis on human initiative. The ordinances, believed to have recovered and translated (1827– as interpreted by rabbinic authorities, enable the 30), and The Pearl of Great Price (a later collection of faithful to live as God’s people. visions). The LDS believes that these texts contain a Another issue that has polarised Jewish and true account of the ancient history of God’s people. Christian exegetes is the continuing validity of the (Some liberal Saints view The Book of Mormon as legal parts of the Torah. Is the halakhah still valid myth.) For this reason, most Christians do not share as a source of divine revelation,orhas it been the LDS definition of itself as a Christian Church. abolished through the coming of Christ? Tradi- ThishaslimitedLDSparticipationinorganisedecu- tionally, the Christian Church has taken a super- menical and interfaith activities. A further source of sessionist standpoint, claiming that God rejected tension in recent years has been the extension of the his covenant with the old Israel, which was based LDS ritual of baptism of the dead (derived from 1 on law, in favour of that made with the new Cor. 15.29) to Holocaust victims. In 1995, follow- Israel (the Church) based on grace through faith. ing extensive dialogue with Jews offended by this Judaism became a fossilised religion. Such thinking practice, the LDS formally ended the posthumous is characteristic of the early Church Fathers and baptism of Jews who were not direct ancestors of the Protestant Reformers. But in recent years revi- Mormons. However, the controversy resurfaced in sionist theologians have radically reassessed this 2002 and 2004. For practical and doctrinal reasons, view, claiming that it stems from a misunderstand- it is unlikely that the Church will guarantee that no ing of the teachings of Jesus and Paul. Properly future baptisms of deceased Jews will occur, or the understood, the writings of the NewTestament

257 Leaders of the Jews, externally appointed

do not nullify the Torah. Two brief examples must city tribune among the towns-people’, and Jews suffice. mayhavehadtolitigatebeforehim.RenewingRudi- According to Matt. 5.17, Jesus claims that he has ger’s text six years later, Emperor Henry IV said, not come to abolish the Torah but to complete it. ‘Ifitshould happen that one of them, a perfidious He said nothing that led his disciples to disregard person, should wish to hide the truth of something it. E. P. Sanders (b. 1937) finds only one example done among them, the man who governs the syna- of Jesus transgressing the biblical ordinances: the gogue for the bishop shall make this person confess demand made on the man whose father had died the truth according to their law.’ This power was (Matt. 8.22). However, ‘there is clear evidence that new. By contrast, ninth-century charters of Louis he did not consider the Mosaic dispensation to the Pious (r.814–840) say, ‘If any of them, Chris- be final or absolutely binding’ (Jesus and Judaism, tian or Jews, should wish to hide the truth, the 268). Paul had only one Greek word (nomos = law) (Christian) count of that place shall make each of at his disposal when he discussed the Torah. them reveal it, through appropriate investigation He therefore could not differentiate between its and according to his law’. aggadic and its halakhic content. When he calls Nevertheless, the episcopus was a tribune, a for freedom from the Law he is not condemning regent who governed the synagogue for the bishop the Torah as a whole, as Christian commentators and at his behest; appeals were heard by the bishop once thought. For in the sense of ‘instruction’ the himself, so that dissatisfied Jews could circum- Torah teaches justification by faith, witness the vent the episcopus’s decisions, and Jewish lead- case of Abraham in Gen. 15.6. What Paul objects ers were constantly forced to seek new means to to are ritual observances, namely circumcision, prevent Jews from looking for redress to outside Sabbath observance, dietary laws and purity reg- sources. Put otherwise, the episcopus was in danger ulations. Such precepts are not binding on the of becoming more and more an intermediary and Christian (see, e.g., Galatians), but the Torah, in administrator: he served first the emperor, count or the sense of divine revelation, has lost none of its bishop who conferred power upon him; halakhic significance. primacy, although ascribed to him internally, was See also antinomianism GARETH LLOYD JONES secondary. The initiatives of the office might also Leaders of the Jews, externally appointed be circumscribed. Internally, episcopi like Rabbi Jews in the Middle Ages sought to govern them- Solomon b. Samson, mentioned in Henry IV’s char- selves internally. However, from the earliest period, ter of 1090 to the Jews of Worms, had to share they had to balance an internally selected leader- headship with representatives of the five leading ship against that imposed from outside. Through local rabbinic families. Externally, the episcopus- the eleventh century, especially in the Rhineland, archisynagogus evolved (over the centuries) into the two were the same, easing the inherent ten- either a governmentally appointed ‘state rabbi’ or sions. Afterward, and in other locations, this was a secular head chosen by wealthy non-rabbinic not so. In the Rhineland the externally chosen, or Jewish factions. And just as the unity of inter- at least confirmed, Jews’ Bishop (episcopus iudae- nal and externally appointed leadership was nor- orum), who was also a person of the Jews’ own mally beneficial in the earlier Middle Ages, by choosing, first appeared after the demise of the contrast, the dichotomous leadership of the later Carolingian Empire, where a Christian magister had period frequently created tensions. Moreover, the oncebeenlooselyresponsibleforJewishaffairs.The episcopus-archisynagogus,orhis equal, eventually title was interchangeable with archisynagogus, the became an agent of Jewish constitutional isolation, ancient Jewish communal head. Its possessor was enhancing the Jews’ juridical uniqueness, a situ- invariably the same person called the parnas (the ation that had grown ever clearer since the late provider) in Hebrew sources, who usually belonged eleventh century, when the Jews’ legal and ‘consti- to one of the leading rabbinical families like the tutional’ status began to break loose from its moor- Kalonymides. Charters, like that of Bishop Rudiger ings and Jews became ever more exposed to the of Speyer in 1084, prescribed that ‘Their (Jewish) whim of lay rulers who also were committed, of archisynagogus shall judge in any dispute which their own volition, to applying restrictive Church occurs among them and against them, just like the canons.

258 Leon of Modena

Parallel to the Rhenish episcopus was the English is negatively portrayed as a type of the synagogue Presbyter of the Jews, the Jews’ Priest. Five such (e.g. Commodian, Instructiones 39), and the con- Presbyters were royally appointed for ‘life’ between trasting depiction of Leah and Rachel is echoed in 1199 and 1290. The Presbyter functioned as head of the Ecclesia/Synagoga figures. all English Jews. Thirteenth-century kings used the JUDITH H. NEWMAN Presbyters as their chief collectors of abusive taxes. Lectionary Presbyters were directly answerable to a non-Jewish A lectionary is a collection of biblical readings for royal official, the Dominicus Iudaei, and eventu- proclamation at liturgy. Christians borrowed both ally to a ‘Justiciar of the Jews’. One may liken the the concept of the lectionary and its cyclic arrange- Presbyter to the later fourteenth-century French ment of readings from Jewish synagogue practice. ‘chief rabbis’ (appointed only between 1360–94, Sabbath readings were ordinarily taken from the the final expulsion). The Presbyter had lesser pow- Pentateuch and the Prophets, as can be seen in ers than did his peers, the autocratic, and often Jesus’ visit to the synagogue at Capernaum (Luke lay, Rab de la Corte in Castile (1255–1492) or the 4.16–21), followed by preaching, such as Paul’s in Dayyan Kelali in Aragonese Sicily (1386–1447, sup- the synagogue at Pisidia (Acts 13.14–16). pressed by internal Jewish demand). The Imperial By the time of Justin Martyr’s Apologia 1 67 Hochmeister,orLandesrabbiner, began to function (c.155), Christians had begun to combine the let- in 1407. A true rabbi, he was consistently opposed ters of Paul and the Apostles with the traditional by yeshiva-heads, and forced to operate against the Jewish sources, often extending the length of the background of the weak power structures of the liturgy. By the second half of the fourth century, the empire itself. KENNETH STOW Apostolic Constitutions 8, 5, 11 required a reading Leah of the Law, the Prophets and the letters, Acts and Biblical figure, elder sister of Rachel, first wife of Gospels. Psalmody was eventually placed between patriarch Jacob. The reconsideration of Leah and readings as a way of meditating upon and respond- other female biblical characters has been a fruitful ing to the reading just proclaimed; this practice sourceofcollaborationamongJewishandChristian was in place at least by the time of Tertullian feminist biblical scholars and serves to counterbal- (c.225). ance some of the anti-Jewish depictions of Leah in However, in an important development away patristic writings and Christian iconography. from Jewish practice, Christian lectionaries eventu- Jacob was tricked into marrying Leah after allypairedreadingsoftheOldTestamentwiththose promising to work for Laban for seven years for the of the New, thereby interpreting the Hebrew scrip- hand of Rachel, the woman he preferred. Together, tures typologically (see typology). This trend would Rachel, Leah and their two servants, Bilhah and mark another definitive liturgical break between Zilpah, produced 12 sons, the eponymous ances- the two communities. While many Jewish schol- tors of the 12 tribes of Israel. Although the older sis- ars consider the NewTestament as a kind of ter Leah is portrayed as the less attractive and less midrash or meditative reading of the Hebrew scrip- beloved of her husband, her descendants nonethe- tures which produces meanings beyond the lit- less included the dynastic house of priests through eral one, Christian lectionary schemes have always her son Levi and the dynastic Davidic royal house implied that the full meaning of the law and the through Judah. Jewish and Christian commenta- prophets is found in the reading given to them tors focus on various dimensions of Leah’s story. by Jesus. The most recent reform of Catholic and Jewish commentators often focused on the physi- Protestant lectionaries maintains this lectionary cal description of Leah in Gen. 29.17. Leah is not scheme. DENNIS D. MCMANUS mentioned in the NewTestament, but in patris- Leon of Modena (1571–1648) tic and medieval writings she is considered a type Venetian Jewish scholar. As orator, rabbi and poet, of the active life as against Rachel’s contempla- Leon was a profound interpreter of Judaism to tive life (e.g. Augustine, Contra Faustum), anal- the Christian world, where he was in demand as ogous to the depiction of Mary and Martha in a consultant on Jewish learning. Analogically to the New Testament.Other Christian interpretations the anti-papal struggle of the Republic of Venice, reflect supersessionism: with her weak eyes, Leah Leon challenged rabbinic authority, attacking the

259 Leontius of Neapolis

Talmud and the whole legal canon; he remained, status, and the conduct of the individual is seen as however, a respected member of the rabbinate. superseding religious dogma. Usually attributed to him, Kol Sakhal (first pub- STEPHEN NICHOLLS lished in 1852) argues against traditionalism. Other Leuenberg Church Fellowship decisive polemics include AriNohem (1840), an The Leuenberg Church Fellowship consists of the attack upon the reliability of the Kabbalah (see Reformation Churches in Europe. In 2001 it pub- mysticism), which he blames for its alleged com- lished a document entitled Church and Israel, patibility with Christian Trinitarianism. He also which marks the first joint theological contribution argues in Magen ve-Herev against what he sees on Judaism of the Reformation Churches in Europe as the scriptural and dogmatic inconsistencies of sincetheReformationanddemonstratesthat,while Christian teaching. PETR FRYSˇ its effects remain unclear, a fundamental shift has Leontius of Neapolis (mid-seventh century) occurred in recent Christian theological thinking Churchman, hagiographer and controversialist. about Judaism. The document discusses the rela- Perhaps the most important witness to the spirit tionship between the Churches and the Jewish peo- of open religious competition between Jews, Chris- ple and stresses the importance of education and tians of all stripes and others (e.g. Samaritans and dialogue.Itwas approved by the Leuenberg Church Manichees) that occurred after the early Islamic Fellowship General Assembly, which requested the conquests in the Middle East, he was bishop of Churches to ‘receive the results of the doctrinal Neapolis (near modern Limassol) in Cyprus, and conversations and to take them into account in possibly attended the Lateran Synod of 649 that Christian/Jewish dialogue and in their own work condemned the doctrine that Christ had only one on the issue’. (divine) will (monothelitism); he is mainly known Church and Israel illustrates that the histori- as a hagiographer. Fragments (preserved in collec- cal change in attitudes towards Judaism within tions of citations by defenders of icon-veneration in Roman Catholicism has also taken place in many the next century) survive of an Address to the Jews, of the Protestant Churches. The document demon- in which Leontius responds to Jewish accusations stratesaradicaltransformation,includingacknowl- that Christian veneration of icons, relics and the edgement of the Christian contribution to anti- cross amount to idolatry, and also to criticisms of semitism and ‘the failures of the churches’ which Christian Trinitarianism (see Trinity). His response werearesult of ‘wrong interpretations of texts takes such accusations seriously and responds on from the Bible and the terrible theological errors to the basis of passages from the Torah.Itisnot which they led’. It stresses the ‘indissoluble bond’ clear from the fragments whether Leontius was between God and the Jewish people and states that responding to written texts or to Jews he had him- Christian dialogue with Judaism is ‘an indispens- self encountered, though there is other evidence of able necessity’. Church and Israel calls for Christian actual disputations between Christians and Jews in support of both Israel and the Palestinian peo- this period. ANDREW LOUTH ple and states that the Churches should coun- Lessing, Gotthold Ephraim (1729–81) teract any Christian tendencies to denigrate the Dramatist, critic, philosopher and a leading figure Zionist movement. The document concludes with of the Enlightenment who advocated tolerance, a series of recommendations on pursuing Jewish– spiritual freedom and a cosmopolitan attitude of Christian dialogue in the parishes and educat- mind towards all social, religious and ethnic groups, ing parishioners about the right relationship with including Jews. This revolutionary viewpoint is Judaism. Educational programmes should include expressed in his early play The Jews (1749), which studies of Jewish interpretation of scripture and focuses on Jews’ marginal position in society. The exchange programmes with Jewish educational theme of universal tolerance comes to fruition in institutes. EDWARD KESSLER his late play Nathan the Wise (1779), the title char- Liberal Judaism see Progressive Judaism acter being based on his close friend and fellow Liberalism philosopher Moses Mendelssohn, which deals with The emergence of liberalism as a social and politi- Christianity, Judaism and Islam. All are given equal cal ideology through the English Revolution of the

260 Liberation theology

1640s and the American and French Revolutions in retained some connections. It also found consid- the eighteenth century had a considerable impact erable support in Latin America. It had a pres- on Jewish–Christian relations. Christianity, Roman ence in North America but less political influ- Catholicism in particular, came to view liberal ence than in Europe. Vatican II’s Declaration on ideology as representing a fundamental threat to its Religious Liberty severely undercut the basis for dominance over public life and morals in Europe, an antisemitism based on opposition to liberal- especially in countries with substantial Catholic ism, even though it still surfaces from time to populations such as Germany, France, Poland and time within the Churches. Austria. In Italy liberalism was perceived by the JOHN T. PAWLIKOWSKI Vatican as undermining the very existence of the Liberation theology Papal States as a political entity. As a result popes Liberation theology combines the insights of took a strong stand against its ‘pernicious’ influ- Marxist social criticism with (primarily) Christian ence, labelling liberalism’s fundamental notions belief and practice and argues that Christians of freedom of conscience and human rights as are required to take an active role in eradicating totally unacceptable. In an 1832 encyclical Pope exploitation, discrimination and oppression. Lead- Gregory XVI denounced supporters of liberalism, ing liberation theologians, many of whom live in and in the 1864 ‘Syllabus of Errors’ Pope Pius IX the Third World, notably South America,empha- condemned liberalism as an ‘absurd principle’, sise the importance of the OldTestament, and par- especially its notion that the state should treat ticularly the biblical account of the Israelites as an all religions in equal fashion. In North America oppressed people. The exodus story, an account liberalism advocated the separation of Church of freedom after slavery, is often mentioned as an and state, but did not generally assume the anti- inspiration for their writing – see, for example, A religious stance it took on in Europe. Jews often Theology of Liberation (1973), one of the first writ- took a more positive view of liberalism as a gate- ings of this type, by the Peruvian priest Gustavo way to enhanced equality in terms of basic cit- Gutierrez (b. 1928). Although Christian liberation izenship in those areas such as the Papal States theologians stress the significance of the Hebrew where they had been denied such equality. The Bible, some Jewish and Christian scholars involved significant embrace of liberalism within the Euro- in the study and teaching of Jewish–Christian rela- pean Jewish community led many in the Christian tions, such as John Pawlikowski (b. 1940) and Churches to identify Jews with this despised lib- Norman Solomon (b. 1933), have expressed con- eral tradition. As a result, in the latter part of the cern about some stereotypical assumptions (such nineteenth and the first half of the twentieth cen- as Law versus Grace), which lie behind their writ- tury Jewish involvement with liberalism and, as it ings. Leading liberation theologians such as Jon became known, freemasonry, constituted a potent Sobrino (b. 1938) from El Salvador and Leonardo new source of antisemitism. Freemasonry, which Boff (b. 1938) from Brazil have been criticised for originated in eighteenth-century English Deism, their ignorance of Judaism, for reinforcing the tradi- became associated with liberalism in the writings tional ‘teaching of contempt’ found in the Adversus of such anti-liberal figures as Edouard Drumont Judaeos literature and for espousing a form of (1844–1917) and Gougenot de Mousseaux (1805– replacement theology.According to Christian lib- 76), who spoke of a supposed ‘Judaeo-Masonic eration theology, Jesus is pre-eminently a liberator, plot’ whereby Jews and their secularist companions calling the people back to true worship of God. On sought to destroy Christian hegemony in Europe. the other hand some Jewish writers see liberation This new form of antisemitism became especially theology as a means for Jews and Christians to set prominent in France and Poland, and played a sig- aside previous Christological barriers to interfaith nificant role in shaping Christian attitudes towards dialogue and concentrate on a shared prophetic Jews and Judaism during the Holocaust, coming to vision. Instead of rejecting Jesus as a blasphe- rival the older Christian expression of antisemitism mous heretic, the emphasis of liberation theology rooted in interpretations of the Gospels and the has enabled Jewish liberation theologians such as teachings of the Church Fathers, with which it DanCohn-Sherbok (b. 1945) to see in their lives a

261 Life

reflection of the prophetic ideals of Israel. Libera- Both Judaism and Christianity also teach that tiontheologyisnotableforitssupportofPalestinian human life is both temporal and eternal, but each Christians and its criticism of the State of Israel. tradition has its own emphasis. While traditional Well-known Palestinian liberation theologians Judaism affirms belief in an afterlife,itstresses include Anglican scholar Naim Ateek (b. 1937). A life in this world, the sanctity of time, and the handfulofradicalJewishthinkers,suchasMarcEllis eternal in the temporal (particularly in the form (b. 1952), have offered their own understanding of of the Sabbath)rather than the eternal beyond aJewish liberation theology, but Ellis’s vehement time. Many modern Jews even emphasise the tem- condemnation of Zionism has ensured that his poral at the expense of the eternal. Christianity views are rejected by the vast majority of the Jewish affirms the goodness of life in this world, but it community. EDWARD KESSLER emphasises eternal life, which, though beginning in Life time, is fulfilled only beyond time. Many Christian Judaism and Christianity both are life-affirming spiritual writers have even revealed a heaven-bent religions, based on the belief that life is a sacred eagerness to be done with the temporal life. As a gift from God and that it is our supreme duty and result of contemporary Jewish–Christian relations, privilege to cherish and cultivate this gift. God has many Christians have grown in their apprecia- created us with the ability to choose between life tion of the holiness of temporal life, while many and death, and we are commanded to ‘choose Jews have recovered interest in eternal life beyond life’ (Deut. 30.19). All life is created by God and time. JOHN C. MERKLE therefore worthy of reverence, especially human Lilith life, which embodies ‘the image of God’ (Gen. Meaning ‘wind’ or ‘demon of the night’, Lilith is the 1.27). Therefore, according to the Talmud, all the feminine demon of Babylonian origin, mentioned laws of the Torah except three – the prohibitions only once in the Bible in an oracle against Edom against idolatry, murder and sexual crimes like (Isa. 34.14). Contemporary interpretations of the incest and rape – must be set aside if keeping Lilith myth have been most prominent within the them would prove life-threatening. Christian the- field of feminist studies. Jewish and Christian femi- ologians often claim that earthly human life must nists have rehabilitated the negative image that was be preserved except at the cost of turning away portrayed of her within their religions. from eternal life. For both Judaism and Christian- Lilith’s origins lie in a Sumerian storm demon ity, then, human life is of infinite value, but is not an (c.3000 BCE) which by biblical times had taken absolute value demanding the sacrifice of all other on the characteristics of the Babylonian demon values. Lamashtu. In Jewish and Islamic traditions she is According to both Jewish and Christian teach- Adam’s first wife, created before Eve.Jewish tra- ings human life is both physical and spiritual. But dition also says that she is a danger to pregnant Jews more than Christians have emphasised the women and tries to kill all newborn babies; in unity of the physical and spiritual dimensions of kabbalistic literature she symbolises lust, sexual life. The celebration of the sacred significance of desire and temptation. The most eloquent expres- the physical is deeply ingrained in Jewish reli- sion of the myth appears in The Alphabet of Ben gious practice, while Christian spirituality (despite Sira (c. ninth century CE), where God creates her the doctrine of the Incarnation) often manifests on the same day as Adam and of the same material. an ambivalence towards earthly life. Indeed, there Here she is equal to him and rejects his patriarchal are holistic forms of Christian spirituality, but dominance. She quarrels with him and escapes by the bifurcation of the spiritual and the physi- flying over the Red Sea into the desert. Jewish fem- cal has been more characteristic of Christianity inists have redeemed and reclaimed Lilith by cre- than of Judaism. One of the outcomes of contem- ating a new midrash where she is cast as a strong porary Jewish–Christian encounter, as acknowl- woman who prefers to be banished from the garden edged by numerous Christians, is a newfound rather than submit to Adam’s dominance (Judith Christian appreciation of the sanctity of physical Plaskow). Adam’s efforts to keep his second wife life. Evefrom Lilith’s influence by building high walls

262 Literature, American

around the garden are futile when eventually Eve down the centuries, not least on women and climbs the wall and meets Lilith. The impact of this Jews. JOHN F. A. SAWYER myth beyond the Jewish feminist circle is evident Literature, American in its use by Christian feminists to create their own American literature was from early days influenced midrash and write their own rituals (Carol Christ). by the encounter between Judaism and Christian- Jewish and Christian feminists have used it as an ity. The Puritan founding fathers of the United empowering image of egalitarianism and sister- States saw Jews as the precursors of Christian- hood.As withthe reclamationofothermarginalised ity, and as millennialists they believed them to women in the Bible, their work on Lilith has hold the key to the Second Coming. Writing in often resulted in dialogue and mutual influence 1850 in White-jacket,Herman Melville (1819–91) between Jewish and Christian feminists on biblical observed: ‘We Americans are the peculiar, chosen exegesis. HELEN P. FRY people – the Israel of our time: we bear the Linguistics Ark of the liberties of the world.’ Biblical lan- The interpretation of a sacred text, written many guage allowed Melville to voice a sense of Amer- centuries ago and in a language foreign to the vast ican uniqueness, just as the American Revolution majority of its readers, calls for a variety of lin- gave Jews a language of citizenship. At the same guistic strategies beginning with translation in the time as American Jewish immigrant writers were ancient world and culminating in modern scientific keen to become more fully American – Harvard’s linguistics. The origin of the scientific study of the first Jewish Faculty member, Judah Monis (1683– Hebrew language can be traced back to the work 1764) was founder of Jewish American litera- of the medieval Hebrew grammarians who, adapt- ture but converted to Christianity – the Christian ing Arab methods, produced the first Hebrew gram- Pilgrims dreamed of being Jews, or at least ancient mars and dictionaries. Christian scholars, never as Hebrews arriving in the Promised Land. This pro- committed to the study of the Hebrew original as vides the context for Benjamin Franklin (1706– their Jewish counterparts, did not seriously engage 90) to propose an image of the Israelites cross- with Hebrew linguistics until the sixteenth century ing the Red Sea for the original seal of the United (see Hebraists, Christian). Thereafter the domi- States. nance of comparative philology for 300 years led to A key poet of the nineteenth century was Emma widespread and erroneous ‘etymologising’ descrip- Lazarus (1849–87), an admirer of both Heinrich tions of Hebrew meaning (e.g. hoshia ‘to save’ from Heine, whose work she translated, and of George Arabic awsa’a ‘to give room to’). Another conse- Eliot. Alerted by the pogroms to the repeated plight quence of the over-reliance on comparative Semitic of immigrant Jews, she argues that Jews are the most philology was that Christian scholars neglected evident manifestation of such truth as American the Jewish sources, despite the fact that rabbinic, Christianity contains. However, for other contem- medieval and modern Hebrew is closer in various porary Jewish authors a sense of loss, emptiness obvious respects to biblical Hebrew than Arabic, and alienation dominates (not least linguistically). Akkadian and Ugaritic. The modern application of For example, in Lithuanian immigrant Abraham more sophisticated linguistic theory, which inci- Cahan’s (1860–1951) Yekl: A Tale of the New York dentally owes not a little to the work of missionar- Ghetto (1896) and The Rise of David Levinsky ies working on Bible translation, shifts the empha- (1917) the leading characters’ attempts to become sis away from historical linguistics towards subtler fully Americanised prove intolerably frustrating. synchronic descriptions of the meaning of words But assimilationist narratives can also indicate the and phrases in the social and political contexts in advantages of Jewish experience. Drawing on the which they are actually used, and for this Eliezer tradition of Jewish socialism, Theresa Malkiel’s (arr. Ben-Yehudah’s Complete Dictionary of Ancient and USA, 1890) Diary of a Shirtwaist Striker (1910) finds Modern Hebrew (1908–59) often comes into its Christian narrator Mary identifying with her Jewish own. Finally, the application of socio-linguistics co-workers as their courage during the 1912 labour and pragmatics has thrown light on the way peo- strike alerts her to the realities of class and gender ple use language and the effect it has had on others prejudice.

263 Literature, American

Reacting to the linguistic environment, Henry ers Elza, a survivor whose sense of fragmentation James (1843–1916) denounced East Side cafes´ drives her to suicide. As a child, in order to survive as ‘torture chambers of the living idiom’ (The theHolocaust,shehashadtoimpersonateaRoman American Scene, 1904). His reactions can be com- Catholic.Subsequentlysheabsorbsandisabsorbed pared fruitfully with those of Ezra Pound (1885– by the Roman Catholic reading that attributes 1972), Mark Twain (1835–1910), F. Scott Fitzgerald blame to the Jews. She finds that her adoptive (1896–1940), Edith Wharton (1862–1937), Willa American identity leaves her feeling empty. Only Cather (1873–1947) and philosemitic poet John inhabiting a Jewish identity could have saved her. Berryman (1914–72), whose essay ‘The Imaginary Art Spiegelman’s (b. 1948) Maus (1986) explores Jew’(1945) is a key work. Accused violently of being a similar predicament, but having pretended to aJew by a drunken Irishman in Central Park, be Roman Catholic, once in America Artie’s father the author eventually decides that, bearing those becomes anti-Black. This chimes with James Bald- characteristics that apparently define Jewishness, win’s (1924–87) idea that the Negro condemns the he is one after all. He succeeds in accommodating Jewifhebecomes a white man. Lore Segal’s (b. an imaginary Jewish self in a way that T. S. Eliot 1928) HerFirst American (1985) also challenges (1888–1965) and Pound, locked in phobias, notably the advantages of assimilation, where Vienna-born fail to do. Ilka Weissnix (‘I know nothing/I know whiteness’) Jewish writers whose first language was Yiddish perceives African American Carter Bayoux as a include Henry Roth (1906–95), Bernard Malamud ‘real American’. Christian prejudices are satirised, (1914–86), Saul Bellow (1915–2005), Delmore while differing experiences of victimisation are Schwartz (1913–66), Nobel prizewinner Isaac juxtaposed. Bashevis Singer (1893–1944), Isaac Rosenfeld By 1953 Nobel prizewinner Saul Bellow had given (1918–56), Grace Paley (b. 1922) and Cynthia Ozick the Jewish voice the authority to speak for an (b. 1928). Their multilingual ‘literary’ idiom prob- integrated America. Early in his career he and lematises the encounter with the Christian world. Isaac Rosenfeld had written a Yiddish parody of Henry Roth described the Statue of Liberty wear- T. S. Eliot. In Henderson the Rain King (1959) a ing ‘spikes of darkness’ and holding her lamp like stereotypical Protestant visits mythic Africa. The a ‘black cross against flawless light’. His 1934 novel text resonates with the ‘laughter and trembling’ that Call it Sleep,inwhich he defines a relation between Bellow finds typifies Jewish literature. Replacing Easter and Passover, explores the evolving iden- Kierkegaard’s ‘fear’ with Jewish ‘laughter’, Bellow tity of the hero who is torn between the Yiddish- defines both a distance from and a closeness to speaking immigrant world and the broader secular Christian culture. Grace Paley’s story ‘The Loudest one and ends up physically paralysed. Voice’ (Little Disturbances of Man (1959)) does the Many Jewish writers expressed solidarity with same. A school’s attempt to integrate the children African Americans to emphasise the failure of Euro- of immigrants through acting in a Nativity play that peanChristianstosavethemfromtheNazis.In1942 incorporates the crucifixion is thwarted as actor Karl Shapiro (b. 1913) wrote, ‘to hurt the Negro and Albie Stock escapes his captors and introduces a avoid the Jew / is the curriculum’. Those question- humane, vaudeville ending. At home the narrator ing American WASP culture from this perspective kneels to recite the Shema, confident that she will include Muriel Rukeyser (1913–80), Nathanael West be heard. (1903–40), Norman Mailer (b. 1923), Arthur Miller Bernard Malamud’s The Jewbird further com- (1915–2005), Tillie Olsen (b. 1913), E. L. Doctorow plicates the Christian–Jewish encounter when he (b. 1931), Philip Levine (b. 1928) and Allen Gins- Judaises Poe’s (1809–49) The Raven in an explo- berg (1926–97). Equally committed to the political, ration of Jewish self-hatred and the legacy of Adrienne Rich (b. 1929) describes herself (1960) as the Holocaust. The Assistant (1957) draws on his ‘Split at the root, neither Gentile nor Jew./Yankee own intermarriage in portraying the relationship nor Rebel’. Marxist, lesbian, patrilineal Jew, she between an Italian crook and the daughter of a succeeds in finding a unique voice clearly distin- Brooklyn Jewish grocer. Human love reveals sim- guished from the WASP. So too does Irena Klepfisz ilarities between the religions. For Isaac Bashevis (b. 1941). In her poem ‘Bashert’ (1982) she consid- Singer human love is as beguiling as both the lost

264 Literature, English

world of Warsaw and the new American world. Ene- as the Christ-killer or demonic abuser of inno- mies, A Love Story (1960) sees him exploiting the cents who is ultimately trumped by Christian virtue Christian notions of Hell and Purgatory and intro- (or guile): Geoffrey Chaucer’s (c.1342/3–1400) The ducing a Righteous Gentile who embraces both Prioress’s Tale (written in the aftermath of the Black Judaism and the hero dazzlingly to relate past to Death)recounts the story of a boy murdered by present and future. Philip Roth (b. 1933) compli- ‘cursed Jews’ who are punished cruelly follow- cates the social scene when in The Human Stain ing Mary’s miraculous intervention. References to (2000) he shows that the attempt at tolerance can ghettos and Hugh of Lincoln notwithstanding, the provoke violence. In The Counterlife the rite of cir- tale is opaque as a ‘window’ onto contemporary cumcision permits a discussion of Christian fan- realities: the Jews, like the Prioress, are ciphers tasies and the resulting dangers to Jews. within a narrative of broader didactic intent. But Facing a crisis of identity in Allegra Goodman’s given fourteenth-century England’s ideologically (b. 1967) Paradise Park (2001), Sharon Spiegelman Jew-free status, such literature was significant in looks for a diverse spiritual community. Quoting the construction of Jews and Judaism in national Augustine as an epigraph, her quest interrogates culture and consciousness. both the Christian idea of pilgrimage and ‘the The constructive influence of one text upon oth- chosen people stuff’. Richly layered rather than ers can be clearly traced in relation to Renais- painfullyfragmentedidentityisthesubjectofVictor sance drama. Shakespeare’s Merchant of Venice Perera’s (1934–2003) autobiographical The Cross (1596/7), part of a larger body of contemporary and the Pear Tree: A Sephardic Journey (1995). Sus- ‘flesh-bond’ dramas (including Christopher Mar- pecting a Roman Catholic priest of being a relative, lowe’s (1564–93) The Jew of Malta (1589?)) provides Perera pretends to be a Christian. The Converso a point of departure for many subsequent fictional past of his Sephardi ancestors becomes a cru- treatments of Jews in England and still appears reg- cial part of his Jewish present. Equally concerned ularly on school examination syllabuses. On the with what he calls ‘core-core culture confronta- one hand the avaricious Shylock appears as a dia- tion’, Chaim Potok’s (b. 1929) My Name is Asher bolic figure, eventually defeated by an alliance of Lev (1972) addresses the problem of the Second Church and state.His literary heirs include the Commandment.AsherLevpaintshisBrooklynCru- grotesque and avaricious Jew in Daniel Defoe’s cifixions not to be transgressive, but because the (1660–1731) Roxana; the Fortunate Mistress (1724; image mediates most fully his own and his mother’s interestingly, the novel’s eponymous heroine is a suffering. Huguenot) and more significantly Fagin, the vil- Aryeh Lev Stollman (b. 1954) takes enormous lain who fails to corrupt the eponymous hero of risks in choosing to universalise a Holocaust nar- Dickens’s Oliver Twist (1837). Conversely, Shylock’s rative in The Far Euphrates (1997). Signifying those daughter Jessica, who undergoes voluntary conver- marginalised by Western society, a homosexual sion to Christianity,is locatable within a tradition of and a transsexual occupy the centre of this novel. more positive (albeit supersessionist)treatments ‘Elchanan, son of David, has chosen to live what is of Jewish women. As their titles evidence, many left of his life after the devastation of the camps such conversion narratives are revealing generally as a woman and, even more significantly, as a of English (usually Protestant) perceptions of Jews Christian.’ Stollman allows this character to sur- and Judaism. Examples include Amelia Bristow’s vive death as a Shekinah (God’s presence) who (1783–1850) Emma de Lissau: A Narrative of Striking becomes analogous to the ‘Holy Ghost’. Unable to Vicissitudes and Peculiar Trials; With Notes, Illus- procreate, this ghostly character can still generate trative of the Manners and Customs of the Jews figuratively – and Jewishly – by endlessly raising (1828). questions. Stollman’s work demonstrates that the Forcritic Harold Fisch (1923–2001) the ambiva- Jewish–Christian encounter continues to play a role lent treatment of Jews was not distinctively Shake- in American literature. JANE LIDDELL-KING spearean, but a general trend in English literature, Literature, English rooted theologically in Christian notions of Jews as Medieval English texts largely depend on popu- at once a deicide nation and a people privileged as lar piety and folklore for their image of ‘the Jew’ the historic bearers of divine promises (The Dual

265 Literature, English

Image, 1959). Recent critics have attributed a less building nation. Other writers aimed primarily at determinative role to theology, emphasising such the Anglo-Jewish reader. Grace Aguilar’s (1816–47) factors as the rise of scientific discourse (Goldie The Vale of Cedars; or, The Martyr (1850) addressed Morgentaler, Dickens and Heredity, 2000), the myth the evangelical belief that Jewish women (follow- of English national identity (Michael Ragussis, Fig- ing The Merchant’s Jessica) were more readily con- ures of Conversion, 1995; Bryan Cheyette, Con- verted than men, by attributing the survival of structions of ‘the Jew’ in English Literature and Jewish culture in Spain to their ‘martyr strength’. Society, 1993) and a psychologically motivated need Amy Levy (1861–89) tackled conversion to differ- for male authors to inscribe their gender anx- ent ends: Reuben Sachs (1888) ridicules Christian iety and conflicted feelings for women (Andrea conversion to Judaism and associates it with ide- Freud Loewenstein, Loathsome Jews and Engulfing alised images of Jewish life in Daniel Deronda.At Women, 1993). These latter factors are a reminder the same time the novel’s New Testament allu- that the categories ‘Jew’ and ‘Christian’ do not sig- sions and imagery hint at Levy’s participation in nify religious ‘difference’ alone; nor are all texts the surrounding Christian culture. Whilst the acer- with Jewish (or Christian) authors, characters or bicism of Reuben Sachs was not widely popu- readers of equal significance for Jewish–Christian lar, the gentler wit of Levy’s contemporary, Israel relations. Zangwill (1864–1926), was favourably received. A The nineteenth century saw the development plea for Jewish–Christian amity is an important of a mass reading public and ever more com- theme in several of Zangwill’s stories. ‘The Model plex engagements with Jewish–Christian relations. of Sorrows’ (Ghetto Comedies, 1907) describes how In response to criticism of Fagin, Dickens created a Christian artist’s portrait of Christ is changed by the kindly Riah in OurMutual Friend (1864) as a his experience of working with a Jewish life-model, vehicle for discussion of the ways in which ‘it is whilst in ‘A Tragi-Comedy of Creeds’ (The King of not, in Christian countries, with the Jews as with Schnorrers, 1894) a rabbi finds himself administer- other peoples’. However, from a literary perspec- ing ‘last rites’ to a Protestant. A more problematis- tive Riah is an unsatisfactory creation, more sym- ing account of Orthodox Judaism’s fate is offered bolic than human. Anthony Trollope’s (1815–82) in Children of the Ghetto (1892). However, even Nina Balatka (1867) is set in a fictionalised Prague, here, it is suggested that the estrangement of those but anticipates the difficulties its author perceived Jews who opt for atheism or Christianity is not in the integration of Jewish immigrants to England permanent. (‘Nina Balatka was . . . a Christian – but she loved In the earlier part of the twentieth century aJew’). Although best remembered for its proto- racial representations of Jews are to the fore, with Zionism,George Eliot’s Daniel Deronda (1874–7) the result that many literary texts may be more satirised the London Society for Promoting Chris- accurately described as depicting Jewish/non- tianity amongst the Jews (now the Church’s Min- Jewish, rather than Jewish–Christian, relations. istry among Jewish People (CMJ)) and, developing Thus several recently revived works by Jewish atrend seen earlier in Walter Scott’s (1771–1832) authors (examples include Leonard Woolf’s (1880– Ivanhoe (1819), reversed the ideology of conver- 1969) The Wise Virgins (1914) and Betty Miller’s sioninitsaccountofChristianGwendolenHarleth’s (1910–65) Farewell Leicester Square (1941)) jux- moral education by Jewish Deronda. However, this tapose the experience of antisemitism with the novel, too, is shot through with tensions, at once English sense of class, rather than any theologi- both distinguishing ‘Jews’ and ‘Englishmen’ and cally driven prejudices. Jewish characters appear arguing for their affinity. as negative foils to the Christian orthodoxy cham- It was in the mid-nineteenth century that litera- pioned by Roman Catholic author G. K. Chester- ture by Jewish authors first achieved popularity in ton (1874–1936) (see, for example, The Ball and England. Benjamin Disraeli’s fiction, written after the Cross (1910)), but he, too, drew extensively on his conversion to Christianity, offered portraits of the vocabulary of ‘race’ that was commonplace Jews (most obviously Sidonia in Coningsby (1844)) in English society at the time. Against the deter- whose character traits the author believed could ministic impulses of its times, James Joyce’s (1882– help to revivify England’s mission as an empire- 1941) Ulysses (1922) – sometimes described as the

266 Literature, German

novel of the century – offers a fluid picture of Jew- During the medieval and pre-Enlightenment ish identity in the figure of Leopold Bloom. Bloom, period literary accounts of Jews took the form either who is partly symbolic of his creator’s ambivalence of tirades against their religion and way of life, as towards Christianity, is a kind of alienated Every- with Martin Luther’s two venomous anti-Jewish man. The wandering son of an Irish Catholic and leaflets in 1542 and 1543, or of personal records, aHungarian Jew who converted to Christianity, he as with the detailed autobiography in German- is haunted by half-remembered Hebrew phrases, Jewish of Gluckel¨ of Hameln (1646–1724) who trav- and carries Zionist literature in his journey around elled extensively in Germany. During the Enlight- Dublin. enment Lessing was the first to plead for tolerance Jewish identity persists as a not insignificant and understanding in his plays The Jews (1749) theme in postwar English literature, especially in and Nathan the Wise (1779). Nathan is based on relation to the Holocaust and antisemitism. How- Lessing’s Jewish friend Moses Mendelssohn, who ever, authors have tended to present events not in encouraged Christian Wilhelm von Dohm (1751– terms of Jewish–Christian relations, but as ques- 1820), a Prussian civil servant, to write his trea- tions of Jewish–German relations, or as examples tise On the Civil Amelioration of the Jews (1781–3), of wider questions relating to memory and iden- in which he advocated the state lifting the restric- tity. Thus Stevie Davies’s (b. 1946) The Element of tions on its Jewish residents, while urging them to Water (2001) confronts fascism and antisemitism follow more respectable professions and assimi- withtheintentionofdrawingcomparisonsbetween late. Wilhelm von Humboldt (1767–1835), the min- the largely secularised imperialisms of England and ister of education in the new Prussia, advocated Germany;inNorman Lebrecht’s (b. 1948) The Song immediate emancipation in his On the Frame- of Names (2002) Christian anti-Judaism is a device work for a New Constitution for the Jews (1809). A usedtocreateunflatteringimagesoftheinadequate selection of letters (published 1834) by the Jewish- amongst the northern English middle classes, but born Berlin salon hostess Rahel Varnhagen (1771– the novel is primarily an exploration of the shifting 1833) reflects the intellectual atmosphere between relationship between two Jewish men. Similarly,the Jews and Gentiles during the period of reform prejudice encountered in London and Palestine by in Prussia. the protagonist of Linda Grant’s (b. 1951) When I In his essay The Spirit of Hebrew Poetry (1782) LivedinModern Times (2001) has discernibly Chris- Johann Gottfried von Herder (1744–1803) defended tian roots, but the book’s attentions are focussed the poetic language of the OldTestament but was instead on the determination of Evelyn and other more critical of modern Jews; if he abhorred what postwar immigrants to be ‘modern’. Throughout he saw as their parasitic practices in the econ- David Peace’s (b. 1967) GB84 (2004) manipulative omy, he hoped emancipation would improve their millionaire Stephen Sweet is referred to as ‘the Jew’. morality. Friedrich Schiller’s (1759–1805) essay The This intentionally disturbing allusion to older liter- Mission of Moses (1790) compared Jews to pariahs, ary stereotypes brings us full circle to the language and G. W. F. Hegel is also highly critical of Judaism of Chaucer, but is not explicitly linked by Peace to in his early theological writings (published 1907). Christian–Jewish relations. MELANIE J. WRIGHT The philosophers Ludwig Feuerbach (1804–72) and Literature, German Immanuel Kant, who disliked Lessing’sJewish hero, Since the early medieval period the recurrent neg- also expressed their distaste and distrust of Jews ative figure of the marginalised Jew, often the focal in their works and letters. Johann Wolfgang von point of controversy on the political landscape of Goethe (1749–1832), whose poetry was consider- greater Germany, has attracted much attention ably influenced by the Old Testament, praised the in German fiction and political literature. Seen as qualities of leading Jewish figures of his time, yet areligious deviant accused of deicide, who for opposed Jewish emancipation, a view he expresses centuries dressed and spoke differently and was in his Bildungsroman Wilhelm Meister’sYears of always engaged in seemingly dubious practices, Travel (1821–9). In 1815, three years after the Tol- few writers regarded the Jew in a positive light. At eration Edict for Prussian Jews, the brothers Jacob best they were ambivalent, if not critical, at worst and Wilhelm Grimm (1785–1863; 1786–1859) pub- hateful. lished the second volume of their Children’s and

267 Literature, German

Household Tales, which included ‘The Jew in the acters suffer a sense of dislocation. Others, such Thorns’ (originally written as a rhymed theatre as Theodor Lessing (1872–1933) from Hanover, a piece in 1599). As the cruel title suggests, the Jew fierce exponent of Jewish self-hatred, travelled to is seen as the scourge of Christendom, whose lac- Poland to observe and write about the Ostjuden. eration and hanging is justification for his appar- Yet none of these authors displays the nightmarish ent exploitative treatment of humankind. The Jew quality of the world of Franz Kafka (1883–1924), in in Georg Buchner’s¨ (1813–37) revolutionary social which man doggedly struggles to gain a foothold drama Woyzeck (1836) fulfils a lethal role – it is in a society that is always just beyond his reach he who sells with relish the murder weapon. The and which may be viewed as an outworking of Jewish-bornfeaturejournalistLudwigBorne(1786–¨ Kafka’s double alienation – from both (as a Jew) 1837), who converted to Christianity, was an early the predominantly Christian German community protagonist of liberalism who advocated emanci- in Prague, and (as an intellectual) from the tra- pation, while the poet and essayist Heine, who also ditions of Judaism. In most of his works Thomas converted, and the revolutionary political scientist Mann (1875–1955) reveals an ambivalent, if not Karl Marx (1818–83) were bitter critics of both Jew negative,attitudetowardshiswiderangeoffictional and Gentile. Jewish characters, even in his post-Holocaust novel In themid-nineteenth-centurynovelsofWilhelm Dr Faustus; whether as philosophers, musicians, Raabe (1831–1910) and Gustav Freytag (1816–95) writers or entrepreneurs, their activities are seen the honest Christian was pitted against the cun- as counterproductive. Only in his Joseph tetralogy ning male Jew, while Jewish women, who were not does Mann extol the virtues of Jewish creativity regarded as economic rivals, were exotic attrac- flourishing in exile under the Pharaohs – his idea tions. Theodor Fontane’s (1819–98) portraits of of Jewishness is no longer perceived as something Jewish personalities in his late nineteenth-century alien. novels about the declining Prussian nobility are Since 1945 some German authors continue to far less acerbic than those in Freytag’s Debit and view Jews in a negative light. In Gunter¨ Grass’s Credit and Raabe’s The Hungry Pastor, but domi- (b. 1927) The Tin Drum (1954) Sigismund Markus, nant Jewish influence on the cultural and political the toyshop owner, is an unattractive single male life of Germany greatly vexed him (in 1881 he stated hankering after a German woman and leading a in a letter that ‘the German spirit is infinitely supe- worthless existence. In Hans Scholz’s (1911–88) On riortotheJewishone’).Althoughthecentralcharac- the Green Beach of the Spree (1955) Jews are cruel ter in the play Social Aristocrats (1896) by Arno Holz and repulsive, in Alfred Andersch’s (1914–80) The (1863–1929) is a Christian journalist, his language Red Woman (1960) the Italian jeweller is an unsym- is akin to the Jewish idiom. pathetic Jew who buys Franziska’s ring at a knock- If nineteenth-century Christian writers viewed down price, while in Efraim (1967) Andersch’s the Jew as the perpetual and untrustworthy out- eponymous Jewish hero is the author’s unconvinc- sider, twentieth-century Jewish writers like Arthur ing spokesman, an atheist who claims there is no Schnitzler (1862–1931) and Stefan Zweig (1881– clear explanation for the Holocaust. The most odi- 1942), both Viennese-born, Jakob Wassermann ous postwar image of the Jew is undoubtedly in (1873–1934) from Furth¨ in Franconia and Arnold Rainer Werner Fassbinder’s (1945–82) play Trash, Zweig (1887–1968) from Gross-Glogau in Silesia the City and Death (1975), whose intended stage attempted to analyse in detail the pain and tor- production in Frankfurt-am-Main was blocked ten ment of their social exclusion while praising the years later. Other postwar German authors see fit to enormousJewishcontributiontoEuropeanculture; trivialise the German-Jewish tragedy, or fail to men- both Wassermann and Stefan Zweig wrote poignant tion Jews when writing about the history of their autobiographies. On the other hand, the Viennese- regions, including the former eastern territories, born Karl Kraus(1874–1936) heaped merciless crit- but there are writers who are very conscious of the icism on Jews and liberalism in his newspaper The German destruction of European Jewry. Johannes Torch. The Christian–Jewish world of Joseph Roth Bobrowski (1917–65), a devout Christian from Tilsit, (1894–1939) from Schwabendorf in Eastern Galicia grew up in the multicultural and multiethnic atmo- is destroyed by the Great War, after which his char- sphere of this north-eastern corner of the Reich

268 Literature, modern, Hebrew

on the Lithuanian border; his novels, short stories Vogel’s Marriage Life (1929–30, English: 1988, 1998) and evocative poems depict a lost multinational male Jews are yielding to the power of sexual seduc- world. Horst Bienek (1930–90) hailed from Gleiwitz tion and are seen by the writer as responsible for inUpperSilesia,andhistetralogyissetinthissouth- the suffering they bring on themselves and on their eastern corner of the Reich near the Polish border; Christian partners. he views this thriving Jewish community positively. In his story ‘Circles of Justice’ (1923) Agnon Arno Surminski (b. 1930) is the youngest of these depicts the Orthodox Jew’s complete ignorance authors with a duty to remember the past. His birth- of the theological and ritual world of Chris- place is Jaglack near Rastenburg in East Prussia; if tianity. In contrast, early Christian theology, and his rural Jews are traders or artisans, their urban especially the image of Jesus, was a centre of counterparts are doctors, and all are respected interest for Hebrew writers during the twentieth membersoftheircommunitiesuntiltheirostracism century, together with their criticism of modern in 1933. STEPHEN NICHOLLS antisemitism.Even the influential Bialik, the ‘Poet Literature, modern, Hebrew of Jewish Revival’, included in his poetry mystical Modern literature in the Hebrew language was cre- elements that are common to Christianity and ated in Germany at the turn of the nineteenth to Kabbalah, such as the divine, Madonna-like century by ‘enlightened’ Jews (maskilim) who, not Woman or the Jesus-like poet (‘The Scroll of Fire’, willing to become Christian, strove for a respected 1905). Circa 1913–14 J. C. Brenner wrote, ‘We some- Jewish-European existence. At first, under the influ- times see in the story of Jesus a world tragedy and ence of Romanticism, historical novels and long our heart goes to him, the tortured prophet . . . poems on Jewish biblical themes were the most and sometimes we see in the whole business of common literary genres, where no Christian char- prophecy a ridiculous and comic matter, and in his acters appeared. Romanticism was highly prob- disciples fools who deviated from the way of the lematic, however, because of its clash with tradi- world’.Uri Zvi Greenberg (1894–1981) wrote in 1935 tional Judaism. Under German and later Russian in a foreword to Sadan 1–2, which he edited, ‘the influence modern Hebrew literature absorbed and pain of the pure Christianity – this is the pain of the transformed Christian ideas and motifs, as part of stabbed Judaism. The wound is in our flesh under its European modernity. the skin, not theirs.’ While fiercely attacking con- Christianliterarycharactersappearinprosewrit- temporary Christianity, Greenberg identifies him- ing together with descriptions of social Jewish– self with Jesus in his early Hebrew and Yiddish Christian relations. Persecution of Jews by anti- poetry. Attraction to early Christianity and espe- semitic Christians and the dangerous seduction cially the proposal to ‘broaden the borders’ of mod- of proselytism become dominant themes. At the ern Judaism by seeing Jesus as ‘our brother’ and by turn of the twentieth century Christians appear including the NewTestament in the Jewish canon in realistic characters as part of Jewish–Christian gave rise to stormy polemics. social and economical tensions. In his stories Interest in Jesus and in early Christianity con- M. Y.Berdychevsky (1865–1921) described personal tinued in Hebrew literature in pre-state Israel. Jewish–Christian relations, motivated by uncon- In the 1910s–20s Greenberg, Avraham Shlonsky scious, especially sexual, drives. Love between a (1900–73), Yitshak Lamdan (1899–1954) and Bren- Jew and a Christian became a frequent theme ner mythologised the sufferings of the Zionist in Hebrew literature at the beginning of the pioneers using Christian symbols. Hayyim Hazaz twentieth century (Berdychevsky, H. N. Bialik, (1898–1973), in his ‘Revolution Stories’ cycle (1924– Sh. Tchernikhovsky (1875–1943), U. N. Gnessin 25), portrayed young Jews taking part in the Bol- (1879–1913), Y. Steinberg (1887–1947), S. Y. Agnon shevik revolution in the image of Jesus or of John (1888–1970), D. Vogel(1891–1944) and others). Here the Baptist.InAvigdor Me’iri’s (Foiershtein) (1890– love is tragically frustrated not because of differ- 1970) autobiographical story ‘On Behalf of Jesus ent socio-cultural backgrounds or religious beliefs, the Nazarene’ (1928) a Jewish soldier who was but because of deterministic genetic differences. taken captive by Russian soldiers during the First In Bialik’s Behind the Fence (1910), Berdychevsky’s World War was forced to drink human blood, cru- ‘Without Her’ (1899) and The Two (1912) and in cified and buried alive by a Russian commander.

269 Literature, Russian

Natan Bistritski’s (1896–1980) drama Judas Iscariot this monastery, situated near Jerusalem. He reacts (1930), Aharon Kabak’s (1883–1944) novel Narrow towards Christian asceticism with ambivalent feel- Path: The Man of Nazareth (1936,English 1968) and ings of reverence and horror. This ambivalence Hayyim Hazaz’s unfinished novel on Jesus (1947– is part of Oz’s general attitude to Christianity. In 48) portray the historical Jesus with deep sympa- the 1950s–70s neo-romantic attraction to early and thy, seeing him as the founder of one of the many medieval Christianity appears in the prose writ- sects into which Judaism was split at his time. The ings and poetry of Pinchas Sadeh (1929–94), Yonah purity of Jesus is distinguished from the heathen Wollach (1944–85) and Avot Yeshurun (Perlmut- Christianity of his apostles. The speech of Jesus and ter) (1904–92). For the young Sadeh the search for the other characters is stylised according to post- Christianity, mixed with admiration of Nietzsche biblical Hebrew mixed with Aramaic elements, (1844–1900), was a revolt against Israeli mediocrity thus making Jesus’ sermons an organic part of and an expression of an extreme, almost perverse contemporary Judaism. yearning for spiritual purity and mystical experi- The life and sexual drive of nuns is the focus of ences. In the 1980s–90s Christianity together with interest in K. Y. Silman’s (1880–1937) short story Buddhism and Zen attracts Yoel Hoffman (b. 1943). ‘Pilgrims’ (1929), A. Lifshitz’s (1901–86) story ‘The Binyamin Shvili’s (b. 1956) two novels Kastoria Sister and the Nun’ (written in the 1930s, published (1998) and Down from the Cross (2000) are auto- in 1982) and Shoshana Shababo’s (1910–92) novel biographical poetic accounts of the writer’s spiri- Maria: A Story of a Nun (1932). tual search for his own religious identity.Hecites After the Shoah a new wave of writing on Jewish– the New Testament, together with hasidic sto- Christian relations appears in the work of Green- ries, excerpts from Plato and Sufi poetry. Although berg, Agnon and Aharon Appelfeld (b. 1932). These charmed by Christianity, the narrator never ques- writers present antisemitism as a deterministic law, tions his Jewish identity. demonising the seduction of Christian culture and The growing interest in Christianity in Israeli lit- its cruel disappointment. In his novels Katarina erature at the turn of the twenty-first century can (1989, English 1990) and Railroad (1991) Appelfeld beexplainedbyintellectualcuriosityandemotional warns against sexual attraction of Jews to Christian attraction, almost free from the trauma of Christian women and against the seduction of proselytism antisemitism and from victim psychology. for the sake of social success. Appelfeld’s determin- See also literature, Yiddish istic worldview denies the chances of conciliation HAMUTAL BAR-YOSEF between Jews and non-Jews. Literature, Russian Yigal Mossenzon’s (b. 1917) historical short novel Russia acquired Eastern Christianity through the Judas (1962, English 1963) depicts Christianity as an mediation of Balkan Christians who were touched anti-Roman underground organisation. The writer by Bogumil heresy, believing the OldTestament sympathises with Jesus as well as with the ban- was a devilish book and the Jews agents of Satan. ished Judas Iscariot.Amos Oz’s (b. 1939) short his- Such attitudes penetrated early Russian literature torical novel Unto Death (1971, English 1992) is in spite of the Church, for whom the Old Testa- a diagnosis of the Christian pathological attitude ment was a sacred book forbidden to laymen. Bib- to Jews, depicted on the historical background of lical motifs and plots found their way into early the Crusades.‘My historical account with Christian Russian literature through liturgy, but on the whole Europe is bitter and more frightening than the the early Russian reader knew little of the Bible and quarrel with the Arabs and Islam, which is just viewed it with suspicion; the book at his disposal an episode’, said the writer in 1991. Common to was a selection of popular biblical episodes. How- Mossenzon and Oz is the image of the Jew as a ever, impact from the Jewish aggadah and Talmud warrior who, in terms of bravery and moral val- was felt, mainly in the apocrypha and folklore.An ues, is superior to the Christian soldier. Oz has been eleventh-century sample of Russian literature, The interested in Christianity since his early story ‘The Word on Law and Grace byaKiev Bishop, Ilarion Trappist Monastery’ (1962), where an Israeli soldier, (first half of eleventh century), argued that the New having just experienced death and sacrifice, learns Testament was preferable to the Old. In a popu- about the vow of silence taken by the monks of lar story, The Descent of the Virgin to Hell, the Virgin

270 Literature, Russian

Mary obtains salvation for all sinners in Hell except In the 1880s, following the first wave of pogroms the Jews. after Alexander II’s assassination in 1881, Russian By the late fifteenth century Jewish–Christian philosemitism arose and was given a Christian ecu- relations in Russia worsened: the heresy of the menical meaning by philosopher Soloviev. Leskov Judaisers spreading in Moscow and Novgorod was published a treatise and some stories defending stamped out and was followed by an anti-Jewish the Jews. German racial theories influenced Fyodor campaign. Thereafter the Jews as a whole were Mikhaylovich Dostoevsky (1821–81), while Anton seen as unwanted strangers in Russia. Their mas- Chekhov (1860–1904), who in his youth depicted sive presence in modern Russia was the result Jews with cold unfriendliness, tried to be fair to of Russian occupation of eastern Poland dur- them in his drama Ivanov and especially the story ing the reign of Catherine II (1729–96). Late ‘Rothschild’s Fiddle’ written during the Dreyfus eighteenth- to early nineteenth-century Russian Affair. Leo Tolstoy (1928–1910) abstained from the culture distinguished between the respected bib- argument: such distancing from the problem, com- lical Jews and the detested modern ones. As a poet mon in the coming twentieth century, was dubbed Gavrila Romanovich Derzhavin (1743–1816) trans- ‘asemitism’. lated the Psalms, but as a public servant he accused By 1900 Jewish presence in Russian letters (and the Jewish population of the Pale of Settlement press), art and theatre was noticeable: Russian- of all possible vices. After the 1812 war official Jewish literature appeared. The Jewish question Russia developed mystical inclinations: the Bible polarised society: the newspaper Novoe Vremja Society was allowed into Russia and the Bible was attacked the Jewish role in Russian culture, while for the first time translated into Russian. The idea philosemitic tendencies strengthened at the turn of the return of the Jews to Zion prophesied by of the century in the work of Maxim Gorky the Protestant Judeophile mystic Johann Heinrich (1868–1936), Leonid Nikolayevich Andreev (1871– Jung-Stilling (1740–1817) was appropriated by the 1919), Aleksandr Ivanovich Kuprin (1870–1938), Decembrist revolutionaries, who planned a Jewish Evgenij Nikolaevich Chirikov (1864–1932) and oth- state in Asia Minor. But society remained anti- ers. Jewish themes became popular in the Russian Jewish: in the classic Russian literature that orig- literature and theatre of the 1900s. But some inated in 1820–30 Jews were mostly treated as writers, like Andrey Belyj (pseudonym of Boris enemy spies in spite of their proven loyalty in the Nikolaevich Bugaev (1880–1934)) were irritated at 1812 war. Among steadfast Jewish stereotypes were the massive penetration of the Jews into litera- asmuggler, a traitor, a poisoner, a moneylender ture. The Beilis case in 1913 marked a new stage of and a bar owner who is ruining the local pop- Judeophile activity, with the Religious-Philosophic ulation (Aleksandr Pushkin (1799–1837), Nikolay society excluding Rozanov who had supported the Gogol (1809–52)). Under Western influences the accusation of blood libel against Beilis. During cruel old Jew symbolising the Old Testament was the First World War dozens of writers took part counterbalanced by the young beautiful Jewess in in the effort to help Jewish refugees exiled from love with a Christian and longing for Christianity the Pale. (Mikhail Lermontov (1814–41)). After the of 1917, in view Mid-nineteenth-century depictions sometimes of what many people saw as over-representation merged humane notes with the obligatory nega- of the Jews in the new regime, the shocks and tive feelings (Ivan Turgenev (1818–83)), but the lib- stresses of the period were blamed on the Jews, eral reforms of 1861 were followed by a conservative particularly by less important literary figures. Major reaction, with Jews seen as breeders of dissent and writers, however, such as Ivan Alekseyevich Bunin agents of world anti-Russian conspiracy (Nikolay (1870–1953), Marina Ivanovna Tsvetaeva (1892– Semyonovich Leskov (1831–95), Aleksey Feofilak- 1941) and Vladimir Nabokov (1899–1977) tended to tovich Pisemsky (1821–81)); soon this idea trans- take a philosemitic stand. In Soviet Russia atheism formed into a conspiracy of world Jewry.Jews began was imposed and all religion persecuted, includ- to be seen as capitalists, servants of the GoldenCalf, ing Judaism. The Jews who in the 1910s began to in both conservative and leftist social-oriented lit- play a role in Russian culture – Pasternak,Osip erature (Nikolay Alekseyevich Nekrasov (1821–77)). Mandelstam (1891–1938), Isaak Emmanuilovich

271 Literature, Yiddish

Babel (1894–1941), Eduard Georgiyevich Bagritsky leader Aleksandr Andreevich Prokhanov (b. 1938) (1895–1934) and hundreds, if not thousands, of hasreceiveda2001NationalBestsellerprize.Liberal others – assumed in the 1920s a place of unprece- dissident literary intelligentsia tended toward dented importance in Soviet literature. A creeping philosemitism (Andrey Donatovich Sinyavsky, who and cryptical nationalist reaction followed in the wrote under the pseudonym ‘Abram Terz’ (1925– 1930s, when Jews began to be ousted to the periph- 77), Andrey Georgievich Bitov (b. 1937), Vladimir ery of the literary process, but many of them kept Nikolaevich Voinovich (b. 1932), Sergey Dona- their positions in children’s literature, or in liter- tovich Dovlatov (1941–90) and numerous writers ary translation, like Samuil Marshak (1887–1964) of Jewish origin). The most outstanding writer of who excelled in both; others were irreplaceable the 1970s exiled as a leading opponent of the as writers for the theatre or film industry. Dur- Soviet regime, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn (b. 1918), ing the Second World War the Holocaust caused sounded several antisemitic notes in his nov- shock and sympathy for the Jews among lead- els and in the documentary Gulag Archipelago; ing Russian writers: Ilya Grigor’evich Erenburg his antisemitism has lately come to the fore in (1901–67), together with Vasili Semenovich (Iosif his two-volume attempt at a history of Russian– Solomonovich) Grossman (1905–64), compiled The Jewish relations TwoHundred Years Together(1795– Black Book –acollection of documentary evi- 1995). dence of the mass extermination of the Jews by Since the exodus of Jewry from Russia from the Nazis, which was suppressed and destroyed the 1970s, and the legalisation of Jewish religious, by Soviet censorship in 1948 (the manuscript sur- cultural and community life which took place vived and was smuggled out of Russia, appear- there in the 1990s, there remains interest in Jew- ing only in 1980 in Jerusalem); Grossman also ish themes among Jewish (Asar Isaevich Eppel spoke of the Catastrophe in his novels. Ethnic (b. 1935)), half-Jewish (like Aleksandr Motel’evich Andrey Platonovich Platonov (Klimentov, Melikhov (b. 1947), who described a conflict 1899–1951)andViktorPlatonovichNekrasov(1911– between the Russian and the Jewish halves of 87) wrote philosemitic stories. Open antisemitism his personality) and even several non-Jewish reappeared only after the war, but without any overt writers. MICHAEL WEISSKOPF religious overtones (e.g. the 1946 campaign against Literature, Yiddish ‘cosmopolitans’). In the spirit of the Khrushchev In late nineteenth-century Yiddish literature the ‘thaw’ there was a surge of new philosemitism. Jewish experience of antisemitism is a central In 1961 poet Evgenii Evtushenko (b. 1933) wrote theme, often depicted from a humorous or satirical about the Holocaust, identifying Jews with the cru- point of view. The seduction of deserting Judaism cified Christ. The religious revival which followed forthesakeofconvenienceorevenforloveisviewed the thaw brought with it awareness of the tradi- as a tragedy, even by the prominent humorist tionalinterfaithconflict.PasternakinhisnovelDoc- Sholem Aleichem (1859–1916) in his serial Tevie the tor Zhivago took a Russian Orthodox stand that Milkman (published from 1895 on, later filmed as Jewish existence loses all sense after the coming of Fiddler on the Roof ). Christianity.The nationalist camp, which was in the During the first third of the twentieth cen- 1960s restricted to a group of so-called ‘village writ- tury the image of Jesus and other Christian sym- ers’ (Viktor Petrovich Astafiev (1924–2001), Vasili bols and narratives attracted Yiddish writers. Der Ivanovich Belov (b. 1932), Valentin Grigor’evich Nister (Pinkhas Kahanovitch (1884–1950)) ended Rasputin (b. 1937)), blamed the Jews for the fall his poetry collection Thoughts and Motifs (1907) of old Russia and especially for the spiritual ruin with the prayer of Mary for the birth of a son despite of the Russian people. Following the collapse of Satan’s warnings of the tragic fate that would await the Soviet regime and the ensuing economic and him. The ‘problem of the Crucifixion’ became cen- social crisis the nationalists have become strong tral in Yiddish literature from 1909, following the as never before. They publish their own newspa- sensational publication of Lamed Shapiro’s (1878– per Zavtra, enjoy the support of a large segment of 1948) ‘The Cross’ and Scholem Asch’s ‘InaCarnival the ruling elite and are acquiring legitimacy; their Night’ in the monthly DosNeie Leben in New York.

272 Liturgy

Messianism and apocalypticism, the roots of which Jesus prayed as a Jew, teaching his followers the are common to Judaism and Christianity, became Lord’sPrayer, with its many biblical and synagogue central in Yiddish literature throughout the first half resonances (Matt. 6.9–13; Luke 4.2–4) such as the ofthecentury.ExamplesareH.Leivik’s(pseudonym description of God as Father to Israel (e.g. Exod. of Leivik Halperin (1888–1962)) trilogy of dramas, 4.22f.;Deut.30.9;Hos.2.1;Jer.3.19;Isa.1.4;Mal.1.6). written between 1907 and 1932. Itsik Manger (1901– Likewise, the most ancient doxologies in the New 69) gave his collection of poetry Stars on the Roof Testament (e.g. Rom. 11.33–36) and the liturgy (e.g. (1929) the subtitle ‘Ballads, Poems of Christ and at the end of the Roman Canon) are not directed to Poems of the Baal Shem’. In this Jesus appears as Jesus but to the ‘Father’.Acts 2.42–46 clearly depicts a symbol of human tragedy, and the cross indicates Jesus’ disciples after the Resurrection continuing the poet’s inner suffering their Jewish way of worship in a way that did not dis- Uri Zvi Greenberg (1894–1981) in his 1910s and tinguish them from other Jews, and Christians only early 1920s expressionist poetry often compared gradually adapted their Jewish prayer life to the new himself to Jesus and referred to him as ‘my brother’. condition of faith in Christ as SonofGod,onthe one Jesus was for the young Greenberg a symbol of uni- hand, and an increasingly Gentile community on versal human suffering, emptied of his humanity the other, even as Rabbinic Judaism was adapting by 2,000 years of distance from his native land, still toworshipwithoutTemplesacrificeafter70CE.The being crucified by the Christians. In 1922 Greenberg term for ‘church’, ecclesia, like the word synagoga, published in his Yiddish journal Albatros a‘con- is an equivalent of the Hebrew kahal,‘assembly’. crete’ poem in the form of a cross, which was enti- The Christian order of the eucharist takes its tled ‘Uri Zvi before the Cross/INRI’.In this poem he form and structure from combining elements of the says that the cross has become a meaningless sym- traditional synagogue service with elements of bol, while Jesus is the representative of the Jewish the Jewish Passover meal and the birkat hamazon. fate. In his ‘A World on a Slope’ (1922) the poet The use of liturgical translations reflects the devel- expressed his nihilistic loss of his former faith in opment of the Aramaic Targumim as the homily Christian ideals. Using expressionistic style, Green- on the cyclic scripture reading reflects the midrash. berg attacked and caricatured the image of Christ. It is also easy to discern the Jewish background of Isaac Bashevis-Singer (1904–91) described the Christian liturgy cycle. Easter and Pentecost are Jewish–Christian sexual relations, basing their adaptations, with dates modified according to the common ground on demonology, which repre- solar calendar of the Gregorian reform, of Passover sents the writer’s psychoanalytic attitude to human and Shavuot,asthe Christian liturgy itself acknowl- behaviour. Interest in Jewish–Christian relations edges. The Jewish autumn cycle of Rosh Hashanah faded in scanty Yiddish literature written in Israel and YomKippur have parallels in theme and con- during the second half of the twentieth century. tent with Christian Advent, the beginning of the See also literature, Hebrew, modern Christian liturgical year, a six-week period of prepa- HAMUTAL BAR-YOSEF ration and spiritual renewal roughly corresponding Liturgy to the six ‘Sabbaths of Preparation’ of the Jewish A consideration of liturgy in Jewish–Christian calendar. The two periods share penitential themes relations must begin with the Jewish roots of and the use of prophetic writings, particularly from Christian liturgy. As late as 1968 Louis Bouyer Isaiah (e.g. Isa. 40.1–26 and 60.1–22 on Messianic (b. 1913) bemoaned ‘the continued persistence hope). In the same cycle the festivals of Epiphany of the state of mind . . . that the Christian liturgy and Sukkot include celebrations of water and light sprang up from a sort of spontaneous genera- (see m. Sukkah 5.3), features that are better pre- tion, motherless and fatherless like Melchizedek’ served in Eastern Christianity than in the West, and that scholars looked to every source except as is true also of elements shared by Jewish and Judaism for Christian liturgical antecedents. Eastern Christian wedding ceremonies. The theo- However, today it no longer appears startling for logical and liturgical aspects of Yom Kippur, how- Christians to acknowledge the Jewish roots of ever, migrated in Christian practice to Lent and the virtually all aspects of Christian worship. celebration of the Easter Triduum, where they are

273 Liturgy

linked to Christ’sdeath and resurrection. The Chris- binic prayers had a few phrases that were intended tian reading of ‘The Divine Office’ at certain times or regarded as critical of Christianity such as birkat of the day reflects the tehillim (hymns and psalms). ha-minim. The cursing of heretics, which probably Beyond the annual cycle specific Christian sacra- also included Jewish Christians, was mentioned by ments derive essential themes and elements from some of the early Church Fathers and manuscript Jewish ritual, for example baptism owes its origin evidence has also been found in the Cairo Genizah. to the purifying and initiating ritual of the mikveh However, scholars still dispute to what extent the (ritual bath). curse was aimed at heretics in general or Chris- The central, ongoing feasts of the two traditions tians in particular. An additional complication is are the Sabbath and Sunday. Just as every Sabbath that different rites evolved among Jews and phrase- is an extension of the Passover, so is every Sun- ology was subjected to external Christian censor- day an Easter. The Eastern Churches in the early ship as well as internal theological and linguis- centuries, with the exception of Alexandria, kept tic adjustment. Also, Jewish liturgy was based on the Sabbath as a day of liturgical assembly, ban- an oral tradition for many hundreds of years, the ning fasting on it just as did rabbinic tradition. It first prayerbook being written as late as the ninth may be that Sunday worship in Christianity devel- century CE. Interestingly, the prayerbook’s format oped as a sequel and conclusion to the Sabbath, was affected by the invention of printing and by with the faithful gathering for the breaking of bread Christian liturgical prototypes, and over time its after sunset to avoid travelling during the Sabbath content has been seriously altered by progressive itself (see Acts 20). Both Sabbath and Sunday con- groups in modern central and western Europe to tain a dynamic tension between the celebration take account of views of the Temple, Zion, spiritual- of creation and an eschatological foretaste of the ity, nationhood and gender that were more accept- kingdom of God. Though it was not until the fourth able in the dominant Christian environment. century in the West, when Constantine ordered In Christian liturgy anti-Jewish elements are Sunday to be observed as a day of rest, that Sun- muchmoreobvious.TheearlyChristianssawthem- day took on this sabbatical aspect, the practice has selves primarily as Jews, and the destruction of raised the issue of Sunday as a day of rest ever since. Jerusalem (70 CE) confronted both with the same The notion of Sunday as both the first day of cre- problem: how was sacrifice to be offered with- ation and at the same time the eighth day, the day of out a Temple? For Jewish Christians the Letter the parousia,reflects the Jewish understanding of to the Hebrews resolved this crisis, asserting that Sabbath. earthly liturgy shared in the sacrifice of Christ, who In terms of Jewish–Christian interaction it seems was now ‘high priest’ within the heavenly tem- that Jewish liturgy and its Christian equivalent were ple (Heb. 8). The Didascalia Apostolorum 5(c.220 not, respectively, progenitor and offspring but exer- CE) marked an important shift in Christian liturgi- cised mutual influences during the formative peri- cal self-awareness: Christians should not think of ods of both religious practices. When the Jewish themselves as Jews, nor observe Jewish ceremonial communities of the post-talmudic period in the law.This was developed by the Church Fathers, who Islamic environment adopted for their rabbinic understood the liturgy as non-Jewish, since by the texts the codex that had long been known in the third century most converts were no longer from classical and Christian worlds, the first prayerbook Judaism, and strong anti-Jewish preaching in the (siddur in Hebrew, signifying ‘order [of prayers]’) form of the Adversus Judaeos literature invaded emerged in a small and simple format consisting liturgical preaching as a biblical hermeneutic and of a few stitched gatherings and some basic texts. sought to establish differences between the rites of Through the Middle Ages this medium, perhaps the ‘old’ and ‘new’ covenants.From500CE forward under the influence of its equivalents in the Church, liturgy was used for virulent anti-Judaism,asinthe grew in size, elegance, content and authority and prayers for the consecration of a church that had came to cover much of rabbinic ritual, even includ- formerly been a synagogue (Liber Sacramentorum ing prayers for non-Jewish rulers. Romanae Ecclesiae, Assemani Codex 4.2.91). Even Polemic has also been commonplace in the more bitterly anti-Jewish were local feasts celebrat- liturgy. In the early period it is likely that some rab- ing the martyrdoms of so-called child victims of

274 Llull, Ramon the ‘blood libel’, in the boy-saints Simon of Trent new or revised translations of the scriptures for (c.1472) and Andreas of Rinn (c.1462). Most of these use in worship. The most commonly accepted ver- were not observed throughout the Roman rite, and sion of the scriptures in English is the NewRevised both have now been suppressed. Standard Version, which takes care in the trans- The Churches of the Reformation shared many lation of the New Testament phrases and words of the attitudes of the medieval Catholic Church. that might foster antisemitism, while at the same Although the reformers continued the polemics of time attempting to be faithful to the meaning of the their Catholic predecessors, their liturgical texts original Greek text (see Bible translations, modern were not as overtly anti-Jewish because many of the English). most problematic texts such as the Holy Week litur- It is increasingly becoming common practice gies were replaced with preaching services. Never- for Christians and Jews to gather for prayer on theless, anti-Judaism prevailed in the preaching of special occasions throughout the year. Guidelines the minister, who was free to preach on biblical texts and suggestions for such interfaith services are of his own choice and at length. beginning to appear in order to address questions After the Holocaust Christians have become very of how Christians and Jews can pray together. In sensitive to the experience of the Jewish people and NorthAmerica the major professional organisation to the contribution of worship to antisemitism.As of persons engaged in teaching about worship and rites and texts have been revised and created anew, in the preparation of liturgical materials, the North care has been taken to remove texts that may be American Academy of Liturgy, has Jewish members perceived as antisemitic. In the Holy Week liturgies, who actively contribute to its work. It is to be hoped when the Roman Good Friday liturgy was adopted, that such organisations will eventually appear in either the Reproaches and the solemn intercessions other parts of the world. have been edited to remove offensive texts or alter- EUGENE J. FISHER, DENNIS D. MCMANUS AND natives have been substituted. The Second Vatican ALAN DETSCHER Council’s Nostra Aetate 4(1965) condemned anti- Lloyd George, David (1863–1945) semitism and anti-Judaism, although three years British Prime Minister (1916–22) at the time of the earlier John XXIII had begun to change the dis- Balfour Declaration (1917). Lloyd George himself paraging Good Friday Prayer for the Jews (pro per- explained British policy as a reward for the sci- fidiis Iudaeis or ‘for the wicked Jews’), ending in entific contributions to the war effort of Chaim Paul VI’s corrections to the Roman Missal of 1970 Weizmann. Alternative explanations for his sup- (for ‘the Jews first to hear the word of God’). John port for Zionism relate to his Welsh Baptist back- Paul II’s Apostolic Letter, Dies Domini 8–18 (1998), ground, with its deeply rooted, literalist biblical pointed appreciatively to the Jewish background of interpretation and interest in Messianic expec- the principal weekly (Sunday) and yearly (Easter) tation. Lloyd George wrote that ‘I was taught far feasts of Christianity, while the Vatican’s Congre- more about the history of the Jews than about the gation for Divine Worship and the Discipline of history of my own people’, and a romantic inter- the Sacraments (2001) warned against exegeting est in the survival of the people of the Old Testa- rites and texts in a discriminatory way against Jews ment certainly reinforced his political determina- (Liturgiam authenticam 29). tion that Protestant Britain should control the Holy In NorthAmericathemainChurcheshaveallpro- Places. DANIEL R. LANGTON vided Good Friday liturgies from which antisemitic Llull, Ramon (1232–1315/16) material has been carefully excluded. Similar revi- Born in Majorca, Ramon Llull or Lull was an excep- sions have taken place in the British Isles. As well as tionally prolific author of conversionist tracts in liturgical developments, the Revised Common Lec- Catalan and Latin, aimed at Jews, Muslims and tionary has been adopted by the major denomina- schismatic Eastern Christians and at Catholics who tions. The listing of scripture readings for Sundays needed guidance on how to live a better life. He and major feasts have been chosen to allow the texts underwent a personal conversion and in the1270s taken from the Jewish scriptures to speak for them- began to elaborate ideas about how to demonstrate selves and to let them be seen in a positive light. Christian truth to unbelievers, developing what has In addition, many of the Churches have adopted been called a ‘holy algebra’, a system for classifying

275 Logos

and describing the material world and the world colouring of its Hebrew original: Jewish thinkers of concepts, in an attempt to prove the Trinitarian like Aristobulos (second century BCE) could asso- structure of all things. Popular presentations of his ciate it with wisdom in God’s ordering of the cos- ideas included the novel Blaquerna and his Book of mos; while the author of Wisdom of Solomon (late the Gentile and the Three Wise Men, which offered a first century BCE to early first century CE) could characteristically unaggressive account of Judaism speak of God’s formation of the world by his Logos, and Islam, which he regarded as partial truths. and concomitantly of human beings by his wisdom He insisted, unusually at a time when preaching (9.1–2). campaigns had become increasingly strident, on Butitwas principally Philo who drew together the need to show respect to his interlocutors; scripture and Greek philosophy, speaking of the he had personal contact with several Catalan Logos both as ‘boundary figure’ between God and rabbis. DAVID ABULAFIA the universe and, like the Stoics, as an active Logos principle of order in the cosmos (Fug. 110). The As Gentile Christianity began to spread and to dis- highest of intelligible beings, the Logos in Philo’s tinguish itself from its Jewish past, its apologists scheme ‘holds together’, as it were, the two princi- had perforce to account for the worship accorded pal divine powers, the kingly and the creative, them- to Jesus by developing a Christology comprehensi- selves represented in scripture by the two cherubim ble to the intellectual currents of the day. A central on the ark of the covenant from between which the aspect of this process was their employment of the divine Word addressed Moses (Num. 7.89). Legisla- concept of Logos. A Greek term of wide semantic tive authority and creative power are here united by range, signifying principally ‘word’, ‘speech’, ‘rea- Logos; and Philo urges his readers to train the soul, son’, it had been used as a theological designation under instruction from the Logos as coach, to prac- of Jesus by the author(s) of the Fourth Gospel and tice detachment from the passions, to rise above the first Johannine epistle. The Gospel, in imita- ephemera, to communicate with the Logos, and to tion of the opening of Genesis, states that the Logos become ‘one who sees God’, the expression he uses was in the beginning, was with God and was God; as an explanation of the name Israel, and also as a that he became flesh and tabernacled among us description of the Logos itself. so that we saw his glory (John 1.1, 14). The epis- The background to the Johannine use of Logos is tle describes Jesus as the word of life (1 John 1.1), complex. It may be related to some or all of these life being also a trait of the Logos according to ideas, so as to appeal to both Jewish and Greek the Gospel (1.4), along with light (1.1–4, 9). Greek readers. It may also be coloured by Jewish tradi- philosophers had used Logos in different senses. tion preserved in the Aramaic Targumim of Gen. 1 Thus for Heraclitus (fl.500 BCE) Logos was a general and Exod. 12.42, where the Memra (‘word, utter- order in the universe analagous to reason in human ance’) of the Lord is associated with creation, light beings; for the Stoics it represented the ordering and glory. Once established in Christian vocabu- principle of reason active in the world, consist- lary,itisused regularly to speak of the second per- ing of fire (so Zeno (335–263 BCE)) or fire and air son of the Trinity; and its antecedents in Greek phi- (so Chrysippus (c. 280–207 BCE)), and might be losophy proved helpful in defence of Christianity called pneuma,‘spirit’; and Middle Platonists, dif- to pagans (see Justin Martyr) and crucial for later ferentiating God’s transcendent inner being from theological development. In particular, Athanasius his actions towards the world (e.g. in creation), refined and developed the notion that the Logos sometimes spoke of the latter in terms of Logos. assumed and was united to human nature when Among Jews the Septuagint translators used Logos the Christ became incarnate, and integrated the most often to represent Hebrew dabar,‘word’ or term into his systematic account of the Christian ‘thing’, especially in the prophetical books and the doctrine of the atonement and the redemption of Psalter: according to this Bible version, it was the humanity. Among Jews, however, use of the term Logos of the Lord that constituted the medium Logos as found in Philo’s writings and as a philo- of prophetic revelation, and through the creative sophical term seems largely to have disappeared, Logos of the Lord that the heavens were made firm presumably partly in response to its centrality in (LXX Ps. 32.6). Thus Logos took on some of the Christian theology. C. T. R. HAYWARD

276 Lord’s Prayer, The

Lord’s Prayer, The (Petuchowski and Brocke (eds), 61); Joseph Heine- The Lord’s Prayer is found in the Gospels and not in mann(1915–78)findstheinspirationintherabbinic the Hebrew scriptures. Likewise, it has been incor- practice of private prayer or charismatic prayer porated into Christian liturgies but not into Jewish (Petuchowski and Brocke (eds), 88). There appears worship. As a result one could assume that it repre- tobegeneralconsensusthattheprayer,asitappears sentsapointatwhichthetwotraditionsfindnocon- in Matthew, begins with the main concerns of fluence.ButtherealityisthattheLord’sPrayeroffers the Kaddish and then moves to the petition ele- a window into the origins of Christianity within ments of the Eighteen Benedictions. Many schol- Judaism and provides a fertile area for Jews and ars note that it follows the tripartite outline of the Christians to engage in mutual exploration. At the Eighteen Benedictions: praise, petition and thanks- veryleast,thereisnothingintheLord’sPrayer(other giving. The Didache included the instruction that than the connotations of the name ascribed to it) thePaternosterberecitedthreetimeseachday(8.2), that is offensive to Jewish sensibilities, and nothing just as the Eighteen Benedictions are in the Jewish that is unfamiliar to Jewish ears. tradition. Often called the Paternoster after its first words, Closer examination of particular phrases and for- the Lord’s Prayer is found in longer form in Matt. mulae in the Lord’s Prayer reveals antecedents in 6.9–13 and shorter form in Luke 11.2–4. It is often Hebrew scriptures and Jewish practice. For exam- regarded as the Christian prayer par excellence and ple, God is addressed as Father, the term Jesus is perhaps one of the most familiar sections of the depicted as using most regularly in prayer. Some NewTestament.Nonetheless, its precise mean- might assume this is indicative of Jesus’ sense of ing continues to be the subject of scholarly dis- having a unique intimacywith God, or even of Jesus’ agreement, with New Testament exegetes offer- own self-understanding as the Son of God.But ing varying interpretations. The existing text also closer examination reveals that Jesus is represented presents the challenge of identifying the original as prescribing this phrase not as a self-description, formulation. Widespread agreement exists, how- but for the use of his disciples and those who come ever, that the original was in Aramaic, though after them. The practice of addressing God as Father some have posited that it was first articulated in hadearliercurrencyinHebrewscriptures(e.g.Deut. Hebrew. 32.6; Isa. 63.16; 64.7; Jer. 31.20), and in Jewish liturgy Unlike many other statements attributed to it figures prominently in the Avinu Malkeinu (‘Our Jesus, the Lord’s Prayer contains no direct quo- Father, our King’) prayer of the High Holy Day tation from, and some of its phraseology has no liturgy. It is employed in the Eighteen Benedictions antecedents in, the Hebrew scriptures. However, and the Sim Shalom prayer of the daily morning the prayer in its entirety contains nothing that service. Furthermore, God is depicted as a Father in is antithetical to those scriptures or to the post- heaven. This image is expressed in composite form biblical Jewish context in which the New Testament in Isa. 63.15–16, and in Jewish liturgy can be found represents it as being first enunciated. More signif- in the Kaddish.AsOesterreicher notes, it appears icantly, the general spirit of the prayer, and many of in rabbinic literature in m. Avot 5.23, Sifre Deuteron- its particular formulations, have clear antecedents omy par. 306; Sifra Kedoshim 11 and Deuteronomy both in the Hebrew scriptures and in the liturgical Rabbah 1.6 (Petuchowski and Brocke (eds), 130f.). structure of the early synagogue, and may well be Again the hallowing of God’s name is an essential understood as derivative from those sources. part of the Lord’sPrayer, but it is not unique or orig- Various scholars find the inspiration of all or inal to it, being integral to the Kaddish.Similarly, parts of the Lord’s Prayer in elements of Jew- reference to the coming of God’s Kingdom is part of ish liturgy.David de Sola Pool (1885–1970) writes the second sentence of the Kaddish. that Matt. 6.9c–10a ‘have their exact equivalent The appeal for forgiveness included in the Lord’s on the Kaddish, except for differences in person’ Prayer has its parallels in Jewish liturgy – most (The Kaddish, 112, cited in Petuchowski and Brocke prominently in the Eighteen Benedictions. The (eds), The Lord’s Prayer 81); Baruch Graubard theme of forgiveness is, of course, central to the has characterised the whole as ‘like an abbrevi- Days of Awe and is addressed throughout the liturgy ation of the Prayer of the Eighteen Benedictions’ of those days. The plea to ‘deliver us from evil’ has

277 Louis I (‘the Pious’)

two possible interpretations, each with its own set Empire, tolerated Jews having Christian servants, of Jewish associations. If the phrase is a plea to res- and even endorsed Jewish observance of the Sab- cue us from those who do evil, it echoes many of bath by shifting markets to Sunday. These special the Psalms (e.g. 79.9; 31.16; 7.2–3). If the sense is Jewish privileges irritated Archbishop Agobard of to save us from the effects of our own evil deeds, Lyons, who eventually supported Louis’ three sons antecedents can also be found in the Psalms (e.g. against him, his second wife Judith and their child 39.9 or perhaps 79.9). In either case, its inclusion Charles the Bald (823–77), the future guardian of in the Lord’s Prayer represents a reiteration of a his father’s Jewish policy. Both the sympathetic and familiar theme, not the introduction of a new per- hostile attitudes towards Jews at and around the spective. Some versions of the Paternoster add a court are illustrated by the example of Bodo, Louis’ concluding Doxology that sounds very like David’s deacon, who, distracted by the immorality of the prayer in 1 Chr. 29.11ff. and, in Jewish liturgy, in Church, provoked controversy and reaction by his theKaddish.Alternativeversionsincludethephrase sensational conversion to Judaism. ‘blessed be Your name forever’,which appears in Ps. PETR FRYSˇ 113.2 and in Dan. 2.20; in Jewish liturgy it consti- Louis VII (1120–80) tutes the second line of the Barchu prayer, which is King of France (1137–80). In 1144 he prohibited part of the liturgy of every service. converted Jews from returning to Judaism under The most salient fact about the relationship of the penalty of death, since this would nullify received Lord’s Prayer with Judaism is its consonance with sacraments. However, professing Jews were not Jewish religious teaching. De Sola Pool has writ- affected and even enjoyed his moderate protec- ten, ‘there is complete conformity of the Paternos- tion. Together with the emperor Conrad III (1093– ter with Jewish norms of Prayer’ (The Kaddish, 112, 1152), Louis was major proponent of the Second cited in Petuchowski and Brocke (eds), 81); Samuel Crusade.HerespondedtothepreachingofBernard Sandmel (1911–79) states, ‘the words themselves of Clairvaux and the papal bull Quantum praede- are quite congruent phrases of prayer in habit- cessores (1145) by cancelling interest payments on ual use in the Talmud’ (AJewish Understanding of the debts crusaders owed to Jewish moneylenders, the New Testament, 150); Wellhausen writes, ‘True butdidnotallowconfiscationofthewholeprincipal prayer is a creation of the Jews, and the Paternoster as suggested by Peter the Venerable. PETR FRYSˇ follows Jewish models although it is not simply put Louis IX (1214–70) together ex formulis Hebraeorum’ (cited in Petu- King of France (1226–1270), crusader; his canon- chowski and Brocke (eds), 134). The Lord’s Prayer isation in 1297 was highly unusual for a polit- fits comfortably within Jewish religious sensibili- ical ruler. Known for his ascetic Christian piety, ties and yet, for all that, is very much a novum.For he was the most anti-Jewish monarch of his age, this reason it is often pointed to as a bridge link- fostering a comprehensive programme to convert ing Jewish and Christian spiritualities, and offer- Jews. He intensified the campaign against Jewish ing a meeting place for the two communities and moneylending, defining usury as any payment traditions. The Jewish scholar Jakob Petuchowski beyond the principal and ending governmental (1925–91) created a ‘Hebrew version’ of the Lord’s enforcement of contractual debts to Jews. When, Prayer, which sought to approximate what the orig- in 1239, Pope Gregory IX ordered the seizure of all inal may have sounded like. In more recent times Jewish books, to be investigated for blasphemy by the Lord’s Prayer has become a familiar subject of Dominican and Franciscan friars, Louis IX was the discussion in workshops on Jewish–Christian rela- only king to enforce the decree. The resulting public tions and has served as a focal point of scholarly burning in Paris of the Talmud and other rabbinic conferences. DANIEL POLISH manuscripts had a devastating impact on Jewish Louis I (‘the Pious’) (778–840) morale. MARC SAPERSTEIN Frankish Emperor (814–40). Continuing his father Love Charlemagne’s (742/7–814) Jewish-friendly policy, Love as the keynote of religion is usually associated Louis granted Jews protection from both clergy withChristianity.ItisimportantinJewish–Christian and barons, appointed a special protector of Jew- relations, however, to recognise that Judaism is no ish rights, enabled free movement throughout the less a religion of love. Love of God and love of

278 Luther, Martin neighbour are the primary principles of both love. Firstly, it can be commanded. Hebrew and Judaism and Christianity. The key texts come in Greek both have a range of words for ‘love’. Those Deut. 6.5 and Lev. 19.18. The first is part of the three used for the human response to God and to neigh- passages that make up the Shema, the most impor- bour denote not so much a feeling as an attitude, tant Jewish prayer and sometimes described as the even an act of will. Most commonly the Hebrew creed of Judaism because it encapsulates Jewish ahavah (e.g. Lev. 19.34) and the Greek agape (1 Cor. belief in terms of one God who demands the loving 13) are used of this human loving. Ahavah is also response of the whole person. The second is part used of God’s love for human beings (e.g. Isa. 43.4), of the holiness code which spells out the forms of though more common is the Hebrew h. esed, which behaviour that love of God entails, specifically,in vv. carries the connotation of steadfastness (e.g. Hos. 17–18, not to nurse a grudge but to love your neigh- 2.19). H. esed can also be used for human love of bour simply because he is a human being like your- God (e.g. Hos. 6.6). Secondly, Judaism and Chris- self. Both these texts are taken straight into Chris- tianity insist that love entails action. The rabbis go tianity by Jesus quoting them jointly in response so far as to say that this is how people can culti- to a question about which is the most important vate love: by studying and doing the Torah (so their commandment (Mark 12.28–34) and saying that commentary on Deut. 6.5). 1 John 1.3–6, 9 similarly they together sum up ‘the law and the prophets’ describesobediencetoGod’scommandsastheonly (Matt.22.40).Thelattercommentmaybecompared proof of love, particularly as regards loving others. with that recorded in Matt. 7.12: ‘In everything do Thirdly, both religions have a more mystical strand to others as you would have them do to you: for which envisages love of God coming about through this is the law and the prophets.’ This has come to contemplation. The intense desire for God, with be known as the ‘Golden Rule’. Rabbi Hillel (end disciplined devotion, can create union with God. of first century BCE and beginning of first century In Hebrew, kavanah (intention/concentration) can CE) is reported to have met the request to teach produce devekut (cleaving). aprospective convert to Judaism the whole of the CHRISTINE PILKINGTON Torah whilst the listener stood on one leg: ‘That Luther, Martin (1483–1546) which is hateful unto thee do not do unto thy neigh- Theologian and biblical scholar. Martin Luther is bour. This is the whole of the Torah. The rest is com- considered the initiator of the Reformation and its mentary.Go and study.’(b. Shabbat 31a). Christians most powerful voice. He perpetuated with medieval sometimes describe Jesus’ version as positive and crudity of language the Church Fathers’ view of the Hillel’s as negative, but this is a false contrast, com- Jews as God’senemy.His writings aboutJews should monly stemming from a failure among Christians not be seen as totally separate from his denunci- to recognise the source of Jesus’ summary of God’s ations of the pope, false Christians and the Turks commands as his own Jewish scriptures. In reality (Muslims), all of whom he saw as the devil’slegions. it is often easier to work out how one would not Yethesaw Jews as unique deniers of Christ and, like to be treated than it is to define love in terms of though his hostility was not racial, they remained how one would like to be treated. Jesus’ emphasis the negative element in the bedrock of his theol- on love is not new and those who contrast it with ogy. He asserted the true Church had existed since a supposed ‘OldTestament religion’ of law, fear Adam whenever patriarchs and prophets trusted and justice misrepresent the Bible of both Jews and God in faith alone, and the ‘hypocritical church’ Christians. The Hebrew Bible emphasises that God of heretics and works-righteous advocates since loves his people and this is the sole reason why he Cain’s rebellion (Lectures on Genesis, 1537). The chooses them and makes demands on them (Deut. olderLuther’sviewscannotlegitimatelybedivorced 7.7–8). His love is everlasting; therefore, he is faith- from the younger Luther’s, though his later words ful even when his people are not (e.g. Jer. 31.3). That were much more brutal. His earliest words on the God is the source and inspiration of love is reiter- Jewish issue (1514–15) in lectures on the Psalms ated in the NewTestament, notably in John 3.16 affirmed God’s wholesale rejection of this people and 1 John 4.7–12. and insisted that by their obduracy they continued Also in common between both Judaism and to show themselves as active foes of Christianity.His Christianity are other vital contentions about 1523 critique of Judaism (That Jesus Christ Was Born

279 Lutheranism

aJew) chastised the Church for its treatment of Jews denomination. It is the predominant faith in cer- and then expressed hope for some Jews’ conversion tain regions of Germany and the whole of Scandi- under a new approach. Since Jews were not back in navia, and is strongly represented in several African theirownlandbutremainedscatteredanddespised countries and elsewhere. In the United States it with no sign of an end to their exile, God’s promises is the fourth largest denomination after Roman to Abraham regarding his descendants could not Catholics, Baptists and Methodists. Lutherans do apply to them but must apply to Abraham’s spiri- not regard Luther’s voluminous writings as hav- tual heirs, Christians. For Luther, as for virtually all ing creedal authority, but his anti-Jewish treatises others at the time, truth allowed no room for toler- have been a fateful legacy. Objections were made to ance.Hesaw the evangelical proclamation of faith them at the time by some of Luther’s closest col- asthelastchanceformisguidedJewsandChristians leagues, and few if any of his infamous ‘recom- alike, since God was working in the Reformation to mendations’ with regard to the treatment of the extricate all from the Antichrist. The anticipated Jews were acted on. The desk editions of Luther’s future did not contemplate the coexistence of peo- works typically used by the Lutheran clergy did ples of various faiths, for ‘the holy Christian Church’ not include these writings, and for long periods separated true Christians ‘from all other peoples they were in effect unknown. However, excerpts on earth’ (Large Catechism, 1529). The Reformation from them, especially the ‘recommendations’,have was a grace period, a postponement of the end of been circulated by antisemitic movements, and time; yet Luther believed that the greatest threats in the twentieth century the Nazis eagerly cited would arise within its own circles. Hence he reacted Luther as providing historical and theological sanc- savagely against all who differed with his theol- tion for their anti-Jewish measures. Certain ele- ogy, especially the Anabaptists, Sabbatarians and ments in Lutheran theology, in addition to the Christian Hebraists, whose efforts he saw being supersessionism common to most Christian the- strengthened by the very successes of the Refor- ology, made German Lutherans especially vulner- mation. In 1536 he urged Christian authorities to able to this appeal. These included a view of the expel Jews if they would not convert. By 1543 his relation of Law and ‘Gospel’ which tended to see vehement publication, On the Jews and their Lies, the former as rigid and punitive, ignoring the pos- counselled rulers to confiscate rabbinical texts, for- itive meanings of Torah for Jews, and a doctrine of bid the rabbis to teach, and burn down synagogues the Two Kingdoms (the realm of faith and the realm along with Jews’ homes, so that Judaism’s false- of politics) that too often inculcated an uncritical hood could no longer be taught. If these actions obedience to government authority. caused Christians to fear Jewish retribution, all Jews Theologians and Church leaders during the Nazi should be driven out of the country ‘for all time’. period such as Dietrich Bonhoeffer and Hans Lilje Despite these admonitions, Luther claimed he had (1899–1977), however, laboured mightily to over- held to his advice to treat Jews ‘in a friendly manner’, come these tendencies. In Norway Luther’s strug- though he admitted to advocating ‘severe mercy’. gle against the papacy was cited by Bishop Eivind Inaletter to his wife, 2 January 1546, Luther said Berggrav (1884–1959) and other anti-Nazi leaders the Jews were responsible for perverting his own as a model of resistance to tyranny, while Denmark, health on top of attempting to convert all Christians an almost wholly Lutheran country, was the scene and make them their servants. Despite the realities of the heroic rescue of 95 per cent of the Danish of the Jewish people’s eviction from virtually all of Jews, who were ferried across the straits to neutral Western Europe, he saw Jews as evil ‘lords of the Sweden. In 1984 the Lutheran World Federation for- world’ and thus as the most dangerous foes (On the mally renounced Luther’santi-Jewish views, stating Jews ...). that ‘all occasions for similar sin in the present or See also Lutheranism ALICE L. ECKARDT the future must be removed from our churches’. Lutheranism The Evangelical Lutheran Church in America, in Form of Protestant Christianity growing out of the its 1994 ‘Declaration to the Jewish Community’, work of the sixteenth-century Reformer Martin repudiated Luther’s anti-Jewish writings, acknowl- Luther.Numbering some 65 million adherents edged their tragic effects on subsequent genera- worldwide, Lutheranism is the largest Protestant tions and affirmed its ‘urgent desire to live out our

280 Lyra, Nicholas of faith in Jesus Christ with love and respect for the Lyra, Nicholas of (c.1270–1349) Jewish people’. Lutheran Church bodies in Europe, Medieval exegete. Born in Normandy, Lyra entered South America and Australia have issued sim- the Order of Friars Minor, taught at the University ilar statements. Numerous Lutheran–Jewish dia- of Paris and later served as a Franciscan provincial. logues and scholarly symposia have been held at His Postillae perpetuae,arunning commentary on the local, national and international levels, leading the entire Bible, was widely used in subsequent cen- Lutherans to a renewed awareness of their indebt- turies. Lyra emphasised the literal meaning of the edness to the Jewish heritage and a deeper appre- text, grounded in the study of philology, grammar ciation of the vitality of Jewish life and thought and history, though not to the exclusion of mysti- today. calandChristologicalinterpretations.Hemastered With regard to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, Hebrew and made extensive use of the Talmud, many Lutherans, influenced by a close sense of midrashic literature and rabbinic commentaries, identification with Palestinian Lutherans and the especially those of Rashi.Despite this reliance on Lutheran educational and medical institutions in Jewish sources, his work is filled with anti-Jewish the area, have been strong advocates for Palestinian polemic,bothinthePostillaeandintwoanti-Jewish self-determination. FRANKLIN SHERMAN treatises. FRANKLIN SHERMAN

281 MMMM

Maccabees and there is plenty of evidence that in both early The story of the revolt in the 160s BCE of the Judaism and early Christianity such prohibitions high priestly family of the Maccabees against their remained influential (see, for example, m. Avot 2.7; Seleucid ruler Antiochus IV (r.175–164 BCE) in Acts 19.18–20; 2 Tim. 3.13; Rev. 21.8; 22.15). How- Palestine is recorded in books 1 and 2 of the ever, it should be noted that there is little substan- Maccabees and in Josephus.Itisunclear whether tive difference between some of the practices out- it was internal conflict in Jerusalem or the impo- lawed as magical and others deemed acceptable in sition of religious laws on the Jews by Antiochus the normative traditions of both communities. In that instigated the revolt. 2 Maccabees presents it both Judaism and Christianity magical practices are as a group of traditional Jews fighting against a ‘Hel- mostusefullyunderstoodasunsanctionedreligious lenised’ minority who were abandoning Judaism, activities, and the term ‘magic’ is often employed as and this has given rise to theories of opposi- a pejorative, polemical label, rather than an empir- tion between Judaism and Hellenism. Antiochus’s ically verifiable description. restrictions, whether they instigated the revolt or It is no surprise, therefore, that, given the strained were aresponse to it, have often been taken as the nature of Jewish–Christian relations over the cen- first recorded instance of antisemitism, although turies, accusations of magic, designed to stigma- others have argued it should be traced back to tise those accused, have been common. For exam- fourth-century BCE Egypt,orinstead should not ple, it is probably seen in the early tradition, found be properly so called until the Middle Ages or after in the Synoptic Gospels, in which Jesus is accused the Enlightenment. The martyrdom of a mother by some of his Jewish contemporaries of using and her seven sons in 2 Macc. 7 influenced both demonic powers to effect his exorcisms (Matt. Jewish and Christian views of martyrdom. The Mac- 12.24; Mark 3.22; Luke 11.15; see also Justin, Dial. cabean martyrs remain the only pre-Christian Jews 69; Origen, Cels. 1.38, 68; b. Sanhedrin 43a; and commemorated in the Western Church calendar the sixth-century Toledot Yeshu). Christians like- (1 August), although they are often obscured by wise accused Jews of such practices from the ear- their commemoration falling on Lammas day (also liest period of the Church’s existence. Although known as St Peter’s chains), a feast of St Peter. the association of Jews with magic was something JAMES K. AITKEN known in the Greco-Roman world (e.g. Pliny the Magic Elder, Nat. 30.11), Christian writers appear to have Magic has played a contrary but important role in been particularly keen to make this claim. Acts of the history of Jewish–Christian relations through- the Apostles, for example, shows a clear interest in out the last two millennia. Despite the myriad of presenting Jews as magicians (see 13.6; 19.11–20). problemsofdefinitionandinterpretationthatbeset Over time the nature of this accusation seems to itsanalysis,magiccouldbesaidtobeacauseofboth have changed: not only individual Jews but also unity and conflict between Jews and Christians. Jewish religious practices per se became associ- Both religions share an antipathy towards prac- ated in Christian polemic with magic and were tices perceived as magical that is a consequence of held responsible for innumerable outrages and their common biblical heritage. A number of strong calamities, real and imagined, that befell Chris- injunctions against engaging in magic can be found tian communities. The accusations of witchcraft in the Hebrew Bible (most notably Exod. 22.18; Lev. made against Jews and Conversos in the case 19.26, 31; 20.27; Deut. 18.10–11, 1 Sam. 28; Mal. 3.5) of Santo Nino of La Guardia in 1490 provides a

282 Maimonides (Moses ben Maimon)

chilling example of the enduring consequences of Godforexercisingdivinejusticeandcompassionon such thinking. Stereotypes set in earliest periods of behalf of the lowly, both for herself and for Israel as Jewish–Christian relations have a long history and ‘God’sservant’.With language echoing the prophets impact beyond their respective traditions – the last or the eschatological hopes of Israel reflected in remaining Jew of Kabul was accused of witchcraft in Maccabees, she expresses trust that God’s justice 1999. is shown in ‘bringing down the mighty from their It isclearthat,forallthepolemicaluseoftheaccu- thrones’. With the covenant reference to Abraham, sation of ‘magic’,it is not just something in the eye of she claims this moment as an act in continuity with the beholder. Some individuals and groups within God’spromises and blessings in the past. This hymn Judaism and Christianity self-consciously practised preserves the depth of both Jewish and Christian what they understood to be magic or closely related prayer marked by humility and trust in God’spower activities such as alchemy. Their activities present to save. It has been the inspiration for countless a little studied but fascinating insight into informal musicians, including Bach,Telemann (1681–1767), Jewish–Christian contact and cooperation. Indeed, Palestrina (c.1525–94) and Liszt (1811–86). some drew clients from across the religious divide – BARBARA E. BOWE as we can see, for example, in the bitter words of Maimonides (Moses ben Maimon) (1135–1204) John Chrysostom against the use of Jewish mag- Jewish physician, philosopher, legal authority. Mai- ical healers by his congregation in fourth-century monides lived his entire life in Muslim countries Antioch (Adv. Iud. 8.6). (Spain, Morocco, Egypt), but statements about The reinvention and reclamation of ‘magic’ Christianity in his legal works had a major influence in neo-pagan movements that have grown up in on later Jews. One was his insistence that Christian- Western countries since the nineteenth century in ity, unlike Islam, was idolatry; consequently the response to a perceived failure of organised religion talmudic laws severely regulating Jewish inter- represents a common challenge to both Judaism action with Gentiles applied to contemporary and Christianity and is yet another example of how Christians. Later Jewish thinkers in Christian magic can unite as well as divide the traditions. Europe tried to modify this view, although JUSTIN J. MEGGITT many continued to refer to Christians, especially Magnificat Catholics, as idolaters. Second, at the conclusion First word of the Latin designation (Magnificat of his comprehensive Code of Jewish Law (Mishneh anima mea Dominum –‘My soul magnifies the Torah), discussing Jewish Messianic doctrine, Mai- Lord’) of the song of Mary of Nazareth in the infancy monides insists that Jesus only imagined he was narrative of Luke 1.46–55 and probably modelled the Messiah, but instead of improving the lot of on Hannah’s song in 1 Sam. 2.1–10. This is one of the Jewish people, made it incomparably worse. Yet four hymnic songs in Luke 1–2, the others being Christianity,alongwithIslam,providentiallyspread Zechariah’s canticle (Luke 1.67–79), the hymn of knowledge of God and scripture throughout the the angels (Luke 2.13–14) and the hymn of Simeon world, thereby preparing the way for the true Mes- (Luke 2.18–32). Numerous OldTestament allusions siah. This passage was eliminated from printed ver- mark the Magnificat hymn as a product of Jewish– sions of the text by Christian censors. (Another neg- Christian reflection on the birth of Jesus in the ative reference to Jesus is in his celebrated ‘Epis- early stages of the Christian movement. Mary, por- tle to Yemen’.) Finally, Maimonides’ statement that trayed by Luke as a woman of Old Testament faith, ‘The pious of the Gentile nations have a share in sings this psalm of praise upon meeting with her the world to come’ (Code, Laws of Kings 8.11) has cousin Elizabeth in the hill country of Judah. Both been frequently cited by modern Jews as evidence women, pregnant with sons John the Baptist and of Jewish inclusiveness, sometimes contrasted with Jesus, felt the babes leap in their wombs, a sign Christian doctrine (although it is unclear whether that they interpret as God’s intervention in the Maimonides, who excluded idolaters from eligibil- births of their two children. The song reflects clas- ity, meant to include pious Christians in his state- sic Hebrew parallelism and meter common in the ment). Maimonides’ philosophical masterpiece, Hebrew psalter and expresses Mary’sbelief in God’s the Guide for the Perplexed, was quickly translated powerful salvific acts on her behalf. She praises into Latin and used by Scholastic philosophers

283 Mandate

including Thomas Aquinas, who refers to ‘Rabbi The matter was handed over to the United Nations Moses the Egyptian’ with respect. The 13 Principles with the result that the Mandate was terminated on of Jewish Faith in his Commentary on the Mishnah 14 May 1948 upon the establishment of the State attempt to define Jewish identity in doctrinal terms of Israel. DANIEL R. LANGTON (see doctrine). These include the absolute unity Marcion (? c.90–155 CE) of God, the uniqueness of Mosaic prophecy, the Christian ‘heretic’. Marcion came from Sinope on immutability of the divinely revealed Law, and the the Black Sea and moved to Rome where he was future advent of the Messiah, which clearly dif- excommunicated for his radical theology, which is ferentiate Jewish from Christian belief. Made into known to us only from refutations by his oppo- a popular liturgical hymn c.1400 (‘Yigdal Elohim nents, particularly Tertullian and Ephrem.Hedrew Hai’), the Principles’ 1914 English ‘translation’ for a sharp distinction between the Creator God of the use in the liturgy of American Reform Judaism Jews, characterised by a spurious justice, deceit- was so universalised that it has been incorporated fulness and inconsistency, and the eternal, dis- into Protestant hymnals as ‘Praise to the Living tant ‘stranger’ God, revealed as the Father of Jesus God’. MARC SAPERSTEIN Christ. Apparently seeking to excise any taint of Mandate what he labelled ‘Judaism’ from Christianity, he The system of British administration of Palestine, rejected the OldTestament and appealed only to a territory previously controlled by the Turkish Paul’s letters and to an edited version of the Gospel empire, established following the First World War. of Luke. The source of his ideas, which included The Mandate represented the first Christian admin- a strong asceticism,isdebated – radical Paulin- istration there since the Crusades.Itwas granted ism, Gnosticism or a philosophical dualism. Tertul- at San Remo in April 1920, was ratified by the lian labelled him ‘ally of the Jews’ because, adopt- League of Nations, and came into effect on 1 July ing a more literal reading, he denied that the Old 1922. British responsibilities were to make good Testament spoke of the Christian God or proph- the promise of the Balfour Declaration (1917) to esied Jesus as Messiah;however, rabbinic asser- reconstitute the Jewish national homeland. This tions of the unity of God, and of God’s justice was to include the facilitation of Jewish immigra- and love, and defences of God’s actions in Egypt, tion, Jewish settlement and self-governing institu- may also oppose him. Forced by Marcion to justify tions. The Mandate was entrusted to preserve the retention of the Old Testament without its literal civil and religious rights of all the inhabitants of observance, Christian writers reaffirmed Israel’s Palestine, irrespective of race and religion. Despite hard-heartedness which necessitated the Law, and its formal internationalist credentials, the Manda- blindness to the true meaning of the scriptures; in tory power was Christian, and this provoked among this way anti-Marcionite and anti-Jewish polemic contemporaries excited expectations and a wave reinforced each other. Little is known about how of triumphalism throughout Europe. Even before long Marcionite communities survived; however, the ratification of British control (the allies cap- the term has often been used of subsequent ten- tured Jerusalem in December 1917), Pope Bene- dencies in Christian thought to devalue the Old Tes- dict XV (1854–1922) had spoken of ‘the rejoicing of tament and the ‘God of retributive justice’ detected all good men’ that the Holy Places had been freed therein. JUDITH LIEU from ‘the domination of infidels’ and had ‘finally Marranos returned into the hands of Christians’. During the Marranos (literally ‘swine’ or one who ‘mars’ or Mandate period contending claims relating to the damages the Christian faith) is a derogatory term, Holy Places proved a constant headache, so much originating in the fifteenth century, that constitutes so that among the various post-Mandate solutions a sub-category of Conversos or ‘New Christians’. contemplated was the creation of a separate State Conversos is used to distinguish recently con- of Jerusalem.Successive Arab and Jewish revolts verted Jews from Old Christians – Christians by (whichrarelyinvolvedArabChristians,whotended birth/blood with no Jewish affiliation or lineage to express their opposition to Zionism diplomati- whose conversion to Christianity was sincere. The cally) eventually persuaded the Mandatory power title Marranos refers to those Jews who converted that they could not solve the diplomatic challenges. to Christianity and either continued to observe

284 Martini, Raymond certain Jewish rituals (e.g. lighting of candles on with the passage of time’ (Jane S. Gerber, The Jews Sabbath) and practices (e.g. keeping a modified of Spain, 121). STEVEN J. MCMICHAEL kosher diet) or were accused of doing so, especially Marriage in areas in which these converts and their descen- The story of Adam and Eve has been seen in both dants settled after their expulsion from Spain and traditions as proclaiming the value of marriage, Portugal at the end of the fifteenth century.Another ordained by God for sex, for procreation and for termusedforthisphenomenonis‘Crypto-Judaism’, companionship. The high value placed on fidelity because of the underground or covert nature of within marriage in both traditions has been an the practice of Judaism of Marranos living among important factor in encouraging social harmony Christians and, in some cases, Jews. One of the between Jewish and Christian communities. In the major problems of research is to determine whether Roman Catholic tradition marriage is considered individuals or groups are in fact Conversos or Mar- a sacrament, whereas Jewish marriage is based on ranos, which is hard because of the secrecy sur- awritten contract, a ketubah, which includes pro- rounding Marrano Jewish practice. Since they could visions for maintenance. Celibacy has never been not practice Judaism openly, Marranos are known consideredanidealwithinJudaism,anddivorcehas to have developed elaborate ways of maintain- always been permitted (Deut. 24.1–4, cf. 1 Cor. 7). In ing Sabbath and the Jewish holidays. Certain Jews biblical times men often took more than one wife. helped the Marranos to maintain their Jewish rit- Polygamy was outlawed for Ashkenazi Jews (those uals and practices as best they could in situations living in Christendom) by the decree attributed to of fear and suspicion. Conflicts were inevitable as Gershom ben Judah of Mainz (960–1028) about the Jews, Conversos and Marranos tried to live among year 1000. This was undoubtedly due to the influ- Old ChristiansinapredominantlyChristiansociety. ence of the surrounding Christian culture. Adultery Practising Jews were looked upon with suspicion as has been defined by Judaism as a sexual union instigators of the return of a convert to the Jewish between a man and a married or betrothed woman, faith. Did they help these converts to maintain cer- by Christianity as a sexual union between a married tain Jewish practices and beliefs? Certainly some person and one unmarried, or between a married members of the Inquisition thought this influence person and the spouse of another. Modern societal was real, and therefore Jews were always suspect trends have affected the stability of both Jewish and because of their Judaising.Marranos themselves Christian marriage, as well as encouraging inter- wereaprimary target of the inquisitors’ investiga- marriage, debates about homosexuality, and the tion because of their Judaising and apostasy from recognition of gay relationships. the Christian faith. The crime they were commit- See also weddings MICHAEL HILTON ting, apostasy, was considered by the Church to Martin, Raymund see Martini, Raymond be worse than the sin of unbelief. There were ten- Martini, Raymond (c.1220–85) sions between Conversos and Marranos in that (= Martin, Raymund.) Spanish Dominican friar the Marranos themselves became enemies of their and prominent anti-Jewish polemicist. His work former religionists (practising Jews and Conver- Pugeo Fidei (‘The Dagger of Faith’, c.1280) pur- sos) because of the desire by the latter to fully ported to demonstrate the truth of Christianity integrate into Christian society. A definite prob- and the falsity of Judaism by citations from the lem arose in regard to the attitude of the local Hebrew scriptures, the Talmud and other rabbinic populace toward Marranos, as they tended to see literature, finding in them proof-texts for Jesus as Conversos and Marranos as a single entity: Judais- the Messiah, the doctrine of the Trinity and so ers in their midst. Because of fear and persecu- on. Martini assisted the Christian apologist Paul tion, many of the Marranos found shelter in other the Christian in the famous disputation with the parts of Europe, the New World or in Muslim Jewish scholar Nahmanides at Barcelona in 1263. lands where they could continue to observe cer- His anti-Jewish writings were utilised by Lyra and tain Jewish practices. Problems also arose among other medieval polemicists and were also cited by the Marranos in regard to their Jewish beliefs and Luther. Long resident in Barcelona, Martini also practices in that ‘their notions of what constituted spent some years in Tunis pursuing missionary Jewish practice would, of necessity,become blurred work among Jews and Muslims. He was well versed

285 Martyrdom

in Hebrew and served King as are central to Ashkenazi liturgy and recited every a censor to examine Jewish books for allegedly year. anti-Christian passages. His numerous quotations The subject of martyrdom has become partic- from rabbinic sources provide the only evidence ularly sensitive to the Jewish–Christian encounter of some rabbinic texts that were not otherwise since the Holocaust, because the events of 1933–45 preserved. FRANKLIN SHERMAN have called these paradigms into question. While Martyrdom there were those who were martyrs affirming their Derived from the Latin martus, literally a witness, belief in God, there were many others who died the concept first appears in the Bible in Daniel denying a faith in God. There were also, of course, (3.8ff. and 6) and later in the apocrypha during millions who had no choice of martyrdom, but were the Maccabean revolt. In the early Church ‘mar- summarily executed or murdered. For them there tyr’ referred to a Christian who suffered persecu- was no sanctification, but it is common for Jews tion and death for the sake of faith in Christ. The and Christians to view these people as martyrs and, NewTestament records Jewish persecution of the from a Jewish perspective, as involuntarily sancti- first followers of Jesus, such as Stephen, a Greek- fying God’s name. David Blumental (b. 1938) has speaking Jew who is remembered as the first Chris- argued that the martyrdom of the Holocaust is the tian martyr (Acts 7.51ff.). The Church Fathers also deepest motif in the contemporary Jewish pysche, charged Jews with involvement in the persecution and its impact clearly extends to Jewish–Christian of the early Church, alongside pagans. The Jew- relations. EDWARD KESSLER ish understanding of martyrdom is best explained Mary by the Hebrew term Kiddush ha-Shem (lit. ‘the Mary’s primary role in the NewTestament is as sanctification of God’s name’) which refers to acts mother of Jesus.Her body is the locus of divine that glorify God’s name, the highest form of which activity. To be sure, Mary’s body is the body of is to give up one’s life for God. Over many cen- aJewish woman; Jesus is brought up in Judaism turies, particularly after the reign of Constantine, by his mother (Luke 2.22–4). Jesus is Mary’s child Jews have suffered martyrdom at the hands of (Mark 3.31; Matt. 12.47; Luke 8.19): Matthew’s birth Christians. narratives displace Joseph as father and situate In the New Testament Christ is viewed as the first MarywithinthepatrilinealgenealogyofJesus(Matt. martyr (Rev. 1.5) and his actions are viewed as a wit- 1.16). Her name is actually Mariam, a Hebrew ness to love (cf. John 15.12ff.). Martyrdom’s associ- Semitic form appropriate for Nazarenes (so Luke ation with death was reinforced by persecution of 1–2 and the Greek and Sahidic Coptic texts at Matt. Christians for their faith in the first few centuries. A 13.55). This is the Semitic form of the name found cult of martyrs soon emerged, in which Christians in, for example, the Greek translation of Miriam at recounted the faith and death of martyrs. This was Exod. 16.20. Thus it is as a Jewish woman, Mariam, used as a source of encouragement to Christians, that Mary receives the angel (Luke 1.34, see Magni- particularly in times of trial. For Jews acts of Kid- ficat). The annunciation scene has analogies with dush ha-Shem were also recounted – as they are angelic visits paid to Hagar (Gen. 16.7–14) and today – and likewise provided encouragement as the mother of Samson (Judg. 13.2–5). However well as solace. For Jews two paradigms of mass Pseudo-Philo’s Biblical Antiquities 9.10 also reports suicide developed. First, suicide after armed resis- Miriam’s dream in which an angel tells her of the tance had failed, as took place at Masada when the birth and career of her brother Moses.Mariam’s Romans were about to overrun the Jewish defences; acceptance of her role as slave/servant of the Lord second, suicide without resistance, as took place in Luke 1.38 puts her alongside the great leaders along the Rhine during the Crusades when Jewish of Israel: Abraham (Ps. 105.42), Moses (Mal. 3.22), communities decided that they would not fall into Joshua (Josh. 24.29) and David (Ps. 89.3) and com- the hands of the crusaders and prepared them- pares her favourably to apostolic leaders such as selves for death by ritual bathing, prayer and fast- Peter and Paul portrayed in Acts. ing. The stories of these communities, often called As mater dolorosa,‘mother of sorrows’, Mary’s the Akedahs, after the binding of Isaac (which anguish and grief at the cross joins that of Rachel was viewed as the exemplary act of a martyr), lamenting dead children (Matt. 2.17–18) and other

286 Media

mourning parents. The second-century Protevan- London, for example, has argued that hoi Ioudaioi gelium of James relates further information about still echoes today and prefers where possible to use Mary’s childhood elaborated from Hebrew scrip- ‘Jewishpeople’insteadof‘theJews’.Theselectionby tures. Only once as Mariam does Mary prophesy journalists and reporters of appropriate words and on the journey to Egypt: ‘Joseph, I see . . . two peo- phrases has become even more important since the ples, one weeping and lamenting, one rejoicing and public have immediate access to news reports from exulting’ (17.2–3 cf. Luke 2.34). around the world through the Internet.Sometimes Apocryphal texts describe the purity of Mary’s religious difference can be highlighted by adop- body and her words. In the third-century Ques- tion of a phrase in the non-English speaking world. tions of Bartholomew Mary teaches cosmic mys- For example, Jewish–Christian relations in Poland teries to the apostles. Dormition and Assumption are reported in the Polish media as Polish–Jewish apocrypha from the fifth century onwards include relations. The term ‘Pole’ is used as a synonym for an Ethiopic Liber Requiei describing Mary’s depar- Catholic: it is not claimed by or applied to Jews. For ture from this world, De transitu Mariae apocrypha an English-speaking observer, it would have been aethiopice. Anglo-Saxon death and assumption tra- thought self-evident that the Polish national com- ditions of Mary developed from Latin translations munity consists of both Catholics (as well as Protes- of earlier texts and contained anti-Jewish elements tants) and Jews and that ‘Polish–Jewish relations’ (some Jews attempt to sabotage the funeral). implies that Polish Jews are not Poles. One eminent Current interest in Mary seems primarily histori- English journalist, Clifford Longley (b. 1940), com- cal. It traces modes of worship centred on Mary and mented that he was ‘someone who regards himself the theological discussions that led to the formula- as fully Catholic and fully English, who would not tions of the early Ecumenical Councils. Forms of dream of suggesting, and would be deeply shocked devotion to Mary developed in the medieval cen- to hear it suggested by others, that Jews cannot turies with an emphasis on Mary’s role as inter- be just as English as I am. Indeed, I would regard cessor for sinful humans. The Reformation and someone who suggested such a thing as coming Counter-Reformation rethought and further elab- very close to committing the crime of incitement to orated Mary’s place, during the period that saw her racial hatred’ (Kessler et al., Jews and Christians in figure reach all over the globe through conquest and Conversation, 2002, 172). mission. These centuries also saw a growing sense, The stresses and demands of modern journalism, expressed in the miracle tales and religious works, including a straightforward lack of space in news- of the fundamental chasm that separated Jews from papers or exposure on television, means it is not an appreciation of Mary. Jews were accused of des- always possible to provide stories with the detail ecrating Marian images, deriding her cult and blas- they deserve. For example, journalists are told to pheming. take into account that the Jewish and the Chris- Futureinterfaithdialoguemightpondertheolog- tian community consist of a number of different ically on Mary’s role as mediator, on women’s (and groupings. Thus, it can cause annoyance in the Free men’s) parenting experiences, including anguish Churches when the Archbishop of Canterbury is (Luke 2.48) and attentive reflection (Luke 2.19). used as the main Christian spokesman in Britain See also Virgin Birth DEIRDRE J. GOOD and they are left unquoted. Likewise, some in the Masorti Judaism see Progressive Judaism Progressive Jewish community can become exer- Media cised when the Chief Rabbi is taken as a spokesman Reporting to the general public raises a number of for the whole Jewish community. issues of specific concern to Jewish–Christian rela- Another example of the role of the media in tions. These include sensitivity over the choice of reporting Jewish–Christian relations can be seen language,suchastheuseoftheterm‘antisemitism’ in the portrayal of the State of Israel. There is a (particularly with reference to reporting on Israel) widespread expectation within the Jewish commu- or adoption of the phrase ‘the Jews’. Some journal- nity and the Jewish media that Christians have a ists no longer use the latter owing to the pejora- particular responsibility to show understanding for tivemeaningthephrasecarriesinpopularChristian and sympathy towards Israel. On the other hand culture. The religion correspondent of The Times of some Christian media exhibit huge sympathy for

287 Medical ethics

the Palestinians, which influences their coverage 2002) in A Theory of Justice and Amartya Sen’s (b. of the issues. Consequently, the media are often 1933) social capital and capabilities are important accused of bias, in favour either of Israel or of examples of secular confluence with Jewish and the Palestinians. At the same time journalists are Christianvalues.JewishandChristianethicistshave aware that antisemitism sometimes hides beneath generally shared a concern to see the principles aveneer of anti-Israeli sentiment. The situation is of their tradition applied in bioethics. They differ complicated further by the existence of strong anti- in some key understandings: in matters of repro- Zionist sentiments among some sections of the ductive technology and abortion Jewish thought ultra-Orthodox Jewish community. The coverage of emphasises, distinctively, the obligation to work a 16-year-old suicide bomber who surrendered to with the Creator to propagate the race. Hans Jonas Israeli troops on the Gaza strip in 2003 caused par- (1903–93) is one whose eminent work has been ticular concern, as did the Bethlehem siege the pre- universally valued and through whom such Jew- ceding year. The Israeli government accused one ish emphases have become accepted in secular and BBC correspondent of ‘total identification with the Christian thought. Similarly, Jonas has extended goals and methods of the Palestinian terror groups’ the notion of therapeutic research by the principle and the Israeli media also criticised reporters from of identification to include experimentation that, TheTimes,SkytelevisionandseveralFrenchpapers. although it could not benefit this patient, has the However, wide coverage of issues related to potential to produce a cure for this patient’s dis- Jewish–Christian relations illustrates the extent to ease. Non-therapeutic research is then ruled out which the topic has become central to media inter- in all other clinical situations on the grounds both est. For example, the huge coverage of Mel Gibson’s of human dignity and of the nature of the doctor– film The Passion of the Christ (2004) demonstrated patient relationship. Genetic engineering and pos- a surprising level of interest in Jewish–Christian sible human cloning on the one hand and the allo- relations among the general public. Generally, cation of money, resources and treatment on the Christian media welcomed the film as much as the other are perhaps the biggest bioethical issues for Jewish media condemned it, but commentators in the immediate future: the demography of the AIDS both communities raised concerns about its poten- epidemic adds to the magnitude and urgency of the tial for stirring up antisemitism. task. Larger in impact will be the continuing debate RUTH GLEDHILL about abortion, euthanasia and assisted suicide as Medical ethics individuals face the effects of medical advances. Medical ethics, or bioethics, refers to the ethics of Governments have come to rely upon expert com- all aspects of human experimentation, health care, mittees, usually including prominent religious ethi- reproductive technology and genetics. Its recent cists, to advise on major bioethical issues, and it history dates from the Nuremberg Code, itself a is here that shared religious insights have had an response to the atrocious experiments conducted impact upon public policy. COLIN HONEY duringtheHolocaust.Conflictbetweentheindivid- Meiri, Menahem ben Solomon (1249–1316) ual’s perceived needs and those of society at large Talmudist, Bible exegete and philosopher of is central to much bioethics. From the 1970s to the Perpignan (Provence), author of a talmudic com- mid-1990s the research and discussion was largely mentary (Beit ha-Behirah) and halakhic novels led by Jewish and Christian ethicists. The Journal of (Hiddushei ha-Rav ha-Me’iri). As a philosopher Medical Ethics and the Institute of Medical Ethics in follower and defender of Maimonides,hedistin- Britain, the Hastings Center in New York (Hastings guished between religious teachings that can be Center Report) and the Kennedy Institute at George- established rationally (as, for example, the exis- town (Kennedy Institute of Ethics Journal) though tence, unity and incorporeality of God) and reli- arising out of religious backgrounds fuelled wider gious teachings that are a matter of faith (as, for interest in the issues. More recently the emergence example, creation, retribution, providence and mir- of the journal Bioethics and of the International acles). His philosophical opinions made it possi- Bioethics Society marked the broadening of that ble for him to be one of the few Jewish schol- base well beyond any religious domain. The princi- ars of the Middle Ages who maintained a certain ple of fairness as enunciated by John Rawls (1921– openness and tolerance towards other religions.

288 Memorialisation

Meiri amends the talmudic conception of the ger tian philosophy, although originating among ‘the toshav, the non-Jew who keeps the Noachide laws, barbarians’(i.e.Jews),ashavingblossomedwiththe and declares that Christians and Muslims, ‘though Empire; the Extracts, giving a list of the writings of they are, measured by our own faith, in some points the OldTestament (the first use of this term), which mistaken’,are nevertheless not idolaters but ummot he learnt as one of the earliest pilgrims to ‘the place ha-gedurot be-darkhei ha-datot,‘nations restricted where it was preached and happened’ (Church His- by the ways of religion’,and therefore stand between tory 4.26). The ‘two books On the Passover’are gen- Jews and idolaters (see idolatry). This positive view erally identified with the Concerning the Pascha, of Christianity and Islam allows Meiri also to see the surviving in two Greek papyri first published in 1940 meshummad,theapostate,inadifferentlight:while and 1960, and in later versions in Latin, Coptic, the rabbinic halakhah classifies them as heretics Syriac and Georgian. This highly rhetorical homily, towards whom the Jew has no obligations, Meiri apparently addressed to Christians who followed recognises the possibility of a religious conversion the Quartodeciman observance, presents the Exo- when he legally puts apostates and members of reli- dus and Passover as prefiguring the death of Jesus gions to which the conversion occurred into the and the redemption brought by him; supporting same category. STEFAN SCHREINER the typology,aspurious etymology links Pascha Melchizedek (Greek transliteration of Aramaic pesach) with the The obscure figure of Gen. 14.18 and Ps. 110.4 verb ‘to suffer’, paschein, used both of Christ’sdeath is presented as God’s assistant in the Dead Sea and of the human situation he entered. Melito’s Scrolls (11QMelch), perhaps as part of a tradi- language and imagery sometimes echo Passover tion reflected in later rabbinic identification with aggadic and related traditions, suggesting contacts the archangel Michael. Melchizedek’s appearance between the two faiths. Melito attributes Jesus’ in Gnostic writings may be connected with the murder to ‘Israel’, indicts Israel directly, and has Melchizedekian sect, which insisted on the human- Israel admitting to killing him ‘because he had to ity of Christ, as recorded by Epiphanius (fourth cen- die’ (Concerning the Pascha ll. 528–9). The charge tury) and Mark the Monk (fifth century). A Christian of deicide –‘Godismurdered, the King of Israel supersessionist tendency appears in Heb. 5–7, is killed by an Israelite right hand’ (ll. 715–16) – where the levitical priesthood is portrayed as insuf- arises out of his Christological identification of ficient and the priesthood of Christ ‘after the Jesus with God and his heated rhetoric, but was order of Melchizedek’ is preferred (Ps. 110.4). This to be a significant theme in the history of Christian becomes an issue in Jewish–Christian controversy anti-Judaism. JUDITH LIEU in the first few centuries and is debated in the Memorialisation Adversus Judaeos literature.Inone rabbinic pas- While Jews and Christians as members of his- sage Melchizedek is still said to reappear in the torical communities have always engaged in acts Messianic era (b. Sukkah 52b). Melchizedek came of remembrance, the discussion of concepts of to be identified with the patriarch Shem by both memorialisation as part of communal and individ- Christians and Jews, and although it has been ualpracticearemorerecentoccurrences.Regarding argued that the Shem–Melchizedek identification the Holocaust, calls for a liturgical remembrance was a Jewish reappropriation of Melchizedek, the of the murder of European Jews have resulted in origins of Shem’s priestly status are pre-Christian. specially composed liturgies which are enacted The omission by some Targumim of reference to by part of the Jewish community. At the same his priesthood may have been a response to the time the establishment of a civil society in the Christian use of Melchizedek. JAMES K. AITKEN State of Israel has resulted in the development Melito of Sardis (? c.140–185 CE) of civil religion, which includes the establishment Early Christian writer sometimes seen as influ- of Holocaust Memorial Day and the memorial- ential in the development of the charge of dei- isation of other events significant to the State cide. Eusebius of Caesarea says he was bishop of of Israel. Holocaust Memorial Day has also been Sardis and gives a survey of his writings, most now recently established in Britain (Holocaust remem- lost. Among these are: an Apology to the Emperor brance in Germany and Poland has taken place on Marcus Aurelius (121–80 CE), describing the Chris- 27 January for some years) and is marked by civic

289 Men’, Aleksandr Vladimirovich

activities as well as educational programmes in threat, and on 9 September 1990 he was axed to churches and synagogues. Recently studies of col- death by unidentified assailants. A minority of his lective memory have gained influence also in the fellow-Orthodox acclaim him as a martyr; others study of religion and Jewish–Christian relations. regret his liberalism and his tolerance of other This is particularly the case in relation to the Holo- faiths. Patron and promoter of Jewish–Christian caust, where the communities of victimisers and dialogue in Russia though he might become, his victims have developed different patterns of relat- reputation in his homeland is not yet sufficiently ing to the legacy of their families and communities. secure for this to carry weight. SERGEI HACKEL The study of these patterns one, and now already Menahem ben Shelomo Ha-Me’iri see Meiri, two or three, generations removed offers a new area Menahem ben Solomon of Jewish–Christian encounter in the present that is Menasseh ben Israel (1604–57) broughttobearonthestudyofthehistoryofJewish– Rabbi in the Portuguese Jewish community of Christian relations. Amsterdam. His writings in Latin, Spanish and K. HANNAH HOLTSCHNEIDER English on biblical exegesis,Jewish character, Mes- Men’, Aleksandr Vladimirovich (1935–90) sianic hope and the fate of the soul produced a Russian Orthodox priest (Moscow region). Men’ substantial reputation among European Christian was baptised as an infant at the same time as his intellectuals, many of whom corresponded with Jewish mother. In later years he was to speak with him. One of his books was illustrated with four satisfaction of his Jewish roots, which allowed a plates by Rembrandt (1606–69), who also etched particular ‘participation in the sacred past’. Soviet his portrait. His 1655 mission to England, attempt- circumstances inhibited involvement in overt or ing to convince Oliver Cromwell’s government to extensive dialogue with Judaism, but his reading reverse the 1290 expulsion of the Jews, generated and commitment provided firm foundations for vigorous debate about the Jews. He died believing such work. In a Church heavily burdened with anti- he had failed, as his proposal for a formal recall of Judaism and antisemitism he was accused of fos- the Jews was not accepted, but his efforts led to a tering a Judeo-Christian movement, though there de facto toleration of Jews living openly on British was nothing to suggest that such was his concern: soil. MARC SAPERSTEIN rather, he rejected the use of Hebrew language Mendelssohn, Moses (1729–86) or ritual in support of Jewish converts. His Jewish German philosopher and man of letters. Often ancestry was held to define him as an interloper regarded as the father of the Jewish Enlightenment by fellow-members of his Church; there were also or Haskalah,Mendelssohn was an observant Jew Jews who saw him as a traitor to their cause. He who embraced the wider Enlightenment culture. welcomed individuals’ acceptance of the Christian He upheld the traditional rejection of Christian- faith, but never sought converts, and was convinced ity in his open correspondence (1769–70) with the that the covenant on Sinai could not but endure Zurich theologian Johann Kaspar Lavater (1741– throughout the ages; hence his delight at St Paul’s 1801), arguing that rationality was the criterion insistence that ‘the gifts and the calling of God by which to assess religious claims, and regarded are irrevocable’ (Rom. 11.29) and his reluctance to Christianity as lacking in comparison with Judaism. accept the supersessionist stance of his Church. In Jerusalem (1783) he urged tolerance for other It took courage to argue, as he did (in conformity religious groups based upon a common human- with Vatican II), that anti-Judaism should have no ity, and regarded the practice of religion as a pri- place in the life and worship of the Church, yet he vate affair for the individual and for the community shared such thoughts with a samizdat journal, and concerned. DANIEL R. LANGTON aJewish one at that (1975). Here also he protested Mennonites see Anabaptists against the blood libels of the Russian past. His Merchant of Venice, The writings circulated widely in samizdat and abroad, Comedy by William Shakespeare.Written in but with the end of Soviet rule, during which his 1596/7, The Merchant of Venice endures as one ministry had constantly attracted the attentions of of Shakespeare’s most staged and studied plays. the KGB, he became a public figure. Conservatives It is also controversial in its portrayal of Jews and of various kinds still saw his generous spirit as a Jewish–Christian relations.

290 Messiah

Shakespeare’s play depicts Jews and Christians may envisage a unified doctrine of the Messiah in ambivalently. Shylock, the principal Jewish charac- Judaism at the time of Christ; and Jews may assume ter, is both villain and victim. He is an avaricious that a Christian is one who claims Jesus was the moneylender (see usury), a Christian-hater who Messiah. In fact, ‘Messiah’ was only one of a wide tries to take a pound of flesh from merchant Anto- range of terms and titles used for Jesus, others being nio in payment for a debt (I.iii; II.v). But the play also ‘Master’, ‘Lord’, ‘Prophet’ and ‘Son of Man’. It has depicts greedy, prejudiced Christians (I.i; I.iii; II.ii) often been argued, for example by Jacob Neusner and Jewish suffering is highlighted (IV.i) when Shy- (b. 1932) in his controversial book Messiah in Con- lock falls foul of the Venice authorities, loses half text (1984), that the concept of the Messiah was not his property, and is subject to forced conversion. awell-known one in the Jewish world at the time Merchant can be read as making a plea for toler- of Jesus. The Lord’s anointed in the Hebrew Bible is ance, although it is often forgotten that the famous normally the present king, but the prophetic time of ‘hath not a Jew eyes’ speech (III.i) functions as a 1Sam. 2.10 makes it easy to apply the phrase to the justification for revenge. coming Davidic king envisaged in such prophecies Shakespeare’s sources (medieval flesh-bond sto- asIsa.11.1–9(seeIsaiah).Yetalthoughtheprophetic ries, Marlowe’s JewofMalta (1589?), and the execu- texts that give a vision of a peaceful future quoted tion of Converso Roderigo Lopez (1594) are likely by the Gospel writers, especially Matthew,may refer influences) and intentions are hard to determine. to a king, they do not use mashiah. as a title. On the What is clearer is the significance of Merchant other hand, a central scene in the Gospels is the in reflecting and shaping subsequent Jewish– acknowledgement of Jesus as Messiah (Mark 8.29 Christian relations. For example, influenced by andparallels).Itshistoricalvalueforthereconstruc- Romanticism’s interpretation of ‘the Jew’ as symbol tion of the life of Jesus is debated, but on any inter- of tragic endurance, many nineteenth-century pro- pretationitshowstheimportanceofMessianismfor ductions depicted Shylock sympathetically. Con- early Christians who were still in touch with Jewish versely, ‘Shylock’ passed into English as a term of opinion. abuse. With some justification it may be argued that How are we to understand the charismatic figure Jewish characters in much later English literature of Jesus? We can make a distinction between Mes- (for example in the novels of Dickens and Eliot) sianic doctrine and a Messianic movement:apop- are developments of or reactions against those por- ular movement around a Messianic figure need trayed in The Merchant of Venice. not imply a unified doctrine.Judaism hoped for MELANIE J. WRIGHT a coming Davidic king, as attested in the Psalms of Messiah Solomon (first century BCE). Movements that can From the Hebrew mashiah. ,meaning ‘anointed’, be called Messianic in a broad sense are mentioned translated into the Septuagint (third century BCE) by Judas the Galilean (6 CE) and Theudas (46–8 CE); by the Greek word christos, which in the New in Acts 5.36–37 the respected Gamaliel is presented Testament is the title of Jesus,rendered into English as comparing them with the activity of Jesus. In the by Christ. The difference of Messianic beliefs can be Hasmonean period the Dead Sea Scrolls seem to regarded as the classic distinction between the two have envisaged two Messiahs as the King and Priest faiths. The Lambeth Conference 1988 said, ‘There of the end time, including the Davidic Messiah ful- are those Christians whose prayer is that Jews, with- filling the prophecy of the lion of Judah (Gen. 49.10). out giving up their Jewishness, will find their ful- To go back further, the oracles of Balaam in filment in Jesus the Messiah’. However, the recent Num. 24.7, 17 are rendered in the Septuagint so as to official Roman Catholic document The Jewish Peo- understandtheexpectationofacomingJewishcon- ple and their Sacred Scriptures in the Christian Bible queror. These hopes appear to have been the basis (2002) states that ‘the Jewish messianic expectation for Shimon BarKokhba, who led a rebellion against is not in vain’. This represents a huge shift in tra- the Romans from 132 to 135 CE and whom, accord- ditional Christian thinking about the Jewish Mes- ing to the Jerusalem Talmud (Ta’anit 68d), Rabbi sianic hope. Akiba himself believed to be the Messiah as the Both Jews and Christians often make debat- star prophesied in Num. 24.17. After his death Mes- able assumptions about Messianism: Christians sianic expectation probably lessened, but it did not

291 Messianic Jews

disappear and provides part of the background of not believe in it there is no harm.’ They were also the debate with Christianity. puzzled by his statement that the Messiah was not The Babylonian and Jerusalem Talmuds are as important to Jews as Christians seemed to think: works edited and completed after the Roman ‘My lord King, hear me. The Messiah is not funda- Empire became Christian – the idea that the mental to our religion. Why, you are worth more to Messiah had not yet come is now given an elab- me than the Messiah! You are a king, and he is a orate doctrinal form which can also be viewed as a king.’ Nahmanides criticised Maimonides’ making rabbinic response to a dominant Christianity. The the Messiah a Principle of the Faith. Church says the saviour of humanity has arrived: The debate continues today in the Jewish the Synagogue will now elaborate this doctrine, but world since the death in June 1994 of Rabbi place his arrival firmly in the future. The Babylo- Menachem Mendel Schneerson (1902–94), leader nian Talmud (edited 500–600) has an extended pas- of the Lubavitch movement, many of whose follow- sageonMessianisminSanhedrin97a–99a:thecom- ers proclaimed him as the Messiah. The Messianic ing of the Messiah will be preceded by a time of hope rooted in scripture was a powerful factor in trouble; it is not advisable to calculate the time of the origins of Christianity. Yet one could well argue his coming; the history of the world can be divided thathaditnotbeenforJewish–Christiandebatenei- into three parts, the third of which is the time of ther faith would have since been so preoccupied the Messiah; God will send the Messiah to a gen- with Messianism. Official religious leaders would eration that is worthy of it and repents; the Mes- not otherwise have accepted a doctrine so threat- siah will be from the House of David; his coming ening, so potentially subversive and revolutionary, will be announced by the return of Elijah; others and so rooted in popular culture. suggest he is here already, but we fail to recognise MICHAEL HILTON him sitting among the poor. The Talmuds specifi- Messianic Jews cally link the coming of the Messiah with the keep- Messianic Judaism consists of Jews (individuals ing of the Sabbath. This too may reflect a debate with Jewish ancestry) and Gentiles who believe that withJewishChristianswhowerediscardingthecel- by accepting Yeshua (Jesus) into their lives they can ebration of the day in favour of Sunday, the ‘Lord’s live a fulfilled Jewish life. The movement emerged Day’.Those who proclaimed the Messiah had come out of Hebrew Christianity in the latter decades of were in fact, by their heresies, postponing his arrival the twentieth century and emphasises its attach- yet further. Christian teaching both before and after ment with Judaism rather than with the Church. Constantine had insisted on the idea of two advents Messianic Jews, such as Jews for Jesus, observe of the Messiah, one still to come; and this second many of the same customs as Jews, including bibli- advent was expected, especially by second- and cal festivals and post-biblical lifecycle events such third-centuryChurchFatherssuchasIrenaeusand as barmitzvah.Messianic Judaism is proactive in Tertullian,toinitiate a reign of Christ in Jerusalem seeking Jewish converts and is condemned by the (millennium). vast majority of the Jewish community. Although In the Bible commentaries, disputations and aJewish convert to Christianity may still be cat- polemics of the Middle Ages the topic of the egorised a Jew according to a strict interpreta- Messiah was again a central topic of dispute tion of the halakhah (Jewish law), most Jews are between Jews and Christians. The same arguments adamantly opposed to the idea that one can convert were repeated, with Christians arguing that texts to Christianity and still remain a Jew or be consid- from the Hebrew prophets foretold the two advents ered part of Jewish life. From a mainstream Chris- of Jesus as Messiah, and Jews replying that the tian perspective Messianic Judaism can also invoke promised Messiah has not yet arrived. At Barcelona hostility for misrepresenting Christianity. Although in 1263 the Messiah was the first and principal topic there is sympathy for the difficulties faced by Mes- of discussion. The Christian disputants found it dif- sianic Jews, many involved in Jewish–Christian ficult to cope with Nahmanides’arguments that a dialogue view Messianic Judaism as undermining biblical passage can carry a wealth of alternative the mutual respect that has been built up in recent explanations: ‘As for the Midrash,ifanyone wants years. Its syncretism confuses Christians and Jews, to believe in it, well and good, but if someone does and it is not surprising that Messianic Jews feel

292 Midrash

rejected and misunderstood by both Judaism and regarding Menachem Schneerson (1902–94) has Christianity. EDWARD KESSLER caused great controversy within Judaism, both Messianic movements towards the end of Schneerson’s life and after The term is generally employed to label those peo- his death, because, in remarkable parallel with ple who have acclaimed a given individual to be Christian teaching about the parousia, some of Messiah and in the process have become followers Schneerson’s followers expect him to return and of that figure. Messianic movements in Judaism and inaugurate the Messianic age. Christianity share many of the same features, such See also eschatology; millenarianism as the belief that their leader is the awaited Messiah JAMES S. MCLAREN who will help bring about God’srule and restore the Messianism see Messianic movements; Messiah autonomy of Israel.Inthe NewTestament Gospel Methodism accounts of the teachings of Jesus the concept was Amovement of the eighteenth-century British directly related to the kingdom of God.Afurther evangelical revival, and an offshoot of Anglicanism. key element of a Messianic group is that the adher- Its founder, John Wesley,recorded a small num- entsviewtheirleaderasactivelyusheringinthenew ber of meetings with Jews in his journals, but in his era, by promoting particular patterns of behaviour sermon ‘On Faith’ (1788) he wrote that ‘with hea- and/or by advocating the taking up of arms. The thens, Mahometans, and Jews, we have at present latter is best illustrated by the tradition that Akiba nothing to do’.More important for Methodism than acclaimed BarKokhba, the leader of the second his chance encounters with people of other faiths Jewish revolt (132–5CE), as Messiah (y. Ta’anit 4.8 was his inclusive Arminian theology, rather than 68a). There is no further evidence, however, to sug- an exclusive Calvinism, which he explicitly repu- gest that Bar Kokhba tried to present his cause as a diated. Methodism is now found as a number of Messianic movement, although he was condemned different denominations in many countries of the in Christian writings. world; it is also a participant in a number of united Jewish history incorporates several examples of Churches (notably in Australia, Canada and India). Messianic movements, but the majority of atten- Methodism’s strong sense of God’s universal grace tion centres on the period in which Christianity and the need for social holiness or sanctification emerged. The New Testament provides the most has led a number of Methodists into positive inter- detailed exposition of the activity and identity of a faith, including Jewish–Christian, relations. One Messiah figure in its depiction of Jesus of Nazareth. notable pioneer was William W. Simpson (1907– In turn this has fostered the notion that Messianic 87), the first secretary of the International Council expectation was a dominant concern of Jews in the of Christians and Jews. Like many Churches in late Second Temple period. It has also resulted in a recent years, various Methodist Churches have tendency within Christian scholarship to view the madepositivestatementsaboutrelationswithJews: various groups and movements during the period notably the British Methodist Church in 1993 in as a broad single expression of zealot ideology (e.g. the course of a wider ranging document on inter- M. Hengel (b. 1926)). However, the recent work of religious relationships; and especially the Ameri- R. A. Horsley and D. M. Rhoads has established that can United Methodist Church in its important 1996 each group described in the extant sources needs document Building New Bridges in Hope. The lat- to be understood in its own right. ter, offering nine guiding principles for Jewish– The brutal suppression of the Bar Kokhba revolt Christian relations, goes further than many Church helped to ensure that Rabbinic Judaism did not documents in a positive appraisal of post-Christian actively promote aspirations for helping to usher Judaism as an authentic and ongoing revelation of in the Messianic era. This quietist approach has God. It espouses dialogue rather than mission and remained in place in Jewish thinking, with two respects ‘the legitimacy of the State of Israel’. notable exceptions. One was the seventeenth- MARTIN FORWARD century movement connected with Shabbetai Zvi, Midrash who was acclaimed by his followers as the Messiah (Pl. = midrashim.) Hebrew term for asking, search- and generated much Christian interest. The other ing, inquiring and interpreting. It generally refers recent claim by members of the Lubavitch hasidim to a genre of rabbinic literature, although it has

293 Millenarianism

been argued by some Christian scholars, such as Jesus – and add related stories which interpret and Raymond Brown (1928–88), that there also exists a amplify the original historical event. Brown argues specifically Christian form of midrash, notably in that Christian midrash builds a bridge between the NewTestament.InRabbinic Judaism midrash the stories of the OldTestament and the life of consists of an anthology and compilation of homi- Jesus. EDWARD KESSLER lies, including halakhah (Jewish law) and aggadah Millenarianism (general ethical, anecdotal or homiletical material). Also known as millennialism or chiliasm. This term Consequently, midrash is considered a religious is often applied loosely to any religious outlook activity as well as a commentary on a particular that envisages a transformation of earthly life book of the Bible. In Jewish services midrash is and the ushering in of a golden age, in which, often part of the exposition of the Torah reading, commonly, a faithful group are rewarded. The as found, for example, in the Targums, which are core doctrines of millenarianism are found in supposed to be merely translation but nevertheless prophetic Judaism and early Christianity. In the allow for development. Thus, midrash is not merely latter the reference in the book of Revelation an attempt to understand the biblical text but to (20.1–5) – clearly itself rooted in contemporary make sense of it, i.e. to create meaning, not simply Jewish interpretation – to a period of a thousand to offer biblical exegesis. years in which Christ will reign in person on earth Midrash sometimes sheds light on the Jewish– has encouraged the expectation of a collective, Christian encounter in Late Antiquity and can imminent, terrestrial salvation according to a demonstraterabbinicawarenessofChristianity.For divine plan and has exercised a pervasive influence example, a midrash on the phrase ‘let us make in the history of Christianity. The millennium is man’ (Gen. 1.27) may represent an early Jewish an interval in the war of good and evil which the response to Christian teaching about the relation- Christian revelation, following Hebrew apocalyp- ship between the Father and the Son. Christians tic, sees as the pattern of all history. It is obsessive interpreted this phrase Christologically, interpret- preoccupation with, rather than belief in, this idea ing it to mean that the Father (God) discussed the that separates cultic extremists from the rest of creation of humankind with the Son (Jesus Christ). Christendom. Christian and Jewish millenarianism In onemidrash,however,Godisportrayedas‘taking share the revolutionary concept of redemption counsel with the works of heaven and earth’ or in an in which the old order is destroyed. As a form of alternative suggestion ‘taking counsel with His own eschatology concerned with the chronology of heart’. Justin Martyr quotes this midrash in Dia- future events, three positions have emerged which logue with Trypho (62) when he accuses the rabbis try to interpret the return and millennial rule of of misrepresenting scripture. Christ. Pre-millenarianism asserts that Christ will Rabbinic literature also includes midrashim on return to earth before his millennial reign begins; biblical legends such as the tradition that the Torah post-millennialism, which is more allegorical, was given to Moses by angels, rather than by God. teaches that Christ’s return will follow a millennial This midrash is known by Barnabas (see Apostolic period on earth; while amillennialism rejects Fathers), who warns Christians against being influ- the notion of a literal thousand-year period and enced by Jewish biblical interpretation and sug- emphasises the coexistence of the kingdom of God gests that the Torah was given by an evil angel with the kingdom of evil until the end of history. as a punishment to the Jewish people for their Pre-millennialists have frequently given the Jewish sins. A very small number of midrashim mention people a prominent role in the future age. Over Christianity explicitly, such as the eighth-century the centuries there have been various attempts Palestinian midrash, Aggadat Bereshit (31), which by Christians to restore Jewish sovereignty in the in a polemical comment on the Akedah condemns Holy Land rooted in the belief that the return of the view that God had a son. the Jews is a biblically designated precondition to An example of Christian midrash can be found in the Second Coming of Jesus (see Christian the differing birth stories in Matthew and Luke. The Zionism). The primary concern here has been the two stories may be described as Christian midrash conversionofJewstoChristianity.Inmoderntimes, because they look at the historical facts – the birth of particularly since the Six Day War of 1967, this

294 Miriam

interest has been reflected in very strong Christian different in other historical and cultural contexts. fundamentalist support for the State of Israel, In Israel, for example, dialogue takes place where notably in the United States and among Christians are a minority among a Jewish major- Evangelical Protestants, such as Pentecostal ity. Here the context is further affected by a com- and Adventist churches. plex asymmetry in the dialogue of Christians and In rabbinic teaching the eschatological Mes- Jews with Muslims: in Western Europe Muslims are sianic hopes for the re-establishment of the Temple aminority, but in the Middle East they are a large and of a Jewish kingdom were often treated with majority; yet in Israel Muslims are a minority, but caution and moderation; but they continued to larger than the Christian minority. play an important part throughout the medieval For Christians, accepting a minority position, and later periods, as can be seen in writers like alongside Judaism, requires a rethinking of the Saadiah Gaon (882–942) and Don Isaac Abravanel place of the Christian Church, the specific mis- (1437–1508) and even, in a sophisticated form, sion of Christ and the way in which the mission Maimonides. The widespread movement of Mes- of the Church fits into God’s total plan. NewTesta- sianic hope focussed on Shabettai Zvi aroused the ment texts, such as Matt. 28.19 (‘Go therefore and keenest interest among contemporary Christians. make disciples of all the nations baptising them The most recent example of Jewish millennial fer- in the name of the Father and of the Son and of vour is demonstrated by the Lubavitch hasidim, the Holy Spirit’) are being re-read alongside pas- some of whom suggested that their rebbe, Men- sages such as Matt. 10.5 and 23 (‘Do not go to any achem Mendel Schneerson (1902–94), was the Mes- Gentiles...YouwillnotlackcitiesinIsraelbeforethe siah. After his death he was expected to return and SonofMan appears’), with Stendahl, for example, bring in God’s Messianic kingdom. arguing that Matthew’s understanding of the mis- See also Messianic movements DAVID WEIGALL sion of the Church is based on a minority model Minorities which sits comfortably alongside the Jewish under- In its origins Christianity, like Judaism but with less standing of mission (cf. Isa. 42.6 and the calling legal protection (see religio licita), was a minor- of Israel ‘to be a light to the nations’). He sug- ity religion in the Roman Empire. However, this gests that the Jewish emphasis on a revelatory non- changed after the conversion of Constantine in universalism – in other words, on being a particular 312 CE, and since the end of the fourth century people – may help Christians respond to the self- Christianity has been the dominant partner in the evident fact, particularly in the West, that they are relationship with Judaism, and Jews the minority. no longer a majority. Being faithful and obedient to The Adversus Judaeos literature thus illustrates, God but not claiming a monopoly on God’s revela- among other things, the frustration experienced by tion may provide the basis for Jews and Christian amajority power in its relationship with a minority to explore together what it means to have minority group. The respective populations today indicate status. that Christianity remains the majority power, but See also particularism; universalism an increasing number of Christians in the West are EDWARD KESSLER aware that they live in a multicultural and multifaith Miriam world and that, consequently, both religions are Jews and Christians associate Miriam’s name with now minorities. This has led a number of contem- prophecy, music and ritual dance, salvation and porary Christian scholars, such as Krister Stendahl prophetic dissent. Miriam, sister to Moses and (b. 1921), to develop a theology of the interfaith Aaron,isthe first woman in scripture to be called encounter that takes into account its minority prophet (Exod. 15.20, cf. Philo, Contempl. 86–7), status. though there is no example of her prophesying (cf. In Western Europe and North America, where b. Sotah 12a–13a; b. Baba Batra 120a; L.A.B. 9.9– Roman Catholic and Protestant theology has 10 and 9.15; Mekilta Shirata 10). Modern biblical changed dramatically in recent years, most notably scholars concur that Miriam was once of greater since Nostra Aetate in 1965, Christian–Jewish significance in Israel’shistory than the biblical texts dialogue takes place with Christians being a major- allow, and women in particular have found Miriam ity and Jews a minority. However, the situation is an inspiring, subversive figure. Jewish and Christian

295 Mishnah

feminist scholars say much about the way she has cross. Miriam and Mary seemingly converge again been portrayed in tradition. in the Qur’an, where Mary/Maryam is also ‘sister of Jewish midrashim explored and explained Aaron’ (cf. Exod. 15.20; 1 Chr. 6.3; Num. 26.59; Sura anomalies and the unclear sibling-relationships in 3.31 House of ‘Imran; Sura 19.29 and cf. 66.11–12). the Hebrew texts about her, sometimes enhancing Muslim authorities offer differing explanations for Miriam’s role (see Cohen, The Origins and Evolu- this. CHRISTINE TREVETT tion of the Moses Nativity Story). Mic. 6.4 points Mishnah to what some suspect, namely that she, no less A comprehensive compendium of rabbinic law than her siblings, had led the exodus from Egypt. from the early third century CE, perhaps the earli- Wisdom and salvation combined in the traditions est of all rabbinic works, which formed the base-text about Miriam’s well, which appeared because of of the Talmud. The fact that it makes no reference her merits (so Pseudo-Philo and rabbinic inter- to Christians or Christianity may be due partially pretation, see Ginzberg, Legends III), but originally to the marginality of Christianity in third-century Miriam may have been a priestly figure. After she Palestine, in spite of individuals such as Origen and Aaron criticised Moses, Miriam alone was pun- (who seems unaware of this work); it is also a reflec- ished with a polluting skin disease and seven days tion of general early rabbinic indifference towards of separation (Num. 12.1–15). Christian and Jewish non-Jewish or non-rabbinic religions. The eschato- commentators struggled to explain this seeming logical prediction that ‘the Kingdom will convert to injustice, but for some that separation has sug- heresy (minut)’ (m. Sotah 9.15), presumably refer- gested a parallel with the seven days of priestly ring to Constantine’s conversion to Christianity,is a consecration (Exod. 29.35), and a condensed and later interpolation which may be dated to the fourth legendary reference to women’s demotion from century. The term ‘Mishnah’ means ‘teaching (by priesthood. oralrepetition)’,butitwasalsointerpretedasmean- Just as modern Jewish women and feminists try ing ‘second’ (in relation to scriptures), hence the to recover the spiritual legacy of Miriam, so Chris- Greek term deuterosis used by fourth-century and tian women past and present have appealed to her laterChurchFathers(e.g.Eusebius,Jerome),andby example, sometimes to claim a right to public min- Justinian in his decree against it in 553 CE (a decree istry or priesthood, or in exploring spirituality and that is unlikely to have been effectively imple- liturgy.ClementofRome(c.95CE)likenedMiriam’s mented). In this decree the deuterosis is described challenge to a threat to properly constituted Church as ‘unwritten’, which may confirm the widely held leaders (Cor. 4.11). In second- to fifth-century Mon- opinion that the Mishnah, in this period, was still tanism Miriam was proof that females might validly anoralcomposition.However,‘unwritten’maysim- be publicly active prophet-teachers (Origen, Fr. ply mean ‘not in the scriptures’.The term deuterosis, 1 Cor. 14.36), while later Quintillian Montanists moreover, is likely in early Christian sources to refer cited her in support of female clergy (Epiphanius, toJewishnon-scripturalteachingsingeneral,rather Medicine Box 49.2). Among Catholics, in the fourth- than to the specific work of the Mishnah. In an century Apostolic Constitutions she was named in early medieval anti-Christian polemic, exclusive the ordination prayer for deaconesses, who were possession of the Mishnah is presented as evidence likened to the Holy Spirit. that the Jews are the true Israel (Pesikta Rabbati Miriam was probably the unnamed sister of the 5.1, etc.). SACHA STERN infant Moses in the narrative of his rescue (Exod. Mission 2.1–10) and thus a means to her people’s deliver- Missionisoneofthemostcontentiousandsensitive ance. In turn Moses’ infancy story influenced that of areas in Jewish–Christian relations, partly because, Jesus in Matthew’s Gospel. Since the Song of Moses for Jews, it conjures up images of centuries of per- and of the men (Exod. 15.1–18) probably belonged secution by the Church and partly because Jews originally to Miriam and the women (cf. 15.20–21), are frustrated with Christian missionary activity it was she who figured at the beginning (Moses’ that fails to understand their ‘no’ to Jesus. Any birth) and end of the exodus salvation story, as attempts to convert the ‘other’ destroys the trust did Mary (in name another Miriam) in Jesus’ story, thatisbuildingbetweenthetwofaiths.Termssome- beginning with Luke’s Magnificat and ending at the times used synonomously with the word ‘mission’

296 Mission include ‘evangelism’, ‘conversion’, ‘witness’ and Hellenists had developed a negative view of the ‘proselytism’. Temple, based on that part of the Jesus-tradition Mission is the sending out of someone to ful- which prophesied the destruction of the Temple fil a particular task. Both Judaism and Christianity (e.g. Mark 14.58 and par.). Prior to Paul’s conver- have a missionary vocation in the sense that their sion to Christianity it was these Christians whom he adherents are commissioned by God to carry out a had persecuted; and consequently they were driven specific witness in the world. Christian missionary out of Jerusalem and began preaching their mes- activity has traditionally been understood as con- sage to Samaritans and Gentiles (Hahn, S. Brown, verting non-Christians to belief in Christ, and that Gager). Acts 10 records the conversion and bap- has included Jews. Generally, Jews have not under- tism of the centurion Cornelius by the apostle stood their mission as converting others to Judaism Peter and is interpreted by some scholars as an butasfaithfulnesstoTorahandthecovenantalobli- attempttoroottheGentilemissioninakeydisciple- gations; therefore non-Jews are not targets for con- figure (S. Brown). The incorporation of the Gentiles version because the righteous of all nations will into the Church gathered momentum with Paul, have a share in the world to come if they keep the known as ‘an apostle to the Gentiles’. He based Noachide Laws.Jews understand their mission as his mission on two convictions: first, that he had being a witness to the One God, as a ‘light to the been specially commissioned by the risen Christ nations’; however, between the second and third to go to the Gentiles (Gal. 1.15–17) and second, century CE the Pharisees may have actively sought the belief that God was the God of Gentiles as converts, although scholars disagree as to when well as Jews (Rom. 3.29; 15.8f.). When the gospel within this period they did so (Feldman, Goodman). was preached in the synagogues with little success, A number of diverse texts are relevant when con- the Church had to come to terms with the Jew- sidering Pharisaic missionary activity during this ish ‘no’ to Jesus, a situation that Paul wrestles with period, for example: Matt. 23.15; Letter of Aristeas in Romans 9–11. The gradual parting of the ways 226; Josephus, Ant. 13.9.1; 13.11.3; 20.2.3; also J.W. between the communities led to a severely hostile 7.3.3; Philo, Virt. 102; 219; Esth. 8.17. The mission- relationship that was to intensify with competition ary approach of the Pharisaic movement may have between the two faiths for converts on the mission- influenced early Christian mission (Georgi, Nock, field until the fourth century. The continued attrac- Segal). tion of Judaism provoked harsh anti-Jewish ser- Jesus’ mission was focused on the imminent mons from the Church Fathers (e.g. Melito,John coming of the kingdom of God (Mark 1.15; 6.7f.). Chrysostom). He commissioned 12 disciples to represent Israel During the first three centuries CE the Church’s and accompany him during his ministry, specifi- mission to Jews was coupled with anti-Jewish cally asking them not to go to any Gentile town polemic because the Jews had failed to convert but only to ‘the lost sheep of the house of Israel’ to Christianity. The Church developed an exclu- (Matt. 10.5). He later sent out 70 disciples in pairs sive understanding of salvation – extra ecclesiam to extend this mission. It is generally accepted in nulla salus – outside the Church no salvation. NewTestament scholarship that the Gentile mis- This teaching became the central support for its sion occurred not during Jesus’ lifetime but after mission to Jews as well as pagans. The conver- the resurrection when the Christ-event was under- sion of Constantine to Christianity in 312 CE stood to have universal relevance (Matt. 28.19; Luke was a turning point for Jewish–Christian rela- 24.47). Immediately after Jesus’ death the disci- tions, where missionary policy became bound ples directed their preaching at Jews and some up with anti-Jewish legislation, severely restrict- godfearers (Gentiles attracted to Jewish monothe- ing Jewish influence on society and prohibiting ism, but who did not convert to Judaism) in the Jews from converting Christians to Judaism. Chris- synagogues, proclaiming that God had raised him tianity became the official religion of the Roman from the dead. The catalyst for the mission to the Empire, which meant that the Church’s mission Samaritans and Gentiles can be located in the dis- to Jews was officially endorsed by the state and pute between the Jerusalem Church (the Hebrews) that those who did not convert were to experi- and Stephen and the Hellenists in Acts 6–7. The ence brutal activity. In 438 the Theodosian Code

297 Mission

made missionary activity legal for Christians but pretation the Jews would convert to Christianity. In illegal for Jews. The Justinian Code of the sixth his missionary tract of 1523, That Jesus Christ Was century severely restricted the public status of Jews BornaJew,hesought to make the gospel more and led to a wave of aggressive missionary activi- acceptable to Jews. The tract was seen as a suc- ties and forced baptisms. Historically, the ‘failure’ of cess by many Christians at the time, but it sowed large numbers of Jews to embrace Jesus continued the seeds for his later disappointment because the to baffle the Church and precipitated the devel- Jews did not convert as expected, and this was to opment of various myths of Jewish depravity and provoke him to write some of the most anti-Jewish blindness. The anti-Jewish policies were challenged tractates in Christian history. For him the conver- by some Church leaders: for example, Pope Gregory sion of the Jews was an essential part of herald- the Great, who wrote to the Bishops of Arles and ing the Second Coming of Christ. By 1543 he had Marseilles explaining that these measures against categorised Jews as beyond redemption and dis- Jews were counterproductive. Some measure of tol- missed any mission to them as useless, and wrote erance was suggested by the Second Council of three anti-Jewish tracts that suggested measures Nicaea in 787, which decreed that Jews who had against those who had not converted which were converted to Christianity but continued to prac- to have later parallels in Hitler’s anti-Jewish laws of tise their Judaism were not Christians and could the 1930s. John Calvin did not consider mission to practise their faith openly. There was always some Jews an urgent priority in his early ministry, partly ambiguity in the Church’s understanding of mis- becauseheworkedinanareawithfewJews.Another sion and Jews: on the one hand it sought to bring position emerged during the Reformation which as many Jews as possible into the fold, at times minimised conversionary activity because of the by force if necessary; on the other hand it had a belief that in the end times all Jews would convert; deep respect for the tradition that was at the root consequently Christians should have a positive atti- of Christian faith. The Church sought to preserve tude towards Jews rather than seeing them as the the identity of the Jewish people because of the objects of mission or polemics. This attitude was belief that the Jews were the recipients of God’s carried into many discussions by Protestant the- providential care as the Chosen People and that ologiansinthesixteenthandseventeenthcenturies. eschatologically they had a role in the final act of Jewswererarelybaptised,andtherewerefeworgan- redemption. This raised a tension on the mission- ised attempts to proselytise them; for example, the field between belief that the conversion of the Jews Pietist movement did not expect the widespread was an essential part of Christian mission and not conversion of Jews until the end days and their mis- wanting to thwart God’sfinal salvific plan. This ten- sionary policy thus encouraged a positive relation- sion has still not been adequately addressed by the ship, with conversion by gentle persuasion. During Church. this period missionary activity was less aggressive The Middle Ages brought some measure of tol- and began to take a new direction with mission- erance and peaceful coexistence, but also peri- aries learning the languages of Jews (Hebrew and ods of brutal persecution and aggressive mission Yiddish) as well as studying Jewish religious prac- when Jews were forced to accept immediate bap- tices and customs. This led to the inculturation tism and compulsory attendance at Church, and of the gospel with Jewish ideas and language to Jewishchildrenwhosefamilieshadnotconvertedto attractJewstoChristianity,markinganewapproach Christianityweretakenfromtheirhomesandraised towards Jews in Protestant missionary work. The with Christian families. During the fifteenth and nineteenth century saw a surge in missionary activ- sixteenth centuries Jews were given the choice of ity with the founding of new societies for pro- converting to Catholicism or expulsion from their moting the gospel to Jews (e.g. the London Soci- land (for example, from Spain in 1492). The early ety for Promoting Christianity amongst the Jews; Reformation period saw the positive beginnings see Church’s Ministry among Jewish People). The of dialogue rather than missionary activity. How- missionaries combined their evangelistic approach ever, this changed with Martin Luther. The young with support for a Jewish homeland, a position now Luther was tolerant of Jews because he hoped that termed Christian Zionism.Inthis period the first when the gospel was stripped of its Catholic inter- Hebrew Christian groups and Messianic Jewish

298 Mission congregations were founded, which combined the ity’ or ‘mutual witness’ by the American theologian traditional missionary message with the possibility Clark Williamson (AMutual Witness, 1992). The for Jews to keep Jewish customs and identity whilst change in Christian mission is clear from a num- believing in Christ. This new face to Christian mis- ber of statements that clearly reject any coercive sion was primarily rooted in nineteenth-century proselytising directed at Jews. The Roman Catholic Protestant theology. During the twentieth century Church in Nostra Aetate condemns any attempts individual figures like James Parkes suggested to set up organisations with the sole aim of con- a non-missionary approach towards Jews. Some verting Jews. The WorldCouncil of Churches has organisations took a new position regarding moved away from a missionary approach to a dia- mission: the Roman Catholic order the Sisters of logical relationship (the Sigtuna Report of 1988,4 Sion,originallyfoundedtoconvertJews,renounced and 5) and the Leuenberg Document on the Church its missionary stance in favour of a dialogical and Israel (see Leuenberg Church Fellowship) calls relationship with Jews. The various Councils of for a sensitivity in its methods of witness because Christians and Jews around the world are non- of the experience Jews have had of Christian mis- missionary organisations which believe that mis- sionary activity and for engagement in appropri- sion is incompatible with dialogue. The Interna- ate witness within the context of dialogue (3.2; tional Christian Embassy in Israel, a Christian 3.2.2). Nothing has been forthcoming from the Zionist organisation, has a particular eschatology Orthodox Churches. The first Jewish statement which affects its understanding of mission, believ- on Jewish–Christian relations, Dabru Emet, does ing that Christians have forfeited their right to evan- not mention Jewish or Christian mission, but does gelise Jews because of the Holocaust and because speak about the joint ethical witness of Jews and only after the Second Coming of Christ will all Israel Christians. be saved. Other evangelistic groups, like Jews for Since the publication of two study documents, JesusandMessianicJews,continuetodefendamis- Reflections on Covenant and Mission (August 2002) sionary approach, working for the conversion of all and A Sacred Obligation (September 2002), mis- Jews to belief in Christ as a necessary requirement sion has been the subject of fierce debate in the for their salvation. United States, not only amongst Roman Catholic The Holocaust was a further, and perhaps the scholars and leaders, but also in the conservative most significant, catalyst for changes in Christian and evangelical wings of the Protestant churches. understandings of mission. The Church began to The Roman Catholic theologian John Pawlikowski acknowledge that centuries of anti-Jewish teaching (b. 1940) strongly argues that new understand- and brutal missionising had laid the foundations ings of mission and covenant in relation to Jews for secular antisemitism in Europe. The Jewish have their roots in Nostra Aetate, and necessitate response often argued that the Christian conver- arethinking of Christology and Christian iden- sionary attitude towards Jews was in reality no dif- tity. It is this reassessment that remains highly ferent from Hitler’s policies because for centuries contested between institutional leaders such as the Church had tried to do spiritually what Hitler Cardinal Dulles (b. 1918) and scholars and activists had sought to do physically: to wipe out Jews and in Jewish–Christian relations. The issue of mission Judaism. Contemporary Christian understandings remains problematic in Jewish–Christian relations. of mission and Jews remain ambiguous but can be The Churches have no clear consensus of belief in placed in three main categories: first, those who this area and therefore a number of differing posi- seek the conversion of all Jews because there is no tions remain. When groups like the Church’s Min- exemption from the need for salvation in Christ; istry amongst the Jewish People (CMJ) and Jews second,thosewhowitnesstofaithinChrist,without for Jesus seek to participate in the dialogue, the targeting Jews specifically, and believe in sharing problem of mission is inevitably raised. Many Jews the Christian faith with all people; and third, those expect that if they dialogue with Christians there who have no conversionary outlook towards Jews, should be no hidden missionary agenda or secret where mission is understood as mutual influence desire for their conversion. Much missionary the- and a joint ethical witness in an unredeemed world. ology rests on Christian claims that salvation is only This latter model has been termed ‘critical solidar- possible through Christ, and therefore any solution

299 Modern Hebrew literature

to ‘mission and Jews’ will need to address the issue Martin Buber and Franz Rosenzweig) has increas- of salvation. Many Jews, and an increasing number ingly attended to relations between Judaism, Chris- of Christians, see efforts to convert Jews as incom- tianity and Islam. patible with dialogue, and a joint ethical mission is This ambivalence stems generally from moder- deemed appropriate. HELEN P. FRY nity’s challenge to traditional religious authority Modern Hebrew literature see literature, and belief. In the context of Jewish–Christian Hebrew, modern relations it may also draw support from the argu- Modernity mentsofthose,likeZygmuntBauman(b.1925),who Modernity is an umbrella term referring to both have suggested that the Holocaust is best under- the cultural and intellectual consequences of the stood not as an aberration, but as the logical out- Enlightenment and the historical epoch with working of modernity. From this perspective the whichtheyareassociated.Itsoriginsmaybelocated attempted genocide of Jews not only depended philosophically in the work of figures like John on modern technologies and bureaucratic pro- Locke (1632–1704) and Voltaire, and the com- cesses for its implementation, it was also fuelled mitment to autonomous human rationality and by the ordering, classifying nature of modernity, progress through science. However, the rise of which constructed the unassimilable ‘conceptual modernity is also inextricably linked to particular Jew’ as a threatening, challenging presence within institutions,namelyindustrialcapitalism(basedon the nation state. As such, modernity signalled not technology and rational forms of organisation) and the demise of anti-Jewish prejudice, but rather the modern nation state (characterised by repre- its mutation into a more deadly form, under- sentative democracy and the increasing bureau- pinned by the pseudo-science of race theory and cratisation of life). eugenics. Modernity’s implications for Jewish–Christian If (contra Anthony Giddens (b.1938)) theorists relations are complex. On the one hand the associ- such as Bauman and Fredric Jameson (b. 1934) are ated processes of social and political emancipation correct in suggesting the demise of modernity (wit- of Jews and minority Christian groups have created nessed in the increasing problematisation of iden- conditions of pluralism in which adherents of dif- tity,adecline of confidence in science to deliver ferent worldviews are brought into close proximity progress etc.), this has significant implications for with one another. The separation in the modern the future conduct of Jewish–Christian relations. state of the public sphere of wage-earning from the Since many of the subject’s current physical and increasingly privatised realm of kinship and reli- conceptual structures are the products of moder- gious life has created opportunities for interaction nity, they must alter or lose relevancy with the pass- and dialogue.Within academe the rise of modern ing of the epoch. However, the implications of post- biblical scholarship (predicated, like Wissenschaft modernism – with its interest in identity formation des Judentums,onrational procedures of investi- and difference – for Jewish–Christian relations are gation) has been crucial to the reappraisal of New as yet largely unclear. MELANIE J. WRIGHT Testament texts and, consequently, Christian cate- Molcho, Solomon (c.1500–32) chesis and doctrine on Judaism. Portuguese Marrano Diego Pires, who returned to Interestingly, whilst these shifts are commonly Judaism and was burned at the stake during the associated with improved Jewish–Christian rela- Inquisition. After his return to Judaism following a tions, resistance to aspects of modernity has meeting in 1525 with David Reuveni (1490–1538) emerged recently as a platform for interfaith coop- who claimed to be representative of the ten lost eration. The offering of a shared response to tribes of Israel, Molcho studied Kabbalah and set- secularism (inherent in modernity’s privileging of tled in Salonica where he wrote Sefer ha-Mefo’ar rationalism over belief in the transcendent and and gained a reputation for prophecy. Returning supernatural) is a goal of several Councils of Chris- to Italy by 1529, he preached the coming of the tians and Jews, whilst the Society for Textual Rea- Messiah among Jews and Christians. Pope Clement soning (primarily a body of postmodern Jewish VII (r.1265–8) befriended him on account of his suc- philosophers with diverse influences, including cessful prophecies and he travelled with Reuveni

300 Montefiore, Claude

to Emperor Charles V (r.1519–58) to convince him Lectures, in 1892). As well as publishing numer- to let the Jews fight against the Turks. The emperor ous works on fields relating to Judaism and Chris- delivered him and Reuveni to the Inquisition. Many tianity, he co-founded the Jewish Quarterly Review. attributed Messianic qualities to Molcho, even He was the leader of the Liberal Jewish Movement refusing to believe in his death, and he was an influ- and crucial to its development in England; his Lib- ence on Shabbetai Zvi. PETR FRYSˇ eral Jewish views form the basis of all his writings. Monasticism Montefiore’s studies focused on four subjects: the Monasticism is a phenomenon of Christian life that Hebrew Bible, the NewTestament and Christianity, has no exact Jewish equivalent. It originates in the Rabbinic Judaism, and Liberal Judaism.Hiswas decision of some Christians, from about the third one of the earliest attempts by an English Jew to century CE, to withdraw from ordinary society into interpret the history of the Bible in accordance a life of intense asceticism in the deserts of Syria, with the conclusions of biblical criticism.Hewrote Egypt and the Holy Land. A distinction was soon The Synoptic Gospels (1909), a two-volume intro- made between solitary (eremetical) and communal duction, translation and commentary on the first (coenobitic) modes of monastic life, and the princi- three Gospels, and co-authored A Rabbinic Anthol- ples governing this life were codified into Rules. The ogy (1938), an important work on Rabbinic Judaism. Rule of St Benedict (c.540 CE) has been most influ- Montefiore argued for a change in negative ential in the West, and the Rule of St Basil (from Jewish attitudes towards Christianity. His approach 360s CE) in the East; there are many others, and was based on the Liberal Jewish understanding they regulate the life of a great variety of religious of progressive revelation, which located revelation orders. Monasteries, which developed into a dom- not only in the Pentateuch, but also in the Prophets, inant economic and cultural force in the medieval Writings and rabbinic literature, as well as in other West and continue to play an important role in religions. He believed the time had come for a contemporary Christianity,especially in the Roman Jewish reappraisal of Christianity and vice versa, Catholic Church, have sometimes been centres of and his writings reached their climax in a call for hostility to Jews, as well as to those who were (in the aJewish theology of Christianity, though he made monks’ eyes) unorthodox Christians, but monastic no attempt to forge one himself. In presenting the history also includes episodes of courageous hospi- NewTestament to a Jewish audience, he argued that tality to Jews (as in Assisi, 1942–4). The nearest Jew- it was an entirely Jewish book with no Christian ish analogy to monasticism is probably to be found elements. He saw the teaching of Jesus, whom he in the remote and ascetical community at Qumran regarded as a great teacher but in no sense God, as (see also Dead Sea Scrolls), but one must be alive ‘a revival of prophetic Judaism’,pointing forward to to the danger of drawing too much on Christian Liberal Judaism. Jesus ‘started the movement which monastic categories (e.g. refectory, scriptorium) in broke down the old barriers and brought about the interpreting the archaeology of the site. Some of the translationofJudaismintotheGentileworld...with ascetic customs of the hasidim are also analogous many modifications, curtailments, additions both to Christian monastic practice. for the better and worse, good and evil’ (Hibbert ANDERS BERGQUIST Journal,3(1904), 779). Montefiore, Claude (1858–1938) Study of the New Testament led Montefiore to Anglo-Jewish leader and scholar. Claude Monte- respond to the anti-rabbinism which went hand in fiore was a pioneer in Jewish–Christian relations hand with antisemitism, particularly in Germany. in the United Kingdom.Born into what has been Scholars such as Rudolf Bultmann (1884–1976) and called the ‘Cousinhood’ – the Anglo-Jewish aristoc- Wilhelm Bousset (1865–1923) stressed the antithe- racy–MontefiorestudiedatOxfordandcameunder sis between the teachings of Jesus and Rabbinic the wing of Benjamin Jowett (1817–93), who was Judaism, and argued that by the end of the biblical to be a lasting influence upon him. He also stud- period the Jewish God had become so transcendent ied under Solomon Schechter (1847–1915), whose and remote as to have been almost purified away. influence can be seen in the Hibbert Lectures (Mon- Montefiore countered that the close relationship tefiore was the first Jew to be invited to deliver the between the rabbis and God occurred as a result

301 Montefiore, Moses

of the Torah.Heshowed the extent to which the child’srelease. The founding of the Alliance Israelite Torah had been venerated, and stressed that it Universelle in 1860 was due partly to this case. deepened the life of the rabbinic Jew. Montefiore Pope Pius IX rejected all petitions, believing the compared the position of Torah to the position of Church had a legal obligation to raise the boy in Jesus: both supplied the motive for love and pas- the Catholic faith. Edgardo thus became a ward sion; both became mediators between God and the of the Church and, under its tutelage, grew up to people and the means of bringing God close to the become a Catholic priest. In 1870, with the end people. EDWARD KESSLER of papal secular rule in Italy,Mortara was free to Montefiore, Moses (1784–1885) return to his family, but he refused and became a Philanthropist and public office holder, Montefiore missionary. EDWARD KESSLER occupied a unique place in the nineteenth century Moses for his ability to combine being a strictly Ortho- The biblical story of Moses, who led the Hebrews dox Jew with participating fully in British social and out of slavery in Egypt and at Sinai gave them political life. He served as a captain in the Surrey their identity as ‘a kingdom of priests and a holy militia and was elected sheriff of London in 1837, nation’ (Exod. 19.6), is as familiar to Jews as it is to while he was President of the Board of Deputies, the Christians. But for Christians down the ages Moses representative body of British Jewry, almost contin- was primarily a Lawgiver, while for Jews he is Moshe uously from 1835 to 1874. His many diplomatic mis- rabbenu,‘our teacher Moses’. References to him in sions abroad on behalf of oppressed Jews included the Bible outside Exodus–Deuteronomy are pre- two cases that echoed longstanding conflicts in dominantly to the ‘Torah of Moses’ or the ‘Book Jewish–Christian relations but which were becom- of the Law of Moses’, and it is clear that from a ing increasingly unacceptable to Western society. very early date the laws in the Torah/Pentateuch The blood libel that erupted in Damascus in 1840 were believed to have been revealed to Moses at led Montefiore to journey there to intervene on Sinai. In the Gospels Mosaic authority is frequently behalf of Jews falsely accused of the ritual murder cited in legal discussions, and in rabbinic tradi- of a local priest, Father Thomas; he achieved their tion the ‘Law’ revealed at Sinai included not just release. He was less successful in the case of Edgar the written Torah but also the Oral Torah, that is Mortara,asix-year-old Jewish boy kidnapped from to say, the wisdom handed down orally from gen- his parents in 1858 by the Catholic Church; Mon- eration to generation until finally collected as the tefiore travelled to Rome, but was refused a papal sayings of the rabbis in the Mishnah and Talmud. interview. Montefiore was highly regarded within It is said that Moses actually appealed to God to British society at large both for his defence of Jewish write down the Oral Torah at Sinai as well. There is rights and his wider philanthropy,and was knighted also a famous tale that Moses once overheard Rabbi and later awarded a baronetcy by Queen Victoria Akiba discussing the Law with his disciples and (r.1837–1901). At a time when others were pressing could not understand them, although they claimed for Jews to enjoy full political rights, he personified Mosaic authority for what they were saying. Rather the ideal Jew who was loyal to both his country and surprisingly, he is not mentioned in the Passover his faith. JONATHAN ROMAIN haggadah.Mystery surrounds the death of Israel’s Mormons see Latter-Day Saints greatest leader. An early Jewish tradition describes Mortara Affair a dispute between the archangel Michael and the Controversy surrounding the Catholic abduction of Devil over his body (Jude 9) and another that, like an Italian Jewish child. In 1858 Edgardo Mortara Elijah,heascended miraculously to heaven. He is (1851–1940), aged six, was abducted by the papal said to have met the Messiah in heaven before his policefromhishomeinBolognaandtakentoRome. death,andhisresurrectionfromthedeadisprophe- The boy had been secretly baptised six years ear- sied, according to a well-known, if rather contrived, lier by a Christian domestic servant who thought interpretation of Deut. 31.16. Moses was the yard- he was about to die. The parents vainly attempted stickagainstwhichprophets(Deut.18.15)andkings to get their child back, and the case caused an inter- (2 Kgs 23.25) were judged. Already in biblical tradi- national uproar. Napoleon III (r.1852–70) protested tion he was ‘unparalleled in all the signs and won- and Moses Montefiore attempted to secure the ders he performed’ (Deut. 34.10) and for Philo he

302 Mourning was ‘in all respects the greatest and most perfect Judaism and conservative evangelical Christianity. of men’. Cecil B. de Mille’s epic film The Ten Command- Comparisons with Jesus were made from the ments (1956) successfully appealed to both Jewish very beginning. Matthew’s Gospel follows the pat- and Christian audiences by adhering as closely as tern of the life of Moses (e.g. massacre of the inno- possible to the biblical text while at the same time cents, flight into Egypt, 40 days’ temptation in the skilfully incorporating elements of Jewish liturgical wilderness, Sermon on the Mount), while John, in tradition and explicit visual references to Christian his version of the Gospel narrative, specifically iconography. More recently the animated cartoon alludes to Moses’ brazen serpent, manna in the PrinceofEgypt(1998)addssomeinterestingaggadic wilderness and the Passover.IntheGolden Calf details to the story, such as the stormy waters of storyMosesofferstodieforhispeople(Exod.32.32), the Nile on which Moses’ basket is tossed about while in Deuteronomic and perhaps also Deutero- and barely survives, and Moses’ poignant compas- Isaianic tradition, like Jesus, he plays the role of suf- sion for his defeated ‘brother’ Rameses at the end. fering servant bearing the sins of his people (Deut. For Christians he remains one of several legendary 1.12;Isa.53.4,12;Matt.8.17).Hisexceptionalhumil- biblical champions of justice, while in Judaism he ity is referred to in Num. 12.3. Elsewhere in the New is unique, both as a source of legal and ethical Testament a contrast is made between Moses, the authority and as an inspiration to the people he servanttowhomGodentrustedhishouse,andJesus created. JOHN F. A. SAWYER who was more like a son (Heb. 3.5–6). Paul draws a Mourning contrast between the old covenant of Moses writ- The distinctive mourning rites of Judaism appear ten on tablets of stone and Christ’s new covenant at first sight to have no parallel in Christianity, in the hearts of believers. If the face of Moses shone but many detailed customs were borrowed from when he appeared to Israel with the tablets of the the Catholic Church in a rich period of innova- old law, how much more splendid will be the light of tion in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Ever Christ, the new Moses. From Paul there grew up the since Abraham purchased a place of interment belief that Moses actually placed a veil over the faces for Sarah (Gen. 32), burial rather than cremation of the Israelites (2 Cor. 3.12–15) so that when the has remained the norm in both faiths. The most Messiah came they could not recognise him: hence ancient surviving Jewish mourning rituals are tear- the image of the synagogue as a woman blind- ing the clothes, keriah (Gen. 37.34), and a seven- folded, graphically depicted in numerous works day mourning period, shiva (Gen. 50.10). In the of art from the early Middle Ages onwards (see Middle Ages rituals in both faiths were thought of Ecclesia/Synagoga). In Muslim tradition too he is as elevating the soul of the dead. In Jewish practice sometimesaccusedofmisleadingtheJews.Heisnot the ancient Kaddish prayer took on this function infrequently depicted with a saint’shalo, however, a and was recited by mourners (Machzor Vitry,from feature of Christian iconography perhaps less well 1208); Catholic Masses for the Dead had a similar known than the horns he is given by Michelan- function. After the first Crusade Jews in Christian gelo (1475–1564) and others as a consequence lands adopted from Catholics the custom of light- of the erroneous Latin translation of Exod. 34.30 ing candles for deceased parents on the anniver- (Hebrew ‘rays’). sary (yahrzeit)ofthe death. In 1296 in Mainz Rabbi No extrabiblical evidence has so far come to Isaac ben Samuel began his Memorbuch record- light to confirm or deny the existence of Moses, ing the names of dead martyrs, thus mirroring and modern scholars have questioned the historic- the cult of saints in the Catholic Church. Many ity of most of the biblical story, though his Egyp- Jewish mourning customs come from twelfth- or tian name and his marriage to the daughter of thirteenth-century France and Germany. These a pagan priest seem very unlikely to have been include pouring out all the water from the house invented. Belief in the Mosaic authorship of the where a death occurred and putting earth from Torah, the ‘Five Books of Moses’, against all the evi- the land of Israel into the grave, which seems to dence of modern critical scholarship (e.g. anachro- be derived from the crusader practice of carrying nisms like Gen. 12.6b and abrupt changes of style), earth from the Holy Land. Other practices adopted remains a distinguishing feature of both Orthodox from contemporary Christians include the use of a

303 Muhammad

coffin for burial and the recital of Ps. 23 in memo- where few or no Jews live today, local Jewish his- rial prayers. The wearing of black by mourners was tory is being reclaimed, recognised, exhibited, and common among Jews in the days of the Talmud, exploited as part of local Jewish heritage’ (Virtually but later prohibited as a non-Jewish custom. The Jewish: Reinventing Jewish Culture in Europe, 75). In placing of flowers on the coffin or grave is discour- part, such interest stems from the growing popular- aged for the same reason. A recent innovation in ity of roots/heritage tourism. In part, particularly in Jewish mourning rituals is the ceremony for the central and eastern Europe, it is a genuine attempt setting up of a tombstone. A stone-setting cere- to rethink local and national identities by integrat- mony is known from the Ukraine and Belarus in ing a country’s relations with its Jewish community both the Roman Catholic and Ukrainian Orthodox into its own self-understanding and history. Churches. MICHAEL HILTON A different approach is evident in the State of Muhammad see Islam Israel, where a Jewish majority commemorates its Museums own past, presenting the non-Jew (primarily Chris- Museums in the West record the self-understanding tians and Muslims) as a largely hostile ‘other’. Beth of the dominant group which is, generally speak- Hatefutsoh, the Museum of the Jewish Diaspora, ing, at least nominally Christian. For example, the records the Jewish experience in non-Jewish lands, subject matter of medieval and Renaissance art celebrating the diversity and creativity of Jewish is predominantly Christian, although artists’ pre- culture. The permanent exhibition begins with a occupations began to change with the coming of replica of a relief from the Arch of Titus, and, at a modernity.Since the nineteenth century minori- central point, the Memorial Column and ‘Scrolls of ties have become increasingly assertive in publicly Fire’ commemorateJewishmartyrdomthroughthe memorialising their past, presenting it as a sig- ages. Thus, despite a section, ‘Among the Nations’, nificant part of national history (e.g. the National stressing the reciprocal relationship with Christian- Museum of American Jewish History (1976)). Many ity and Islam, diaspora experience is framed within Jewish museums, for example Prague (founded a story of antisemitism,martyrdom and the strug- 1906) and Berlin (founded 1933), were looted or gle to survive. destroyed during the Holocaust.Today’s Jewish The representation of Jewish–non-Jewish rela- museums, often located in former Jewish quar- tions in Jewish and Holocaust museums is sig- ters, restored synagogues or communal buildings, nificant given the role they play in educating present themselves as ‘living memorials’ celebrat- non-Jews (particularly schoolchildren) about Jews ing the life and mourning the death of local and and Judaism. Holocaust museums present Jewish– national communities. Whilst they include posi- Christian relations as a history of antisemitism, tive references to coexistence and cultural sym- with Righteous Gentiles exceptions that prove biosis, the primary emphasis is on what was lost, the rule (even in museums established by Chris- and the host community’s responsibility for, or tians, such as Beth Shalom in Nottinghamshire, indifference to, this destruction. Part cultural cen- England). More recent Jewish museums, such as tre, part educational tool, these museums edu- NewYork’s Museum of Jewish Heritage – A Living cate Jews and non-Jews (particularly Christians) Memorial to the Holocaust, adopt a more nuanced about Jewish history and culture. ‘Jewishness’ is approach, striving to avoid stereotypes and reflect- represented in largely ethnic or cultural terms ing on a multicultural history, combining coexis- with an emphasis on the value of pluralism and tence (peaceful or otherwise) and cultural symbio- multiculturalism. sis (reflected in the existence of a variety of different There is a contemporary resurgence of interest Jewish cultures). ISABEL WOLLASTON in Jewish culture, reflected in the number of muse- Music ums, festivals (e.g. Krakow’s´ Festival of Jewish Cul- The question of Jewish–Christian relations in music ture, established by two non-Jews in 1988) and has as yet been little addressed by scholars. Encom- organisations (e.g. the Council of American Jewish passing issues including aesthetic choices, theo- Museums (1977)). As Ruth Gruber notes, Jewish logical representation, professional and personal culture is increasingly produced and consumed by contact and reception history, the Jewish–Christian non-Jews: ‘in scores of cities, villages, and towns encounter has nevertheless had – and continues to

304 Music have – a profound effect on many areas of musical within which it has developed, a pattern common life. to both sacred and secular repertories. Indeed, the There is no one tradition either of ‘Jewish’ earliest surviving manuscripts of Jewish music owe or of ‘Christian’ music; rather, within both reli- their existence to contact with Christian monks, gions many traditions, both sacred and secular, who developed systems for the accurate notation have existed and developed side by side. Their of melodies. The Cairo Genizah collections include relationship is complex: most borrow material from the two earliest manuscripts of Hebrew texts with surrounding music cultures – and not only between music, whose notation is attributed to Obadiah the Jewish and Christian groups – as well as retain- Norman Proselyte (second half of eleventh to first ing their own distinctiveness. Additionally, exam- half of twelfth century). Further, the first accurate ples of musicians crossing between the Jewish record of the melodies used for chanting the Torah and Christian communities when performing or was made by Christian scholars during the fifteenth composing music arise frequently. Discussion of century. Jewish–Christian relations in music is further com- In more recent centuries the hasidim adapted plicated by terminology. The terms ‘Jewish’ and melodies including military and popular songs into ‘Christian’ have generally been used in an asym- nigunim, wordless spiritual songs. This process was metric manner when describing music. Seen as an seen as elevating material to a higher use; how- outsider to the predominantly Christian art, folk ever, songs directly connected with Christian wor- and popular traditions of the West, Jewishness in ship were not considered suitable. By contrast, music has largely been defined by ethnic group the Reform movement (see Progressive Judaism) (whether of composers, performers or origins of modelled its musical practices on those of the musical material). By contrast, there has rarely been Church, seeking to increase the respectability of call to define ‘Christian’ music, since the normative Jewish worship. Organs and choirs were intro- Western musical canon is historically based upon duced to synagogues in the early nineteenth cen- Christian roots, felt even in ‘secular’ music. tury, causing much controversy. Viennese cantor Music is central to both Jewish and Christian Salomon Sulzer (1804–1900) sought to ‘cleanse’ tra- worship; biblical texts, especially the Psalms,fre- ditional melodies from embellishments, harmon- quently mention the use of instruments and song ising them instead in a classical style. This move in praise of God. Nevertheless, these descrip- to integrate synagogue music into the non-Jewish tions largely relate to practices that ceased with aesthetic world was accompanied by an inter- the destruction of the Temple.Several scholars est in synagogue music among Christian com- have posited musical links between early Christian posers. Several visited the synagogue, and Christian singing and that of Jewish contemporaries. While Viennese composers, including Schubert (1797– a shared history and evidence of shared liturgical 1828), contributed to Sulzer’s anthology Shir Zion material suggest that commonalties were likely, in (1840, 1866). Reform hymnody was likewise heav- the absence of notated musical examples there is ily based on Christian models; however, more no substantial proof of this; further, Hebrew musi- recent hymnals reflect a move towards greater cal terms appear to have taken on new meanings in diversity and a more identifiably ‘Jewish’-sounding Greek translation. As the two religions developed, music. approaches to the liturgical use of music have dif- Jewish musical sources have, by contrast, fered widely – not only between Judaism and Chris- impacted far less upon Christian worship. His- tianity, but also within their denominations. While torically, Jewish liturgy has inspired Christian chant and song are used in all Jewish traditions, hymnody; more recently, Jewish music has been Rabbinic Judaism has traditionally been opposed sought by Christians seeking to explore a connec- to the use of musical instruments in the synagogue. tion with the Jewish roots of Christianity,or through By contrast, the Church has fostered the Western a post-Holocaust desire to connect with European art music tradition, cantatas, masses and oratorios Jewish culture. Nevertheless, interest in Jewish becoming core genres in the canon. music by Christians has frequently been connected Jewish musical material frequently draws upon with missionary activity (see mission): groups such aspectsofthemusicaltraditionsofthewiderculture as Jews for Jesus use Jewish-sounding music to

305 Music

convey a Christian message; some Jewish-style cal music for the Church. Instead, he composed songs of missionary origin have now become and performed secular madrigals and instrumen- part of the mainstream modern Christian canon. tal works for his patrons, alongside music for the Conversely, others have attempted to introduce Jewish community; his ‘Songs of Solomon’ are the Christianity to Jews via Church melodies: a Yiddish first known collection of polyphonic works set to translation of an American Christian hymnal was Hebrew texts. published in America in many editions during the After Rossi it is not until the nineteenth cen- first part of the twentieth century. tury that Jewish composers of similar importance Outside regular worship, music has frequently appeared within Western classical music. While played a major role in events seeking to promote freer to participate in musical life, the careers and Jewish–Christian relations, including the presen- reception of these composers have similarly been tation of Jewish and Christian repertories side by constrained by the attitudes of their contempo- side in numerous concerts, and the use of song raries and critics. Some, like Felix Mendelssohn and dance as tools to introduce Jewish culture to (1809–47) (grandson of Moses Mendelssohn) and Christian groups. Among scholars, recent research Gustav Mahler (1860–1911), furthered their careers touching upon the subject of Jewish–Christian rela- through conversion to Christianity. Nevertheless, tions reflects issues current in the wider field: crit- both clearly continued to feel affiliation to the ics have turned to historical works, questioning Jewish community, and continued to be seen as the portrayal of the Jews in frequently performed Jews by Jews and non-Jews alike, who identified compositions such as J. S. Bach’s Passions. Further, Jewishness with race as well as with faith. Other music scholarship can itself have wider repercus- composersofJewishbirthachievedpopularsuccess sions in the field of Jewish–Christian relations. In while remaining professing Jews. Giacomo Meyer- researching the music and liturgy of the Jews of beer (1791–1864) and Fromental Halevy´ (1799– Ethiopia,Kay Kaufman Shelemay writes that ‘what 1862) dominated the nineteenth-century French beganasastudyofmusicandritualendswithimpli- grand opera scene; Jacques Offenbach (1819–80) cations for our view of Falasha liturgical history’ was one of the most outstanding composers of (Music, Ritual and Falasha History, 2), challeng- popular music and operetta of his time. Many ing conventional explanations of the history of this have sought to identify ‘Jewish’ characteristics in group. the works of these and other composers of Jewish The issue of Jewish–Christian relations in music ancestry. Nevertheless, all were working in a pre- is by no means confined to the liturgical spectrum; dominantly Christian environment, and very little rather, this interaction is equally visible in classi- overt expression of Jewishness is evident. Indeed, cal, popular and folk music, in which Jews have like their Christian contemporaries, all these com- played a prominent role as performers, composers posers wrote music exploring explicitly Christian and scholars. Evidence of Jewish–Christian con- themes, including Mendelssohn’s St Paul orato- tact within courtly music dates at least back to the rio, Mahler’s ‘Resurrection’ symphony (no. 2, in early sixteenth century. A number of instrumen- fact written before his conversion) and Meyerbeer’s talists at the court of Henry VIII (r.1509–47) have opera Les Huguenots;Mendelssohn, Meyerbeer, beenidentifiedasJewishimmigrantsfromPortugal Halevy´ and Offenbach all wrote choral settings and Italy; they were, nevertheless, required to pass of Christian liturgy. While they enjoyed enormous as Christians. Conversely,several sixteenth-century success and made an outstanding contribution to composers parody ‘Jewish’ music in their works, nineteenth-century music, however, the reputa- mimicking Jewish ritual song and dances. tions of these and other composers of Jewish origin An exception to the usually limited scope for Jew- were tarnished by antisemitism, both that of crit- ish involvement in Renaissance musical life was ics, particularly Wagner, and later by the Nazis; the Salamone Rossi (c.1570–c.1630). Living in Mantua impact of this negative reception upon their place and working for Christian patrons, Rossi was in the canon continues today. the first Jewish musician to make an impact on Nazism had a heavy impact upon the careers European music history as a composer. Unlike his of Jewish musicians. Jews had been particularly Christian contemporaries, Rossi wrote no liturgi- influential within Austro-German musical life,

306 Music historically the centre of the Western classical writing some of the songs most symbolic of America scene. The Nazis sought to remove the histori- and its Christian holidays, including Irving Berlin’s cal ‘Jewish influence’ from the German musical (1888–1989) ‘White Christmas’, ‘Easter Parade’ and canon; anti-Jewish policies included the blacklist- ‘God Bless America’. ing of musical works by Jews and foreigners and the Conversely, however, popular music has also removal of Jews from musical posts. These policies served as a vehicle for Jewish material to enter the operated on racial grounds, encompassing Jewish American mainstream: Jacob Jacobs and Sholom musicians who converted to Christianity and music Secunda’s ‘Bei mir bistu schon’,¨ originally writ- written by Jewish composers on Christian themes. ten for the Yiddish theatre, became a hit in Much of the music preferred by the Nazis dealt with English translation for the Andrews Sisters in 1938. secular nationalist and folk subject material; how- During the 1960s Jewish songs such as ‘Tzena ever, the Reich Chamber of Music encompassed Tzena’ formed part of the popular folk repertory; aReich Union of Church Musicians, headed by groups including the Weavers recorded Jewish and prominent organist Karl Straube (1873–1950). Jew- Christian numbers side by side. From the 1960s ish musicians were forced to perform in camps, onwards several Jewish singers have achieved great sometimes ordered to perform ‘Jewish’ music as prominence in the pop scene; nevertheless, main- a sport for the SS, at other times made to sing stream pop music has seen little overt expression of Christian music, including a performance before Jewish identity by singer-songwriters. Conversely, Eichmann of Verdi’s Requiem in Terezin. the conversion of Bob Dylan (b. 1941) to evangeli- During the twentieth century Jewish com- cal Christianity in 1978, expressed both in his music posers have increasingly presented explicitly Jewish and in the press, was much publicised, as has been themes in their work. Leonard Bernstein (1918–90), speculation about his relationship to Judaism and Ernest Bloch (1880–1959) and Arnold Schoenberg Christianity since this time. (1874–1951) are among those to have written sub- In the folk music of central and eastern Europe stantial choral works incorporating elements of Jewish–Christian contact is evident since the Mid- Jewish liturgy. Nevertheless, this material is framed dle Ages. Many folk songs are found in both Jewish within classical forms derived from specifically and non-Jewish versions; specific Christian refer- Christian musical genres: the oratorio and the can- ences in ballads tend to be neutralised or Judaised tata. Since the late nineteenth century non-Jewish in Jewish versions. While few songs directly address composers, such as Maurice Ravel (1875–1937) the Jewish–Christian relationship, many variants, (‘Kaddish’, 1914) and Max Bruch (1938–1920) (‘Kol both Christian and Jewish and spanning several Nidrei’, 1881), have also drawn upon Jewish mate- centuries, exist of a song known as ‘Die Judin’¨ rial as part of a wider enthusiasm for folk music and (The Jewish woman), which describes the rela- exotica. tionship of a Jewish girl and her non-Jewish lover. Different patterns of Jewish–Christian relations Instrumental music, too, illustrates reciprocal and emerge in the field of popular music, an indus- extensive contact between Jewish and non-Jewish try to which American Jews have made a promi- musicians; parts of the repertory of pre-Second nent contribution since its beginnings in the mid- World War east European Jewish klezmer musi- nineteenth century, and dominated during the cians were shared with co-territorial non-Jewish 1910s–40s. While a relative lack of antisemitism musicians. The relationship of Jewish musicians made the music industry an attractive choice for with the Christian establishment varied, however: Jews to find employment, until much later in the examples of Jews performing at Christian wed- twentieth century Jews tended to play background dings and in church ceremonies are balanced by roles as publishers, promoters and songwriters, periods of restrictions placed upon Jewish musi- leaving the limelight to non-Jewish, and often cians by Christian authorities. The Holocaust put avowedly Christian, stars. While few completely an end to the klezmer tradition in Europe; while abandoned their Jewish origins, Jewish musicians the repertoire thrived for a few decades among tried to be highly assimilated Americans, ironically Jewish immigrants in America, by the late 1940s a contributing to the negative, caricatured images of desire for assimilation had all but eradicated the immigrant Jews often expressed in songs, yet also tradition.

307 Mysticism

Since the mid-1970s klezmer music has under- formative contact with God. Mysticism is one of gone a massive revival in America and, later, in the elements shared by Judaism and Christianity, Europe. In America the music continues largely along with such other aspects of religious life as to be played by Jews as an expression of Jewish institutions, laws, doctrine and ritual. Jewish and identity; nevertheless, a handful of non-Jewish Christian mystical traditions display many compa- artists play prominent roles, and the music has rable features due to their dependence on a partly gained a wide audience as a popular genre on shared Bible. Here, however, we will not study the the world music scene. In Europe the majority of comparative dynamics of the two mystical tradi- musicians are non-Jewish, forming part of a wider tions, but will rather explore the more direct histor- enthusiam for Jewish culture among a younger gen- ical links between Jewish and Christian mysticism. eration, particularly in Germany.While not all non- While these contacts are admittedly of secondary Jewish musicians involved in klezmer music are importance to the internal development of mysti- professing Christians, this enthusiasm has been cism within the two faiths, the mutual interactions catalysed in part by changing attitudes of the between the two traditions were at times signifi- Catholic Church towards Jews and the Holocaust, cant and also possibly more extensive than we know and churches have frequently hosted performances given the polemical context of much of the history of Jewish music. of Jewish–Christian relations. In the Sephardi world Jewish, Christian and Mus- The most important link between Jewish and lim music thrived in the Iberian peninsula before Christian mysticism is in their common back- the 1492 expulsion.During the twentieth century ground in Second Temple Judaism, especially its there was considerable romanticisation and revival apocalyptic strands. The heavenly ascents of Sephardic history and culture in Spain.Today recounted in Jewish apocalypses (e.g. 1En.14; many‘Jewish’festivalsareheld;localsongsareoften 2En.22), though rooted in the theophanies of the held to be ‘Jewish’ or ‘Sephardic’ regardless of their Hebrew Bible, express a new way of conceiving the roots; conversely some Judeo-Spanish songs have relation between the human and divine worlds, also been adopted into local folk repertories. not only in the portrayal of the seer as actually Not only has the Jewish–Christian encounter going up to heaven, but also in the preparation for shaped many areas of secular music over the past the experience of God by prayer, ascetical effort centuries,butindividualsacrossmanymusicalgen- and theurgical activity. Equally important in the res have also sought to represent the encounter Second Temple period was the emergence of a itself through music. Everyday issues predominate, hermeneutical mentality which made the inter- from the complex Christian–Jewish love affair por- pretation of the sacred text, and often the search trayed in Halevy’s´ opera La Juive (The Jewess, 1835), for its hidden meaning (the original meaning of to the pressures of assimilation portrayed in Alan ‘mystical’), a central aspect of religious life. The Crosland’s 1927 film The Jazz Singer. apocalyptic ascents paved the way for the earliest Today the widespread availability of recorded forms of Jewish mysticism, the Hekhalot texts music from diverse Jewish and Christian traditions, (perhaps second to sixth centuries CE), where coupled with information accessible via the Inter- the seer ascends to heaven to see the divine net, gives the curious an unprecedented degree of majesty enthroned on the Merkavah (i.e. chariot), access to the music of Jewish and Christian oth- to participate in the celestial liturgy, and even to ers. Nevertheless, while the ‘world music’ genre undergo deification. has supported Jewish music and Orthodox Chris- The mystical and apocalyptic elements of Sec- tian music alike, this label has also paradoxi- ond Temple Judaism were united in at least some cally re-inscribed the alterity of these traditions, strands of the early Jesus movement. This is evi- which continue to be cast as ‘outside’ the Western dent in the teaching of the converted Pharisee, mainstream. ABIGAIL WOOD Paul, whose preaching about life ‘in Christ’ has Mysticism a strong mystical element and whose description Mysticism is here used to describe the attitudes and of his own ascent into the third heaven, and even practices employed to attain immediate and trans- into paradise, where he heard ‘unutterable things’

308 Mysticism

(2 Cor. 12.1–12), is the only first-person apocalyp- world, the glorification of the seer, and speculations tic ascent account. The way in which Jesus was on the form and dimensions of the divine body, seen as the ‘Glory of the Lord’ in the Pauline and as we can see in the case of the Elchasaites, the Johannine literature may reflect a Christian version Pseudo-Clementine homilies (fourth century), the of Jewish speculation about how ascending seers, anthropomorphite monks of Egypt, and especially such as Enoch, came to be identified with the divine in some Syriac authors (e.g. Aphrahat, Ephrem, kavod. and the Pseudo-Macarian Homilies). During the course of the second century After the era of formation (first to sixth centuries CE nascent Orthodox Christianity and Rabbinic CE) the evidence for direct contact between Jewish Judaism emerged as related, if estranged, rivals to and Christian mysticism is sporadic, not only due the heritage of Second Temple Judaism. Neverthe- to the hostile relations between the two communi- less, there was still significant interchange between ties, but also because of the ignorance of Hebrew the two religions, though admissions of direct bor- among Christians. The flowering of Jewish mys- rowing from the rival were naturally rare. The most ticism, first among the German Pietists and then prominent example of Jewish influence on emerg- with the emergence of Kabbalah in France and ing Christian mysticism is the impact of Philo of Spain (twelfth to thirteenth centuries), presents Alexandria’s melding of Greek philosophical mys- us with some possible connections with Chris- ticism and biblical revelation.Philo’sthought was a tianity, although these remain problematic, and major resource for Origen, the first Christian mys- hence it is not easy to know if we are dealing with tical theologian. Philo was also known to fourth- actual contacts, parallel developments or forms of century Christian mystics, not only in the East, but mutual interaction whose parameters are easier also in the West (e.g. Ambrose (339–97)). Christian to suggest than to demonstrate. From the Chris- enthusiasm for Philo helps explain why he played tian perspective the interest in esoteric Jewish lore little role in Judaism before the modern period. as proof of Christianity’s supersession of Rabbinic Farmore difficult to assess are the possible con- Judaism that eventually led to the Christian Kab- tacts between Hekhalot mysticism and develop- balah of the Renaissance is evident as early as the ing Christian mysticism, especially in the light of twelfth century in figures such as Joachim of Fiore, the Gnostic texts. One shared concern, and possi- and around 1300 in Ramon Llull.Possible Chris- ble source of connection, was the interpretation of tian influence on Kabbalah has been controver- the Song of Songs, a book that was to remain cen- sial, though in recent years a number of investi- tral to both mystical traditions. Origen was aware gators have argued for Christian impact on some of Jewish exegesis of the Song, but his interpreta- features of theosophical Kabbalah (e.g., Y. Liebes, tion emphasised the necessity of reading the phys- Studies in the Zohar,A.Green, ‘The Shekinah’, ical descriptions of the Song as a message about E. Wolfson, ‘The Tree that Is All’, P. Schafer,¨ Mir- the soul’s inner activation of the spiritual senses rorofhis Beauty), noting, for example, the par- to reach loving union with the incarnate Logos. allels between the Christian Marian cult and the In Jewish mysticism the Song was given a major emergence of the Shekhinah. The four modes of role by the early rabbis because it was seen as an exegesis advanced by some Kabbalists (expressed account of the love between God and the commu- in the acronym PaRDeS) may show the influence nity of Israel. This exoteric reading, however, sug- of the Christian four senses of scripture. There gestedanesotericoneinwhichthedepictionsofthe were also contacts between the ecstatic Kabbalist male lover’s body (e.g. Song 5.11–16) were seen as Abraham Abulafia and the Franciscan Spirituals divine self-descriptions. This reading contributed and their Joachite mystical apocalypticism. These totheaccountsofthedimensionsofthedivinebody contacts, intriguing as they are, do not appear such as those found in the Shi’ur komah (possibly to have been central to the new forms of Jewish sixth century), a work that had an impact on the mysticism. mystical eroticism of the Kabbalah. Early Jewish The late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries saw the Christianity and some patristic traditions seem to flowering of Christian Kabbalah in figures such as have featured similar ascensions to the heavenly Giovanni Pico della Mirandola,Johannes Reuchlin

309 Myth

and Guillaume Postel (d. 1581). Each had first-hand The theological problem of supersessionism,a acquaintance with Jewish mystical sources. Pos- cause of Christian anti-Judaism,may be inter- tel’s knowledge was particularly extensive; he even preted partly as one of competing mythologies. translated a number of Hebrew texts into Latin, Both Jews and Christians identify themselves as including the Sefir ha-Bahir and the Zohar (could Israel –God’s Chosen People. Each community this have helped stimulate the first Hebrew edi- locates this status in a narrative-blend of myth and tions of this esoteric text?). The polemical intent history (Exodus-Sinai; the life of Jesus), which has of Christian Kabbalah is evident in the insistence become the basis for ritual practices. During these of these authors that the true inner Judaism of (the seder and the eucharist) time ‘collapses’, as the Zohar and other mystical texts was identical events of the past are integrated into the partici- with Christianity, especially in belief in the Trinity pants’ own experiences of God in the present (Jews and acceptance of Christ as Messiah.SomeChris- ‘become’ part of the exodus generation; Jesus’ ‘real tian Kabbalists, however, went further in claim- presence’ is in the bread and wine). These com- ing that Kabbalah revealed that Christian belief peting claims to chosenness are exacerbated by and practice also needed amendment and refor- the presentation of Jews as characters in Christian- mation. Postel, the most mystical of the three major ity’s foundation-myth. Building on a process that Christian Kabbalists, believed in an imminent age begins in the NewTestament (the Johannine con- of Christian Judaism, claiming, ‘We are Christian flation of Jews as historical agents with ‘the Jew’ Jews much more truly than those literal Jews of as metaphor/symbol; see hoi Ioudaioi) the Church long ago, and we are Israelites as it were, because adopted a dehistoricised, presentist approach to we accept and adore the King of the Jews and Jews, seeing them less as human beings and King of Israel, Jesus . . .’ The trajectory of thought more as mythological creatures – sub- and super- found in Christian Kabbalah continued to have human, and perpetually guilty of inciting Jesus’ an influence on a few early modern mystics, such death. as the esoteric Lutheran Jacob Boehme (d. 1624), Biblical scholarship has questioned scripture’s but the role of Kabbalah on Christian mysticism historicity, drawing on ethnology, archaeology and decreased in the seventeenth century. Later Jew- the study of ancient civilisations. However, (per- ish mysticism also seems to display few direct con- haps in itself an illustration of the elasticity of tacts with Christianity. The hasidic movement that the Christian myth of Jewish perfidy) nineteenth- arose in the eighteenth century, however much it century critics such as D. F. Strauss (1808–74) maybecomparedtosomeformsofQuietism,seems tended to see ‘primitive’ Jewish influences behind to have been largely untouched by Christianity, the mythological in Christianity. It is only more including the mysticism of contemporary Russian recently that insights on myth have been exploited Orthodoxy. BERNARD MCGINN by those seeking to improve Jewish–Christian Myth relations. Myths are stories providing metaphorical and sym- Demythologising the New Testament (e.g. bolic accounts of how things came to be, and why reassessing the Virgin Birth as a metaphorical they are ‘this way’ rather than some other. Fea- expression of the doctrine of the Incarnation)pro- turing human characters, or other beings, they are vides one route into a re-evaluation of Jesus the typically set in a time beyond that known to their Jew; it also contributes to readings of difficult texts consumers, are often rehearsed in ritual contexts, as retrospectively generated accounts (designed in and may be incorporated into other cultural forms, part to explain later Church–Synagogue tensions) including scripture and art.Unlike parables,myths rather than as records of actual disputes between are generally assumed by their consumers to have Jesus and the Pharisees. historical bases. However, increasingly since the Postmodernism, and growing awareness of the Renaissance,critics have argued about whether it is ways in which events may be variously interpreted possible to find value in myth regardless of historic- by different people, also leads some (following ity, or whether the only valid approach is a literalist Claude Levi-Strauss´ (b. 1908)) to talk of the ways one. These understandings of myth are significant in which history may acquire mythological func- for the study of Jewish–Christian relations. tions. This has implications for the historiography

310 Myth of events in Jewish–Christian relations (e.g. the views into one another, and to construct a shared Holocaust). It also raises questions about the new historyandvocabularythatdoesnot,strictlyspeak- constructionofJewishandChristianoriginsbycon- ing, exist. From the viewpoint of religious studies, temporary scholars. For example, Arthur A. Cohen given the human tendencyto mythopoesis, it would (1928–86), Martin E. Marty (b. 1928) and Jacob be surprising if Jewish–Christian relations were not Neusner(b.1932)havecritiqued‘themythofacom- generative of its own mythologies. However, the mon tradition’.Current claims to identify a ‘Judaeo- contours of today’s myths will only be clearly vis- Christian’ heritage and mission are, they suggest, ible after they have ceased to function as accepted misfoundedattemptstoelidetwodistinctiveworld- accounts of reality. MELANIE J. WRIGHT

311 NNNN

Nahmanides (1194–1270) by Christian assumptions. Napoleon was inclined Moses ben Nahman, referred to in Hebrew sources to link contemporary Jews with institutions from by the acronym Ramban or as Moses Gerondi, was their distant past; in 1798 he proclaimed the leaders the dominant philosophical voice among Spanish of the Cairo Jewish community High Priests of the Jewry in his day, and an important leader who Jewish Nation and in 1807 he attempted to resurrect withstood attempts to spread Christianity among the Sanhedrin.Prepared to believe traditional anti- the Catalan Jews, building on his apparently warm semitic complaints about the moneylending activ- relationship with King James I.Asayoung man ities of the Jews of Alsace from 1801 (see usury), he became involved in the bitter controversy over Napoleon called for an Assembly of Jewish Notables Maimonides’writings that wracked the academies in Paris in 1806 to agree publicly a kind of dec- of southern France. Alongside many shorter talmu- laration as to the limits of Jewish tradition upon dic and halakhic tracts, his major work was a Bible loyal Jewish European nationals. These principles commentary that has a strongly prophetic streak; were to be confirmed as a set of religiously binding the theme of redemption was also the subject of his decisions by the creation of the French Sanhedrin Sefer ha-Geullah of c.1263. His works were among the following year, it having supposedly the author- the first to be printed by the Hebrew printers of late ity to establish a second body of legislation after fifteenth-century Naples and Rome. Moses.During his unsuccessful campaign in Pales- Late in life Nahmanides was summoned by James tine (1799), the first sustained contact between the Itodefend Judaism against the argument that Christian West and the land’s inhabitants since the the Messiah had already come. The disputation Crusades,rumours had spread that Napoleon had of Barcelona of 1263, held in the king’s presence, issued a public proclamation that the Jews were is recorded both in Nahmanides’ version and in a free to return to their biblical homeland. This was Christian polemic which, not surprisingly, awards almost certainly campaign propaganda, but the victory to the rabbis’ opponent, Paul the Chris- image of Napoleon as a new Cyrus was to prove tian. The disputation marked a new intensifica- enduring. The Sanhedrin itself was a failure, its tion of attempts at conversion of the Jews in which rulings ignored by most European Jews. But there the friars were notably active and in which attacks would be a lasting legacy.In his determination to fix on the Talmud became increasingly intense, fol- the limits between religion and the state, Napoleon lowing the mass burning of the Talmud by Louis had attempted to regularise Jewish life under the IX in France. Nahmanides was treated courteously authority of a Central Consistory (a term borrowed by James I, who gave him money but, following from their fellow minority group, the Protestants). attempts to have Nahmanides tried for insulting In doing so he had assumed that Judaism could be Christianity, the king made it plain that he would do redefined as a Christian-like religion and organ- well to leave Spain. In 1267 Nahmanides travelled to ised hierarchically. These ideas would later res- theHolyLand.Heestablishedasmallcommunityin onate with Reform Judaism and the State of Israel Muslim-ruled Jerusalem, but became rabbi of Acre, respectively. DANIEL R. LANGTON the seat of government of the Latin kingdom, where Nationhood/nationality he died soon after. DAVID ABULAFIA The Hebrew scriptures tell the story of a nation Napoleon Bonaparte (1769–1821) strongly aware of its identity. The focus of that iden- French emperor (1804–1814/15) whose ambiguous tity is a covenantal relationship with its God, anal- attitude towards the Jews was profoundly shaped ogous to the relationships the surrounding nations

312 Nazism claimed with their gods. Since Christians read the nationhood made itself felt, eventually flowering in Bible and Muslims absorbed much of its content, Zionism,apolitical transformation of the religious they both continued, throughout the age of reli- ‘yearning for Zion’. Zionism has posed questions gious domination, to regard Jews as a separate for Jewish–Christian dialogue not only at the polit- nation. The significance of this became apparent ical level but because it raises the theological issue with the rise of European nation states, but became of how to interpret biblical prophecy about the acute only with the rise of romantic nationalism in Land. Germany, Italy and the Balkans in the eighteenth Early Christianity proclaimed itself a universal and nineteenth centuries. As Elie Kedourie wrote religion(‘fortheGentiles’),RabbinicJudaismchose (Nationalism): ‘Nationalism is a doctrine invented to emphasise its particularity. In recent times, by in Europe at the beginning of the nineteenth cen- contrast, Reform Judaism has re-emphasised the tury . . . [T]he doctrine holds that humanity is nat- universal dimension of Judaism, while Christians, urally divided into nations, that nations are known reactingfromtheirearlierimperialism,havediscov- by certain characteristics which can be ascertained, ered the significance and value of ‘local theologies’, and that the only legitimate type of government whereby particular cultures or nationalities express is national self-government.’ Nationalism depends Christian practice and belief in their own terms. In on transforming ethnic characteristics such as lan- both cases an internal tension remains; Christians guage and social custom into ultimate values for and Jews might profit from each other in learning which the individual citizen is prepared to kill and how to accomplish a balance between the univer- die. sal and the particular, between faith and nation, To what extent is religion constitutive of national between the secular and the religious. consciousness? For instance, must a ‘good’ Pole See also Israel, land and State of be Roman Catholic, or a ‘true’ Englishman be an NORMAN SOLOMON Anglican? If this is answered in the affirmative, Jews Nazism cannot be Poles or Englishmen, Catholics cannot A contraction of the term Nationalsozialismus be English, and Anglicans cannot be Polish. Such a (NationalSocialism),Nazismidentifiesatypeoffas- philosophy supports prejudice and discrimination, cism, essentially linked to Adolf Hitler, that empha- and aggravates relationships between Catholics, sised antisemitism, single-party dictatorship, a Protestants and Jews. The problem has been solved state-controlled economy, opposition to commu- in large part by the emergence of the secular state, nism, and territorial expansion through war. The in which government is impartial as between reli- involvement of Christians in advocating a racist gions,andcitizensareequalbeforethelawirrespec- form of nationalism that led to the Holocaust is a tive of religious affiliation. This development has significant issue of debate within Jewish–Christian had a profound impact on Jewish–Christian rela- relations. tions, since it enables Jews and Christians to meet When Hitler came to power on 30 January 1933 as equals; on the other hand, the rise of secularism German culture had its secular strands but it is in itself a challenge to both faiths. remained deeply Christian. Conventional inter- The tension between nationalism and univer- pretations have often claimed that Nazism and salism that rent nineteenth-century Europe was Christianity were enemies. They stress examples manifested in the Jewish national movement, and of Nazi rhetoric that were anti-Christian, as well with one further complication: Jews had to choose as Christian protest against the Third Reich and whether to abandon part or all of their Jewish- Nazi persecution of Christian dissenters. Never- ness by adopting the local European nationalism theless, Nazism enjoyed strong Christian support, or whether to opt out of Europe into a national- particularly because of its emphasis on restoring ism of their own. On the whole, assimilation was the national power and prestige that had been chosen where practicable, provided that a Jew- lost through defeat in the First World War and ish religious identity could be maintained. But the Versailles Treaty, its resistance to Marxism, where Jews were not accepted, or only very grudg- and its yearnings for a superior German Volk ingly accepted, as nationals in the countries in that would not be corrupted by alien influences. which they lived, a drive to a separate Jewish Thus, an overwhelming majority of Germany’s

313 Neo-hellenism

ChristiansandmembersoftheNaziPartyendorsed, the Netherlands, Switzerland and Germany at the in one way or another, Hitler’s proclamation beginning of the 1960s, in recognition of the almost that he was doing ‘the work of the Lord’ (Mein 2,000-years-old alienation between Christians and Kampf, 65). Jews, and in hope for a new era of understanding WhenHitlerwrotethosewordshereferredspecif- after the atrocities of the Shoah.Since its foun- ically to actions against the Jews. That fact is cru- dation hundreds of (mainly young) people have cial, because Nazism was driven by what Saul lived there. Based on the support of an interna- Friedlander¨ (b. 1932) has called ‘redemptive anti- tional movement, Nes Ammim aims to give a ‘sign semitism’ (Nazi Germany and the Jews: The Years of the nations’ (name derived from Isa. 11.10), a of Persecution, 1933–1939, 73–112, 1997), which sign of reconciliation and solidarity towards Israel. alleged that Jews were the most potent force in In addition, the village is a model of a Christian history for radical evil. Building on the anti-Jewish living, working and learning community. In recent stereotypes, such as the medieval blood libel accu- years many Israeli groups, both Jews and Arabs, sations, it regarded Jews as conspiring to destroy have met in Nes Ammim for a period of peace European civilisation and dominate the world. It education. SIMON SCHOON held them responsible for Germany’s defeat in the Netherlands, the First World War and for the Bolshevik Revolution, as The earliest Jews arrived in the Low Countries – well as for all of the moral, financial, political and present-day Belgium and the Netherlands – dur- social problems that beset Germany and the world ing Roman times, but reliable documentary evi- thereafter. With Hitler and the Nazi movement as dence dates only from the 1100s. Jews were expelled the Messianic forces that would save Germany on a regular basis and experienced violence at the fromdisasterandguaranteeitshegemony,Nazism’s hands of Christians, notably in 1349 when they were ‘logic’ entailed that the Jews must be eliminated, accused of spreading the Black Death.Beginning one way or another, once and for all. Not all Chris- in the sixteenth century, the Netherlands became tians in Nazi Germany embraced that logic, but they home to numerous Portuguese merchants as the supported or at least complied with Nazism more region, and particularly Amsterdam, became a cen- than they resisted it. tre of world trade. Among these merchants were We Remember,theRomanCatholicChurch’s1998 Marranos who had been forced out of Spain by the statement on the Holocaust, contends that Nazi Inquisition in 1492. antisemitism ‘had its roots outside of Christian- By the seventeenth century the Netherlands’ ity’, but controversy swirls around that proposition Jewish community was more integrated econom- because Nazism’s targeting of the Jews cannot be ically and socially than anywhere else in Europe. explained apart from anti-Jewish images – Christ- Jews played a role in the economic expansion of the killers, wilful blasphemers, unrepentant sons and NetherlandsintoaworldpowerandlivedinaJewish daughters of the Devil, to name only a few – that quarter which they were free to leave and which have been long and deeply rooted in Christian was frequented by non-Jews – Rembrandt (1606– practices. Other Christian statements, such as 69), for example, lived and worked there. Violence the Leuenberg Church Fellowship, accept that against Jews, prevalent in Germany and eastern Christian anti-Judaism provided essential back- Europe,wasnon-existentintheNetherlands.Chris- ground, preparation and motivation for Nazism. tian conversions to Judaism, while not common, Those factors help to explain why, from 1933 to were not unheard of, and the Synod of Dordt (1618– 1945, Germany’s overtly Christian resistance to 19) demonstrated a close relationship between Jews Nazism and the Holocaust was as scarce and spo- and Christians: at a time of blood libel charges radic as it turned out to be (see bystanders). elsewhere in Europe, scholars in Amsterdam were See also Dabru Emet JOHN K. ROTH studying the Mishnah and the Talmud, and even Neo-hellenism see Hellenism composing poetry in Hebrew. The controversy sur- Nes Ammim rounding Spinoza, who was excommunicated by NesAmmim, located in the North of Israel, between the leaders of both Jewish and Christian communi- the cities of Acco and Nahariya, is an ecumenical ties in Amsterdam, also demonstrates the closeness Christian village. It was founded by Christians from of relations between them.

314 New Testament

The Netherlands granted Jews full equality and in the country.Jews, Christians, and Muslims would citizenship in 1796. Their full integration into Dutch live there in peace, each one faithful to his own faith society contributed to the fact that Zionism did not and traditions, while respecting those of the oth- achieve there the same popularity as elsewhere in ers.’ The community has grown to 50 families, has Europe. In 1940, when the Netherlands was occu- hosted over 35,000 youth and adults at its interna- pied by Germany, 170,000 Jews lived in the coun- tionally recognised School for Peace, and educates try. Most were sent to Auschwitz and Sobibor, but almost 300 students in its bilingual bicultural pri- some survived the Holocaust either by hiding with mary school. WILLIAM KLASSEN non-Jews or by forging documents with the help New Christians see Conversos of non-Jews. The Frank family is a famous exam- New Testament ple and survived for several years hidden in an The New Testament, the second part of the Amsterdam building (see Frank, Anne). In 1946 Christian Church’s canon, both marks the sep- there were 30,000 Jews in the Netherlands, and this aration between Christianity and Judaism and number has remained steady since. contains substantial historical and exegetical infor- The Holocaust remains an important factor in mation on the connections between these two modern Jewish–Christian dialogue in the Nether- movements. On the one hand the 27 books in this lands, and a feeling of co-responsibility for the fate canon, in varying degrees, are the principal sources of Dutch Jews has led Dutch Christians, especially for discussions about supersessionism and the ori- Calvinists,torethink their relations with the Jewish gins of the ‘teaching of contempt’; on the other people. In its constitution of 1951, the Nether- they provide information about varieties of first- lands Reformed Church was the first Church body century Jewish practice and belief, as well as inter- to include a special section on dialogue with the pretations of the books both Church and synagogue Jews. The establishment of the State of Israel met regard as holy (see OldTestament). Both for its his- with considerable sympathy in the Netherlands, torical information and for its legacy in Jewish– and many Dutch Christians saw in it a fulfilment Christianrelations,theNewTestamenttodayserves of OldTestament prophecies. The 1970 General as a major site of interfaith discussion. Synod of the Netherlands Reformed Church stated Questions of supersessionism begin with the that the return of Jews to Zion was a ‘special sign canon’sdesignation.‘NewTestament’(Greek:Kaine of God’s will’. There has also been great sympathy Diatheke; Latin: Novum Testamentum), can also be for the problems of the Palestinians, and in 1979 translated ‘new covenant’. Although Diatheke usu- the Council of Churches in the Netherlands called ally meant the disposition of an estate, the title for a two-states solution to the Middle East crisis. At derives in part from Jer. 31.31–4. Jeremiah antici- the same time, an increase in the number of Muslim pated a ‘new covenant’ (Berit Hadashah) distinct immigrants has led to social tensions in the Nether- from the Sinaitic covenant that Israel often failed lands, creating a need for both Christians and Jews to follow, to be inscribed on the heart and to include to reflect on relations between all three Abrahamic the forgiveness of sin. Rabbinic texts rarely cite Jer. faiths. EDWARD KESSLER 31.31–4. The few discussions interpret it to mean Neve Shalom/Wahat al-Salam that God reminds people what they have forgotten ‘Oasis of peace’. A community of Israeli Jews and concerning Torah (Midrash Song 8.14) and that for- Palestinians founded in 1972 on a barren hilltop getting Torah is a sign of this world but not the world between Jerusalem and Tel Aviv by Bruno Hussar to come (Midrash Eccl. 2.1; Midrash Song 1.2). The (1911–96), a Dominican friar, with the aim of Qumran scrolls anticipate a new covenant, but the peaceful reconciliation between Jews, Muslims and term is primarily associated with the Church. 1 Cor. Christians. Husar, an Egyptian Jew who converted 11.25 quotes Jesus: ‘This cup is the new covenant to Catholicism, dedicated his life to encouraging in my blood’; 2 Cor. 3.6 speaks of ‘ministers of a peaceful coexistence between Jews and Arabs. The new covenant, not of letter but of spirit’; Heb. 8.8– community’s name is drawn from Isa. 32.18, ‘my 12, setting the new covenant in contradistinction people shall dwell in an oasis of peace’. Husar to the faulty ‘first covenant’, quotes Jer. 31.31–4; explained that he had in mind ‘a small village com- and Heb. 9.15 (see 12.24) identifies Jesus as the posed of inhabitants from different communities new covenant mediator who redeems humanity

315 New Testament

from ‘transgressions under the first covenant’. The faith from Abel (11.4) to ‘David and Samuel and the longer version of Luke’s Gospel (22.20), as well as a prophets’ (11.32). Jesus is a new Moses in Matthew’s few manuscripts of Mark and Matthew that record Gospel and the replacement for Moses in Hebrews; Jesus stating, ‘This cup...isthenewcovenant he appears with Moses (representing Torah or the in my blood’, may be scribal adaptations to 1 Cor. Law) and Elijah (representing the Prophets) at his 11.25. Thus ‘new covenant’ or ‘new testament’, Transfiguration. Rom. 4.1–12 speaks of Abraham when first used by Christian writers, indicates the as ‘justified by faith’ while Jas 2.21–4 claims faith Christ’s mediatory role in forgiving sins and, per- and works justified Abraham. Matthew’sJoseph the haps, in abrogating the Old Covenant. This sote- son of Jacob resembles Joseph the son of Jacob riological focus remains a point of division within of Genesis. New Testament allusions to scriptural Christianity. Some Christians teach that the New scenes include the meeting of a man and a woman Testament/New Covenant replaces the old one, and at a well (John 4, cf. Gen. 24.10–27; 29.1–12; Exod. so view Judaism as having been replaced by the 2.15–21); raising a widow’s son (Luke 7.11–17 cf. Church. Appeals to such passages as the Parable 1 Kgs 17.17–24); creating food miraculously (Mark of the Vineyard (see Mark 12.1–9) and the epistle 6.30–44 cf. Exod. 16.13–35; Num. 11.1–35; 1 Kgs to the Hebrews are cited in support. Others, citing 17.8–16); a child born to an aged couple (Luke 1.5– Romans9–11,seethe‘OldCovenant’ashavingeter- 80cf.Gen.21etal.);andwomen’ssongsofliberation nal value and so view the Church as a co-heir with (Luke 1.46–55 cf. 1 Sam. 2.1–10). The book of Reve- Judaism. lation, although offering no direct quote, is steeped The shift from a soteriological to a canonical in scriptural reference. meaning was prompted in part by the reference in 2 Church and synagogue came to emphasise Cor. 3.14 to the Mosaic ‘old covenant’ or ‘old testa- different aspects of shared scripture. The New ment’ (Palaia Diatheke)read in synagogues. Melito Testament tends to relegate Torah to a secondary of Sardis first used ‘Old Testament’ to designate or even negative role, whereas it is paramount scripture. Tertullian, Eusebius and others then for the synagogue; the New Testament reads the used ‘New Testament’ for Christian texts viewed Prophets selectively in attesting to the role of Jesus as inspired. By the fourth century ‘New Testament’ and the Church, whereas the rabbinic tradition sees and ‘Old Testament’ became the common Christian the Prophets as speaking to the situation of (non- terms for canonical materials. The New Testament Christian) Jews. The Jewish tradition highlights the thus became both the fulfilment of the Old (Jesus is book of Esther;itisignored in the New Testament a new Adam (Rom. 5.12–21) and because of Eve’s (as it is in the Dead Sea Scrolls). In 2001 the sin women gain their salvation by bearing chil- Pontifical Biblical Commission highlighted both dren (1 Tim. 2.13–15); those who persevere will gain the connections and the divergences between the the Garden of Eden (Rev. 2.7)) and the template two parts of the Christian canon as well as between through which the Old Testament is to be inter- the Church and the synagogue in The Jewish People preted. The ending of the Christian Old Testament and their Sacred Scriptures. (minus the apocrypha) with Malachi’s prediction Although the Church decided that the Old of the coming of Elijah facilitated this promise- Testament and New Testament formed its canon, fulfilment design. the connection between the two collections was a The New Testament shares with Judaism the matter of debate. In the second century Marcion synagogue’s scriptures (i.e. the Old Testament/the concluded that the God of the Jews was inept Tanakh), although it usually cites the Greek trans- and distinct from the Deity revealed by Jesus. He lation rather than the Hebrew original (e.g. Matt. then compiled a Christian canon (perhaps the 1.23 cites the Septuagint’s reference to a ‘virgin’ first canon) consisting only of select Pauline epis- in Isa. 7.14; Luke 4.18–19 depicts Jesus reading tles as well as a version of the Gospel of Luke from the Septuagintal Isaiah). In addition to direct stripped of Old Testament allusions. Responding citation, the New Testament is replete with scrip- to Marcion as well as to certain Gnostic ideas (see tural allusions. Stephen summarises Israel’s his- Gnosticism), early Church teachers insisted that tory (Acts 7.2–47); Hebrews catalogues examples of the Old Testament was inspired, but that Jewish

316 New Testament readings (e.g. readings that insisted on the prac- John’s Gospel, often regarded as a response to the tice of Mosaic Torah; readings that did not find separation of believers in Jesus from their syna- anticipations of Jesus) were incorrect. Although gogue, uses ‘Jews’ primarily to refer to those who Marcion’s teaching became regarded as heresy, oppose Jesus. Second is the lack of consensus on residual Marcionism survives in the false claim that authors and audiences. The canonical Gospels were the Old Testament presents a wrathful God of law alloriginallyanonymous;‘Matthew,Mark,Lukeand whereas the New Testament offers a loving God of John’ are names assigned by the Church. The com- grace. position of the Gospels’ original audiences is also Because ‘Old Testament’ can bear negative con- unknown, although within two generations these notations (old as outdated, surpassed or replaced), audiences were primarily Gentile. Paul, although a and because ‘New Testament’ can sound super- self-identified Jew (Phil. 3), writes primarily to Gen- sessionist, alternative designations arise. Substi- tile congregations, and some documents promul- tutions include Christian Testament (problem- gate the erasing of distinctions between Jews and atic because the Old Testament is also in the Gentiles (e.g. Ephesians). Church’s canon), Second Testament (problem- Several other approaches seek to acquit the New atic both because ‘second’ can imply secondary Testament of anti-Judaism. One strategy classifies and because Heb. 8.7–8 views the ‘first covenant’ problematic texts (e.g. Mark 12.1–12; Matt. 23; the as superseded), and Greek Testament (prob- passion narratives;John 8; Hebrews; Rev. 2.3–9) lematic both because some Churches hold the as excoriations of the Jewish leaders rather than of Greek Old Testament canonical and because the the Jewish people or practice. While having merit, OldTestament apocrypha/deutero-canonical texts the thesis fails in that the majority of Jews chose have Greek originals). Nor is it likely all denomi- not to follow Jesus. A second argument labels the nations will change the title of their scripture from polemic conventional (cf. the Dead Sea Scrolls), The New Covenant Commonly Called The New Tes- but the comparison is inexact because the scrolls tament of Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ (New were not taught to Gentiles. Another approach, Revised Standard Version, following the King James common among many Christians today, recognises Version). the potency of invectives such as the anti-Pharisaic WritteninKoineGreek(withoccasionalLatinand screed of Matt. 23, but labels them warnings to the Aramaic expressions) and dating from the mid-first faithful against hypocrisy,greed and so on. Negative to the early second century CE, the New Testament references to ‘the Jews’ (hoi Ioudaioi)aresome- addresses congregations of both Jews and Gentiles times seen to refer to ‘Judeans’. 1 Thess. 2.14–16, (in various proportions). Although often specu- describing the Ioudaioi as having ‘killed the Lord lative, determinations of authorial identity and Jesus’, is often mitigated by being labelled an inter- intent, as well as the composition of the community polation inconsistent with Paul’s positive view of to whom each text is addressed, serve as bases for Judaism found in Romans. Some interpreters argue judging whether the New Testament is anti-Jewish that Jews prompted the invective: John 8, wherein (the definition of which is itself subject to end- Jesus labels ‘Jews’ as ‘from your father the Devil’ less debate). The primary argument for exculpat- (8.44), is seen as a response to the synagogue’s ing the New Testament of charges of anti-Judaism expulsion of Jesus’ followers (see John 9, 12, 16). relies on the identification of author and audience: Rarely do these interpreters inquire into why John if the author of a New Testament book were Jew- might have been expelled (preaching exclusivist ish and/or if the text were addressed primarily to soteriology? encouraging Gentiles to stop eating Jews, the text cannot be anti-Jewish. This argument food offered to idols?). Finally, some Christian the- has several inherent flaws. First is the problem of ologians insist that the New Testament cannot be determining who was a ‘Jew’. For example, while anti-Jewish because anti-Judaism is incompatible scholars often regard the Gospel of Matthew as with divine inspiration. written by a Jew to a Jewish (or mixed Jewish and Whether the New Testament is anti-Jewish Gentile) Church, Matthew’s own language (28.15) will remain a matter of debate. Nevertheless, distances author and reader from ‘Jews’ (Ioudaioi). because the text has been used to support the

317 New Year

teaching of contempt, its anti-Jewish potential with his own view of the text. The prayer avinu must be addressed. Proposed solutions to anti- malkenu ‘our father our king’ (attributed to Rabbi Jewish readings include educating Christians about Akiba) uses the designation of God as ‘father’ pop- the New Testament’s historical context and anti- ularised by Jesus in the Lord’s Prayer. The aleinu Jewish legacy, recognising that Jesus and his earli- prayer, attributed to the third-century teacher Rav, est followers were all Jewish, expunging offensive was censored as anti-Christian in many Jewish verses, offering alternative translations (such as prayer books (see censorship). In the Middle Ages ‘officials’ for ‘the Jews’), revising lectionaries so that most of Christian Europe celebrated 25 March as the New Testamentmaterial is not seen as a positive the beginning of the year. 1 January was the New antithesis to the Old, and having New Testament Year’s Day of the Gregorian Calendar (1582), restor- passages studied together by Jews and Christians. ing an ancient Roman practice. In the Church cal- Joint study facilitates acknowledging potentially endar both dates have links to the birth of Christ, problematic passages even as it aids both Jews 25 March marking the Annunciation and 1 January and Christians in recovering shared history. Jewish the Circumcision. MICHAEL HILTON scholars such as Claude Montefiore and Martin New Zealand Buber found in the New Testament (especially the Christians and Jews were already living in harmony words of Jesus in the Synoptic Gospels) sentiments in New Zealand before the nation’s foundational consistent with the rabbinic tradition; their studies document, the Treaty of Waitangi, was signed in also helped to combat the tendency of Christian 1840. About 45 years after Captain Cook (1728–79) theologians and historians to divorce Jesus from first sighted New Zealand (1769) Anglican mission- his Jewish context. Since the Shoah, and especially aries arrived, and 15 years after that Solomon Levy with the opening of Departments of Religion as established a law firm in Lyttelton (Christchurch) distinct from theological schools and seminaries, as a branch of his Sydney office. Other early Jew- the number of Jewish scholars who study the New ish names included the families Montefiore, Hort, Testament (e.g. Samuel Sandmel (1911–79), David Keesing, Joseph and Nathan. Jewish traders and set- Flusser (1917–2000), Geza Vermes (b. 1924), Alan tlers worked cooperatively with the local Christian Segal (b. 1945), Paula Fredriksen (b. 1951), Daniel residents, teaching Hebrew to Christian seminar- Boyarin (b. 1946), Adele Reinhartz (b. 1953), A.-J. ians, and contributing financially to the building Levine (b. 1956)) continues to increase. The Reform of churches. Some early Jewish settlers intermar- movement requires rabbinical candidates to take ried with the indigenous Maori population, oth- a course in the New Testament (see Progressive ers with Christian settlers, primarily from England. Judaism). AMY-JILL LEVINE The Jewish population of New Zealand has never New Year been large, but has been influential in business Human New Year festivals began as a remembrance and politics. In the 1996 census out of 3.7 million ofthecreationoftheworldonitssupposedanniver- residents, just under 5,000 were Jews (about 1.5 sary.Jewish tradition assigns this significance to the per cent). The most influential forms of Judaism autumn festival of Rosh Hashanah (‘head of the today are Liberal/Reform or Orthodox. Because year’). Rabbinic Judaism (M. Rosh Hashanah 1.1) the Jewish community is so small, many of its records other new years, of which only Tu Bishvat, younger members emigrate to Australia, Canada or the late winter new year for trees, survives. The England. Jewish celebration is unusual among new years in The Council of Christians and Jews (CCJ) began marking the start of a penitential season, which was as a core group in Auckland in 1987, headed developedbyRabbinicJudaismintheshadowofthe by Selwyn Dawson (Methodist) and Ann Gluck- loss of Jerusalem and the Templein the early days of man (Jewish), in cooperation with CCJ Australia. Christianity. The story of the binding of Isaac (from In 1990 they became members of the Interna- Gen. 22) is the main feature of the Torah reading. tional Council of Christians and Jews. Relations This narrative was popular in the Church as a proto- between Christians and Jews in New Zealand type of the sacrifice of Christ, and its inclusion in the remain relatively amicable, though periods of anti- Jewish lectionary allowed the preacher to counter semitism have occurred as world tensions rise,

318 Noah

most recently around issues of peace in the Middle tices such as baptism,priestly celibacy, relics and East. PHILIP CULBERTSON confession. It is an important source of Jewish Nicaea, Council of see Easter; Quartodeciman assessments of Christianity during the medieval controversy period. Nicholas of Lyra see Lyra, Nicholas of See also anti-Christian Jewish teaching Niemoller,¨ Martin (1892–1984) MICHAEL A. SIGNER Protestant minister. Best known as a representa- Noachide laws tive of organised Christian opposition to aspects of The Genesis account portrays Noah as a pious Nazi politics, the Confessing Church,Niemoller’s¨ believer in God who worshipped him through obe- attitudes towards Jews and his contribution to dience and sacrifice and was given divine com- Christian–Jewish relations found direct expression mands, including those prohibiting murder and in his solidarity with baptised Christians, includ- the consumption of blood. He is therefore seen by ing converted Jews, under the Nazi regime and Judaism,ChristianityandIslamasoneofantiquity’s his favouring of the Stuttgart Confession of guilt righteous personalities and a prototype of simple for the Churches’ involvement in National Social- religiosity vis-a-vis` God, humanity and animals. ism and the Holocaust.Fromapatriotic German According to the pre-Christian book of Jubilees,he family, Niemoller¨ fought in the First World War, was given a specific set of principles by which to opposed democracy in the Weimar Republic and live, and this concept appears in its early rabbinic voted National Socialist from 1924. He began to form as ‘the seven laws of the children of Noah’. oppose the German Christians who were closely Non-Jewish men and women are to be defined linked to Nazi organisations when they interfered and treated as monotheists if they adhere to these in what Niemoller¨ regarded as Church affairs, that basic social and religious values and their sub- is, Christian confessions of faith and Church mem- sets. They should establish law-courts; refrain from bership.ImprisonedinSachsenhausenandDachau blasphemy, idolatry, murder, theft and forbidden for his anti-Nazi activities, Niemoller¨ rethought his sexual relationships such as incest; and not per- Christian faith and changed in postwar years to form vivisection. They are then regarded by rab- advocate the ecumenical movement and radical binic codifiers (e.g. Maimonides)as‘the pious of pacifism. K. HANNAH HOLTSCHNEIDER the gentile peoples’ and worthy of the same eternal Nizzahon Vetus bliss guaranteed to Jews who observe the Torah’s An anthology of northern European Jewish polem- 613 commands. In the Middle Ages the concept ical arguments against Christianity probably com- was widely applied to Muslims and, after some piled in the thirteenth century, Nizzahon Vetus early doubts about the Trinity, was also used in reveals literary links to the polemical work Sefer the Jewish theological definition of Christians. In Yosef HaMeqqaneh by Joseph ben Nathan Official the modern period Jewish thinkers such as Moses (fl. thirteenth century). The author is unknown, Mendelssohn used the idea to justify the equal and this work is often confused with Sefer HaNiz- treatment of monotheistic non-Jews in the social zahon written by Yom Tov Lippman Muelhausen application of religious legislation, but the response of Prague (fourteenth–fifteenth century). The work was sometimes to regard this as religious conde- is marked by an aggressive rhetorical approach to scension. There are, especially in the United States Christian exegesis of the Hebrew Bible, Christian and Israel, contemporary movements among Jews dogma, liturgy and ritual. There are passages that and non-Jews (Noachides, Bnai Noach) that seek describe Christianity in scatological terms and oth- to encourage non-Jews to adopt the Noachide ers that mock Christian beliefs. By contrast, the laws and to spread their basic teaching, and the beliefs and practices of Judaism are exalted, espe- UnitedStatesCongressofficiallyrecognisedthemin cially Jewish martyrdom. Nizzahon Vetus is organ- 1991. STEFAN C. REIF ised according to the books of the Hebrew Bible, Noah offering appropriate responses to Christian inter- Antediluvian biblical ancestor. As a non-Israelite pretations. It then offers an anthology of refuta- living prior to the law-giving at Sinai, who was tions of the NewTestament and Christian prac- nonetheless considered righteous in the biblical

319 Nonconformists

account, Noah has been important to Jews in pro- Church Fathers used Noah to demonstrate that viding expectations for Gentile behaviour. The uni- law observance was unnecessary – indeed, it was versal dimension of the story was also important to given as punishment. For example, Noah and his early Christians in arguing for their freedom from children were all uncircumcised (Dial. 19.4). There Sinaitic commandments. are a number of similarities between early Jewish Noah is first mentioned in Gen. 5.29 as the son of and Christian scriptural interpretation of Noah to Lamech, the ninth generation after Adam. The story which J. P. Lewis has drawn attention (AStudy of of Noah and the flood is narrated in Gen. 6–9 from the Interpretation of Noah and the Flood, 1968). two distinct sources that differ in various details. The lifespan of 120 years decreed by God in Gen. As the patriarchal head of the only household to 6.3 is thought to have related to the years a gen- survive the flood, Noah is portrayed as the ances- eration was permitted for repentance.InGenesis tor of all people on earth through his sons Shem, Noah is referred to as ‘righteous in his genera- Ham and Japheth. Outside the book of Genesis tions’,but the rabbis debated whether this was righ- the Hebrew Bible mentions Noah explicitly only teousness relative to the comparative wickedness in Isa. 54.9, Ezek. 14.14, 20 and the genealogy of 1 of those around him or whether he was righteous Chr. 1.4. The figure of Noah held a special appeal in an absolute sense. In Jewish tradition the so- for the Jewish community at Qumran (see Dead called seven Noachide laws came to be understood Sea Scrolls) and those responsible for writing such as minimum normative laws to be observed by non- Pseudepigraphic works as 1Enoch and Jubilees, Jews and be considered righteous from a Jewish perhaps because of their apocalyptic eschatology, perspective. JUDITH H. NEWMAN which envisioned an imminent battle between the Nonconformists see Dissenters wicked and the righteous. Parallels were seen with Non-violence see peace the tale of Noah, who was deemed righteous by God Nostra Aetate in the midst of a wicked generation and viewed as a Promulgated on 28 October 1965, the fourth sec- prototype of the marginalised and alienated com- tion of the Vatican II declaration on non-Christian munity itself, at odds with the rest of the Jewish religions, Nostra Aetate, achieved nothing less than people, particularly in regard to the Temple in aradical reversal of what Jules Isaac called the Jerusalem. Church’s ancient ‘teaching of contempt’ against Although Noah is mentioned only rarely out- Jews and Judaism. It is easily the most signifi- side of the book of Genesis, Christian and Jewish cant document concerning Jewish–Christian rela- exegetes found the story rich with meaning. In tions in Church history since Paul in Romans Christian exegesis the story of Noah’sfamily surviv- 9–11.In15sentences it rejected anti-Judaic the- ing the great deluge was read typologically to rep- ological polemics and condemned antisemitism, resent Christian baptism.First evidenced in 1 Pet. and replaced them with the foundations for a 3.20, which mentions that eight people were saved renewed vision of the continuing role of the Jewish with Noah in the ark, Clement of Rome (fl.96CE) people in God’s plan of salvation for all human- and other Church Fathers would reaffirm this typo- ity. Uniquely among the conciliar statements, it logical interpretation. The typology was extended referred only to scripture, not to the ChurchFathers so that the ark represented the Church, without or previous Councils, as these had no doctrinal which no one could be saved, a view that represents relevance to the issue. Noting the NewTestament aproblematic issue for Jewish–Christian relations. records that some ‘authorities of the Jews . . . pressed In traditionalChristianliturgicalpracticethewaters for the death of Christ’, it stated that what hap- contained in the baptismal font symbolise not only pened ‘cannot be blamed upon all the Jews then the waters of the ancient flood, but also the pri- living, nor upon the Jews of today’.With this simple mordial waters of chaos over which God ruminated, statement an entire theological edifice, built over and the waters of the Red Sea, which God divided in centuries, collapsed. If the Jews were not and are order to save the Israelites. Justin found Noah par- not collectively responsible for the death of Jesus, ticularly useful in his Dialogue with the Jew Trypho. then it is impossible to view the destruction of the Unlike the rabbis, who insisted that the patriarchs Jerusalem Temple in 70 CE and the Diaspora of observed the Law before it was given at Sinai, the the Jews as ‘divine punishment’.Rather, as the Holy

320 Nostra Aetate

See’s 1985 Notes on the Correct Way to Present Jews Eastern bishops resulted in the text being taken out and Judaism in Catholic Preaching and Catechesis of its original context in the conciliar statement on were to conclude, the Diaspora ‘allowed Israel to ecumenism (Christian Unity) and set up on its own, carry to the whole world a witness – often heroic – complemented by positive statements concerning of its fidelity to the one God’ (no. 25). Positively, Islam,Hinduism, Buddhism and traditional reli- the Council emphasised the Jewish origins of Chris- gions. This did not weaken but, in the eyes of many, tianity and that the Church draws (present tense) strengthened the document’sreception throughout spiritual ‘sustenance’ from the people of God of the Catholic world. the ‘Ancient Covenant’. The Jews ‘still remain most Most Protestant scholars engaged in Jewish– dear to God’ and ‘have [present tense] the glory and Christian relations attest to the positive impact of the covenant and the Law and the worship and the Nostra Aetate on discussions within their own com- promise . . . for the gifts and the call of God are irre- munions. While statements of the WorldCouncil vocable’. Subsequent statements of the pope and of Churches pre-date the Second Vatican Council the Holy See have developed and underscored this in addressing ‘the Christian approach to the Jews’ acknowledgement of Judaism as a salvific, living (Holland, 1948) and condemning antisemitism tradition. (New Delhi, India, 1961), the sheer weight of The statement on the Jews was one of the earli- the Catholic Church within Christianity seemed est on the Council’s agenda and among the last to endorse and energise progressive movements to be promulgated. It found opposition from con- within the Protestant Churches that sought to servatives on the one hand and from bishops rep- reform their own traditions’ received theological resenting minority Christian communities in the presumptions about Jews and Judaism. In turn, it Muslim world and Asia on the other. The biblical must be noted that the great pioneers of modern and theological scholarship of Augustin Bea and biblical scholarship whose work made possible the the drafters of the text, such as John Oesterre- radical change in Christian attitudes toward Jews icher and Gregory Baum (b. 1923), countered the and Judaism represented by Nostra Aetate were, former theologically. The so-called ‘Wardi Affair’, until Pope Pius XII’s groundbreaking encyclical in which an antisemitic tract was surreptitiously Divino Afflante Spiritu (1943) empowered Catholics given to all the Council Fathers, served only to gal- to engage in critical biblical scholarship, virtually all vanise support for the document. The objections of Protestant. EUGENE J. FISHER

321 OOOO

Oberammergau see Passion narratives first uses it collectively of the biblical books (c.180). Odo of Sully (c.1160–1208) The supersessionist tendency has induced many in Bishop of Paris from 1196. Under the influence of Jewish–Christian relations to find alternative terms, Pope Innocent III,heattempted to restrict social suchas‘PriorTestament’,‘FormerCovenant’,‘Prime relationsbetweenJewsandChristians.Forexample, Testament’, ‘Common Testament’, ‘Hebrew Bible’ he prohibited priests from standing security for a or ‘First Testament’,to prevent it from being seen as Jew and forbade Christians from using grapeskins aredundant text. Of the more common preferences that had been pressed by Jews (except as food for ‘Hebrew Bible’ draws attention to its origins within pigs or as fertiliser). He also threatened Christian Judaism and the fact that it has an integrity of its laymen with excommunication if they engaged in own, even if it is not the term used by Jews, who debating articles of faith with Jews. prefer ‘Tanakh’. However, others have argued that EDWARD KESSLER OldTestament is a technically correct designation Oesterreicher, John (1904–93) for Christians, since until the time of Luther the One of the architects of Nostra Aetate, who pleaded Church primarily relied on the Greek Septuagint for the reconciliation of Christians and Jews in word text, and since the ordering of the books within the and writing. Born in Moravia of Jewish parents, Christian canon to this day differs from the Hebrew Oesterreicher became a Catholic during his stud- order. The Christian Old Testament concludes with ies in Vienna (1922–4) where he was ordained to the prophecy of Malachi, an ending appropriate to the priesthood in 1927. As priest, editor and broad- Christian theology in its prediction of the return- caster, in Austria and later in Paris, he worked ing Elijah.‘First Testament’ is a term preferred by against Nazism, narrowly escaping the Gestapo. some, provided it does not imply primacy, a dan- Arriving in the United States in 1940, he was found- ger apparent in the alternative suggestions for the ing Director of the Institute of Judaeo-Christian Old and New Testament of ‘Prime Testament’ and Studies at Seton Hall University in New Jersey from ‘Appendix Sayings’ respectively, or ‘The Scriptures’ 1953–93 where, between 1955 and 1970, he edited and ‘Apostolic Writings’. five volumes of The Bridge: A Yearbook of Judaeo- See also Pentateuch; Torah JAMES K. AITKEN Christian Studies.Called to Rome in 1961 to work Onkelos (2nd century CE) on the ‘subcommission for the Jewish questions’, Traditionally, the author of the anonymous official he attended the last three sessions of Vatican II and Targum to the Pentateuch (b. Megillah 3a); often remained consulter to the Secretariat for Christian identified as ‘the proselyte’.One tradition, of uncer- Unity until 1968. AUDREY DOETZEL tain date and suppressed by the censors, reflects Old Testament anti-Christian propaganda: the spirit of Jesus,in The Christian term Old Testament, referring to the Gehenna for offences against ‘the wise’, confirms first part of the canon, has been taken by some to the prospective convert that the Jews have the as a support for supersessionism, the belief that highest status in the world to come (b. Gittin 56b, the NewTestament has superseded the ‘Old’. The 57a). Such a view may reflect the influence of inference is that the Old (i.e. Jewish) Covenant is no Palestinian sources which identify Onkelos with longer valid and has been replaced by a New (supe- Aquila the proselyte, whose activities were inter- rior) one. The term ‘old covenant’ first appears in preted by some in antiquity as hostile to Christian- 2Cor. 3.14, perhaps as a counterpoint to the new ity. Thus, Epiphanius (c. 315–403) presents Aquila’s covenant of Jer. 31.31, but it is Melito of Sardis who hebraising Greek version of the Hebrew Bible,

322 Original sin

favoured by the rabbis, as intended to displace regarded as their literalistic interpretations of bib- the Septuagint used by Christians. By contrast, lical texts (Princ. 2.3.1), he also defended them Jerome and Origen,reflecting their reverence for against the vicious attacks of the pagan author- the Hebrew Bible, are much more favourable to ities (cf. Celsus’ Alethes Logos 5.41ff.). Indeed, Aquila. SARAH J. K. PEARCE Origen found the Jews an admirable people, but Ordination see priest; rabbi one whose teachings could appeal to all men Origen (c.185–c.254) only if broadened out (Cels. 5.42). Origen would Priest, biblical scholar and catechist. Origen was the refer to Jews and Christians together as ‘all of son of a Christian martyr (Leonides Adamantius) Israel’ (Cels. 6.80), which awaited the salvation of in Alexandria.Amongst all the Church Fathers, God. Origen is considered the most erudite in his knowl- Origen’s theology of Judaism is therefore more edge of Hebrew letters, rabbinic commentaries complex than at first seems. On the one hand his and scriptural texts, but with only a fair reading derogatory rhetoric and supersessionist remarks knowledge of Hebrew itself. His most influential place him among the emerging Adversus Judaeos work is the Hexapla (completed c.245) or Greek– thinkers of the early Church.For example, in Hebrew comparative-critical text of the OldTesta- Origen (cf. Cels. 4.3) charge over the kingdom ment, which assembled usually four, but as many of God has been given to Christians and taken as seven, different Greek versions (at least three from the Jews, who remain a Chosen People but of which were done by Aquila,Symmachus and somehow in exile until brought back to Christ Theodotion – Jewish scholars of the first two cen- through the mysterious apokatastasis,orreturn of turies CE) of a given passage in parallel columns. all mankind to God. For Origen and many of his Origen’s corrected transcription of the Septuagint Christian contemporaries the Old Testament was (LXX) was noted for its accuracy by its diligent replete with prophecy fulfilled only through Christ. comparison with the Masorah. Unlike any other Origen taught that Jews who demurred in accepting Christian of his day, he displayed a command- Jesus as the true Messiah did so principally because ing knowledge of halakhic debate (cf. Princ. 4.3.2; they read the Bible in an exclusively literal way and In Sermone Matthei, 11). The balance of his writ- hence could not understand it through Christ (cf. ings comment on every aspect of scripture and the Princ. 4.2.1), the Logos or ‘living word’ of truth. Christian mysteries, but the DePrincipiis stands out In these and other ways Origen helped to promote as his most comprehensive and speculative work. an overtly anti-Jewish theology which later fathers The weight given to rabbinic ideas in his commen- and medievals would exploit at will. On the other taries and close textual work would decisively influ- hand Origen’s appreciation for Jewish insight and ence Christian biblical hermeneutics.His corpus of thought is immense. The truth of God’s revelation writings which, according to Eusebius (Hist. eccl. 4) was validly found in the way in which Jews read and Jerome (Epist. 33), was composed of nearly the scriptures, though the following of Jesus would 2,000 books, is considered as influential for Chris- demand further elaboration. In an age where Chris- tian theology in the East as Augustine’s has been for tian life was still socially blended in close proximity the Latin West. to Jewish practice and belief, Origen’steachings can Origen’s acquaintance with the Jews of Alexan- be seen as both appreciative and condemnatory of dria and later, of Palestine, was extensive and pre- Judaism and anxious for the establishment of a sep- sented him with a dilemma: on the one hand, their arate Christian identity. DENNIS D. MCMANUS knowledge of the scriptures and of rabbinic exe- Original sin gesis was greatly desirable (Ep. Afr. 6), as was their A Christian belief (based on Gen. 3 and Rom. friendship (cf. In Mattheo 11.9); on the other hand 5.12–21) that the sin of Adam has been passed Origen’s theological understanding of Jews and on to all humanity and can only be expiated Judaism could be extremely negative (cf. Cels. 3.1; through baptism in Jesus Christ.Itisoften said 1.49), obliging him to a kind of religious disdain that belief in original sin is one of the main dif- for Jews as killers of Christ (Cels. 2.18; 8.42) (see ferences between Judaism and Christianity. Main- deicide, charge of). Though often debating with stream Judaism, both in antiquity and today, cer- Jews in public and frequently criticising what he tainly does teach that each person is responsible

323 Orthodox Christianity

for his or her guilt, but the existence of an innate Equally long-lasting, since never yet rescinded, are sinfulness in each human being was discussed in the canon laws which encouraged separation of the biblical (cf. Gen. 8.21; Ps. 51.5) and post-biblical Jewish and Christian communities. Thus the Quini- texts, which may provide an insight into the devel- sextum council (691–2) prohibited Christians from opment of the Christian theology of sin.Passages having recourse to doctors of the Jewish faith; nor in the apocrypha and Pseudepigraphic literature were Christians to share the public baths with Jews. are pessimistic indeed: 4Ezra4.30–31, for example, However, the separate existence of the Jews was states that a ‘grain of evil seed was sown in Adam’s reluctantly tolerated. The Byzantine emperor Theo- heart from the beginning’, a concept that appears dosius II (r.408–50) went out of his way to declare remarkably Christian. There is also an oft-quoted that a Jewish believer should not suffer contumely and unique teaching in the Talmud (b. Avodah for his religion (438). Conversion to the Christian Zarah 22b) which states that the serpent seduced faith was welcomed, but rarely enforced. Even so, Eve in paradise and impregnated her with spiritual- the Theodosian code prohibited the building of physical ‘dirt’ which was inherited through the new synagogues in the Eastern Empire (438); nor generations. The revelation at Sinai, when Moses were existing synagogues necessarily safeguarded – received the Torah, cleansed Israel (like baptism) in the fifth century some were burned. While for- of this sin. Although it is clear that belief in some mal dialogue was of course rare, there was nonethe- form of original sin did exist in Judaism, it did less some Christian adaptation and assimilation of not become mainstream teaching, nor dogmati- Judaic modes of worship:much of the Bible was cally fixed. Rather, it remained at the margins of regularly read in public (though the Septuagint Judaism while becoming a central tenet of Christian was deemed to be the standard text); Psalms were faith. EDWARD KESSLER the principal ingredient of the daily office; biblical Orthodox Christianity patriarchs and prophets were commemorated with Early toleration of the Jewish world by Christians the saints. did not outlive the fourth-century promotion of Inaconservative Church, with its veneration of Christianity as the principal religion of the Roman tradition, none of these practices were to be aban- Empire. The establishment of Constantinople as doned in the centuries to come. Also safeguarded, an eastern capital for that Empire (330) was to however, were subsequent (medieval) additions to initiate and eventually to encourage the separate the services of Holy Week. Lengthy texts included development of a distinctive (Byzantine) culture, in the matins of Good Friday remain as anti- in which the Orthodox Church was to play an all- Judaic as anything proposed for Christian wor- important role. It was a role that various indepen- ship at the present time, yet there is no Orthodox dent Orthodox Churches were to inherit in cen- liturgical commission that works for their amend- turies to come. In those first decades of Byzantine ment or excision, nor has biblical scholarship history the propriety of social and devotional par- prompted revision of attitudes and texts in mod- ticipation of Jews and Christians in each other’s ern times. Much of the textological work that is worlds was to be severely questioned. New calcu- taken for granted in non-Orthodox Churches has lations for the date of Easter, designed to prevent been ignored or deemed improper. In the twenti- coincidence with Passover,were introduced in the eth century communist restrictions prevented the early fourth century to separate the two communi- Orthodox of the USSR and Eastern Europe from ties. More important was the antagonism preached engaging in such work; in the aftermath, a ten- by such prominent figures in the Eastern Church dency to isolationism has inhibited fresh work in establishment as John Chrysostom, which was not this sphere. Rather is there anti-Judaic zeal in some countered by other Christian apologists at the time. Church circles, where early medieval rhetoric is Rather, it established a norm which long outlasted still employed to denigrate perfidious Jews. Fur- the rhetorical conventions of the time: Chrysos- thermore, such rhetoric is often not condemned tom’s writings, the authority of which is seldom by the leaders of the given Church. In Russia the if ever disputed, remain the fount for much anti- chief proponent of anti-Judaic if not antisemitic Judaic thought in the Orthodox milieu to this day. attitudes, Metropolitan Ioann Snychev (1927–95),

324 Orthodox Judaism was himself a member of the Moscow patriarchate’s promise of dialogue.Italso suggests that inherited ruling synod. By contrast, the patriarchate of Con- anti-Judaic attitudes could yet be overcome in other stantinople has sponsored a research centre at Churches of the Orthodox communion. Chambesy´ (Switzerland) where Orthodox isolation- See also early Church; Syriac Christianity; Ukraine ism has been steadfastly counteracted. Its direc- SERGEI HACKEL tor for many years was Metropolitan Damaskinos Orthodox Churches see Orthodox Christianity Papandreou (b. 1936). One of the centre’s prime Orthodox Judaism concerns has been to foster Orthodox relations with This term was adopted in the nineteenth century Judaism. To this end four international academic when new varieties of Judaism emerged in cen- meetings have been held (1977, 1979, 1993 and tral and western Europe and it was necessary to 1995), with wide representation from the Christian offer a characterisation of the group(s) least likely Orthodox and Jewish worlds. It should be noted that to alter earlier ideas and practice. It has come to members of the Christian Orthodox diaspora tend be applied to a range of religiously committed Jews tobelesshamperedintheirdealingswiththeJewish who have a traditional notion of divine revelation world than their co-religionists at home, whether in and place halakhah at the centre of the decision- Eastern Europe or the Middle East. making process. They range from those who inter- In the preceding period the inherited attitudes pret its application to modern life as broadly as pos- of many Europeans were necessarily tested in the sible to those who consistently prefer pre-modern crucible of the Shoah.But the experience of the precedents. The former pursue daily professional Jews prompted no public reconsideration of Chris- activities while devoting spare time to Torah study, tian Orthodox attitudes to Judaism or the Jews. It while the latter view non-Torah involvement as a is not as if the Churches lacked the opportunity waste of effort and resources. They also differ about to ponder questions of this kind. In 1961 a series Zionism;atone extreme there are crocheted kippa of pan-Orthodox deliberations began on a variety (skull-cap) wearers who are enthusiastic about the of subjects, yet fear of controversy prevented any modern Jewish state and its institutions, while at treatment of Jewish–Christian themes. Even so, a the other there are black-hatted side-locked Jews general council of the Orthodox Church (the first who opt for a closed communal existence in, say, since 787) is at least in prospect, and might per- Jerusalem, London or New York and have, at best, mit the formulation of post-Holocaust concerns. little concern as to who runs the government at For the present there is no parallel to Nostra Aetate large. or anything else that emerged from Vatican II.Yet Before the Holocaust and the establishment of there is some promise in the fact that individ- the modern State of Israel, attitudes to Christianity ual Churches (each with its peculiar culture and on the part of such Orthodox Jews developed dif- its independent managerial structures) were able ferently in the liberal democracies of Europe and to demonstrate commitment to fellowship with America than in Eastern Europe and the Islamic Jews in their plight under Nazi domination, some world. In the latter geographical spheres the less more consistently than others. In Greece it was one had to do with non-Jews the better, since not only the primate of the established Church, they were seen as intent on exploitation, per- Archbishop Damaskinos Papandreou (1891–1949), secution, conversion or expulsion.Where Jews who encouraged the hiding and the succour of the began to benefit from social emancipation and victims; most of the population was ready to sup- intellectual enlightenment, Orthodox Jews, such port them. At one stage as many as 600 priests as Moses Mendelssohn in late eighteenth-century refused to preach anti-Judaic sermons and were Berlin and David Sinzheim (1745–1812) at the Paris imprisoned by the occupation forces for their stand Sanhedrin in 1807, debated the nature of the rela- (1943). Most notable of all was the commitment of tionship with non-Jews in general and Christians the Bulgarian Orthodox Church. Clergy and laity in particular, especially on the basis of the talmu- alike ensured that the Jews of Bulgaria were never dic and rabbinic sources. Prayerbooks compiled by rounded up and so survived the Nazi-sponsored Wolf Heidenheim (1757–1832) and Seligmann Baer onslaught on their lives. Such fellowship offers (1825–97)werecarefultodistinguishnon-Jewsfrom

325 Orthodox Judaism

heathens. There were also highly practical aspects ban. There have been numerous Orthodox rabbis, to the problem. For example, the talmudic cor- among them the British Chief Rabbi Jonathan Sacks pus records prohibitions against non-Jewish wine, (b. 1948), who have questioned the idea that Jews cheese, bread and oil, however technically ‘kosher’ possess the whole truth and pointed, with some their ingredients may be, with the intention of dis- degree of respect and even admiration, to the con- couraging fraternisation and, ultimately, intermar- tributions made by other faiths to humanity’s spiri- riage.Did this refer exclusively to heathens or to tual development. That has at times been met with all non-Jews? The issue in the modern period was, angry ripostes from other rabbis, including mem- as it had been in the less antagonistic periods of bers of the London Bet Din of Rabbi Sacks, who see the Middle Ages, whether monotheistic non-Jews it as an admission that Judaism is defective. could be regarded in some meaningful way as reli- The point has been made that the divide today gious partners and therefore accorded at least some is not so much between different varieties of of the privileges available to fellow Jews. Alterna- monotheism as between religion and secularism; tively, did their beliefs and practices still have ele- Orthodox Jews should therefore find allies wher- ments of idolatry in them that disqualified them ever they can in order to promote spiritual values from such treatment? Even if that were theoreti- in a world that distinctly lacks them. Another issue cally the case, another argument for a more tolerant is reciprocity. If dialogue means asking the other approach might be on grounds of darkey shalom faith to amend some of its beliefs and practices to (literally, ‘ways of peace’), that is, the promotion of give less offence to its neighbours, does this not good neighbourly relations. surely rule it out for Orthodox Jews? In that case Orthodox rabbis such as S. R. Hirsch (1808–88) it is better for them to make no suggestions about and D. Hoffmann (1843–1921) in Germany argued alleged inadequacies on the part of the religious strongly in the late nineteenth century for treat- other for fear that parallel suggestions will be made ing Christians as monotheistic brethren. Although to them. What some Orthodox Jews fear is the com- the Jewish communities of Eastern Europe and the ing together of Jews and Christians in a kind of ethi- Islamic countries have virtually ceased to be major calmonotheismwhichblursthedistinctivefeatures factors in the past half-century, the remnants of of each faith and may, as they see it, lead to the their views and lifestyle have had a major impact gradual extinction of both. For them there will be on the situation in Israel, particularly since many elements in the faith of the other that they find Israelis have the impression that the non-Jewish unacceptable and it is best to leave these issues world is broadly hostile to Jewish statehood, reli- unresolvedandundebated.Ontheotherhandthere gion and culture. Attempts at forging a dialogue will inevitably be other aspects of alternative reli- or a trialogue in Israel, though partly underway, gious lifestyles that are worth discussing together have not therefore been blessed with conspicuous and that may be adjusted without damage to the success. In the Jewish Diaspora,Orthodox authori- authentic message but to the advantage of mutual ties continue to argue different positions. The total respect and a thawing of theological ice. Many rejection of an exchange of any sort is still to be Orthodox Zionists are troubled by the fact that non- found in voluntarily ghettoised ultra-Orthodox cir- Jews with liberal attitudes to other religions are cles, while those who opt for some kind of rela- often those least sympathetic to the politics of the tionship have reached no overwhelming consen- Jewish state. sus. It has been suggested, and even ruled by no Regarding the Hebrew Bible,Orthodoxy has lit- less a prominent a figure than the late Rabbi J. B. tle sympathy with the continuation of aspects of Soloveitchik, that interfaith relations devoted to nineteenth-century Protestant scholarship in the social and political issues of mutual concern are theologically biased style of such literary historians permitted while those of a theological nature are as Julius Wellhausen. There are, however, Orthodox to be eschewed. Against such a standpoint, it has university teachers, particularly in North America been argued that such a distinction between var- and Israel, who are beginning to consider the less ious parts of life is foreign to traditional Jewish tendentious historical and critical study now being notions and values and less honest than a total more widely followed. STEFAN C. REIF

326 Ottoman Empire

Ottoman Empire enjoyed some advantage over Christians, for they For nearly five centuries the Ottoman dynasty were not suspected of having political sympathies founded by Osman I (r.1280–1324) governed a vast with Christian Europe, the Ottomans’ principal Islamic empire that, at its height, spread across adversary. However, as the Western powers and the Balkans, Asia Minor, the Middle East and European Christian missions increasingly pene- North Africa and embraced a medley of ethnic trated the Middle East in the eighteenth and nine- and religious minorities, including Jews and a teenth centuries, the situation of Jews deterio- variety of Christian communities. Ottoman rule rated relative to that of the Greeks and Armenians, generally improved the situation of Jews living in who now benefited from Western patronage. In those areas previously controlled by the Byzantine the nineteenth century there were instances of Empire, under which Jews suffered humiliation Christian-instigated blood libel against Jews, of and servitude for centuries. In the sixteenth and which the Damascus Affair in 1840 is one of the seventeenth centuries Jews fleeing the Inquisition most infamous. In part under the influence of Euro- and persecutions in Spain, Portugal and other pean concepts of ethnic and territorial nationhood, parts of Europe found refuge in the Ottoman numerous national movements arose throughout realm, where many Conversos returned to Judaism. the Balkans and the Middle East during the cen- The Ottoman Turks, like earlier Islamic regimes, tury prior to the demise of the Ottoman Empire in imposed discriminatory laws and special taxes the First World War. The Jewish national movement, on both Christians and Jews, but they granted Zionism,wasopposedbothbytheOttomansandby their communities considerable autonomy in the the emerging Arab national movements, in which conduct of their cultural and religious life. In Arab Christians played a prominent role. the early centuries of Ottoman hegemony Jews DANIEL ROSSING

327 PPPP

Pablo Christiani see Paul the Christian Palestinian liberation theology Pacifism see peace Contemporary trend in Christian Palestinian Arab Pale of Settlement, the theology, also known as ‘local’, ‘incarnational’ or The Russian state had been reluctant to coun- ‘contextual’ theology. Often hotly contested by pro- tenance the presence of Jews on its soil since moters of Jewish–Christian dialogue, this theolog- medieval times. At the end of the eighteenth cen- ical trend also claims to present an alternative turytheexpansionoftheRussianempirewestwards agenda for such dialogue, founded on peace and abruptly posed the question of how the resulting justice in Israel/Palestine. incorporation of many hundreds of thousands of Palestinian liberation theology refers to the writ- Jews could be managed. New laws were promul- ings of Christian Palestinians from diverse denom- gated in 1791 and refined with each succeeding par- inations, in both Israel and the Palestinian ter- tition of Poland in 1792, 1793 and 1795. With fur- ritories. A pioneering publication, Theology and ther redefinitions in 1835, a pale of residence for the Local Church (1987) from the ecumenical Liqa Jews was established that was to last until 1917. Center, formulated the driving question of this the- It involved vast areas of the Russian empire, 15 ological reflection: ‘We are Christian Palestinian provinces at least. Not only were Jews required to Arabs: How do these elements come together to reside within the stated limits, they were simulta- form our identity?’ The first to call his writing ‘liber- neously required to gather in the larger villages and ation theology’ was the Anglican theologian Naim towns, regardless of their capacity to do so. Only a Ateek (b. 1937), whose book Justice and Only Justice limited elite was allowed to penetrate beyond these was published in 1989,atthe beginning of the first borders for residence or trade. Those who chose to Palestinian uprising against Israeli military occu- be baptised certainly gained a key to professional or pation. Other writers close to this current include economic advancement. At one stage (1817–33) the Roman Catholics Patriarch Michel Sabbah (b. 1933) government promoted the cause of would-be con- and Rev. Rafiq Khoury (b. 1943), Lutherans Bishop verts, who were described as ‘Israelite Christians’. Munib Younan (b. 1950) and Rev. Mitri Raheb Large tracts of unencumbered land were set aside (b. 1962), Greek Catholics Rev. Elias Chacour within the pale to benefit such people, but the (b. 1939) and Dr Geries Khoury (b. 1953) and Angli- scheme was roundly scorned. The requirement for can Bishop Riah Abu Al-Assal (b. 1937). Jews to provide their quota of recruits for the army Although primarily concerned with formulating (1827) could bring young soldiers to the outside a Christian ecumenical theology and a theology world, but their access to it was rendered more of dialogue with the majority Muslim population, legitimate if they agreed to be baptised. Nicholas I underlining the shared Arab heritage of Muslims (r.1825–55) saw such ‘conversions’ as ‘the chief and Christians, some have also sought dialogue benefit’ of the brutal recruitment system. But some with Jews, particularly those critical of aspects of recruits turned to suicide instead. Resettlement Zionism and Israeli policy. Some Jews, like Marc beyond the boundaries of the pale was possible for Ellis (b. 1952) and Jeremy Milgrom (b. 1954), have Jews whose education, income or profession suited taken up the challenge and established a Jewish– them for public life on Russian soil. The compara- Christian dialogue where the Israeli–Palestinian tively liberal legislation of Alexander II (r.1855–81) conflict and the search for peace and justice are allowed some classes of Jews to live outside the pale. indeed the central issues. This is a dialogue that See also Russia SERGEI HACKEL recognises the Jews as an empowered majority and

328 Parousia

the Christians as an embattled minority within the avehicle for religious teaching. Most significantly, context of Israel/Palestine. the rabbis told many parables: mashals, allegories These theologians have been critical of exist- and extended tales – often midrashim (elabora- ing Jewish–Christian dialogue. They point out that, tions on biblical stories) – intended to convey a after the Shoah, some Western theologians saw the teaching to simple people in graphic, tangible and biblical election of Israel and the promise of the easily comprehended terms. Jesus’ use of parables land as a ratification of modern Zionism, seemingly has the same purpose. Indeed, the parable of the ignoring the existence of the Palestinian people. prodigal son (Luke 15.11ff.) sounds very like the Palestinian theology insists that Christians cannot familiar rabbinic trope about the son of a king ignore the Palestinian people, their loss of home- who wandered away from his father’s palace and landandstruggleforliberation.ThePalestinianthe- the efforts to which the father went to be reunited ologians search for a biblical hermeneutic (partic- with him. Similarly, the parable of the talents (Matt. ularly of the OldTestament), focussing on justice 25.14ff.) has numerous analogues in rabbinic liter- and peace, that universalises the themes of elec- ature about a master testing his servants and their tion and promise of land. This dimension is often various responses. DANIEL POLISH in reaction to Zionist and Evangelical Christian Parkes, James (1896–1981) Zionist readings of the Bible. In much of this the- Anglican minister and pioneer in the study of the ological reflection Jewish–Christian relations are roots of antisemitism. Parkes graduated in theology reduced to the specifically political dimensions of in 1923, becoming a priest in 1926. He was devoted the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, focussing on a crit- to fighting antisemitism and seeking out its ori- icism of Zionist ideology and Israeli policies. In gins, which he found in the writings of the early turn, some participants in Jewish–Christian dia- Church, including the NewTestament.During the logue have been suspicious of Palestinian libera- Nazi period he helped mobilise British opinion on tion theology, accusing its writers of being politi- behalf of Jewish victims, playing a leading role in cally partisan, hostile to Jews and Judaism and naive helping refugees escape, and in the formation of about the possibilities of dialogue with increasingly the UK Council of Christians and Jews in 1942. militant Arab Islam.Itremains to be seen, how- Courageously outspoken, he was the target of a ever, whether the dialogue that has been estab- Nazi assassination plot. In his doctoral thesis, pub- lished between this theological trend and Jewish lished in 1934 as The Conflict of the Church and peace activists might indeed bear fruit for Jewish– Synagogue: A Study in the Origins of Anti-Semitism, Christian dialogue in the context of the Middle East. Parkes argued that the Church bore much respon- See also Arab Christianity DAVID M. NEUHAUS sibility for the development of antisemitism, a view Palestinian Talmud see Talmud that caused great controversy. He later wrote that Parables he was ‘completely unprepared for the discovery Parables are conventionally understood to be that it was the Christian Church, and the Chris- extended fictional narratives that serve to convey a tian Church alone, which turned normal xenopho- particular message, usually of a theological nature. bia and normal good and bad communal relations Although they are popularly associated with the between two human societies into the unique evil teaching of Jesus, his use of them, as presented of antisemitism’ (Voyage of Discoveries, 1969, 123). in the Gospels of Matthew, Mark and Luke, in fact He called for the Church to abandon proselytism to helps to locate him within the cultural world of Jews. Rabbinic Judaism.Inthe Hebrew scriptures, while Generations ahead of their time, Parkes’s writ- the literary prophets and the Psalms make exten- ings continue to have a significant influence on sive use of images and metaphors, there are only the Christian understanding of Judaism. He left two real parables to be found: the challenge of the his library to the University of Southampton, UK, prophet Nathan to King David,inwhich he told where it is held in the Parkes Centre. the story of the poor man’s ewe lamb (2 Sam. 12); EDWARD KESSLER and Isaiah’s tale of the vineyard that yielded wild Parousia grapes (Isa. 5). By contrast, post-biblical Judaism, Parousia is a New Testamentterm (e.g. 1Thess. 2.19; to the present day, is rich in its use of parables as 3.13; 4.15; 5.23; Jas 5.7–8; 2 Pet. 1.16; 1 John 2.28) for

329 Particularism

the return of Jesus as final judge of all. According to dialogue. Religious particularism among Jews and Paul and the other apostle-authors, Jesus’return in Christians is central to their identities as ‘peoples glory would occur on ‘the day of the Lord’ – a term of God’. adapted by Christians from Amos 5.18, in which Jewish particularism emphasises the love, study God threatens his coming in judgement against and life of Torah,aterm that has historically been wrongdoers (see DayofJudgement). broadly defined. Torah is a religious imperative and Much of the NewTestament’s description of commitment that defines the Jews’ covenant with the parousia is borrowed from Jewish apocalyptic God. The inextricable corporeal link of the Jewish sources. Though Paul develops this doctrine in par- people with the land of Israel is another exam- ticular, especially in his letters to the Thessalonians, ple of religious particularism. For most Jews the John also uses similar images throughout the Book link with the Land transcends contemporary pol- of Revelation, while Matthean texts (24.15–31) build itics and is, instead, a firmly held form of religious on the apocalyptic appearance of the ‘Son of Man’ particularism. Christian particularism focuses on in Dan. 9–12. the core belief that the life, death and resurrection There are two other points of connection with of Jesus of Nazareth were historical events of uni- Judaism. First, Jesus’ parousia would have capped versal meaning for all humanity and for all time. the Messianic expectations of his disciples. In Many Christians hold the particularist belief that the multiple Messianic concepts of first-century there can be no human salvation without personal Judaism Christianity was typically Messianic in acceptance of Jesus as the Christ/God. In addition, its being opposed by established authority which both communities present particular, profoundly attempted to destroy it (cf. Matt. 26.1–6; Acts 4.1– differentviewsaboutwhichoneconstitutesthetrue 22), but unique in its commitment to a non-violent, ‘Israel’. communal life of prayer and mutual support (Acts Attempts to minimise particular religious beliefs 4.32–17; 5.1–11), not intent on overtly overthrow- increase the likelihood of failure in any authen- ing the religious or political order. And secondly, tic Jewish–Christian encounter. Particularisms of both ancient and medieval millenarianists who faith, like the meaning of Torah for Jews or the cen- looked for an imminent parousia would be quick trality of the Jesus event for Christians, cannot be to insist on the conversion of the Jews as its nec- glossed over for the purpose of achieving either a essary precondition, in line with their reading of superficial accommodation between the two com- the New Testament (e.g. of Romans 9–11) and the munities or a watered-down syncretism. Genuine Christian belief in the ultimate Jewish acceptance Christian–Jewish dialogue goes far beyond merely of Christ.Such was the case, for example, with acknowledgingthattherearediversereligionsinthe Joachim of Fiore, whose preaching on the conver- world. Instead, a mature dialogue recognises, even sion of the Jews and the parousia would become a celebrates, the particularisms that will always be model for the millenarianist thinkers who followed present in both Judaism and Christianity. However, him. DENNIS D. MCMANUS Jewish and Christian particularism is no barrier to Particularism successful dialogue. Indeed, such an affirmation is Jewish–Christian relations take place amid a necessity. increased awareness of an extraordinary global Facing the challenge of affirming one’s faith in religious diversity. An example of that diversity a world of religious particularisms has frequently is the fact that every religious group in the world elicited two opposing responses from Christians is represented within the United States, with and Jews. Some leaders assert that, despite unique each community asserting its particularisms of faith commitments, all religions, including Chris- faith and belief. While there has been significant tianity and Judaism, have equal validity and share progress in developing positive Christian–Jewish the same value system despite their distinctive dialogue in many parts of the world, deeply held outer trappings. Other spiritual leaders turn inward particularities of faith will always remain. They are, and urge increased exclusivism. They assert that in fact, irreducible and irrevocable, and should be their particular faith commitment is the sole viewed as such by participants in interreligious path for all people to follow. Neither approach is

330 Paschal lamb

helpful in the Christian–Jewish encounter. The for- from Abraham’s time the offering of a ram (Gen. mer results in a bland relativism, where all religious 22.13) was a prized holocaust. While still in Egypt faiths are viewed as the same with no significant dif- the Israelites were commanded by God to slay a ferences or particularities; the latter often results male lamb on the evening of Nisan 14 (Exod 12) as in bigotry or fanaticism. Accepting the reality of a Passover offering. Pesachim 5–9 of the Mishnah, religious particularism affords Jews and Christians and the tracts Tamid and Zevahim 5ofthe Talmud, the right to self-definition on their own terms as give the ancient regulations for the annual com- well as affirming the same right for their dialogue memorative offering of the paschal (Passover) lamb partners. A. JAMES RUDIN through the Second Temple period. Pascal, Blaise (1623–62) It is in connection with this important Jewish set- French religious philosopher, scientist and mathe- ting that Christians apply the term ‘paschal lamb’ matician who, despite his conventional anti-Jewish to the person of Jesus at his death during a Passover theology, expressed profound admiration for Jews. celebration. Paul (1 Cor. 5.7) and John (1.31–34; 6; Pascal exerted influence on letters, theology and 19.36) are the principal agents of this identification science(inventinginthe1640sthefirstdigitalcalcu- between the ancientHebrew symbolof the Passover lator,thesyringeandthehydraulicpress).After1646 lamb as the guilt offering of the people and the Pascal’sstrict RomanCatholicism was tempered by person of Jesus. John further elaborates by placing encounter with Port-Royal’s austerely Augustinian the title ‘Lamb of God’ in the mouth of John the Jansenism. Pascal entered Port-Royal convent in Baptist at Jesus’ baptism (John.1.31–34). The evan- 1655 following his ‘night of fire’ mystical encounter gelistmaywellhavereliedonthedoublemeaningof with the ‘God of Abraham, God of Isaac, God of the Aramaic term talya as both ‘servant’ and ‘lamb’, Jacob, not of the philosophers and men of science’ as found in the Targum of Ps. 117 and elsewhere, as (Memorial). the basis for this title. John’s conflation of the two Pascal subsequently wrote Les Provinciales distinct but allied meanings of the term applied to attacking Jesuit morality and theology in scintillat- Jesus within a sacrificial context is unique. ing prose. Although placed on the Index (1657), Les Almost immediately within a developing Chris- Provinciales influenced later papal activity against tian theology the term ‘Passover lamb’ is taken the Jesuits. Pascal’s unfinished Apologie de la reli- to mean the person of Jesus as offered in atone- gion chretienne´ , published as Pensees´ (1670), a work ment for the sins of the world. The patristic exe- of apologetics and biblical exegesis, stressed inte- gesis of the term is extensive (cf. Clement of riority and the primacy of emotion. It influenced Alexandria (c.150–c. 215) Paed. 1.5.24.4; Origen, Rousseau (1671–1741), Bergson (1859–1941) and Comm. Jo. 6.52; Gaudentius (d. early fifth century), theexistentialists.InPensees´ traditionalanti-Judaic Tractatus 2.14.17) and dominated by a typologi- motifs abound: the wretchedness and blindness cal hermeneutic such as that of Melito of Sardis of Jews; a rebellious and accursed people; their (Peri Pascha), who extends the imagery to include oral law absurd. Pascal interpreted the Hebrew Mary: ‘he was the silent lamb, the lamb who was scriptures figuratively and argued that God had slain, born of Mary, the fair ewe’. Gradually, a dis- rejected the entire Mosaic covenant (Pensees´ , 444). counting of the Passover lamb of ancient Israel Yethepraised Mosaic Law as the most perfect law as no more than a forerunner of Christ ‘the true and Jews for their long survival, sincerity, zeal and Lamb’ (Exsultet, fourth century) begins to take hold unexampled willingness to observe, and die for, in the Christian liturgy,sothat by the time of the Law. Outlining their unique singularity, Pascal Thomas Aquinas the Passover lamb of Exodus is expressed himself astounded by his encounter referred to as agnum typicum,or‘the lamb which with, in his view, a people consisting entirely of was a type’,in his well-known hymn Sacris solemnis brothers, worthy of study and entitled to special juncta (1264). Israel’s Passover lamb then becomes veneration. MARGARET BREARLEY only a foreshadowing of the Christian reality in the Paschal lamb mind of Western believers. When Thomas aKem` pis Throughout the ritual history of ancient Israel the (1380–1471) composes his influential devotional lamb or ram is a central figure of sacrifice.Even work De Imitatione Christi (c.1418), and adopts

331 Passion narratives

Aquinas’s phrase, contrasting the Jewish paschal of the four evangelists expanded in different ways lamb as a mere ‘type’ to Christ, the ‘true Lamb’, on this basic story. The common elements include: the notion becomes a part of eucharistic vocab- betrayal by Judas Iscariot, the arrest at night, inter- ulary for the ordinary Christian. This same term, rogations by both Jewish and Roman authorities, with its typological interpretation, is found in the mockery and abusive treatment, condemnation by revised Roman rites of Holy Week (1970) for the Pilate, the sentence of death by crucifixion, and liturgies of Holy Thursday and the Easter Vigil. burial. The Book of Common Prayer (USA, 1979)retains Each of the canonical Gospels exhibits a number identical language in its Proper Preface for Easter. of unique features in the shared story of Jesus’ pas- Present-day communion rites of many Christian sion and death. Matthew’s account, for example, Churches herald Christ under the title ‘Lamb of adds a number of elaborate details not found else- God’. DENNIS D. MCMANUS where,someofwhichservetoexaggerateevenmore Passion narratives the accusation of Jewish responsibility for Jesus’ These are the narrative accounts of the suffering, death. Only Matthew includes a tortured Judas who deathandburialofJesusfoundinthefourcanonical commits suicide (Matt. 27.3–10) and the story of Gospels and in other non-biblical literature, espe- Pilate’swifewarningherhusbandtohavenothingto cially the apocryphal Gospel of Peter.Ingeneral, do with ‘that righteous man’ (Matt. 27.19). Matthew these accounts tend to exaggerate Jewish respon- alone adds the people’s damning cry of ‘His blood sibility for the death of Jesus and to downplay be upon us and our children’ (Matt. 27.24–25), the Roman responsibility and have been, therefore, cosmic signs after the death of Jesus (Matt. 27.51– both problematic and harmful through the cen- 54) and the clearly apologetic detail that narrates turies in Jewish–Christian relations. In telling the the posting of a guard at the tomb of Jesus (Matt. story of Jesus’ death, Christians sought to explain 27.65–66). Among the unique features of Luke are the meaning of this ignominious end, marked as the collusion of Jewish authorities in Jesus’ arrest it was by shameful public ridicule and execution (Luke 22.52), a morning (not night-time) interroga- by crucifixion. The passion narratives, therefore, tion by the Sanhedrin (Luke 22.66) and a trial before narrate not only events surrounding the circum- Herod (Luke 23.7–12). Many of the actual historical stances of Jesus’ death but the Christian interpre- details surrounding the suffering and death of Jesus tation of those events. References to Jesus’ death remain clouded behind these very different, and in Paul’s letters (Gal. 3.1; 1 Cor. 2.2; Rom. 6.4), as explicitlytheologicallymotivated,Gospelaccounts. well as the many varied elements included in the A number of specific, thorny problems surround passion narratives of the four Gospels, point to a the passion stories: for example, the question of lively oral tradition of the passion story that con- the Jewish interrogations in the trial of Jesus, the tinued to circulate among Christians even after the degree of influence and instigation wielded by the four Gospels were written. Christian texts from the Jews in the final Roman sentencing and execution, second to the fifth centuries CE confirm the con- the chronology of the events and their relation to tinued telling and elaboration of the passion story the Passover feast, the Gospel reference to a custom (e.g., Papias, Barnabas, Ignatius of Antioch (Trall. of Passover amnesty – to name the most debated 9.1), Odes of Solomon 28, Justin Martyr (1Apol. issues. Obvious OldTestament allusions mark the 35; Dial. 98–106), Melito of Sardis (Homily on the passionnarrativesasalreadyreflectingtheinterpre- Passion)). In form and genre the story of Jesus’ suf- tiveprocessoftheearlyChristianswhoturnedtothe fering and death resembles those of many Jewish biblical tradition in search of an explanation for the accounts of the death of righteous people, begin- meaning of Jesus’ ignominious death. The texts of ning with the Suffering Servant of Second Isaiah Isa. 53, 2 Macc. 6–7, the lament psalms, especially and such texts as Dan. 3 and 6, 2 Macc. 7, and Wis. Ps. 22, provided structures of meaning enabling 2, 4 and 5 (see wisdom). Most scholars argue that Christians to see in the death of Jesus the pattern of an already continuous narrative (perhaps in writ- the death of a righteous person who was then vin- ten form, though the exact content of this is much dicated by God. But all the Gospel accounts reflect debated) with fixed narrative form existed prior to the deepening early Christian polemic against the the writing of the canonical Gospels and that each Jews as responsible for the death of Jesus.

332 Passover

This polemical tendency found powerful dra- keep the feast.’ These words derive from Paul’s the- matic expression in the Christian tradition of the ology as found in his first letter to the Corinthians medieval passion plays, the most famous of which (5.7–8), where he compares clearing out the bad ele- since 1634 has been the passion play performed ments of their lives with getting rid of the old yeast once every ten years at Oberammergau in the or leaven. Bavarian alps. But in modern times, especially in Some maintain that the Jewish festival of unleav- the wake of the Vatican II document Nostra Aetate, ened bread was at first separate from the following Christians as well as Jews have called for and Passover festival, the former being an agricultural achieved far-reaching changes in this very influen- festival and the latter pastoral. What is important tial dramatic production. A jointly authored Jewish– forJudaism,however,isthatthefestivalseitherwere Christian statement, published by B’nai B’rith in or became at some point combined. Agricultural 1984, outlined 24 recommended changes in the text and pastoral elements were connected to the his- and the dramatic embellishments at Oberammer- torical commemoration of the exodus from Egypt. gau. These changes aimed to remedy the excessive Exod. 12.34 indicates that there was no time for stereotyping of Jewish characters in the drama that the bread to rise before the urgent escape, and has contributed to anti-Jewish sentiment among vv. 3–6 narrate how on the eventful night every Christians. It called for a more historically accurate Israelite family was commanded to offer and eat portrait of a Jewish Jesus and a recognition in the a lamb. The Torah later commands the Israelites text of the passion play that the struggle leading to to sacrifice a lamb every year to recall this (Deut. Jesus’ death was a struggle internal to Judaism, not 16.2, 6–7). Deut. 16.3 refers to unleavened bread as a struggle between Jews and Christians. Even more ‘the bread of affliction’, remembering the Egyptian than the Gospel passion narratives themselves, the oppression. As sacrifice could be offered only in text of the passion play depicts Pilate as a noble the Temple in Jerusalem,Israelites endeavoured and righteous, though weak, character when his- to go there for Passover. It thus became one of the tory tells us that he was a tyrannical ruler who foot or pilgrimage festivals, alongside Shavuot and spared nothing to protect his own power. Changes Sukkot.Since the destruction of the Second Temple were calledfornotonlyinthetextofthepassionplay in 70 CE sacrifice is no longer offered. Nonethe- itself, but also in the costuming and staging that had less, alongside the two other pilgrimage festivals, exaggerated anti-Jewish features, as in the example together with YomKippur,Passover is a major festi- of the Jewish priests wearing outlandish robes and val and widely observed by Jews worldwide. Begin- hats with horns symbolising their connection with ning on 14 Nisan, it is a seven-day festival (eight the ‘devil’. Many of these suggested changes were in the Diaspora) with work restrictions on the first put in place for the Oberammergau performance in (two) and last (two) days. The lamb is still repre- 2000 but only after repeated appeals from Jews and sented (in the form of a lamb bone) in the seder, Christians alike. The example of the Oberammer- the meal held on the first night of Passover in Israel gau passion play is indicative of the lasting, power- (the first two nights in the Diaspora). Whilst some- ful effect, and often harmful potential, of the Gospel times Christians have paralleled the bread and wine passion narratives. BARBARA E. BOWE of the eucharist with the unleavened bread and Passion plays see passion narratives the wine of the seder, in reality they carry quite Passover different meanings. The notion of bread symbolis- Amajor Jewish festival, Passover features in Jewish– ing someone’sbody, of wine symbolising someone’s Christian relations only insofar as Christians asso- blood,andofbothbeingconsumedistotallyaliento ciate the timing and the imagery of the festival with Judaism. The most that could be said for a common the death of Jesus.Both aspects are, however, of understanding is that both the unleavened bread of great significance for Christians, especially in rela- the Passover and the bread or wafer of the eucharist tion to the Last Supper which Jesus shared with his have come to be symbols of salvation and deliver- disciples before his crucifixion, and the emerging ance. (Some scholars, e.g. John Pawlikowski (1991), sacrament of the eucharist. The eucharistic liturgy draw attention rather to possible links between the duringtheEasterseasonincludesthewords:‘Christ weekly Shabbat meal in Judaism and the so-called our Passover is sacrificed for us. Therefore let us ‘table-fellowship’ in Christianity.)

333 Pasternak, Boris Leonidovich

There is considerable debate over the timing of morning. The first part of the vigil involves the light- the Last Supper, stemming from the differences in ing of a paschal candle, the reciting of psalms and chronology between John’sGospel (John 19.14) and otherpassagesfromtheHebrewBibledepictingthe the other three Gospels. If it is accepted that, as deliverance of the children of Israel from slavery John says, the meal was held on the night before to freedom and thus from darkness to light. The Passover, then all the emphasis falls on Jesus as imagery of physical redemption lies at the heart of the paschal lamb. This may also be linked with the Christian celebration of redemption from sin John’sreferencestoJesusasthelambofGod,though as believed to be brought about by Jesus through in Judaism it is not the sacrificial lamb but the his crucifixion and confirmed by his resurrection. scapegoat that is seen as taking away the people’s Thus it is the Easter Vigil and not the seder which sin.From the accounts in the Synoptic Gospels we expresses Christian continuity with the Jewish may conclude an identification of the Last Sup- Passover. per with the Jewish seder. The feast of unleav- Passover has come to be associated with man- ened bread is identified as Passover (Luke 22.1) and ifestations of anti-Judaism through the Christian the ‘institution’ of the eucharist is seen as center- accusation against Jews known as the blood libel. ing on Jesus presenting the bread as his body and Modern Christian statements emphasise the need the wine as his blood (Luke 22.19–20). It may be for care in liturgy and particularly in dramatisa- observed that both Josephus and Philo state that tions when association is made between Easter 14 Nisan was both the Feast of Passover and the day and Passover. For instance, the Canadian Catholic of the Passover sacrifice and that there have long Bishops Conference in 1988 issued Revised Direc- been attempts to bring John’s chronology in line tives for the Liturgical Reading of the Passion Nar- with that of the Synoptics, for instance by Annie ratives in Holy Week. CHRISTINE PILKINGTON Jaubert (La date de la Cene` ). For Christian litur- Pasternak, Boris Leonidovich (1890–1960) gists the answer to the question of timing is not Writer and Nobel laureate. Born to a Jewish fam- crucial. There are no exclusively paschal practices ily in Moscow, Pasternak was baptised by his nurse in the Church’s eucharistic celebrations and it is and became a Russian Orthodox Christian in the the general atmosphere of the Jewish Passover that 1930s. He worked as a librarian, poet and trans- Christians associate with the Easter period. There lator (of Shakespeare,Byron and Goethe) but is are dangers in the celebration of ‘Christianised’ chiefly remembered for the epic novel Dr Zhivago seders, a practice begun in the 1960s whereby (1956). Although influenced by Jewish tradition, Christianising formulae were introduced into the Pasternak sought spiritual fulfilment and identi- Jewish celebration. Whilst their intention may be fication with the Russian eth(n)os through Chris- to help Christians understand their Jewish roots, tianity. Indeed, David Ben Gurion (1886–1973) the result can be unhelpful as representing confla- called Zhivago ‘despicable’, because it advocated tion rather than genuine dialogue between the two Jewish assimilation, both politically and spiritu- religions. They seem to confuse two different types ally. Pasternak opposed Zionism and believed that of remembrance, which might be called affective Judaism had been superseded by Christianity (see and effective respectively.In Judaism remembrance supersessionism). MELANIE J. WRIGHT is not so much a matter of trying to replicate an Paul event in order to draw out a human response but Apostle and Christian theologian. As the first Chris- of dramatising the event as part of a living tra- tian missionary to the Gentile world, Paul has dition. God’s word, davar,isdeclared and some- played a unique role in Jewish–Christian relations. thing happens. Thus Luther,ininsisting that a ser- Convinced that God had called Gentiles to be mem- mon accompany the ritual memorial of the Last bers of his people, Paul insisted that what had hap- Supper, was perhaps nearer to drawing on Judaism pened through the death and resurrection of Christ than Christian attempts to recreate this supper ‘as was the fulfilment of God’spromises to Israel.Trag- it was’.The central significance of Passover as a cel- ically, later generations read his letters out of con- ebration of freedom is captured for Christians in text, and so lost sight of his emphasis on conti- the Easter vigil (pasch), begun on Easter eve and nuity, misinterpreting his words as an attack on going through into the early hours of Easter Sunday Judaism.

334 Paul

Our knowledge of Paul is derived from his let- (Rom. 1.1–3; cf. 9.5). In this he was in agreement ters and from the Acts of the Apostles. Acts records with other Christians. Paul’s travels in some detail, but scholars differ in Paul’s conviction that he had been sent to evan- their assessment of its accuracy. The letters tell us gelise Gentiles, however, led to a dispute with some little about Paul’s life and background, and what of his fellow-Christians, who assumed that Gentiles information they provide occurs incidentally. He who accepted a gospel about Jesus as God’sMessiah speaks of his Jewish upbringing (Phil. 2.5–6), and should become Jews, accepting all the obligations refersbrieflytoanexperiencethathehimselfclearly of obedience to the Torah. But the Christian gospel regarded as a call (Gal. 1.15–16). Luke describes this centred on Jesus’ resurrection, and Paul was con- event three times (Acts 9.1–19; 22.3–16; 26.4–18), vinced that this had in some sense inaugurated the and he, like Paul, says that Paul was called to preach Age to Come. Hope for the future age had included the gospel to Gentiles (Acts 9.15; 22.15, 21; 26. 17– the expectation that Gentiles would acknowledge 18). Luke’s dramatic accounts of the ‘Damascus Israel’s God and come to worship in Jerusalem Road experience’ have, however, led to it being seen (Isa. 2.2–4; Zech. 2.11; 8.2–23): they would not need as Paul’s ‘conversion’. Yet Paul was certainly not to become Jews. Paul went further, applying to the converted from one religion to another. Rather he Gentiles texts that had once referred to repentant became convinced that the God whom he had wor- Israel: those who had not been God’s people were shipped all his life had now revealed himself in a now called ‘my people’ (Hos. 1.10; 2.23; Rom. 9.25– new way through the death and resurrection of 6); the barren woman now has children (Isa. 54.1: his Son Jesus. The interpretation of the event as a Gal. 4.27). conversion reflects the subsequent split between Paul’s justification for doing so was twofold. The Judaism and Christianity. first was that Gentiles who had responded to the Of the 13 letters attributed to Paul, we may be gospel had received the gift of the Holy Spirit (the confident that he wrote Romans, 1–2 Corinthians, promise of the Last Days, Joel 2.28–9; Acts 2.14– Galatians, Philippians, 1 Thessalonians and Phile- 21), and had already been received by God as his mon; there is less certainty about 2 Thessaloni- children (Gal. 3); obedience to the Torah was thus ans and Colossians, and considerable doubt con- unnecessary. A similar argument is used in Acts cerning Ephesians, while the ‘Pastoral Epistles’ (1–2 10.9–11.18. Paul concluded that the grace of God Timothy and Titus) appear to have been written had been poured out on Jew and Greek alike: ‘every- later. All his letters are in fact ‘pastoral’ – written to one who calls on the name of the Lord will be saved’ deal with issues that were causing concern, either (Joel 2.32; Rom. 10.13). to the Churches or to Paul himself. The second was based on the exegesis of scrip- It is clear from his letters that Paul had been ture. Gen. 15.6 had referred to Abraham’s faith or trained both in Greek rhetoric and in Jewish meth- trust in God, and nothing more had been required ods of exegesis. There is no evidence to support of him: the true children of Abraham, therefore, suggestions that he was influenced by contem- to whom the promises had been made, were those porary mystery religions: the basis of his theol- who – like Abraham – trusted in God, not those ogy was Jewish. As a Jew, Paul judged everything who were his physical descendants (Gal. 3.6–29; by the Torah.Hehad originally thought of the Rom. 4.1–25). The covenant with Abraham did not crucified Jesus as having come under the curse require obedience to the Mosaic Law, which had of God (Deut. 21.23); now, convinced that Jesus been given subsequently as an interim measure had been raised by God, he was forced to look until the coming of the Messiah. For Gentiles to at the scriptures in a new light. His message, he put themselves under its requirements was thus insisted, was in no way contrary to the Torah (Rom. a denial of the privileges that they had already 3.31), which was holy and good (Rom. 7.12): God received by being ‘in Christ’. was faithful to the promises that he had made to The Mosaic Law had been given to Israel (Rom. his people Israel (Rom. 3.3–4; 9.6). The gospel (or 9.4), and obedience to it was seen as Israel’s ‘good news’) that Paul proclaimed was the fulfil- response to what God had done at the exodus. Now ment of promises made by God in the holy scrip- he had saved his people again – not Israel alone, tures concerning Jesus, who was God’s Messiah but the Gentiles also – and the response expected of

335 Paul

them was obedience to ‘the law of Christ’ (Gal. 6.2), is obedient to God and totally committed to God’s which was the command to love; this was the ful- purpose. filment of the whole Law (Rom. 13.8–10; Gal. 5.14). In Romans 9–11 Paul agonises over Israel’s fail- Paradoxically, however, it was fulfilled, not by striv- ure to respond to the gospel. Since God is faithful ing to keep the Law,but by God’sSpirit at work in the to his promises to his people (Rom. 9.1–5), Paul is human heart (Rom. 8.3–4). Although God revealed confident of Israel’s final salvation (Rom. 11.26–9): himself to Moses, and his glory was seen on Sinai, he dismisses indignantly any suggestion that God he had revealed himself more fully in Christ, who has rejected his people (11.1–2). Jewish rejection is the very image of God (2 Cor. 3.2–4.6). It is, then, of the gospel meant that it was being preached in Christ, not in the Torah, that we see the supreme to the Gentiles, but they have not replaced the revelation of God’s purpose. To many of Paul’s Jew- Jews (Rom. 11.13–24). Rather, the conversion of the ish contemporaries, this seemed like an attack on Gentiles would, eventually, lead Israel to respond the Torah. (Rom. 11.11–32). The Christian community owed its existence to The inclusion of the Pauline letters in the New the belief that Jesus had been raised from the dead. Testament made them authoritative for the whole This left Christians with a problem, however. Why Church. Letters addressed to particular situations had God allowed his Messiah to be crucified? What were now regarded as providing instructions for all had happened to him must have been part of God’s Christians. The break between Judaism and Chris- plan, and so had taken place ‘according to the scrip- tianity meant that they were read in very differ- tures’. But why had Christ’s death been necessary? ent contexts: Paul’s arguments concerning Gentile Like other early Christians, Paul saw it as a redemp- Christians were seen as an attack on Judaism. In tive act – a second Exodus – and as ‘for sins’. He the second century Marcion totally misinterpreted drew on a wealth of OldTestament imagery: Christ Paul’s teaching. Paul’s Jewish roots were ignored, had ‘redeemed’ believers (Gal. 3.13; 4.5), had been and his writings were twisted to justify anti-Jewish sacrificed as a Passover lamb (see paschal lamb) prejudice. (1 Cor. 5.7) and as a sin-offering (Rom. 8.3); he ForPaul, the pressing problem discussed in is even described as a hilasterion (Rom. 3.25), the Romans was the salvation of Israel. Later gener- mercy-seat of Lev. 16.13–16, where atonement was ations were more interested in the salvation of made for Israel, and now, in Christ, for the whole the individual. Luther interpreted Rom. 1–8 as world. the answer to this problem, laying great empha- Central to Paul’sunderstanding of the gospel was sis on Paul’s insistence that ‘justification’ (or being his belief that Christians share Christ’s death and brought into a right relationship with God) came resurrection, which had inaugurated the Age to through faith, not works. The Protestant emphasis Come. Baptism into Christ therefore meant sharing on ‘faith’ was a direct attack on Catholic reliance on his death to sin, which dominates the present age, ‘works’ (or ‘merit’, such as indulgences); the par- and sharing his resurrection life. As God’s Messiah, allel with Paul’s insistence that God saved those Christ was a representative figure, like Adam, whose who trusted in him, not those who trusted in ‘the actions affected others. Just as Adam’s disobedi- works of the Law’, meant that Paul’s teaching was ence had brought sin and death into the world, so seen as an attack on Judaism. ‘The gospel’ was now Christ’s obedience had brought an end to the era regarded as opposed to ‘the Law’,Judaism as a legal- of sin and death (Rom. 5.12–21) and inaugurated istic religion over against Christianity, the religion the new creation promised by the prophets (2 Cor. of grace. 5.17).Finalsalvationandrestorationlieinthefuture In the early twentieth century Paul was often (Rom. 8.18–25; 1 Cor. 15.20–58). Paul emphasises understood to have been influenced by Greek ideas. Jesus’ humanity (Rom. 8.3; Gal. 4.4; Phil. 2.7). At the More recently, following the work of W. D. Davies same time he insists that God was at work through (1911–2001), scholars have emphasised his debt to him (Rom. 5.15–17; 8.3; 2 Cor. 5.18–21). Like Israel’s Judaism. Others sought to correct the common car- kings,andlikeIsraelherself,Christcanbedescribed icature of Judaism. E. P. Sanders (b. 1937), whose as ‘Son of God’, but with far more reason, since he name is the one most often associated with what

336 Paul VI

has been termed ‘the new perspective on Paul’,built mocked this position. Neither side ‘won’, in the on the work of G. F.Moore (1851–1931) in emphasis- sense that the king could not possibly declare that ing that the doctrine of God’s grace in saving Israel aJew had been victorious, and the aim of the dis- lay at the heart of Judaism. putation had been to discredit Jewish belief; Paul Paul has often been described as the real founder thereafter maintained pressure on Nahmanides, of Christianity. This is a gross exaggeration. The who was threatened with a trial. Paul interceded gospel he preached seems to have been essen- with Pope Clement IV (r.1265–8), who demanded tially the same as that proclaimed by other early that the leading ecclesiastic of Catalonia, the arch- Christians. There are similarities, too, between his bishop of Tarragona, must arrange for the Talmud teaching and that of Jesus. In contrast to the lat- to be checked for blasphemies.Paul also appears ter, however, Paul’s teaching was Christocentric. to have encouraged the king to force Jews to attend This shift was due to the conviction of Paul and the missionary sermons he and other friars would his fellow-Christians that Jesus was the Messiah, give in synagogues. However, the Jewish commu- through whom God’s righteousness and salvation nities regularly paid their way out of this obliga- were at work. It was God who sent his Son, gave tion, which became, in effect, a way of taxing them. him up to death and raised him to life, God whose Paul’saggression also extended to France, where he grace was seen in Christ, God to whom men and encouraged King Louis IX to impose the wearing women are now reconciled. of a badge on Jews (see yellow badge). His fanati- In his letters Paul explored the significance of cal hatred of Judaism helped initiate more hostile these beliefs for the Christian community. His con- approaches to the Jewish refusal to convert in the viction that he had been sent to evangelise the thirteenth century. DAVID ABULAFIA Gentiles was largely responsible for changing belief Paul VI (1897–1978) in Jesus as the Messiah from a Jewish sect into a Pope (1963–78) and reformer. Born Giovanni Bat- worldwide religion. MORNA D. HOOKER tista Montini in Concesio, Italy, he grew up in an Paul the Christian (thirteenth century) upper-middle-class family active in political life OftenwronglycalledPabloChristiani(Pablobeinga and social issues. Ordained a priest in 1920, he Castilian name alien to Catalonia and Languedoc), enteredtheVatican’sdiplomaticserviceandworked Paul was born a Jew in Montpellier but converted for more than 30 years in the Secretariat of State. to Christianity after some exposure to Jewish learn- In 1937 he was appointed Substitute for Ordinary ing. He then entered the Dominican Order where, Affairs, and was thus intimately involved in the in the entourage of Ramon de Penyafort (c.1185– Vatican’s wartime policies under Pius XII, with 1275), he became engaged in anti-Jewish polemics. whom he had nearly daily contact for 15 years Penyafort had become interested in using friars and whose character he later vigorously defended. with a deep knowledge of Judaism or Islam on Upon the election of John XXIII in 1958, Montini missions to unbelievers, hoping that their abil- was the new pope’s first nomination as cardi- ity to argue with the leaders of other faiths using nal. Five years later he was elected to the papacy knowledge of Hebrew or Arabic texts would show himself. the superiority of Christianity. Paul was assigned Paul’s papacy began in the midst of the Second the task of debating in public before King James VaticanCouncil (1962–5), over whose deliberations I of Aragon concerning whether the Messiah had he presided, and whose direction he would imple- come; his opponent was the elderly leader of Cata- ment for the rest of his life. He combined a con- lan Jewry, Nahmanides.Both a Latin and a Hebrew cern for Church tradition with a desire to be open account of this disputation, held in Barcelona in to modern culture and other religions, and his per- 1263, survive, offering different viewpoints. What sonal influence was crucial in the passage of several was distinctive was Paul’s attempt to use the controversial sections of Nostra Aetate, the Coun- Talmud to demonstrate that the Messiah had come. cil’sdocument on Judaism and other non-Christian Nahmanides argued that he was not obliged to religions, which he promulgated in 1965. In January believe as literal truth the aggadic material – that 1964 Paul became the first pope in 150 years to leave is, the stories and parables –inthe Talmud. Paul Italy, travelling to the Middle East and making a

337 Peace

short visit to Christian holy sites in Israel. This his- and peace (m. Avot. 1.12). Drawing from this her- toric pilgrimage was also noteworthy for the fact itage, Paul also affirms that the kingdom of God thatthePopedidnotusetheword‘Israel’duringany consists not of food or drink but of justice, joy of his public addresses, did not visit any Israeli mon- and peace (Rom 14.17). Jesus pronounced a spe- uments, and declined to meet with Israel’s chief cial blessing upon peacemakers (Matt. 5.9) and rabbi – largely because of differences over Israel’s used the term ‘person of peace’ as a normative political statehood and a desire that the visit be seen self-designation (Luke 10.6) for his disciples, lead- as a purely religious act, avoiding any kind of politi- ing his followers to be reconciled with their ene- cal considerations. The contrast with John Paul II’s mies instead of annihilating them. His contempo- visit 36 years later is striking. raries invited people to be sons of Aaron, who was Paul’s pontificate was marked by a spirit of open- known as a great reconciler. Jesus invited people to ness, dialogue and outreach, and in October 1974 be peacemakers and thus become children of God, he established a Commission for Religious Rela- a‘God of Peace’,a phrase Paul uses seven times and tions with the Jews. He presided over a period of Hebrews once. great turbulence and flux in Catholic life, and was Despite this, there is in Judaism and Christian- widely criticised for upholding traditional Catholic ity both a time for peace and a time for war: teachings on birth control and priestly celibacy. God is both a warrior, as expressed in the Song Hisprecedent-setting international journeys made of Miriam (Exod. 15.3) and a God who is peace, him the most widely travelled pope up to that as celebrated by Gideon in Judg. 6.24. Thus nei- time, a legacy that Pope John Paul II continued and ther religion can be said to be fundamentally developed considerably.In 1969 Paul received Abba pacifist. However, the fifteenth and sixteenth cen- Eban (1915–2002), the foreign minister of Israel, turies saw the development within Protestantism of and Prime Minister Golda Meir (1898–1978) met Historic Peace Churches, who continue to affirm with him in 1973, although the significance of this a commitment to pacifism and non-violence built meeting was downplayed because of pressure from on the life of Jesus, and in recent years Jews several Arab states, and Paul remained ambiva- and Christians have together protested against lent towards Israel’s character as a Jewish state. His wars: Martin Luther King (1929–68) and Abraham most important contribution to Jewish–Christian Heschel brought study and action together in the relations can be seen in the ongoing work of the organisation Clergy and Laity Concerned about Commission that he established four years before Vietnam. In Israel and the Palestinian territories his death. non-violence is vigorously supported by groups LUCY THORSON AND MURRAY WATSON such as Oz ve Shalom (Peace through Strength) Peace and Sabeel, the Palestinian liberation theology Peace (shalom in Hebrew) is both a state (the movement. WILLIAM KLASSEN absence of war) and a process of living in whole- Penance/penitence some relationship with others, ideally where part- First-century Judaism held that a sinner’s return to ners and participants trust each other, act with God (teshuvah)required remorse for sins (haratah), integrity and are dedicated to the common good the avoidance of evil (Isa. 33.15; Ps. 24.4) and the rather than threatening each other. It has been doing of good (Jer. 26.13). In a Jewish context called the ‘ultimate purpose’ of the Torah (Zvi penance was restitution to others for the repair or Werblowsky, ‘Peace’). In this respect Christianity is restoration of what was damaged through wrong- atrue child of Judaism, laying particular empha- doing. The Jewish liturgy prizes repentance and sis on the admonition in the Hebrew psalm ‘Seek penitence throughout the penitential season (Asere peace and pursue it!’ (Ps. 33.15), which occurs only YemeiTeshuvah)andtheobservanceofYomKippur once in the Hebrew Bible but four times in the New in particular. Testament (Heb. 12.14; 1 Pet. 3.11; Rom. 14.19; 2 Rabbinic teaching on repentance would eventu- Tim. 2.22). ally centre on the question of how to put right the The Sayings of the Fathers (the Pirke Avot) affirm wrong done against one’s neighbour, since wrong that the world rests on three things: justice, truth done against God could not be restituted for in any

338 Pentecost material sense. However, wrong done to another Vatican II document entitled Nostra Aetate (no. 4) could be atoned for through cultic offerings, alms- in 1965. DENNIS D. MCMANUS giving, the payment of fines, fasting and works of Pentateuch charity. Penance is meant to be a constant prac- Formed from two Greek words, pente (five) and teu- tice for Jews, with the reminder of m. Avot 2.10 to chos (scroll), and meaning five scrolls, the term is do penance one day before death – it being under- used in Greek and Latin writings from the second stood that since one’sday of death is unknown, then century CE to designate the first five books of the every day must be lived in penance. Bible. In Jewish tradition this section of the Bible Much of Jesus’ teaching was consistent with this is known as the Torah.For Jews and Christians it same doctrine, as can be seen in the prodigal son occupies a supreme place as a source of revelation story of Luke. 15.11–32, wherein a change of heart or about the created universe and the moral impera- will(Ezek.18.31;Jer.4.4)wasneededforrepentance. tives enjoined by the creator. While Orthodox Jews However, by the second century Christian notions and conservative Christians believe that Moses was of penance had developed radically. Christians the author of the Pentateuch, critical scholarship focused on penance as restitution to God through assigns its composition to the redaction of many Christ for all humankind’s offences, with a belief sources and supplements over a long period of in Christ’s own death as their principal reparation. time. However, the individual’s debt for sin was satisfied See also Wellhausen, Julius JOHN ROGERSON through a penance given by the priest, who for- Pentecost gave sins in the name of Jesus. Such penances Pentecost Sunday, also known as Whitsunday, were also intended as medicinal remedies for the marks the end of the Easter season and occurs 50 effects of sin in the soul,asseen in the great days after Easter Sunday just as Shavuot occurs medieval compilations of virtue–vice lists such 50 days after Passover.Pentecost also refers to the as Hildegard of Bingen’s (1098–1179) Liber Vitae 50-day season itself, though this sense was lost Meritorum (completed 1163). Much of traditional over time and Pentecost came to be seen as an Jewish belief in the efficacy of restitution through isolated feast celebrating the birth of the Church. what the Church Fathers would call the ‘sacred tri- Since Vatican II reforms of the liturgical calendar, pod’ – prayer, fasting and almsgiving – survived in there have been attempts to restore this sense of the penances assigned in the medieval penitential Pentecost as a celebration of 50 days. Pentecost books, such as Capitula iudiciorum or the Burgun- as mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles (2.2–4) dian penitentials. is a description of the descent of the Holy Spirit However, a tragic use of the Christian doctrine of on the apostles.Pentecost is what Greek-speaking repentance was made against Jews in the period of Jews called the feast of Shavuot, the Feast of Weeks, the Crusades from 1095 until c.1464, during which which occurred 50 days after the feast of Passover Jews were forced to accept every kind of depriva- and was in its origins the final celebration of the tion, beatings and even death as ‘penance’ for their harvest. Later Jewish tradition has Shavuot com- supposed collective guilt in the death of Jesus (see memorating the events of the giving of the Torah deicide, charge of). Despite attempts by Bernard at Sinai and the season acquires a penitential tone. of Clairvaux and others to defend the Jews against However, as a Christian feast, it does not appear such attacks, they were nonetheless caught up in until the end of the second century, when it marks the turmoil. Godfrey of Bouillon (c. 1058–1100), for a 50-day period of rejoicing. In the fourth century example, in 1094 vowed retribution against the Jews the fiftieth day emerges as a special day which com- for their role in the killing of Jesus, demanding that memorates both the ascension of the Lord and the they pay poenitentiam justitiae divinae,orpunish- coming of the Holy Spirit; it is the first element in ment of divine justice. Such tactics were also used this understanding that seems to emerge from a in the Inquisition against Jews who were regarded Jewish background, where the feast of the renewal as heretics for returning to Judaism, even after of the covenant with its focus on the ascent of forced conversions to Christianity. The full renun- Moses on Mount Sinai is likened to the ascension of ciation of this practice came definitively in the Jesus. LIAM M. TRACEY

339 People of Israel

People of Israel see Israel, people of thepresenceofPhariseesinmanyoftheeventsfrom Peshitta the period even though there is no clear evidence The Peshitta is one translation of the OldTestament for doing so. and NewTestament into Syriac, used in the liturgy Direct reference to the Pharisees is made in two of the Syrian Churches to this day. Other Syriac ver- majorsources:thewritingsofJosephusandtheNew sions are revisions of it or, in the case of the Old Testament, especially the Gospels. There is general Testament, translations based on the Septuagint, agreement that pre-70 CE sages whose teachings but they do not have the same authoritative status. are preserved in rabbinic literature should be iden- The Peshitta may date as early as the second cen- tified as Pharisees. It is also possible that the Phar- tury CE, being cited by Aphrahat and Ephrem, and isees are the ‘seekers of smooth things’ alluded to in some of the Old Testament translation reflects Jew- theDeadSeaScrolls.Notoneofthesesources,how- ish interpretation, inducing some scholars to posit ever, is a first-hand witness of Pharisaic thought. aJewish origin for the translators, perhaps Jewish JosephusclaimstohavechosentojointhePharisees converts to Christianity. (Life 12), but his writings always refer to the group See also Syriac Christianity JAMES K. AITKEN in the third person. The second-hand nature of the Peter the Venerable (c.1090−1156) sources means that caution is required in recon- Abbot of Cluny, one of the most respected figures structing the history of the Pharisees. The com- in twelfth-century Christendom. His longest work, ments of Josephus are presented as part of compar- the Book against the Inveterate Obstinacy of the ative summaries of the Jewish philosophies, written Jews,isafierce sustained attack against ‘the absurd and shaped for a Greco–Roman audience, in which and utterly foolish fables’ of the Talmud, which he a key purpose is to compare the Pharisees with the learned about through a Jewish apostate. In a letter Sadducees.According to Josephus the Pharisees to King Louis VII of France supporting the Second believed in a life after death and that although fate Crusade, Peter insisted that the Jews, ‘vile blasphe- plays a part in human affairs individuals control mers and far worse than the Saracens’, should not their own destiny. They developed an oral tradi- be allowed to prosper at home while the Crusaders tion regarding halakhah and claimed to be accu- went off to battle the Muslims; he urged the king rate in the interpretation of the law. Josephus also to confiscate Jewish property in order to defray claims that public worship was structured accord- expenses of the Crusade. MARC SAPERSTEIN ing to Pharisaic teachings because of their standing Pharisaism see Pharisees within the community (Ant. 18.15). However, very Pharisees few people named in his narrative are identified as The negative connotation associated with the term Pharisees, and the group is mentioned only spas- in everyday modern language reflects the pivotal modically in the description of events. In the New role a comprehensive understanding of the group Testament the Pharisees are prominent as the main plays in Jewish–Christian relations. The caricature rivals of Jesus in the Gospel accounts of his ministry. of the Pharisees as equating with hypocritical and The conflict between Jesus and the Pharisees gener- legalistic behaviour has resulted in much misun- ally centres on interpretation of the law, especially derstanding about the period to which Christianity in terms of observing the Sabbath, dietary laws and and Rabbinic Judaism trace their origins. issues of purity. In contrast, however, the Pharisees The Pharisees were one of several Jewish groups are notable by their absence from the passion nar- knowntohavebeeninexistenceduringthelateHel- ratives. Although Paul of Tarsus describes himself lenistic and the early Roman periods. The earliest as a Pharisee, it is difficult to establish what, if any, reference to their activities relates to the rule of John of his writings reflect specific Pharisaic teachings. Hyrcanus (135–104 BCE). The group and/or indi- In the Acts of the Apostles Gamaliel is presented viduals identified as Pharisees are then mentioned as a Pharisee who defended the followers of Jesus in relation to the reign of Alexander Janneus (103–80 before the Sanhedrin by opposing the Sadducees. BCE), Alexandra Jannaea (80–67 BCE), Herod (40– In the rabbinic literature the Pharisees are depicted 4 BCE), the governorship of Pontius Pilate (26–36 as being scrupulous in their observance of the CE) and the Jewish revolt (66–70 CE). There has, law, especially with regard to matters of purity, the however,beenanunfortunatetendencytopresume Sabbath and tithing. They consciously separate

340 Philo of Alexandria themselves from other Jews who are deemed to happened during the lifetime of Jesus. Indeed, the be less strict in their observance of such require- level of overlap and coherence between the teach- ments. Of particular note is the figure of Hillel ings of Jesus and the Pharisees probably outweighs (end of first century BCE and beginning of first the areas of difference of opinion. It is in this context century CE). that the Roman Catholic Church has released docu- Coupled with the absence of any direct testi- ments designed specifically to provide a corrective mony from the Pharisees and the particular inter- to the traditional negative picture of the Pharisees ests and concerns of the surviving second-hand (e.g. Notes on the Correct Way to Present Jews and accounts, the Pharisees have been the subject of Judaism in Catechesis and Preaching of the Roman much caricaturing by subsequent generations of Catholic Church, 1985). Christians and Jews. Drawing heavily on the Gospel See also scribes JAMES S. MCLAREN accounts,Christianityhasconsistentlydepictedthe Philo of Alexandria (c.25 BCE–c.50 CE) Pharisees as the leaders of the Jewish people at Jewish-Greek scholar and political representative of the time of Jesus, who oversaw a legalistic, exclu- the Jews of Alexandria.Inthe political sphere Philo sive religion lacking any sense of charity and com- is known as the leader of an embassy (39–40) to passion. In particular, the harsh polemic against Gaius Caligula (r.37–41) to speak for the rights of the the Pharisees contained in the Gospel of Matthew Jews of Alexandria, and is an important witness to (e.g. Matt. 23) was read at face value as accurately thecrisisinJewish–non-Jewishrelationsthatstands describing the historical situation. The negative behind this. His accounts of events (Against Flaccus picture of the Pharisees in the Gospels became a and Embassy to Gaius) portray the persecution of crucial component in the effort to assert the sup- the Jews at the hands of an Alexandrian faction, posed superiority of Christianity over and against and their ultimate vindication through divine prov- Judaism. Inadvertently, the prominence afforded to idence. Several Philonic treatises bring a Mosaic the Pharisees in Jewish circles as the predecessors perspective to important questions in Greek phi- of the rabbinic movement compounded the degree losophy, including the nature of God, providence to which the Pharisees were seen as the antithe- and the eternity of the world. But the great major- sis of what Jesus taught and did. Modern schol- ity of Philo’s writings are philosophical commen- arship has provided important correctives to the taries on the Greek Pentateuch (which he regarded traditional picture of the Pharisees. The pioneer- as an inspired ‘sister’ version of the ‘Chaldaean’, ing work of Jacob Neusner (b. 1932) established Mos. 2.40): the Allegorical Commentary, devoted the need for caution regarding the attributing of to the allegorical reading of Genesis; the Exposi- all pre-70 CE sayings in the rabbinic corpus to the tion of the Law,presenting the lives of the ances- Pharisees.Anotherkeyfigureindevelopingaclearer tors and the laws of Moses to readers educated in understanding of the role of the Pharisees in the late Greek philosophy but not necessarily within the Second Temple period is E. P.Sanders (b. 1937). He allegorical discourse, and perhaps including non- shows that the Pharisees were active in the com- Jews;andtheQuestionsandAnswersonGenesisand munity throughout the entire period, but that they Exodus. Philo is primarily an interpreter of scrip- were not the governing party and that they did not ture, not a systematic philosopher, but the language control public worship. There is also recognition and ideas of Greek philosophy, with marked affini- that there were several schools of thought within ties to Middle Platonism (characterised by Stoic the Pharisaic group (e.g. House of Hillel, House of and Pythagorean traditions), are put to the service Shammai). At the same time scholars, especially of explaining scripture. Philo’s appeal is universal, with regard to the polemical interests of the New calling all who seek wisdom to become disciples of Testament, now readily acknowledge the impor- Moses, attentive to the deeper meaning of his words tance of a critical reading of the source material as revealed by allegory, which alone leads to true pertaining to the Pharisees. The harsh criticism of knowledge of the eternal God. the Pharisees in the Gospels is recognised as hav- In early Jewish circles Philo is mentioned with ing as much to do with rivalry between the com- admiration by Josephus, but otherwise largely munities in which the texts were written (especially neglected until the revival of interest in sixteenth- the Matthean community) as with anything that centuryItaly,markedespeciallybyAzariahdeiRossi

341 Philosemitism

(c.1511–c.1578) and his Me’or Enayim (Light of the by the historian Heinrich von Treitschke (1834– Eyes, 1573). An important factor in the neglect of 96), with whom it may even have originated, and Philo in Rabbinic Judaism is the Christian appro- was initially invariably used in opposition to ‘anti- priation of his legacy from early on. Responding semitism’. It is thus originally an antisemitic term partly to a long tradition of Christianising readings denouncing an ‘exaggerated’ friendliness towards of Philo, dei Rossi’s work represents the first crit- Jews. ical study of Philo’s place within Judaism, setting The first known occurrence of the adjective the standard for future work, and effectively chal- ‘philo-Semitic’ in English is found in Cecil Roth’s lenging the authority of Philo as used by Christian (1899–1970) Life of Menasseh Ben Israel (1934, theologians. p. 146), indicating that its use was by no means The early belief that Philo’s treatise On the Con- restricted to antisemites. This is particularly true for templative Life described a proto-Christian com- theEnglish-speakingworld,wherephilosemitismis munity (Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 2.17.1), a view unchal- often used by historians to describe a particular his- lenged until the Protestant Reformation, was very torical phenomenon, though the appropriateness influential in the preservation of his writings among and referents of the term remain a matter of debate. Christians. Indeed, early Christian traditions report An alternative sometimes advanced, ‘Judaising’, is the conversion of Philo to Christianity, and he is likewise not free from antisemitic overtones (see included among the Church Fathers by Jerome Judaising Christians). (in Vir. ill. 11), though a later tradition reports Independent of the question of usage, however, his subsequent apostasy (Photius, Bibliotheca cod. careful historical research has, over the past 50 105). From the fourth century, however, Philo was years or so, shown that time and again in his- viewed more cautiously in Christian orthodox cir- tory a friendly attitude of Christians towards Jews cles, which tended to associate him with heretical can be observed that is not just identical with an Christianity. absence of antisemitism but reveals a positive inter- Modernscholarshipaffirmsthat,thoughanexact est in Jews and Judaism, sometimes leading to contemporary of Jesus,Philo shows no knowledge actions supporting and helping Jews. Often, how- of the existence of the Christian movement. More- ever, philosemitic attitudes among Christians have over, Philo’s thinking is substantially different from been subordinate to other concerns not in them- thatoftheearliestChristiansonquestionsofcentral selves philosemitic, as for example the conversion importance to Christian faith, such as eschatology of Jews to Christianity, or a humanism extending andMessianichope.Atthesametime,‘Philo’spages to all humankind. It is thus necessary to distin- contain exegetical ideas that constantly seem like guish ‘primary’ philosemitism (where Christians anticipations of St Paul, St John and the author of take an interest in Jews as Jews)from‘secondary’ the Epistle to the Hebrews’ (H. Chadwick, ‘Philo’ philosemitism (where this interest is steered by 1967, 157), reflecting their place in the wider world other motives). of Hellenistic Judaism. Paradoxically, primary philosemitism shares its Later Christian theologians looked to Philo above fascination with Judaism with (some types of) all as a model for relating the traditions of Jew- antisemitism. Both philosemites and antisemites ish scripture and philosophy, his interpretations attribute to Judaism a significance above that adapted in the service of Christian doctrine by of other peoples and religions, but they assess Alexandrian theologians like Clement (c.150–c.215) this significance in diametrically opposing terms. and Origen, and transmitted in time to the Latin Thus understood, primary philosemitism can Church which made Philo, as mediated through be observed throughout the history of Jewish– Christians, known to the Western world. Christian relations. It occurs most often in the SARAH J. K. PEARCE context of eschatological speculations attributing Philosemitism to the Jews a special role at the end of times, Probably coined in analogy to terms such as often culminating in the idea of the salvation ‘philhellenism’, the term ‘philosemitism’ first of all Israel (Rom. 11.25–32) and sometimes of a emerged in the 1880s in Germany in the context (political) restoration of Israel and the Temple. of the scandal surrounding an antisemitic article Representatives of this type of philosemitism are

342 Pilate, Pontius

found, for example, in the early Church (Cerinthus sents the mystical strand within Renaissance cul- (first century), Apollinarius of Laodicea (c.315– ture, linked to the Platonism of Marsilio Ficino c.390)), but also, much later, in Dutch and English (1433–99). DAVID ABULAFIA Calvinism, especially between 1640 and 1700, Pilate, Pontius (governed 26–36 CE) where various philosemitic eschatologies were The prime textual and archaeological sources when propagated by theologians such as Thomas Bright- reconstructing the life of the fifth Roman procura- man (1562–1607), Joseph Mede (1586–1638) and tor of Judaea, under whose rule Jesus was executed, Petrus Serrarius (1600–69), as well as by sectar- are Josephus, Philo, the New Testament and apoc- ian groups such as the Ranters or Arise Evans ryphal Gospels, Ignatius, Eusebius and an inscrip- (1607–after 1660) and his followers. A singular tion found in 1961 in Caesarea Maritima. The var- kind of eschatological philosemitism was champi- ious portraits of Pilate in the Jewish and Christian oned by Isaac la Peyrere` (1596–1676), who envis- traditions illuminate their importance to Jewish– aged a reductionist Church of Jews and Chris- Christian relations. Whereas Jewish sources (Philo, tians, stripped of all the doctrines offensive to Legat. 299–305; Josephus, J.W. 2.8; Ant. 18.3f.) por- Jews. La Peyrere` strongly influenced the Ams- tray him in fairly homogeneous terms, that is, as terdam rabbi Menasseh ben Israel, who main- a despotic and ruthless dictator, who was finally tained close relations with leading Christian forced by the Samaritans to resign from office, millenarians (see millenarianism). This millenar- modern scholarship points out that the ancient ian philosemitism was also influential among Christian sources contain a great deal of diversity radical German pietists (e.g. Ernst Christoph in their characterisation of Pilate. They tend to refer HochmannvonHochenau(1669/70–1721)andoth- to him in three different ways: (1) In the letters of ers). Other types of philosemitism await further Ignatius (Magn. 11; Trall.9;Smyrn.1)and in the investigation. Creeds he is referred to in order to emphasise the Philosemitism has never been nearly as strong trustworthiness and historicity of the passion of as antisemitism, and both terms, as represent- Jesus. (2) Eusebius (Hist. eccl. 2.7) argues that Pilate ing extremes on a wide scale of possible inter- committed suicide and that this was a fitting fate actions between Jews and Christians, fail fully to for him: ‘Divine justice, it seems, did not long pro- describe the complex history of Jewish–Christian tract his punishment.’ Other traditions understand relations. WOLFRAM KINZIG him as a wanderer, finally meeting death in the Alps, Pico della Mirandola, Giovanni (1463–94) where his grave is still shown. (3) An understanding Amember of a minor princely family in northern of particular importance to Jewish–Christian rela- Italy, Pico was the key figure in the transmission of tions,however,isthethirdinterpretation,according Jewish Kabbalah to Christian readers, even offering to which Christian sources seek to exculpate him a number of theses derived from Kabbalah for pub- from the death of Jesus, a tendency that certainly lic discussion in Rome in 1486. His views have been can be detected as early as in the NewTestament describedbytheleadingmodernauthorityonPico’s Gospels (see, e.g., the crowd’s rejection of his offer Kabbalah, Chaim Wirszubski, as no less a kabbal- in Matt. 25.27) but, to a much larger extent, in later istic interpretation of Christianity than a Christian passion accounts, for example the Gospel of Peter, interpretation of Kabbalah. His interest in Hebrew where ‘the Jews’ (hoi Ioudaioi) not only wish to see and Aramaic reflected the humanistic culture of Jesus dead, but also are responsible for the actual Renaissance Italy, which sought to return to the execution. Thus, whereas the Jewish people has had ancient sources of knowledge, generally the classi- to suffer for being accused of deicide, Pilate, being cal but also in some instances Jewish and Arabic the political potentate in Judea at the time, with- ones. Thus Pico took an interest in Averroistic out whose consent no one would be put to death, writings and studied both mainstream kabbalis- has gradually been understood as being opposed tic sources built around the Zohar (then assumed to the execution of Jesus. Most scholars understand to date from the time of the destruction of the this as an attempt to present the Christian message Temple), as well as the ecstatic Kabbalah of Abra- as in no way threatening to the Roman authori- ham Abulafia, whose works could be found in the ties. The corollary, however, has been to interpret Biblioteca Laurenziana in Florence. Pico also repre- Pilate as not only interested in the truth (John 18.38)

343 Pilgrimage

but, indeed, convinced of the veracity of Chris- Helena (c.255–330) and the endearing accounts tianity (Tertullian Apol. 21.24). In the Coptic and of the pilgrimages of Egeria (fl. 380s?) and others Ethiopian Churches he is highly revered. inspired an influx of pilgrims and a corresponding See also Easter; Holy Week; passion narratives; outflow of relics that linked the Christian ecumene trial of Jesus JESPER SVARTVIK with the Holy Land. The proliferation of holy places Pilgrimage and pilgrim services throughout the land gradually Pilgrimage is generally connected with a particu- Christianised the country and crowded out Jews. lar, usually distant, sacred space or shrine to which Centuries later the Crusades, which combined the the pilgrim journeys as a religious duty or a peni- spiritual paradigm of pilgrimage to the Holy Land tential, spiritual or devotional exercise. In the his- with the notion of holy war, massacred Jews en route tory of Jewish–Christian relations pilgrimage pre- to Jerusalem and in the holy city itself. served Christianity’s living links with the historical Despite its anti-Jewish bias, Christian pilgrim lit- geography of the Hebrew Bible.But it also served erature includes valuable information on Jewish life Christianity’s supersessionist claim to be the sole inthelandofIsraelfrommedievaltimestothemod- heir to the ‘OldTestament’ and to the Promised ern era. In modern times, and particularly since the Land itself. Only in the modern era has pilgrim- founding of the State of Israel in 1948, pilgrimage age become ‘an occasion for better understanding to the Holy Land has afforded many Christians an between the pilgrims and the peoples and religions opportunity not only to rediscover the Jewish roots in Israel’, as recommended in the Fundamental of Christianity and the Jewishness of the historical Agreement between the Holy See and the State of Jesus, but also to discern the intimate link between Israel of December 1993, and as exemplified by the the Jewish people and the land of Israel and Zion. historic pilgrimage to the Holy Land of Pope John Although most Jews and Christians visit Israel with- Paul II in March 2000. out meeting one another, there are an increasing In Rabbinic Judaism the three annual pil- number of groups who make the Jewish–Christian grim festivals prescribed by the Torah – Passover, encounter the heart of their pilgrimage. Another Shavuot (Pentecost) and Sukkot –recall the forma- recent phenomenon concerns encounter with the tion of the people of Israel through the Exodus and Holocaust through pilgrimage to Auschwitz and their desert trek, and highlight the centrality of the other sites of the extermination process of the land of Israel, Jerusalem and the Temple in their Nazi era. DANIEL ROSSING covenant with God. From the outset Christianity Pius IX (1792–1878) exhibited a marked ambivalence regarding the sig- Pope (1846–78). Born Giovanni Maria Mastai- nificance of specific sacred space and the merits of Ferretti. His attitude towards Jews is defined by pilgrimage. There is a strand in the NewTestament the Mortara Affair, the forced removal in 1858 of (cf. John 4.19–24 and Acts 7) and in the writings of six-year-old Edgardo Mortara (1851–1940) from the some Church Fathers that rejects the notion that homeofhisJewishparentsbecausehehadallegedly holiness can be spatially localised and thus con- been baptised by a Christian servant as a sick infant. tests the value of pilgrimage to any particular sacred Pius, who took a personal interest in Edgardo, precinct. Jerome, for example, questioned the effi- knew of international outrage but was convinced cacy of pilgrimage to Jerusalem but journeyed to he had acted in the boy’s interests and believed the Holy Land and settled in Bethlehem. Protestant that in the Papal States the laws of man and God reformers of the sixteenth century emphasised the coincided. need to de-territorialise holiness, but nineteenth- AsbishopofImola,Mastai-Ferrettigainedarepu- century Protestant pilgrims were enthralled by the tationforpastoralzealandasanadvocateofreform. power of the Promised Land and biblical archaeol- His election in 1846 chimed with popular hopes ogy to verify and vivify scripture. for a reforming papacy. Jews in the Papal States Christian pilgrimage to the Holy Land began in petitioned him for an end to injustices to which earnest in the fourth century when Christianity the Jewish community was subject. Pius ended the became the legal religion of the Byzantine Empire. requirement for Jews regularly to hear Christian ser- The impressive shrines established in Jerusalem mons and instituted an enquiry into conditions in and Bethlehem by Constantine and his mother the ghetto, but had no intention of granting wider

344 Piyyut

civil liberties. Until the break-up of the Papal States Rolf Hochhuth’s (b. 1931) controversial 1963 in 1870 he upheld restrictions on Jews living in the play The Representative dramatically portrayed ghetto, which was the last of its kind in Europe until Pius as more concerned with safeguarding Vatican the Nazis reintroduced the idea more than half a interests than with the fate of the Jews, igniting century later. historical and moral debate. Critics suggest Pius In 1848, a year of revolution throughout Europe, was bound by centuries of anti-Jewish attitudes and Pius fled Rome. Restored in 1850 by French troops, practices in the Papal States. Some suggest he was hewasconvincedthereafterthatliberalvalueswere antisemitic.Defenders, in the context of current at odds with Catholic religion. His 1864 Syllabus of moves to beatify Pius, point to his great personal Errors condemned freedom of religion and used the piety,the unprecedented complexity of issues faced phrase ‘synagogue of Satan’ to describe the ene- during his papacy and the naivety of assumptions mies of the Church (cf. Rev. 2.9 and 3.9). In 1870 his that the pope could have made any difference to temporal authority over the Papal States ended; in the progress of Nazi genocide, and presume his tacit the same year the first Vatican Council asserted the blessing of acts of sanctuary afforded by Catholics doctrinal infallibility of the Church and the pope. to Jews. STEPHEN PLANT Pius’slack of public advocacy for Jews was a result Pius XII (1876–1958) of a number of factors, including a fear of Nazi Pope (1939–58). Pius XII’s response to the Holo- reprisals, a feeling that public speech would have caust is the subject of a vigorous historical debate no effect and might harm Jews, the idea that pri- of profound significance for contemporary Jewish– vate intervention could accomplish more, the anx- Christian relations. Born Eugenio Pacelli in Rome, iety that acting against the German government the son of a Vatican lawyer, he entered the Vat- could provoke a schism among German Catholics, ican diplomatic service in 1901. On his appoint- the Church’s traditional role of political neutrality, ment as papal nuncio to Bavaria in 1917 he was and concern about the growth of Communism were consecrated Archbishop. He became fluent in Ger- the Nazis to be defeated. STEPHEN PLANT man. He was in Bavaria when it was declared a Piyyut Soviet Republic in 1919, an experience that possi- The Hebrew word piyyut (plural piyyutim)fromthe bly informed his deep antipathy towards Commu- Greek poietes ‘poet’ was first recorded in a Jewish nism. Following appointment as Vatican Secretary homiletical text (fifth–sixth century CE) where the of State, Pacelli was responsible for the Reich Con- second-century sage El‘azar bar Rabbi Shim‘on is cordat of 1933 that effectively neutered Catholic called a paytan. The piyyut is a hymnic composi- political opposition to the Nazis. He protested tion that embellishes the statutory prayers. As to against violations of the Concordat and, when origins, testimony from the eighth century points elected pope in 1939, was widely regarded as to the Justinian suppression of Jewish worship in anti-Nazi. the sixth century as a possible catalyst, impelling AsPiusXIIhecondemnedtheeffectsofthewaron the Jews to develop additional modes of religious its innocent victims but did not single out the perse- expression, while a text from the DuraEuropos syn- cutionoftheJewsorpubliclyprotestthetransporta- agogue (destroyed c.256 CE) contains piyyut-like tion of Rome’s Jews to the concentration camps elements. in 1943. He refused pleas for help on the grounds Somecharacteristicsindicatepossibleinfluences of neutrality, while making statements condemn- from early Eastern Christian hymnology. As with ing injustices in general. For example, during his the early piyyutim, the fourth-century Syriac poet Christmas Eve radio broadcast in 1942 he referred Ephrem employed regular syllable stresses and tothe‘hundredsofthousandswho,throughnofault acrostics and the Syriac enyana were interwoven of their own, and solely because of their nation or into a biblical text. The Hebrew use of rhyme per- race, have been condemned to death or progres- haps suggests that the piyyut was the mature form. sive extinction’ but never mentioned Jews by name. There are also parallels with the Greek Christian Privately, he may have sheltered a small number of poetry of Byzantium. The kontakion hymns com- Jews and spoken to a few select officials, encourag- posed by Romanos Melodos are similar in form ing them to help Jews. to the Hebrew kerovah championed by his Jewish

345 Pogrom

contemporary Yannai (sixth century): both forms a toleration not experienced elsewhere on the rely on rhyme assonance, biblical allusion, word- Continent, the energetic efforts of the supporters play and emblematic words, and turn to homily for of the Counter-Reformation, notably the Jesuits, thematic inspiration. established Roman Catholicism as the official There are five distinct periods of piyyut,from state religion, an identification dramatically under- an anonymous period of unclear origin sometime lined in 1666 when Jan II Kazimierz declared the before the sixth century to the ‘golden’ age of Virgin Mary to be Queen of Poland. The rights poetry in Islamic Spain. The piyyut was later used of other religious groups were diminished. Jews by Ashkenazi Jews as a vehicle for martyrological had lived in Poland since the ninth century, but laments recording the persecution of Jewish com- in 1764 the autonomy previously granted to Jewish munities in Northern Christian Europe. communities was abrogated ‘in perpetuity’. This REBECCA J. W. JEFFERSON Roman Catholic identification was, paradoxically, Pogrom further encouraged by the partitions of Poland in ARussian word meaning ‘devastation’, this 1792, 1793 and 1795 between Russia,Prussia and term originally denoted attacks on Jews in late Austria.While the partitioning powers advanced nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Russia.In Orthodox Christianity and Protestantism as a the history of antisemitism and Jewish–Christian means of Russification and Germanisation, Polish relations, however, pogrom refers to violent attacks Catholicism became a means of asserting Pol- on Jewish persons, communities and properties ish national identity against oppression, and has in any part of the world. Provoked by antisemitic remained so through the traumas of its history. charges that Jews, in one way or another, have Nineteenth-century nationalism even advanced a acted treacherously against the majority popu- quasi-mystical belief in the relationship between lation’s national, economic or religious interests, the resurrection of Christ and the restoration of pogroms often appear to be spontaneous, but Poland. Historically, Polish conservative national- closer scrutiny shows that they are usually con- ism has also been strongly antisemitic. doned, if not organised, by political leaders and The end of the First World War saw the emer- governments. Although massacres against Jews had gence of an enlarged and free Poland and a already been taking place in Christendom for many strong advance of Catholicism. Ten per cent of hundreds of years, pogroms directly foreshadowed the population at this time, over 3 million, were the Holocaust, the worst being in Russia in 1881, Jewish. The Jewish communities themselves were 1903 and 1905, in Ukraine during the Russian divided between assimilationists and Zionists. The Civil War (1918–20) and with regularity in Poland interwar years also saw significant antisemitic between 1918 and 1939. The Nazis themselves also discrimination, in particular economic boycotts. initiated pogroms such as Kristallnacht (‘the night The Catholic–Pole equation continued under the of broken glass’) which swept through Germany Nazis and Soviet Communism, the clergy strongly and Austria on 9–10 November 1938. Pogroms asserting the relationship between Catholicism continued after the end of the Second World War, and Poland in response to Communist attempts one of the most notorious being at Kielce, Poland, to minimise the role and significance of religion in July 1946 when blood libel allegations falsely in Polish history. In October 1978 the cardinals claimed that a temporarily missing Polish child elected a Polish pope in Karol Wojtyla, John Paul had been murdered by Jews for ritual purposes. II, who, though theologically conservative, con- JOHN K. ROTH sistently denounced antisemitism.Since 1989 the Poland Church has participated in the democratisation of In 990 AD Mieszko I (c.930–92), who had been Poland. The immediate post-Communist conser- baptised in 966, placed Poland under the pro- vative resurgence of Catholic nationalism, though, tection of the pope. Since then the Catholic has re-emphasised old tensions and Judeopho- Church and Poland and its inhabitants have been bia. The Holocaust reduced the Jewish population inextricably related in history. Though Protestant to 300,000 and continuing antisemitism, includ- beliefs spread widely in the sixteenth century ing a pogrom in Kielce in 1946 and an officially in Poland and for a while the country enjoyed inspiredcompaignforJewstoleave,hasreducedthe

346 Polemics

population to approximately 25,000 today. Jews content of verbal combat. Luke Timothy Johnson have found themselves being accused variously of (b. 1943) has described the deployment of slan- aiding the tsar, undermining Christianity, support- derous rhetoric in the Hellenistic period, luridly ing Communism and Stalin (the myth of Stalin- illustrating how the disputatious rivalries among ism as ‘Jewish colonisation’), encouraging counter- competing philosophical schools became intensely revolution against Stalinism, corrupting traditional personal. Josephus recorded the verbal attacks of society with capitalism and supporting Israel in the Gentiles such as Apion who assailed the Diaspora Cold War. Jews by charging them with sedition, human sac- In recent years there have been a number of pos- rifice and the idolatrous worship of the head of an itive developments, such as the activities of the ass (Ag. Ap. 2.6.68; 2.8 .92–6; 2.7.80). Josephus recip- Polish Council of Christians and Jews, episcopal rocates by portraying hostile Gentiles as ‘blasphe- initiatives and interreligious events. In 1997, for mers’, ‘liars’ and ‘crazy fools’ who are themselves example, the Roman Catholic Church in Poland guilty of the very slanders that they project onto the instituted an annual ‘Day of Judaism’ (17 March). Jewish people (1.11.59; 2.7.86; 2.6.71). The polemics At the same time there have been conflicts such within the Dead Sea Scrolls reflect the profound as the Carmelite controversy and intense debates hostility the Essenes directed to outsiders. Johnson such as that provoked by the story of the massacre therefore maintains that the vitriolic diatribes in at Jedwabne. DAVID WEIGALL Matt. 23 mirror the rhetorical conventions of the Polemics surrounding literary culture; even the identification Polemics are the rhetorical arguments and declam- of ‘the Jews’ with ‘the devil’ in John 8.44 echoes a atory strategies by which one group defines itself familiar literary trope (see hoi Ioudaioi). over and against its competitors and/or oppo- In the study of polemical discourse literary critics nents. In the wake of the Shoah, scholars have urge readers to examine the social context in which directed considerable attention to the signifi- the struggle for identity is unfolding and to dis- cance of the polemical language used within and tinguish those verbal arguments that are directed between religious communities, most especially at competitors within the community from those those long-standing rhetorical practices employed attacks that assail opponents outside the commu- by Christians to justify their affirmations at the nity’s ranks. When the Hebrew prophets subject expense of Judaism and the Jewish people. While their own community to polemical exhortations, some scholars claim that this ancient antipathy the governing motivation is to reform the life of the arisesfromwithintheNewTestament,othersmain- people Israel; when the Church Fathers invoke tain that an anti-Jewish bias was superimposed the same prophetic critique in order to condemn onto it by an evolving Church predominantly com- the Jewish people and Judaism, the original text posed of Gentiles and increasingly estranged from is conscripted to serve a theological agenda that its Jewish roots. Either way, Christians now find undermines the theological and moral integrity of themselves under a moral and theological imper- those who also lay claim to these writings. Liter- ative to re-examine the ways that they have histori- ary critics also insist that the power dynamics gov- cally read and interpreted their scriptures and take erning relations between opponents require care- bold measures to blunt the anti-Jewish polemical ful scrutiny. When an oppressed minority deploys edges. polemical arguments to differentiate its own group Recent scholarship has placed polemical dis- from the dominant culture, these rhetorical strate- course within a broader literary context and gies enable the group to resist their opponents’ directedparticularattentiontothesocialsettingout encroachments, to defend the group’s legitimacy, of which the argumentation arose. In their assess- to reinforce its identity boundaries, and to mar- ment of the polemics within the New Testament, shal a commitment to remain faithful. Not only biblical scholars have noted that the art of verbal does the New Testament contain polemical argu- assault pervaded the varied philosophic schools ments against Jewish opponents, for example; there andreligiouscommunitiesintheGreco-Romanera. are also potent, albeit carefully coded, polemical Adversarial discourse followed rhetorical conven- attacks against the Roman Empire.Oneof the most tionsthatinlargemeasuredeterminedtheformand potent rhetorical devices emerges when a besieged

347 Poliakov, Leon ´

minority adopts the sacred texts used against it, Polycarp see Apostolic Fathers inverts the oppressive meanings of the dominant Pontius Pilate see Pilate, Pontius culture, and finds support and solace for their Pope, Jewish own struggle. In assessing the uses and misuses Legendary Yiddish account of a medieval pope who of polemical discourse, readers need to survey the had been born and raised as a Jew but was kid- political landscape and identify the nature of the napped as a child, which sheds light on Jewish conflicts, and then decipher the text to determine cultural identity in the context of mainstream both the intended audience and the purposes that Christianity. The legend originated in the late the arguments are designed to advance. The art of fifteenth century when ghettos were first intro- rhetorical criticism is not only indispensable in the duced and went through numerous retellings, most appraisal of ancient arguments, but also in enabling recently in 1943. The story describes how Rabbi contemporary readers to assess more carefully the Shimon of Mainz’s son, Elkhanan, was kidnapped fever-pitched debates that accompany, for exam- by his Christian nurse, baptised and brought up in ple, Vatican declarations about the Shoah, Chris- the Church. After he became pope, he arranged to tian evangelism, the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, meet his estranged father and shortly afterwards and the separation of Churchandstate. The polem- reversed anti-Jewish edicts in Mainz and secretly ical strategies within Jewish communities will also returned to Judaism. EDWARD KESSLER require critical analysis so that readers can dis- Portugal cern to what extent ‘Christianity’ is framed as an Portugal came into existence in the twelth cen- immutable opponent and foil over and against tury as Christian armies conquered the western which the distinctive genius of Judaism shines flank of Muslim Spain.Jews are documented as brightly. To prevent the hardening of polemical dis- part of the royal entourage in 1190, when the Jews course and the paralysis of Jewish–Christian rela- of Lisbon were described as ‘servants of the king’. tions, readers will need to recognise when there are Although in later centuries the Portuguese Jews did changes in the circumstances out of which the orig- not achieve the importance culturally, economi- inal polemics grew. The impassioned disputations cally and politically of those in Castile and Catalo- ofourowndaydemonstratethatthelegacyofadver- nia, families such as the ibn Yahya enjoyed royal sarial group-definition continues to haunt both the protection and looked after the king’sfinances. Reg- Jewish and Christian communities. ulations concerning the Jews, for example under CHRISTOPHER M. LEIGHTON King Afonso V in the fifteenth century, were a mix- Poliakov, Leon´ (1910–97) ture of restriction and protection. There is no evi- Historian. Poliakov became a founder-member of dence for serious popular anti-Jewish sentiment, the Centre de Documentation Juive Contempo- and the decision of Manuel I to expel the Jews in raine in Paris as soon as the German occupation 1497 is generally attributed to pressure from Spain, came to an end (1944). Some of his earliest work, many of whose Jews had taken refuge in Portugal such as his assembly of materials for the Nuremberg after their expulsion in 1492. However, the treat- trials and his pioneer study L’Etoile jaune (1949), ment of these Castilian Jews was severe; their chil- was directly involved with its concerns. His doctoral dren were deported to Portugal’s colonies on the thesis (Eng. trans. Jewish Bankers and the Holy See equator. The expulsion was in any event replaced (1971)) addressed the history of a peculiar Jewish– by a mass conversion, accompanied by a promise Christian cooperation in the thirteenth to the sev- not to unleash the Inquisition for a generation. The enteenth centuries. Much of Poliakov’s teaching Portuguese Conversos could thus maintain Jew- career was spent at the Ecole Pratique des Hautes ish practices more easily than in Spain, and Por- Etudes. His volumes The History of Anti-Semitism tugal long remained a reservoir of (secret) Judaism, (1955–77, Eng. trans. 1965–85) and his study The which still survives at Belmonte in the north. How- Aryan Myth (1971, Eng. trans. 1974) provide a social ever, open Judaism was only possible in the Por- and intellectual context for Jewish–Christian, as tuguese Jewish Diaspora that developed in Ams- well as Jewish–post-Christian, encounters in the terdam, London, Hamburg and the Caribbean. European world. SERGEI HACKEL DAVID ABULAFIA

348 Postmodernism

Postliberalism and why some postliberal Christian scholars such Postliberalism has taken two opposite directions. as David Ford (b. 1948) are very interested in rab- One is the postmodern response (see postmod- binic interpretations of the scriptures because, as ernism). The other is much more conservative in Green has insisted, such concrete interpretations orientation. Contrary to its postmodernist counter- are critical for the sustainability of that ‘holy com- part, it is unwilling to declare the end of ideology. munity’. Postliberal Christian scholars join ranks It too recognises the challenge to a comprehensive with certain Jewish religious scholars such as David framework of meaning that modernism raises, and Hartman (b. 1931) and Peter Ochs (b. 1950) who the profound dismemberment of meaning brought argue that the reinterpretation and revitalisation of about by the Holocaust and other modern geno- the Jewish covenantal tradition, both biblical and cides. But, contrary to Irving Greenberg (b. 1933), post-biblical, remain central for the maintenance who argues that it is possible to recover only ‘frag- of a communal religious identity in Judaism. These ments of meaning’ in the post-Holocaust world, Christian scholars regard a communal religious representatives of this form of postliberalism such identity as vital for the generation of a counter- as George Lindbeck (b. 1923) and Hans Frei (1922– vailing set of societal values over against the domi- 88) maintain that we need to recover a biblical nant secular values in contemporary Euro-centred rootage for our self-understanding. Part of that societies. recovery involves making the prophetic call to jus- See also liberalism JOHN T. PAWLIKOWSKI tice integral to human meaning today.But for this to Postmodernism become a reality there is also need to recapture an Postmodernism is an umbrella term, referring to a ecclesial framework for human meaning within the range of cultural and intellectual positions, which Christian community.The otherwise noble attempt question the Enlightenment belief in reason and by the Social Gospel movement in Christianity objective knowledge, natural (as opposed to divine) failed in the end because of the absence of an eccle- law and progress. (1844–1900), sial framework. (The Social Gospel movement grew Karl Marx (1818–83) and Martin Heidegger (1889– up within American Liberal Protestantism in the 1976) are influential in postmodernism’s ‘develop- first part of the twentieth century and attempted ment’, but popular reference to postmodernism to give Christianity a decidedly social justice ori- and postmodernity (contemporary forms of social entation. Its detractors regarded it as low on the- organisation, characterised by new modes of com- ological content despite its admired social com- munication, globalisation and consumerism) dates mitment, and it was perceived as attempting to from the work of Jean Franc¸ois Lyotard (1924– ‘Christianise’ the general liberal agenda for society. 98), Jacques Derrida (1930–2004), Michel Foucault It tended to be transdenominational in its approach (1926–84) and others in the mid-1980s. In ‘every- and hence did not establish strong roots in any sec- day’ usage postmodernism is associated with par- tor of the Christian community.) The Church can- ody and relativism. It entails a denial of hierarchical not be viewed as a ‘voluntary’ institution. Restor- boundaries between ‘high’ and ‘low’ culture and an ing the Church as Israel (without expropriating the interest in the local and the specific, rather than the image of Israel from Jews) is key to such a revival of universal or generalisable. human meaning that has social commitment at its The implications of postmodernism for Jewish– heart. This commitment to the corporate charac- Christian relations are varied. On the one hand ter of Christian faith stands at the heart of postlib- postmodern relativism could be seen to argue eralism. For Frei and Lindbeck, and close asso- against Christian mission to Jews, and to advo- ciates such as Stanley Hauerwas, David Ford and cate positions of pluralism. Post-Holocaust,many Michael Baxter, Christian faith and its prophetic Jews and Christians share postmodernism’s lack of vision of a just society cannot be realised with- confidence in Enlightenment ideas about human out a strong sense of Church among its adher- progress. Moreover, current dialogue’s emphasis ents. That is why they remain strongly interested on listening to the ‘other’ draws on the work in what Jewish ethicist Ronald Green (b. 1942) has of postmodern Jewish philosopher Emmanuel called the ideal of the ‘holy community’ in Judaism, Levinas (1906–95). Conversely, postmodernism’s

349 Post-supersessionism

scepticism about truth claims may be regarded teaching on the Church’s relation to the Jewish as threatening all positions of (religious) commit- people was inherently flawed (see replacement ment. Although many noted postmodernists are theology). Significantly, post-supersessionism has Jews, Nazi use of Nietzsche, and Heidegger’s sup- been embraced not only by individual Christians, portforHitler,leadsometoviewpostmodernismas but by many Christian denominations in North a dangerous phenomenon; historians like Deborah America and Europe, which have incorporated Lipstadt (b. 1947) trace links between postmod- post-supersessionist perspectives in a variety of ernism’s emphases on relativism and deconstruc- official teaching documents (e.g. Vatican II’s state- tion, and Holocaust denial. ment Nostra Aetate). Arguably, therefore, the Postmodernism has prompted some thinkers to emergence of post-supersessionism represents the question essentialist definitions of religions, stress- most significant development in Christian teach- ing instead their malleability and dynamism. For ing on the Jewish people since the second and third those who accept this idea, interfaith relations and centuries, when supersessionism originally solidi- dialogue are transformed. Instead of the mod- fied as the Church’s dominant outlook. ernist approach, which sees ‘Jew’ and ‘Christian’ The development of post-supersessionist theol- as two separate, readily definable, coherent iden- ogy since the 1950s can be divided into three broad tities which relate to, but remain discrete from, one stages. A first stage (until 1970) was characterised another, postmodernist dialogue sees the bound- by historical scholarship (e.g. that of Marcel Simon aries between ‘Jew’ and ‘Christian’ as fluid and per- (1907–86) and James Parkes), establishing the fact meable, and emphasises the fact that encounters and extent of anti-Judaism in Christian history inevitably lead to changes in self-image, identity and by the first steps to affirm the unrevoked and practice. character of God’s covenant with the Jewish people See also modernity MELANIE J. WRIGHT (e.g. Nostra Aetate). The systematic connection Post-supersessionism between supersessionism and other Christian Post-supersessionism designates not a single view- doctrines remained relatively unexplored. During point but a loose and partly conflicting family of a second stage (roughly 1970–85) theologians theological perspectives that seeks to interpret the sought to explore the systematic connections central affirmations of Christian faith in ways that between supersessionism and other Christian do not state or imply the abrogation or obsoles- beliefs, concluding that supersessionism could not cence of God’s covenant with the Jewish people, be corrected without radically rethinking virtually that is, in ways that are not supersessionist. Posi- the whole body of Christian divinity, especially tively expressed, a theology is post-supersessionist the Church’s Christology (Rosemary Ruether if it affirms the present validity of God’s covenant (b. 1936), Franklin Littell (b. 1917), Alice (b. 1923) with Israel as a coherent and indispensable part of and Roy Eckardt (1918–98)). This period was the larger body of Christian teaching. Strictly speak- dominated by a broadly liberal theological ethos ing, the term applies to theological viewpoints that tended to assume that post-supersessionist that emerge out of ecclesialogical contexts that gains could be achieved only by a corresponding once espoused supersessionism. Therefore, post- willingness to jettison or minimise traditional supersessionism should be distinguished from the Christian affirmations, for example that Jesus is the views of dispensationalist Christian movements Christ, was raised from the dead and so on. A third that originated in the nineteenth century and con- period (1985 to date) has been characterised by the tinue to enjoy widespread popularity today, even increasing prominence of what some have called though these latter also affirm in some fashion the a postliberal approach to the problem of super- present validity of God’s covenant with the Jewish sessionism, as represented by theologians such people. as George Lindbeck (b. 1923), Berthold Klappert The emergence of post-supersessionism was first (b. 1939) and Robert Jenson (b. 1930). (Arguably, occasioned by the Holocaust and the return of the important figure of Paul van Buren (1924–98) the Jewish people to their ancient homeland, and straddles the second and third stages.) Typically, has been sustained since then by a growing con- a‘postliberal’ post-supersessionism affirms the sensus among Christians that traditional Christian systematically entrenched character of traditional

350 Preaching

supersessionism, but holds that a post- people received the ideas they lived by.Many listen- supersessionist theology can be successfully ers believed that the preacher was actually divinely developed by reinterpreting rather than rejecting inspired, speaking the word of God. The represen- or minimising such traditional Christian affir- tation of Jews and Christians in the sermons of the mations as, for example, Jesus’ Messiahship, the other could therefore have an enormous effect on incarnation, the Trinity and so on. the way people thought and behaved. See also biblical theology; recognition theology Among the other roles that he played, Jesus R. KENDALL SOULEN of Nazareth was apparently a gifted preacher. No Prayer first-century records of Jewish sermons are pre- Human means of seeking communication with God served in internal Jewish sources, so the accounts in by way of petition, confession or praise. In Hebrew the Gospels are an important source for what Jewish to pray is hitpalel,areflexive meaning ‘to work preaching was like. The parables –aspecialty of on oneself’. It well describes the inner psycholog- Jesus – and the novel exposition of a familiar bibli- ical need to pray. In Deut. 11.13 we read ‘serve cal verse, seem to be distinctively homiletical forms him with all your heart’. Says Midrash Sifre:‘What of communication. service is with the heart? It is prayer.’ The Jewish After the death of Jesus arguably the most impor- emphasis on prayer as a duty can be contrasted tant medium of propagating the message that with prayer for one’s own needs, as emphasised would become Christianity was the spoken word, by Jesus.‘Itell you, then, whatever you ask for delivered by believers who travelled throughout in prayer, believe that you have received it and it the Mediterranean world, addressing assemblies of will be yours’ (Mark 11.24). The structure of Jewish Jews and others open to hearing about the new prayer services develops the imagery of the wor- faith. The precise forms of their discourse during shipper approaching God directly; Roman Catholic the first generations are not clear, but they certainly tradition encourages prayer to God alone, but also includedanexpositionofscripture(whatChristians mediation through the action of Christ, and inter- began later to call the OldTestament)inlight of the cession through the action of Mary, the angels and new reality, instruction in the teachings of Jesus, the saints. The basic unit of prayer as developed by admonition and rebuke, exhortation and consola- the rabbis is the berakhah or blessing,anutterance tion, often framed in familiar Greek rhetorical pat- that has power to transform any everyday act into terns. This message was often communicated in one that acknowledges God’srole in the world. Both open competition with Jewish preachers who had faiths have developed regular forms of prayer that no use for the new tidings. have grown and changed in parallel to and in con- As the hierarchy of the Church crystallised, tradistinction from each other. In some Christian it became one of the recognised responsibili- rites the communicant gives thanks after partaking ties of the bishops to instruct their flocks on for the gift of eternal life; a blessing thanking God worship occasions, and stenographers were com- for eternal life is said in synagogue by each person missioned to record their words. One of the called to the reading of the Torah, after hearing or earliest recorded Christian homilies, Concerning reading the text. Thus the Jewish worshipper gains the Pascha, attributed to Melito, second-century life through the reading and quoting of scripture, bishop of Sardis, includes a strong condemnation the Christian worshipper through the body of the of the Jews for the crime of deicide.Afar more sus- living Christ. MICHAEL HILTON tained attack was launched in the late fourth cen- Prayer of the Faithful see intercessions tury by one of the most gifted preachers of antiq- Prayerbooks see liturgy uity, John Chrysostom, whose series of sermons Preaching attacking Christians in his own church who went Pulpit discourse, usually in the context of a wor- to the synagogue to watch Jewish observances not ship service, in which classical religious texts are only denied any efficacy or legitimacy to contem- expounded to address the intellectual or spiritual porary Jewish worship, but also demonised it. In needs of the listeners. In the pre-modern period, the sermons of Augustine of Hippo, the element preaching was one of the most important means of attack is far more subdued. When preaching on of mass communication, through which ordinary Hebrew scripture, his central purpose seems to be

351 Preaching

not so much to tear down the Jews but to expound invoking vivid metaphors of the Jew as a malicious the biblical narratives in such a way as to validate source of danger to Christian society. their application to the Church, through appeal to a Especially in Portugal, the sermon became an deeper, spiritual meaning. He frequently resorts to integral component of the auto-da-fe´.Before exe- typology in his sermons, as in his works of biblical cution ‘heretics’ convicted by the Inquisition were commentary. giventheopportunitytolistentoasermonintended There is no doubt that sermons were delivered in to inspire them to confess and repent. The texts synagogues on a regular basis throughout the first of these sermons are a major source for attitudes centuries of the Christian era. But we have no record toward Judaism and the Jew held by the leadership of sermons by individual rabbis that can compare of the Inquisition. to those of the Church Fathers. The Talmud and Frequently Jews figured as characters in dramatic midrash are collective works, recording individual exempla used by Christian preachers. In many of teachings only as juxtaposed by later editors with the stories the Jewish character is carnal, lustful, the teachings of other rabbis who may have lived gluttonous, greedy, a source of danger to Christian hundreds of miles away or generations later. Jewish children, an assailant against the Virgin Mary,a preachers may indeed have referred to the new faith would-be torturer of the body of Christ. Sometimes and its spectacular success in the pulpit discourse the Jewish characters are won over to Christian faith of the first five centuries. But what precisely they by amiraculous event. Occasionally, Jews figure in said, and how important the subject was for them, amore positive role, as representing alternatives cannot be reconstructed. to the behaviour being criticised by the Christian In the Middle Ages Christian preaching about preacher. Thus Jews are praised for their devotion Jews and Judaism became more hostile, shifting to the observance of their holy days, their refusal to from stereotypical references to Jews of antiq- utter blasphemy, their commitment to education, uity to pointed attacks against contemporary Jews. their willingness to die as martyrs. Jewish preachers Scholars have associated this development with also sometimes invoked Christians in this manner the emergence of the mendicant orders of Francis- within the context of self-criticism, as a model wor- cans and Dominicans in the early thirteenth cen- thy of emulation. tury. Especially during the Christian Holy Week, Christians and Christianity do not play a central sermons could lead to physical attacks. In Spain role in medieval and early modern Jewish preach- FerrantMart´ınez(fl.lastquarterofthefifteenthcen- ing, at least insofar as can be documented from the tury), archdeacon of Ecija, undertook a campaign extant records. Nevertheless, some Jewish preach- of anti-Jewish preaching in the vicinity of Seville ers did address aspects of the rival religion from the that was instrumental in fomenting the deadly vio- pulpit. Jacob Anatoli, a thirteenth-century philoso- lencethatbeganinthatcityinJune1391andquickly pher, rarely engages in polemics against the cen- spread through much of the Iberian peninsula, tral doctrines of Christian theology; his references with devastating results for Jewish life. A genera- to Christianity generally come in the context of tion later one of the most acclaimed medieval pop- an internal Jewish argument, asserting that cer- ular penitential preachers, Vicente Ferrer (1350– tain contemporary Jewish beliefs (e.g. in demons) 1419), travelled through Castile, Aragon and even and practices (e.g. of an ascetic nature) should into France, addressing mass audiences wherever be rejected because they are too similar to those he went. Part of his message of Christian repen- of the Christians. A preacher who devoted signif- tance called for isolation of the Jews; while the icant energy to attacks against Christianity was violence of 1391 was not repeated, Jewish com- Saul Levi Morteira (1596–1660), rabbi in Amster- munities felt extremely vulnerable wherever he dam. Addressing a congregation composed almost went. In fifteenth-century Italy popular mendi- entirely of former Portuguese Conversos, his ser- cant preachers fomented widespread antagonism mons, mostly directed against Catholicism, con- against Jews, to the point where popes and local tain strong polemics against Christian doctrines officials felt compelled to try to restrain their anti- of God, Torah and redemption, and claim that Jewish rhetoric.Preachers such as Antonio Bettini, Catholics consciously falsify the Bible in their bishop of Foligno, went far beyond the theological, translations.

352 Priest/priesthood

In the early Middle Ages a Christian writer (Ago- Polemical and apologetic sermons continued. In bard of Lyons)reported with shock that sim- late nineteenth-century Britain both the Orthodox ple Christians said the Jews preached better than Rabbi Hermann Adler (1829–1911) and the Reform their own elders. By the late Middle Ages the leader (1811–1909) published pattern was reversed: Spanish Jews were said books containing a series of sermons defend- to listen to Christian sermons and come away ing Jewish belief against the arguments of the impressed by the high calibre of the discourse, ‘London Society for Promoting Christianity complaining that Jewish preachers fell short by amongst the Jews’ (see Church’s Ministry among comparison. And indeed, Spanish Jewish preachers Jewish People). adapted the model of the scholastic thematic ser- In the twentieth century certain themes – such as mon for their own use, incorporating such Chris- the pressures upon Jews of the Christmas season tian forms as the ‘disputed question’ into their and issues of Church and state – have remained preaching. constant topics of pulpit discourse. Others come As sermons were delivered in the vernacular, into fashion. Stephen Wise aroused heated contro- members of each community sometimes listened versy by a 1925 sermon in which he maintained to the preachers of the other, with motivations that ‘Jesus the Jew’ was ‘of the very fibre of our ranging from curiosity to suspicion. Jews some- Jewish heritage’. In the 1960s the new openness of times attended the sermons of renowned Christian the Catholic Church accompanying Vatican II was preachers; Christian intellectuals listened to the discussed with enthusiasm in many Jewish pulpits, sermons of acclaimed Spanish and Italian Jews; but so was the issue of papal policy towards Nazism the Venetian rabbi Leon of Modena was especially and the Holocaust.‘Jews for Jesus’ and other sim- proud that friars and priests, nobles and dignitaries ilar groups became a hot topic in the 1970s and would come to hear him. 1980s. Quite different was the conversionary sermon, in One component of the new attitude towards which Jews were compelled to listen to a Christian Judaism following from Vatican II was an effort preacher (sometimes a convert) try to convince to remove anti-Judaism from the Christian pul- them of the truth. Forced attendance (mandated pit. There is a widespread recognition, especially by the king) was initiated in the mid-thirteenth in Western Churches, that scriptural passages that century; one of the greatest medieval Spanish may convey negative stereotypes of Jews when scholars, Raymon Llull, spent many years preach- read in public worship must be contextualised and ing to Jews in this manner, and Vicente Ferrer defused by preaching. The sermon is therefore seen insisted that Jews attend his sermons. Reinvig- to be crucial for translating the enlightened outlook orated in the Papal States during the Counter- of official Church statements into the actual mes- Reformation, the practice, with sporadic interrup- sage heard in the pews. MARC SAPERSTEIN tions, continued until the middle of the nineteenth Presbyter of the Jews see leaders of the Jews, century. externally appointed Even before emancipation, the modern period Priest/priesthood brought a greater affinity between Jewish and It is in Christianity, not Judaism, that the biblical Christian preaching. In cities of Europe and the concept of priesthood has been preserved. In the United States,Jews and Christians gathered in Hebrew scriptures priests offered sacrifices in the their synagogues and churches on occasions of Temple,blessedthepeopleinGod’sname,sounded national mourning or celebration, and the senti- the shofar (ram’s horn) and cast lots to determine ments expressed from the pulpits were often quite God’s will. After the destruction of the Temple in similar. The same fashions of oratory influenced 70 CE the sacrificial system came to an end and both communities. The new style of nineteenth- with it the priesthood, although Jews who claim century German Jewish preaching was clearly mod- priestly descent have some privileges in Orthodox elled on the German Protestant edificatory sermon. synagogues (see Orthodox Judaism). Rabbis, who ThesermonsoftheRev.JohnHaynesHolmes(1879– are experts in the Torah, have no priestly functions 1964) and Rabbi Stephen Wise were similar both in nor, at first, did Christian leaders. Jesus drove the content and in style. sheep and cattle out of the Temple, emphasised

353 Progressive Judaism

virtuous behaviour rather than ritual and was Religious reform of Judaism was only conceived accused of prophesying the Temple’s destruction. after profound changes had taken place in the civil Yet eveninthe NewTestament he is spoken of status of Jews in France, Germany and the Nether- as a great High Priest and his death was com- lands, and Jews began to attend non-Jewish places pared to the Passover sacrifice. The earliest Chris- of education and mix socially with Christians. From tian leaders were presbyters or elders, not priests. the opening of the first Reform Temple in Seesen, The word ‘priest’ is itself an Old English contrac- Germany, in 1810 until today the building of good tion of the Latin presbyter.Gradually the ordained relationswithlocalChristianshasformedanimpor- became a class apart, and the Fourth Lateran tant part of Progressive practice. Progressive schol- Council decreed that only they could pronounce ars have played a vital role in elucidating the Jewish absolution, give a blessing and celebrate the mass. background to the life of Jesus and early Christian- At the Reformation this sacerdotalism was rejected ity,mostnotablyClaudeMontefiore,JacobNeusner and the ‘priesthood of all believers’ affirmed. The (b. 1932) and Samuel Sandmel (1911–79). The mod- ordained became known as pastors or ministers. In ern biblical scholarship begun by Christian and the Church of England, although the term ‘priest’ secular scholars led to what became known as is retained, the word ‘clergy’ is more common. the ‘Scientific Study of Judaism’, Wissenschaft des ManyProtestantandAnglicanchurchesnowordain Judentums. The new scholarship was also applied women to the priesthood. The work and lifestyle of to liturgical innovations in Reform Judaism. Many clergy and rabbis are similar, but it is important to of these, such as the discarding of prayers for the remember the differences in their functions. restoration of animal sacrifices, have the effect of MARCUS BRAYBROOKE bringing the liturgy closer to the Church. One moti- Progressive Judaism vation of the first Reformers was to prevent Jews Modern movements in Judaism, known as Pro- joining the Church. This ‘radical assimilation’, a s gressive, have taken their inspiration from earlier it has been called, was new to Germany, but had pietistic movements within the Church, and have been found in England since the early eighteenth played a major role in modern Jewish–Christian century, because wealthier Jews had moved with dialogue. The term ‘Progressive’ is normally used ease in Gentile society. A style of prayer closer to describe all modern interpretations that differ to the Church was thought to be more appealing from Orthodox Judaism in various ways. These to such people, and would facilitate conversion include Conservative, Liberal, Masorti, Reconstruc- to Judaism of non-Jewish partners of mixed mar- tionist and Reform Judaism. The term as sometimes riages (see intermarriage). The new rite of confir- used excludes Masorti or Conservative Judaism. mation, of which the name, idea and many spe- Early histories of Progressive Judaism used the term cific features were borrowed from the Church, was ‘The Jewish Reformation’ to describe the origins an early and popular innovation, first recorded in of the movement in the nineteenth century. There 1803. At first the ceremony took place at home or at were many unconscious parallels with the Refor- school, with the teacher asking the 13-year-old boy mation in Christianity,including the desire to break to give well-rehearsed answers to questions about away from established tradition, to pray in the ver- his beliefs and the Bible. Confirmation became nacular, to return to older and simpler forms of popular in nearly all Progressive synagogues, and worship, and to retrieve the biblical text from the gradually evolved into a group ceremony some- weight of talmudic interpretation. Protestantism times completely replacing the traditional barmitz- in Christianity also exerted a direct and obvious vah. The first confirmation ceremony for girls was influence on forms of Progressive Jewish worship, held at Berlin in 1817. Permitting men and women most notably the use of an organ, and a synagogue to sit together in synagogue was an innovation architecture that placed the leader at the front of of Isaac Mayer Wise (1819–1900) in Albany, New the building facing the congregation, instead of at York in 1851, following the practice of most Ameri- the centre facing the Ark. The very terms Orthodox can Churches. The practice spread widely among and Reform were borrowed from the Church, and American Reform Congregations. Only some 50 community rabbis in modern times have taken on yearslaterdidthe‘familypew’,asitwascalled,begin pastoral roles like Christian ministers. to spread eastwards from the USA to Europe. Yet

354 Proof-text the history of Progressive Judaism shows a constant State of Israel renewed interest in Hebrew prayers, struggle between the more traditional and the radi- and renewal movements with increased emphasis calwings.Thetraditionalistswishedtoretainrituals on traditional forms of observance and study run when a meaning relevant to their time and society parallel to similar movements in many Churches, as could be found. The disagreement was such that in both faiths seek to come to terms with an increas- the United States it proved impossible to sustain ingly secular world. MICHAEL HILTON a single non-orthodox Judaism: Zecharias Fraenkel Promised Land (1801–75) left the 1845 conference of Reform Rabbis Historically, the ‘Promised Land’ was a leitmotif in when they declared that Hebrew was not absolutely Christian–Jewish polemics, though only after the necessary for Jewish prayer. The more traditional late 1960s did the purpose and conditions of the Conservative Judaism which he helped to found biblical promises feature in Christian–Jewish dia- proved very popular in the USA. At the other end logue, following decades of deliberate evasion of of the spectrum radicals such as Abraham Geiger the subject. wished to conduct a total reappraisal of all rituals. Referred to in the Torah as ‘the land’, ‘the land At the radical New Year Services led in Berlin by of Canaan’, or ‘the land which I will show you’ (e.g. Rabbi Samuel Holdheim from 1847 most of the men Gen. 12; 13; Deut. 11), God’s promise to Abraham prayed bareheaded, which Jewish tradition consid- and his descendants of an agricultural land suited ered a Christian custom. Most of the traditional to the godly life is ‘forever’, though temporary exile liturgy was discarded in favour of new prayers in will follow periods of national sin. The implications German, and the prayerbook opened from left to ofthepromisereceivedgreaterattentioninrabbinic right. The Association for Reform in Judaism, as writing than in the earliest Christian texts, reflect- the group was known, became the only European ing, inter alia, divergent attitudes to the Torah. With Congregation to conduct its weekly service exclu- the beginning of the Christianisation of Byzantium sively on Sunday. The Sunday Sabbath did not take in the fourth century, however, ‘the Holy Land’ also root in Germany, but was vigorously promoted in featured in triumphalist Christian thought, recall- the USA. Isaac Mayer Wise promoted late Friday ingthe‘dispossession’oftheJews–inadditiontothe night services as an alternative for those working destruction of the Jerusalem Temple – as evidence on Saturday to attend. The Sunday service move- that the promise was transferred to the Church. ment passed its peak, but the popularity of Fri- Centuries of Muslim rule (see Islam; Ottoman day night services remains a feature of Progressive Empire)didlittletoshakeChristianconfidencethat Jewish life. A new concentration on the ethical val- the Jews’ weakness in the Holy Land signalled the ues of Judaism accompanied the changes in ritual: permanent transfer of the biblical promises to the Protestant Christian claims to ethical primacy were Church, and would not end once the punishment countered with accounts of a moral and universal of exile had redeemed Israel’s sins, as rabbinic texts Judaism. But rabbis now became sensitive to the averred. Equally, this ideology meant that the Holy criticism that their ‘reforms’ were merely imitations Land of Christ and of the Christians has long been of Christian practice. They felt a need to justify the viewed in relationship to the ‘Jewish’ associations changes in terms of Jewish tradition:anorgan had of the land of the ‘OldTestament’. This has been been used in the Temple; choral singing was not particularly so in Protestant traditions according to new; all the traditional codes stressed that prayers which some biblical promises still apply to contem- could be said in any language; the sermon was a porary Jews, a belief that has recently spread in the well-known part of Jewish tradition. Catholic Church. GEORGE R. WILKES During the second half of the twentieth century Proof-text Progressive Jewish and Protestant and Free Church The term ‘proof-text’ describes an exegetical prac- Christian groups have explored many innovations tice that uses the content of the Bible to draw together, most notably the appointment of women conclusions without regard to historical context. rabbis and clergy, and the use of inclusive language Specifically, a proof-text would be an individual for prayers. But in other respects the more recent passage from the Bible that has been lifted from history of Progressive Judaism is marked by a grad- its location both in time and in the narrative and ual return to tradition. Zionism and links with the pressed into the service of solving an unrelated

355 Prophecy

theological or exegetical problem. This entire pro- common it was to employ what many today call cess is often called proof-texting. Since this style ‘proof-texts’. of interpretation ignores fundamental principles In assessing ancient interpretive techniques one of historical-critical interpretation (see biblical should take care to avoid blanket condemnations. criticism), generally the term ‘proof-text’ carries Dismissing these practices as ‘proof-texting’ ulti- a pejorative meaning, and interpretations based mately leads to the dismissal of all ancient bibli- upon such a method are usually rejected as unhis- cal interpretation: Christian readings of the Bible torical, misleading and self-serving. (Fundamen- that use allegory and typology,aswellas rab- talist Christian readings of the Bible are often criti- binic midrashic exegesis, would all be disqualified cised as the result of proof-texting.) if one were to apply the standards of contemporary A classic example of this practice appears in historical critical exegesis. All pre-modern exegesis Justin Martyr’s Dialogue with the Jew Trypho. The was, in some way, unhistorical. With this in mind, text faithfully captures a conversation between a many scholars of ancient Judaism and Christian- Christian and a Diaspora Jew in the middle of the ity believe the pejorative term ‘proof-text’ should second century CE. (It is likely that an actual Jewish be abandoned and replaced with the more neutral source lies behind the dialogue in its current form.) term ‘intertextual reading’. JOHN J. O’KEEFE Justin, a Christian, attempts to persuade his oppo- Prophecy nent Trypho, a Jew, that the Bible predicts Chris- In traditional Jewish and Christian theology there tianity and that Christianity is the fulfilment of is broad agreement as to the nature of prophecy: God’s promises. Trypho argues contrary positions, prophecy is linked with ‘the Holy Spirit’, seen basi- also citing biblical example. Both engage in ‘proof- cally as a divine power entering the prophet, in texting’. Consider the exchange between Justin and virtue of which he or she is enabled to speak the Trypho over the question of Gentile observance word of the Lord. 2 Pet. 1.21 offers a classic state- of the Law.Justin, of course, claims Gentiles do ment of this doctrine: ‘no prophecy ever came by not need to keep the Law to be included in the humanwill,butmenandwomenmovedbytheHoly covenant, while Trypho argues for the centrality Spirit spoke from God’. Similar ideas are found in of the Law. Justin cites Isa. 42.6–7, 63.15–19 and rabbinicliterature,whichclaimsthattheHolyscrip- 64.1–12 – all of which deal with the extension of the tures were ‘spoken in the holy spirit’ or ‘the spirit covenanttotheGentiles–as‘proof’thathisposition of prophecy’ (t. Yadayim 2.14; b. Megillah 7a), the is biblical, but this ‘proof’ ignores the actual histor- expressions being synonymous. Christianity devel- ical context of Isaiah’s composition. The applica- opedtheSecondTempleperioddoctrineoftheHoly tion of Pauline visions of Gentile inclusion to Isa- Spirit much more fully than Rabbinic Judaism,in iah is anachronistic. Trypho, for his part, retorts orthodoxy transforming the spirit into the third per- that Justin only picks passages he likes and ignores son of the Trinity.Inrabbinic thought, however, the those that make it clear that the law must be faith- Holy Spirit remained an impersonal force or influ- fully observed, such as Isa. 58.13–14, but his objec- ence. tion is equally uninterested in Isaiah’s meaning Both traditions agree in classifying the whole of in context. Similarly, in a classic reflection on the the Old Testament/Tanakh as ‘prophecy’: Moses meaning of Isa. 7.14, which in the Septuagint says and David are as much prophets who were inspired that a ‘virgin shall conceive and bear a son’, Justin by the Holy Spirit as Isaiah,Jeremiah and Ezekiel. claims the text as proof that the circumstances of Inspiration in this sense was the most important Jesus’ birth were predicted by the prophet. Later, theological criterion for determining whether or using a similar technique, Trypho cites Isa. 11.1–3 not a writing should be included in the canon as proof that Jesus could not be what Christians of scripture. However, they differed sharply as to claim him to be because the prophet implies that the relative authority of the ancient prophets, and the ‘shoot from the stump of Jesse’ will receive the hence of the parts of the canon. Rabbinic Judaism gifts of the spirit and not be born with them as consistently stressed the supremacy, indeed the Justin seemed to claim. To the extent that Justin incomparability, of Moses – a claim grounded in and Trypho are representative of ancient Jewish and the fact that scripture speaks of God communi- Christian approaches to the Bible, we can see how cating with Moses ‘face to face’ (Exod. 33.11) or

356 Prophecy

‘mouth to mouth’ (Num. 12.8) and directly dic- Rabbinic Judaism, since it rejected Jesus as Mes- tating to him the Torah.Such language is used siah, logically held that Christian prophecy was of no other prophet. For Rabbinic Judaism, there- false, and Jesus an imposter. It postponed the return fore, the Torah of Moses is the heart of the canon. of prophecy to the future, to the coming of the true The rest of the scriptures, though inspired, are of Messiah. It held, however, somewhat contradictory lesser authority, and are sometimes dubbed, some- views as to whether the Messianic age would wit- what dismissively, ‘words of tradition’ (divrei kab- ness a new revelation. The standard view, forged balah). For Christianity, however, the heart of the in the fires of Jewish–Christian controversy, was OldTestament/Tanakh has tended to be located that the Torah of Moses would not be superseded in the writings of the Prophets, narrowly defined even when the Messiah came. However, under the (Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, the Twelve and Daniel), impact of prophetic inspiration new and hidden because they were seen as foretelling the coming meanings would be discovered in it. Some, how- of Christ. The Torah of Moses was traditionally ever, hinted that there would be a new Torah in the regarded as a passing phase in God’s dealings with Messianic age. The most radical form of this think- humanity, a view that was anathema to Rabbinic ing is found the medieval mystical tradition, the Judaism. Kabbalah, where it is argued that since the Torah Both Rabbinic Judaism and Christianity agree of Moses clearly addresses a fallen, broken world, it that the phenomenon of prophecy is time-bound. cannot be adequate for the perfections of the world There had been a great period of prophecy in to come. There will be need for a new Torah that will the past that had produced the canonic writings fit the conditions which then prevail. of scripture. When this period came to an end For Christianity predictive prophecy was central was not clearly defined. The rabbis suggested the to the OldTestament.From the very beginning of time of Ezra (mid-fifth century BCE) or Alexander its history Christians claimed that the life and death the Great (d. 323 BCE). The Christians regarded of Jesus, and the events that befell the early Church, Malachi as the last of the classic prophets, though were clearly foretold in scripture. Jesus himself they are vague as to when he lived. However, may have believed that he was personally fulfilling both sides agree that classic, biblical prophecy did prophecy. After his death his followers engaged in come to an end and was followed by a period of an intensive searching of the scriptures and found prophetic silence. Both also agree that prophecy there, as they thought, all manner of foretellings of will be restored at the end of history, in the Mes- what had happened. They were following a known sianic age. Since Christians believed that Jesus was way of interpreting the prophetic writings, attested the Messiah, they logically claimed that prophecy also in the Dead Sea Scrolls Pesharim, which dis- returned when he came. His ministry was inau- covered in Habakkuk and other biblical prophe- gurated by a baptism in the Holy Spirit (Mark cies cryptic references to events in the Pesharists’ 1.9–11), and he was seen as ‘a prophet mighty in own day. One of the key passages for the Christian deed and word’ (Luke 24.19). He held the status exegetes came to be Isa. 53: it seemed almost self- of the supreme prophet, and the revelation which evident to them that the Suffering Servant men- he brought was believed to supersede the Torah tioned there could only be Jesus. This approach of Moses. His followers also, it was believed, had was eventually to culminate in the claim that all receivedtheSpiritafterhisascensiontoheaven,and the prophetic promises to Israel in the Old Testa- so spoke authoritatively God’s truth (Acts 2). Later ment were spiritually fulfilled in the Church. Jewish Christianorthodoxycametoregardthissecondout- exegetes strongly disputed these claims, arguing, pouring of prophecy also as time-bound, though for example, that the Suffering Servant of Isaiah is again there was uncertainty as to when precisely the nation of Israel personified. it ceased. Later Church authorities dealt harshly In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, under with claims to continuing prophetic inspiration, the influence of rationalism and historicism, liberal and regarded the closed canon of early Christian Christian biblical scholarship discounted the pos- prophetic writings (the NewTestament)asoffering sibility of predictive prophecy. Instead the Hebrew sufficient guidance to the Church and as rendering prophets were celebrated for the universal ethical obsolete the need for living prophets. principles, such as justice and righteousness, that

357 Protestantism

they advocated. They were seen as the champions brought the two communities into a close work- of an austere, ethical monotheism. Some of these ing relationship. Both were minority movements ideas found a sympathetic hearing among Jews, in a religious setting that viewed them with sus- particularly in the Reform movement, that aban- picion. The Hebrew Bible was central to Protes- doned many of the Mosaic laws as incompatible tantism in a way in which it had not been for with the modern spiritual condition of humankind. Roman Catholicism and Orthodox Christianity, Orthodox Judaism,however, continued to look since Protestantism claimed the authority of ‘scrip- and pray for a more or less literal fulfilment of ture alone’ (sola scriptura) for faith, the ordering of the promises that Israel would be restored to her the community, and its moral life. And both upheld ancient land (see Zionism). In contemporary Jewish the prophetic principle of holding all human insti- discourse, particularly since the Six Day War of tutions and achievements under the critical eye of a 1967, there is a widespread tendency to speak of God of uncompromising justice who had a special the State of Israel in language that echoes the bib- concern for the poor and the oppressed of earth. Yet lical prophecies. The emergence of the State of these affinities failed to lead Protestant Christian- Israel has sharpened the debate with the Church ity to build a positive relationship with Jews and over the fulfilment of the ancient prophecies. So Judaism. On the contrary, some of the most viru- long as the Jews were oppressed it was easy for lent Christian assaults on Jews came from Luther. the Church to claim to be the spiritual heir of the Moreover, at the nadir of Christian–Jewish rela- promises, but with the emergence of an indepen- tions in Germany – the Hitler years – many Protes- dent Jewish state that has become much more diffi- tant clergy and laypersons supported Nazism, cult: it looks as if the prophecies have been literally while several Protestant theologians voiced anti- fulfilled. Jewish views throughout the Second World War and An influential strand of Christian thought would beyond. By the end of the twentieth century, how- agree. Since the early nineteenth century some ever, most Protestant Church bodies had adopted fundamentalist Christian Bible exegetes have new and positive attitudes towards Jews and argued that the prophecies are too precise and con- Judaism. crete to be other than literally fulfilled. To see them The Protestant Reformation’semphasis upon the as only spiritually fulfilled in the Church is to tri- sole authority of the Bible produced close work- fle with the plain sense of scripture. This Chris- ing relations between Jewish and Christian schol- tian restorationism resulted in Christian Zionism ars, at least intermittently, throughout the years that has been widely espoused among Southern up to the present. While the OldTestament was Baptists in the United States and has had consid- read and understood primarily in the light of the erable influence on US policy towards the State of NewTestament,intheir study of it Reformers such Israel. Though these Christian Zionists regard the as John Calvin made extensive use of Jewish tex- present State of Israel as fulfilling, at least in part, tual and interpretive aids. Protestant concentration the biblical prophecies of restoration, they see the upon the Old Testament meant that the Reform- founding of the state as the first step in a chain of ers necessarily worked with Jewish scholars, using events that will culminate in the second coming of Jewish grammars, dictionaries, concordances, and Christ, and in the Jews acknowledging him as their turning to Jewish teachers of biblical Hebrew. The Messiah. PHILIP ALEXANDER Reformers also claimed the same books of the Proselytism see conversion; evangelism; mission ‘Old Testament’ as Jews, eliminating the deutero- Protestantism canonical books (the apocrypha). However, until The term designates the beliefs and practices of recent times several lines of biblical interpreta- non-Roman Catholic and non-Orthodox Chris- tion ensured that Protestantism maintained the tian Churches. The movement arose in sixteenth- traditional Adversus Judaeos approach. For exam- century Europe under the leadership of Martin ple, more than other Christians, it seems, Protes- Luther and others, protesting certain beliefs and tants interpreted the Old Testament with the aid practices of Catholic Christianity. of polarities such as promise/fulfilment, law/grace, In its early days the Protestant Reformation old/new, judgement/love and so on. They affirmed had certain affinities with Judaism that could have the history of God’s saving deeds on behalf of

358 Protestantism humankind, with a major place for both Jews and ticular assured that the United States would have Christians, but the history of the Jewish people eas- no Christian establishment and that religious free- ily became the history of a great failure: God pro- dom would be a hallmark of the new land. Partly vided the Torah, but Israel failed to keep the Torah; as a consequence, Jews have flourished in North God’s ‘old’ covenant with Israel was broken and America. the ‘new’ covenant was made with the Christian The Protestant Churches in the last 60 years have community. Some prominent Protestant theolo- slowly come to the recognition that the Holocaust gians such as Emil Schurer¨ (1844–1910), in fact, in Europe made forever unacceptable the view of insisted that Judaism was doomed to fail because Christianity as the successor religion to Judaism, as of its particularistic commitments: a single eth- though Judaism had no legitimate place or voca- nic group, a particular land, an exclusive covenant. tion in the world once Christianity had come. Most While the Reformers and their successors did not oftheProtestantChurchbodieshavenowproduced always draw the harsh conclusion that there was statements, such as the 2001 Church and Israel no religious/theological reason for the continuing published by the Leuenberg Church Fellowship, existence of the Jewish people – a view all too often that seek to lay out a proper relationship of their expressed in the history of the Church – they gen- communities to the Jewish people and to Judaism, erally agreed that the Church had succeeded Israel and speak of God’s eternal covenant with both as the people of God. Supersessionism was firmly Israel and the Church – either one covenant in two in place. modes or two inseparable but distinct covenants. In Europe Enlightenment and post-Enlighten- One of the constant themes in these statements is ment Protestantism, which made common cause taken from Rom. 11.29: ‘The gifts and the calling with Reform and other liberal Jewish groups, did of God are irrevocable.’ Protestant colleges, uni- little to alter this understanding. Evolutionary read- versities and theological seminaries, such as Brite ings of the history of Israel and of Christianity Divinity School at Texas Christian University, have always favoured the Christian ‘religion of Jesus’ – joined with public universities in appointing pro- grace over law – ignoring the fact that most of fessors of Judaism or Jewish literature and thought Jesus’ moral teaching was shared by his contem- to their faculties. Throughout the world schol- poraries and earlier Jewish interpreters and that arly societies for biblical and theological research grace provided the setting of Torah for Jews as well have Jewish members working along with Protes- (see TenCommandments). Even those Protestant tant, as well as Orthodox and Catholic, members. interpreters who became experts in the interpre- These interfaith associations and societies are often tation of post-biblical Judaism, such as Gerhard brought into existence and heavily supported by Kittel (1888–1948) and Rudolf Bultmann (1884– Protestants. 1976) in some early writings, rarely departed from Many Protestant bodies work on social and the above-mentioned polarities. Nevertheless, by humanitarian projects with the Jewish community, the late nineteenth century Jewish and Protestant and some vociferously support the State of Israel, scholars worked closely together in Europe, Great although it is not altogether clear whether they Britain and North America, particularly in relation have laid aside their theology of supersession. The to biblical studies. In Great Britain the influence vigorous support of Israel by Christian Zionists of Claude Montefiore and David Ginsburg (1831– and other Protestant groups is balanced by other 1914) (a convert to Christianity) helped to mod- moreambivalentProtestantattitudes.SomeProtes- erate the successionist outlook. In North America tant groups have close ties with Arab Christians relations between Protestants and Jews developed in the Middle East (Baptists, Lutherans, Men- along different lines. When European settlements nonites, Methodists, Presbyterians, United Church began to multiply in the seventeenth century, some of Christ), as do Orthodox, Roman Catholic and colonies of Jews also made their way to North Anglican churches. These connections, together America. English Baptists and others from Great with Protestant efforts to lend support to Pales- Britain made common cause with some of these tinian refugees and others in need, have made it Jewish settlers, particularly in Rhode Island. The difficult for many Protestant bodies to offer the kind US Constitution and its First Amendment in par- of support for the State of Israel that some of their

359 Protocols of the Elders of Zion

fellow Protestant and Jewish colleagues have some- attitudes towards Jews and Judaism in the West. The times anticipated. NewTestament texts that have fomented suspicion This situation illustrates the variety of opinion or outright hatred of the Jews through the centuries among Protestants. Some groups adopt an interim stand in Bibles without comment that might reduce theology, firmly convinced that it is God’s pur- the harm they do to Jewish–Christian relations. And pose to bring the Jewish community into the Chris- the very confidence in the exclusive truth of Chris- tian fold at the end, and among some of these tianity among many of the new adherents would Christian groups a ‘mission to the Jews’ is still seem to obviate the need to learn from Jews or any firmly in place. The more radical of such Chris- others. Protestant Christianity worldwide bears a tian groups can even assert that ‘God does not hear heavy responsibility to address these two aspects the prayers of the Jews’. Protestant fundamental- of Christian understanding of Judaism that have ists differ markedly in their relations with the Jewish prevented earlier development of positive relations people and their understanding of God’s covenant between the two communities. All too rarely have with Israel, and many Southern Baptists, for exam- Protestants and other Christians engaged in seri- ple, not only maintain a ‘mission to the Jews’, but ous study of Judaism: its history, its thought, its believe that the only positive future for the Jewish sacred writings (beyond the Old Testament itself), people lies in their conversion to Christianity.Many its ways of worship, its moral commitments. Thus still lack the language, the rhetoric and the style far, Protestant Christianity has worked more dili- that would enable them to affirm the truth and gently to clarify and correct its past relations with enduring adequacy of the revelation of God in Jesus Judaism than it has on seeking to understand the Christ without insisting that this truth, this ade- world of Judaism, past and present. quacy, leaves all other religions, all other truths WALTER HARRELSON inconsequential. Protocols of the Elders of Zion Formany Protestant Church leaders and the- Also known as Protocols of the Learned Elders of ologians, too, along with a large number of clergy Zion. Late nineteenth-century antisemitic forgery, and laypersons, the New Testament itself stands in which appeared in Russia in the early 1900s and the way of improved relations between Jews and aimed at showing the existence of an international Christians. Just as they read the denunciations of Jewishconspiracyforworlddomination.Theideaof Israel by Israel’s prophets in the ‘Old’ Testament as aJewish conspiracy is based on medieval Christian factual reports rather than theological judgements, anti-Jewish legend, such as charges of ritual murder soalsotheyreadthepolemicsintheNewTestament (see blood libel), host desecration and well poison- against Pharisees, scribes and lawyers as applica- ings. From the Enlightenment such accusations ble to all Pharisees, all scribes, all teachers of the took on a political dimension. The Protocols were law. Despite a century of efforts to interpret such written to influence the policies of Tsar Nicholas II NewTestament texts in their contexts, the influ- (r.1894–1917) and were based on a French doc- ence of the late nineteenth-century German liberal ument (1864) accusing Napoleon III (r.1852–70) Protestant scholars such as Julius Wellhausen and of ambitions towards world domination. The Pro- Adolf von Harnack still holds fast. For many Protes- tocols became widely known from 1919 onwards, tants the critical assessments of Israel’s leaders in notably in Russia and Germany.Today it remains Jesus’ day is evidence of the moral decline in Jewish freely available in Russia, but also in Arab coun- life since the return from Babylonian exile and they tries where it continues to be used to generate anti- have continuing difficulty distinguishing between semitism and anti-Zionism. EDWARD KESSLER ‘some Jewish leaders’ in Jesus’ day and ‘the Jews’ Psalms (see hoi Ioudaioi). The biblical book of Psalms plays a large – and sim- Protestant Christianity – especially its evangeli- ilar – role in the lives of Jews and Christians. For cal and Free Church forms – is growing rapidly in both traditions the book of Psalms, the authorship several parts of the non-Western world, particularly ofwhichistraditionallyascribedtoKingDavid,pro- in sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America. Many vided the model upon which the worship service Churches in these areas, however, appear to be rela- was patterned. The themes, specific subject mat- tively untouched by the transformation in Christian ter, style and language of Psalms is echoed in both

360 Pseudepigrapha

Jewish and Christian liturgy; indeed, entire psalms ChristianwritersregularlycommentthatChristians are included verbatim in both liturgies. Phrases have difficulty with vengeance and violence in or verses from still other psalms are woven into the Psalms directed particularly against enemies, the prayers of both communities, while yet other clearly as a result of the Gospel tradition in which prayers paraphrase one or more psalms. Jesus teaches love for one’s enemies (Matt. 5.44; Both Jews and Christians are in the habit of Luke 6. 27–29). Entire psalms or sections of psalms making Psalms the focus of private devotion. It are excluded from Christian liturgy or from the has been a custom in both the Jewish and Chris- calendar of readings because of this discomfort. tian communities to create separate volumes con- The excluded sections, or complete psalms, con- taining the Psalms (known by Christians as the sistently involve curses directed against enemies. Psalter and by Jews as the Tillimbuch,aterm Even though there exists a strand of thought in the derived from the Hebrew word for Psalms: tehillim), Jewish tradition that is in consonance with the ideas which were often treasured as a source of solace or ascribed to Jesus in the Gospels, there is perhaps encouragement. less Jewish discomfort about reading psalms con- Notwithstanding these profound commonalities tainingthesentimentsthatareproblematictomany in their approach to, and use of, the book of Psalms, Christians. DANIEL POLISH significant differences exist between the Jewish and Pseudepigrapha Christian traditions. In the first place, there is the Writings with false superscriptions, titles or matter of numbering the psalms themselves and authors; a modern designation of a collection of their verses. There is often a difference of one num- Hellenistic-early Roman period Jewish writings not ber between the Hebrew text and the Greek ver- included in the Hebrew Bible or Greek canon sion used by many Churches in identifying Pss 10 of the Christian OldTestament.First brought to to 147. Also, in some modern translations there prominence by the Lutheran scholar J. A. Fabri- can be a difference of usually one number, some- cius (1668–1736), responsible for the first collec- times more, in assigning numbers to the verses of tion of the ‘Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testa- many psalms. This is because some translations ment’ in 1731, most of the ‘Pseudepigrapha’, as the do not count the superscription at the beginning term suggests, are pseudonymous, appealing for of many psalms as a separate verse. In addition, their interpretation of the present to the author- the Orthodox Churches include one more psalm in ity of antiquity, as they claim to communicate the their canon than is found in the Hebrew scriptures. words of the patriarchs and prophets of ancient Emblematic of these differences is the intersection Israel. Modern scholarship, Jewish and Christian, is of Jews, Christians and psalms which occurred in divided on the usefulness of the term as a collective 589. In that year, the Council of Narbonne issued an category. edict forbidding Jews to sing psalms during funer- While the majority of the so-called Pseude- als. The purpose of this prohibition can only be pigrapha are usually reckoned originally Jewish surmised. compositions, a few are Christian, rooted in the Of greater consequence is the history of interpre- literary models and religious language and ideas tation. For millennia, Psalms was read typologically of early Judaism. Of the Jewish Pseudepigrapha, by the Church (see typology). Thus, many of the most were transmitted in Christian circles, some in psalms were understood as prefiguring the life and their Jewish form, others rewritten to reflect dis- career of Jesus –as, for instance, Ps. 110 which was tinctively Christian beliefs. They show that, like interpreted as meaning that God, the Father, called non-Christian Jews of the period, early Christians Jesus to ascend a throne next to him in heaven. put great emphasis on the power of appeal to the The medieval Jewish polemic Teshuvot La-Noz. rim authority of ancient Jewish tradition to confirm by David Kimhi is devoted to a refutation of such theirinterpretationofinformationaboutthedivine. typological reading and an insistence on the plain Citations of the Pseudepigrapha in sources includ- meaning of the text. ing Josephus, the NewTestament and, most exten- Another difference is the Christian discomfort sively, early patristic writings indicate their status with some of the psalms’ treatment of the theme as authoritative religious writings in some Jewish of ‘enemies’ and the psalmist’s rage against them. and Christian circles. Within rabbinic tradition,

361 Purim

however, the Pseudepigrapha are hardly reflected, from Clement to James, appear with the Pseudo- perhaps in part because they came to be viewed as Clementine Homilies, plus a response (the Contes- Christian writings. tatio). The Pseudo-Clementine Recognitions shares Most early study of the Pseudepigrapha was characteristics with the genre of the ancient secu- undertaken by Christian scholars for the primary lar romance. It is generally granted that the (pos- purpose of explaining Christian origins, leading sibly c.200 CE) Kerygmata Petrou was an early sometimes to influential but inaccurate represen- source for the corpus, and some scholars have tations of first-century Judaism as dominated by taken this reconstructed Kerygmata Petrou as a rabbinic legalism. By contrast, Charlesworth’s edi- template of Jewish Christianity. Jewish Christian tion of the Pseudepigrapha (1983, 1985) represents groups such as Ebionites and Elkesaites have been a call to cooperation between Jews and Chris- cited in relation to the Pseudo-Clementine lit- tians, and celebrates these writings as the heritage erature, but the dates, recensions, interpolations of both Jews and Christians. Modern scholarship and theological affinities of its surviving forms are increasingly emphasises the significance of study- contested. CHRISTINE TREVETT ing the Pseudepigrapha in their own right, as tes- Pseudo-Cyprian timony to the diversity and richness of religious ANorth African or Italian homily Adversus Judaeos thoughtthatcharacterisedearlyJudaismandChris- is one of several third-century writings formerly tianity. The Pseudepigrapha are also rightly viewed and wrongly associated with Cyprian.Itproba- as fundamental for illustrating the Jewish context of bly represents Christian reaction to a confident earliest Christianity: particular attention is given to and influential local Jewish community, though sharedtheologicallanguageandsymbolisminclud- some critics think the work was for discussion ing ‘the kingdom of God’ and ‘the Son of Man’; and catechesis internal to Christianity, and con- and to rare, but significant, evidence in the Pseude- cerned Christian Jews. Formerly attributed to pigrapha for early Jewish Messianic beliefs. Melito among others, it uses both Jewish tradi- SARAH J. K. PEARCE tions (e.g martyrdoms of the prophets) and com- Pseudo-Clementine Writings mon anti-Jewish themes (deicide,Jews’ loss of Clement of Rome (fl. c.95 CE) did not write the their temporal and spiritual inheritance), but envis- so-called Pseudo-Clementine writings which pur- ages repentance and baptism for Jews. Superses- port to deal with his eventful life. They derive sionist and anti-Jewish elements are also found partly from ascetic Jewish Christianity and in in the pseudo-Cyprianic De Pascha Computus (on anthropology and dualism show the influence of Easter), Ad Vigilium and De Montibus Sina et Sion, Gnosticism. The Pseudo-Clementine literature has which makes extensive use of Jewish and Christian been much developed (probably in the third and texts and traditions. CHRISTINE TREVETT fourth centuries) but an underlying source was Purim hostile to the ‘enemy’, Paul,aview many Jews An early spring festival (14–15 Adar, usually in would have shared. Here is an important witness March) that marks the deliverance of the Jews in to the anti-Pauline strain of Christian thought. Persia from the attempt by Haman, a favourite Paul appears as an antinomian pseudo-apostle, nobleman of King Ahasuerus, to massacre them. thinly disguised in the character of Simon Magus It celebrates their vengeance and victory over their (cf. Acts 8.9–24). The writings honoured Peter, non-Jewish enemies, as related in the biblical book James brother of Jesus and the earliest Jerusalem of Esther.Ithas been traditionally popular at the Church, respecting the traditions of the Jews and Jewish communal level but has often raised prob- the ‘word of truth’ of Moses as important prece- lems in the minds of Jewish and Christian reli- dents for Peter’s ‘lawful’ proclamation. Jesus was gious thinkers. The festivities, like the biblical book the true Prophet, who had reappeared in differ- itself, which makes no mention of God and gives ent guises through history. Subsequent redactions little specific attention to religious ideas, are gener- and interpolations made these writings home to ally of a mundane character, with the exception of more than one heterodox Christological teach- the synagogue ritual surrounding the formal read- ing, however. Two letters, from Peter to James and ing of the Esther scroll (megillah). This ritual was

362 Purim important enough in the early Christian centuries of Christian censorship.Inthe Middle Ages aspects to be permitted in Greek as well as Hebrew and of Purim celebrations were reminiscent of Carnival to be obligatory on women as well as men. It is and Twelfth Night, perhaps indicating elements of conducted on the second day in walled cities and direct mutual influence. Luther and the later pro- is marked by attempts to drown out the name of ponents of biblical criticism expressed their oppo- Haman each time it is read out. Given the lack of sition, and some early Reform Jews abandoned alternative historical verification of the story, the the celebration of the festival. At that stage it was Persian names of the heroes Queen Esther and therefore more likely to be a cause of friction than Mordechai, her cousin and mentor, and the timing a factor that bound the monotheistic communities of the festival, the origins may well be in some sort together. As the worlds of Judaism and Christianity of pagan new year festival known in the Diaspora of became more secular in the twentieth century, and the late biblical period. The feasting, revelry, gifts, the Purim festivities came to be centred on carni- fancy dress, parodies and even licit drunkenness val and dietary delicacies (especially in Israel), so traditionally associated with Purim would support the objections lessened. The concept of an occa- such a theory. Though formally a minor festival, sion on which to rejoice about the rescue of Jews Purim became popular among Jews by the early from a potential disaster was widely applied in the Christian era and received major attention from Middle Ages and the modern period to other sim- the talmudic teachers. There were always Jewish ilarly miraculous events. A host of ‘Purims’ mark- authorities who were uneasy about the alleged lack ing incidents in which Jews unexpectedly overcame of decorum and spirituality, and Christian theolo- Christian and Muslim attempts at persecution were gians, already in Byzantine times, who resented added to the Jewish calendar in the relevant com- the use of the biblical book and the Purim festiv- munities. Many of these marked what were seen as ities for an indulgence in what they regarded as miraculous rescues from blood libels and threats Jewish chauvinism and anti-Christian behaviour. of massacre and they were especially common The text of one of the post-megillah hymns con- in Italy and North Africa in the early modern trasted Jews and non-Jews and was altered because period. STEFAN C. REIF

363 QQQQ

Quakers (Religious Society of Friends) Quakers to locate themselves within ecumenical One of the Historic Peace Churches,Quakerism and interfaith activity. The question of Quaker began during the English Revolution. ‘Quaker’ was identity is particularly acute in Jewish–Christian originally a nickname, evoking George Fox’s (1624– relations. Jewish members constitute a significant 91) call for people to tremble before God. Based minority of Quakers in Britain and North America on early Friends’ beliefs in realised eschatology today. (One notable example is Harvey Gillman, and a universal human capacity to receive the Outreach Secretary for Quaker Home Service in Light (Spirit) of Christ, distinctive Quaker practices Britain, 1983–2001.) Many became attracted to emerged. These include worship meetings based Quakers for pragmatic reasons (some at a time on waiting for God in silence, and the equality of when most synagogues did not respond construc- the genders, who share responsibility for church tively to intermarriage; others were child refugees affairs. from Nazism,raised by Quakers) and do not regard Quaker relations with Jews are shaped by their themselves as Jewish converts to Christianity, own shifting positions vis-a-vis` mainstream Chris- although many dialogue participants (and many tian theology. Seventeenth- and early eighteenth- Jews) might do so. century Friends were Christian universalists,as This complexity makes it hard to speak of articulated in Robert Barclay’s (1648–90) descrip- Quaker–Jewish relations, in the sense of two dis- tion of the Church as consisting of all those ‘obe- crete entities encountering one another. The pres- dient of the holy light and testimony of God in ence of openly non-Christian members, and the their hearts ...There may be members therefore Quaker rejection of creeds, ordained ministry of this . . . church both among heathens, Turks, and outward sacraments,are perennial issues in Jews, and all the several sorts of Christians . . .’ Friends’ relationship with ecumenical and inter- They also described Jesus as a moral prophet, as faith organisations like the WorldCouncil of well as a priestly figure. This position, and a rejec- Churches.Other tensions surrounding Quaker tion of compulsion in religion, enabled Quakers involvement in Jewish–Christian relations concern to make theological space for Judaism. Although Friends’ support for Palestinians and Palestinian intense millenarianism led Margaret Fell (1614– liberation theology, which conflicts with the pro- 1702) to address her evangelical message ‘A Loving Israel stance of most dialogue participants. Finally, Salutation, to the Jews of the world’ to Amsterdam although Quakers protested against Kristallnacht Jewry (Spinoza was possibly its Hebrew translator) and nearly all members in Germany hid Jews Quakers did not develop any organised mission to during the Holocaust,Friends are not immune Jews. from (chiefly ethical) supersessionism and anti- Following early trends, most nineteenth-, Judaism. And whilst the absence of a hierarchy twentieth- and twenty-first-century Friends have of Quaker authorities challenges all members to adopted a Christian universalist approach to other take responsibility for this, this same organisa- faiths, including Judaism. However, there are some tionalstructuremakesithardtoeffectrevolutionary Quakers who reject this position, shun Christian advances in relations with the Jewish people. language and interpret the Quaker concept of See also Dissenters MELANIE J. WRIGHT ‘that of God in everyone’ in humanistic terms, as Quartodeciman controversy suggestive of the worth and dignity of all people. ‘Quartodeciman’ designates an early Christian Such perspectives have often made it hard for practice, later to become heretical, of observing

364 Qu’ran

Easter on the 14th day of the lunar month, at the appear to have been the separation of Christianity same time as the Jews observed Passover.Itislikely from Judaism (which did dominate the debate on that the first Christians commemorated the passion the date of Easter at the Council of Nicaea in 325 CE, on the date when Jesus had been crucified, that where the question was the determination of the is, the Jewish Passover, of which Easter was only a lunar month in which Easter was to be celebrated), Christian reinterpretation. Evidence regarding the but rather an ‘internal’,theological question regard- early Christian Easter is, unfortunately,almost non- ing the most appropriate day for observing Easter. existent. The earliest information about the date Quartodecimans may have appeared again in Asia of Easter pertains to the 190s CE, when a contro- Minor in the later fourth and fifth centuries (so versy erupted between the Churches of Asia Minor Socrates, Ecclesiastical History 6.11 and 7.29, and (led by Polycrates, bishop of Ephesus; Christians in Sozomen, Ecclesiastical History 7.18), but at this Palestine and Egypt may also have been involved), stage they were regarded as heretical and probably which observed Easter at the same time as the Jews of marginal importance both to Christianity and to on the 14th of the lunar month, and the Church Jewish–Christian relations. of Rome, which celebrated Easter on the follow- See also calendar SACHA STERN ing Sunday, as has become universal practice today Qumran see Dead Sea Scrolls (Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 5.23.1). The issue does not Qu’ran see Islam

365 RRRR

Rabbi dominant force in Palestinian Judaism. A turn- Rabbis are often regarded as ‘Jewish clergy’,but his- ing point in its fortunes is marked by Judah ha- torically their role is different. A rabbi is a teacher Nasi (late second–early third centuries CE), both of Torah and qualified to interpret Jewish law. arabbi and a man of substantial wealth in good The term derives from rav, which means ‘great standing with the Roman authorities, with whose man’, ‘master’ or ‘teacher’. The suffix ‘i’ means approval he acted as Patriarch of the Jewish com- ‘my’. Rabbinic ordination, like Christian ordina- munity in Palestine. Rabbinic Judaism was carried tion, involves the laying on of hands. Jesus, accord- to Babylonia in the third century CE by Palestinian ing to Matthew, criticised the rabbis’ desire for scholars who soon eclipsed in prestige their coun- respect and told his disciples not to be called rabbi terparts in Palestine. The rabbis also largely suc- (23.7–8), but in John’s Gospel he is addressed as ceeded in bringing the Jews of the western Greek- rabbi on five occasions. In talmudic times rabbis speaking Diaspora under their aegis. The process were expounders of scripture and interpreters of by which they achieved this remains obscure, but it the oral law, but in the Middle Ages they became must have involved, at least during the first few cen- spiritual leaders of a particular Jewish community turies of the common era (see CE/BCE), a running with teaching, preaching and administrative func- battle with the expanding Christian mission.Mar- tions. After emancipation,rabbis were expected, cel Simon (b. 1907) argues strongly that competi- like clergy, to be cultured and at home in Western as tion for converts between Christianity and Judaism well as rabbinic learning. Jews’ College, which pro- continued until the conversion of Constantine vided both, was founded in London in 1855. Today in 312 CE. rabbisintheWestareexpectedtoperformfunctions All the major varieties of Judaism today, across similar to Christian ministers and often represent the religious spectrum from the most orthodox the community to the outside world and explain to the most liberal, can be classified as rabbinic, Judaism to Gentile audiences. In the twentieth cen- though they observe the rabbinic norms in vary- tury, Conservative, Liberal and Reform traditions, ing degrees. Rabbinic Judaism is thus by no means like Protestant churches, started ordaining women. monolithic, embracing Haredi, Modern Orthodox, In the Middle Ages kings sometimes appointed a Conservative, Masorti, Reform and Liberal (see ‘chief rabbi’ to represent the Jewish community. In Progressive Judaism). Even non-religious or sec- Britain the office was modelled in part on that of ular Jews recognise the importance of the rabbinic the Archbishop of Canterbury. Israel has both an movement in Jewish history, and regard the clas- Ashkenazi and a Sephardi chief rabbi. sic rabbinic literature as an inalienable part of the See also priest/priesthood Jewish cultural heritage. MARCUS BRAYBROOKE Rabbinic Judaism can also be defined by texts, Rabbinic Judaism institutions and beliefs, each of which sheds light Rabbinic Judaism is the form of Judaism followed on the Jewish–Christian encounter. For example, by the majority of Jews from Late Antiquity down aware that Christians regarded the Written Torah to the present day. It emerged out of Second as part of their own scriptures, the rabbis viewed Temple period Pharisaism and rebuilt Judaism in the Mishnah and ongoing oral tradition as setting Palestine after the destruction of the Temple in Judaism apart from Christianity. Other key texts 70 CE. Gradually gaining in strength, the rabbinic include the Talmud, law codes and Bible commen- party by the third century CE was probably the taries known as the midrashim.Rabbinic Judaism

366 Rachel is further defined by a set of institutions that have from the time of Constantine onwards, persecuted determined its social structure. The most funda- the rabbis in various ways, closing their schools, mental of these is the rabbinate. Historically speak- dispersing their leaders, censoring or even, in the ing, a rabbi is a legal scholar, whose role is to Middle Ages, destroying the Talmud and other rab- expound and apply the Torah in everyday life. He or binic texts (see censorship) and forcibly convert- (in some modern varieties of Judaism) she is nor- ing their followers. Christian theology persistently mally ordained to the role by competent author- vilified Rabbinic Judaism. It was depicted, particu- ity after intensive study at a rabbinical academy, larly within Protestantism,asadry-as-dust legal- ayeshivah. Yet even here it is clear that Christian- ism, which, by its obsessive attention to the minu- ity has to some extent influenced the role of the tiae of the Law, squeezed all joy out of religious rabbi. For example, in the United Kingdom the life. The burdened condition of the Jew groaning office of the Chief Rabbi is modelled on that of under bondage to the Law was contrasted with the the Archbishop of Canterbury, and most rabbis, freedom of the Christian saved by grace and filled like ministers, now lead their community in wor- with the Spirit. Better acquaintance with the clas- ship, although historically this was not expected sic sources of Rabbinic Judaism, notably from the of them. The fundamental rabbinic principle that end of the nineteenth century, and with the reali- ‘the law of the state is the law’ (dina de-malkuta ties of Jewish life, led many Christian scholars such dina) demonstrates that a characteristic feature of as R. Travers Herford and James Parkes to ques- Rabbinic Judaism is its ability to digest the mores tion this view of Judaism. Rabbinic Judaism, for its and customs of the surrounding culture, as Louis part, has not been above vilifying Christianity. For Jacobs (b. 1920) has convincingly shown in works example, the Toledot Yeshu, elements of which are such as ATreeofLife (1984). Finally, Rabbinic found in the Talmud, offers a scurrilous alternative Judaism is defined by a set of beliefs, which con- life of Jesus, which denigrates both him and Mary. stitute its distinctive worldview. Underpinning this More recently, however, some Jewish scholars, such worldview is Torah, which comprises not only the as Geza Vermes (b. 1924) and Amy-Jill Levine Written Torah (Torah she-bikhtav) found in the first (b. 1956) have made a concerted effort to under- five books of Tanakh, but also the Oral Torah (Torah stand Jesus as a genuinely Jewish teacher and to she-be’al peh), a body of teaching equally deriving, reclaim him for Judaism. it is claimed, from Moses on Sinai, which gives the There have also been down the ages many true interpretation of the Written Torah. The doc- instances of more positive interaction between the trine of the Oral Torah, which is seen as embodied in two traditions. For example, Christians relied for the Mishnah, Talmud and other authoritative rab- many centuries on rabbinic knowledge of Hebrew binic texts, and can be accessed only by studying to gain access to the OldTestament in its origi- with the right teachers in a chain of tradition going nal language, and the great medieval rabbinic Bible back to Moses, is an emphatic way of asserting the exegetes Rashi, Kimhi and Abraham ibn Ezra had legitimacy of the rabbinic tradition against alter- aprofound influence on Christian Bible transla- native interpretations of scripture, such as those tions, such the Authorised Version of 1611. And in advanced by Christians. recent times forms of Christian ministry and Chris- The relationship between Rabbinic Judaism and tian religious community have had a considerable Christianity, both of which have their roots in the impact on the rabbinate and the synagogue in the religious diversity of late Second Temple Judaism, western world, particularly in Progressive Judaism. hasuntilrecentlybeendominatedbymutualantag- The fact that Rabbinic Judaism has survived for onism. In the opening centuries of the common 2,000 years, despite dispersion, persecution and its era both fought for the hearts and minds of Jews. lack of a strong, centralised organisation, testifies The rabbis largely succeeded in neutralising the to its resilience and an adaptability that includes Christian mission to Israel, successfully categoris- reacting to and to a certain extent being influenced ing the Christians as ‘heretics’ (minim – see birkat by Christianity. PHILIP ALEXANDER ha-minim)tobeexcluded from the synagogue and Rachel Jewish social life. The Christians, in turn, when they Biblical figure, sister of Leah, second wife of Jacob. found themselves in a position of political power Rachel’s status as Jacob’s preferred wife according

367 Rashi

to the biblical narrative has factored into her role in (teshuvah leminim), and his introductory com- the Jewish–Christian relationship. ments to each book of the Pentateuch stress God’s Like all the biblical ancestors in the book of continuing love for Israel.Inthe introduction to Genesis, the narratives about Rachel and her rela- the Song of Songs Rashi emphasises that Israel will tionship with her family members reflect later endure ‘exile after exile’ and how much God still socio-political relationships in ancient Israel.She loves them. Rashi and his disciples were a source is Jacob’s favourite, and as the mother of two sons, for the twelfth-century canons of St Victor (see Joseph and Benjamin, she represents an exalted Victorines), who renewed emphasis on the literal strain of later Israelite polity. Rachel is one of the senseofscriptureasthebasisforChristiantheology. four biblical matriarchs who is mentioned with Nicholas of Lyra quotes the commentaries of Rashi some frequency in Jewish liturgy. Although in bib- throughout his comprehensive Postillae perpet- lical genealogies her name appears in birth order uae on the Hebrew Bible. Through Lyra’s writings, after her sister’s, in Jewish liturgy her name appears Rashi became an important source for Luther’s first before her elder sister Leah’s name. In con- exegesis. MICHAEL A. SIGNER trast to her role in Judaism, Rachel does not fig- Ratisbonne, Theodore (1802–84) and Alphonse ure prominently in Christian liturgical tradition or (1814–84) theological thought, although she has been, along The Ratisbonne brothers were born into a wealthy, with other figures from Genesis, a favourite subject assimilated Jewish family in Strasbourg, Alsace. of artists. Among others, the Church Father Com- Theodore was baptised a Catholic in 1827 and modian (third century CE) viewed Rachel as a type ordained a priest in 1830. Alphonse was baptised of the Church; her older sister Leah with her weak in 1842, after having a vision of the Virgin Mary eyes is negatively depicted as a type of the Syna- in Rome, and soon after entered the Jesuits.At gogue (Instructiones 39). This contrasting depiction this same time Theodore was founding the Sisters between two women, one positive and one nega- of Sion.In1852 Alphonse left the Jesuits in order tive, is also seen in medieval iconography in Chris- to join his brother. The two, although believing tian art and architecture in the Ecclesia/Synagoga that Jews should accept Jesus Christ and formally figures. Not all Christian interpretations of Leah enter the Church, insisted on a particular love of and Rachel reflect such supersessionism, however. the Jewish people, the Jewish origins of Christian- In Contra Faustum Augustine looked upon Leah ity and the Jewish identity of Jesus, long before as a type of the active life, and Rachel, the con- this became widely accepted in the Church. They templative. This interpretation influenced subse- also dissuaded the Sisters from active proselytism. quent patristic and medieval commentators. The While Theodore directed the growth of the Congre- supposed site of Rachel’s tomb between Jerusalem gation in France, Alphonse established the Congre- and Bethlehem has been a pilgrimage site for both gation in Jerusalem, where three centres were built Jews and Christians through the ages. between 1856 and 1878. JUDITH H. NEWMAN See also Ratisbonne, Pontifical Institute Rashi (1040–1105) DAVID M. NEUHAUS Rabbi Solomon ben Isaac of Troyes. Rashi is the Ratisbonne, Pontifical Institute founder of the Northern French School of exege- Institute for Jewish studies. Its unique status sis. His commentaries on almost the entire Hebrew as (since 1998) a pontifically established insti- Bible and most tractates of the Talmud continue tution and its location in Jerusalem made it a to serve as normative understanding of these fun- significant point of encounter for the Catholic damental works of Rabbinic Judaism.Atthe core Church with the Jewish people. Alphonse Ratis- of Rashi’s hermeneutics is an attempt to balance bonne erected the building in 1873 as a school. With the peshat, the plain meaning of the text, with the the changes in orientation of the Roman Catholic derash, the multiple levels of rabbinic interpreta- Church towards the Jewish people in the 1960s, tion. Comments about Christian interpretations of Ratisbonne Institute became an international ecu- scripture appear both explicitly and by implica- menical centre for the study of Judaism under the tion in Rashi’s biblical exegesis. The commentary directionoftheFathersofSion.Itslocationandlinks on Psalms has several ‘answers to the Christians’ with the Hebrew University facilitated the setting

368 Redemption

up of a programme of Jewish studies for Christian paying a ransom price to a temporal ruler to obtain students, ensuring an authentic meeting with the physical security. However, in religious usage the Jewish living and textual traditions. Former stu- term describes personal and collective efforts to dents have promoted Jewish–Christian dialogue gain divine deliverance from sin, oppression or and positive teaching on the Jews within their local slavery. churches. In 2002 the Vatican closed Ratisbonne While both faiths affirm God as the Ultimate and transferred its activities to the Cardinal Bea Redeemer, and employ the same term, ‘redemp- Center at the Gregorian University in Rome, which tion’, there are clear differences between Jews aims to continue the Institute’s aims. and Christians that have implications for inter- DAVID M. NEUHAUS religious relations. Traditional Christianity asserts Recognition theology that because humans are born ‘in sin’, they can In the last several decades a growing group of achieveredemptiononlythroughbeliefinthevicar- Christian theologians have advocated a transfor- ious saving power of Jesus.Jews, however, believe mation of Christian understanding of the relation- redemption requires the faithful performance of ship between Judaism and Christianity and have God’s commandments (miz. vot in Hebrew) and sought to overturn the traditional Christian views the lifelong study of Torah. There are significant of supersessionism and replacement.Recognition differences among Christians as to whether Jesus theology, as the name suggests, is based on the brought a redemption that is ‘complete, integral in recognitionbyChristiansthatJudaismhasacontin- all points, perfect and truly admirable’ (Council of uing role in God’s plan of revelation and salvation, Trent (1545–63)), or whether there is redemptive and that Judaism is a valid and valuable path to predestination: ‘that salvation is freely offered [by God and a partner with Christianity in God’s plan. God] to some, and others are prevented from attain- These theologians recognise that the Jewish roots ing it’ (Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion, of Christianity are essential to Christianity and that 1559). Unlike Christianity’s emphasis on individual Christianity is unintelligible without them. They redemption, Judaism stresses ge’ulah for the entire recognise that Jesus lived and died as a Jew, that Jewish people, a development that began with the God’s covenant with the Jewish people endures for- biblical exodus from Egyptian servitude, but is yet ever, and that Judaism is a living and vibrant faith to be fulfilled. today. They acknowledge and abhor the evil Chris- Despite the differences between Christians and tians have done in the name of supersessionism. Jews, the two communities theologically intersect Recognition theologians insist that accepting these on some aspects of redemption. In recent years positions is essential to a coherent and credible the- Jews have stressed the concept of tikkun olam or ology.The greatest challenge these theologians face ‘the mending/repair of the world’ as an active tan- is integrating these positions into the rest of their gible means of achieving redemption. The concept theology. of perfecting human society has resonated among ‘Recognition theology’ is not the only name for those Christians who emphasise spiritual redemp- this movement; it is also called ‘theology of con- tion in this life. Although Judaism does not accept tinuity’, ‘(Christian) theology of Israel’, ‘theology the Christian concept of original sin,itdoes recog- of the Jewish–Christian reality’ and so on. The nise that sin is ubiquitous in human existence. most prolific and influential recognition theolo- Redemption from sin involves confession to God, gians include A. Roy Eckardt (1918–98), Eugene followed by sincere regret, and finally teshuvah or Fisher (b. 1943), F.-W. Marquardt (1928–2002), John repentance,astrong resolve not to repeat the sin. Pawlikowski(b.1940),PaulvanBuren(1924–98)and This is the redemptive theme of Yom Kippur, the Clark Williamson (b. 1935). JOANN SPILLMAN DayofAtonement.Many Christians have been Reconstructionist Judaism see Progressive influenced by Martin Buber, who reflects basic Judaism Jewish thinking in his The Two Foci of the Jewish Redemption Soul (1930) by recognising ‘that God’s redeeming The concept of redemption (redemptio in Latin or power is at work and at all times, but that a state ge’ulahinHebrew)playsacentralroleinbothChris- of redemption exists nowhere and never...ina tianity and Judaism. Its original meaning refers to world which still remains unredeemed’. Similarly,

369 Reform Judaism

the Christian theologian Reinhold Niebuhr (1892– outspokeninhiscondemnationofbloodlibelaccu- 1971) has influenced Jewish religious thinkers with sations against the Jews, as well as in his criticism his emphasis on the omnipresence of sin in this life of Luther’slate VomShem Hamphoras (‘Concerning and his insistence on pursuing a vigorous course the Ineffable Name’). Reformers in Switzerland, of human action to confront that condition as a especially Calvin, took somewhat more positive means of achieving redemption. Niebuhr taught views of Judaism. In Zurich Zwingli launched a that religion must redeem society from the sins of reform movement through a series of sermons the economic, social and political spheres, calling attacking fasting, celibacy and other abuses of the his redemptive actions ‘Christian Realism’. Church. Zwingli saw the Lord’s Supper not as a rep- A. JAMES RUDIN etition of Christ’s sacrifice, as Luther did, but as a Reform Judaism see Progressive Judaism remembrance of that sacrifice made for all. Zwingli Reformation taught that God’s covenant with Adam was fun- The Reformation has been called one of the great- damental and of benefit for all humankind. It was est revolutions in the history of Western thought. renewed for the people of Israel through Abraham, It broke the religious monopoly of the Roman and Abraham anticipated God’s saving act in Jesus Catholic Church for all foreseeable time and intro- Christ for their faith was essentially the same. When duced many alternative theologies and Churches. the early Church abandoned Judaic ceremonies While generally considered to have been initiated and undertook the mission to the Gentiles it was by the compelling ideas and actions of Martin reaffirming the universal character of the covenant Luther in German areas, another movement of with Adam. Heinrich Bullinger (1504–75) carried reform was taking place in Switzerland under Hul- Zwingli’s idea about the covenant with Adam and dreichZwingli(1484–1531)followedbyJohnCalvin. the unity of salvation further when he held that Still others would emerge in the early to mid- the covenant made with Abraham was directed to sixteenth century.Most reformers retained the anti- all people, not just Israel. Since God’s saving act thetical and conversionist attitudes toward Jews in Christ can only be understood in that frame- and Judaism of previous centuries. Certainly this work, the Old Covenant is the interpreter of the was true for Luther and for his early colleague New. Calvin insisted on the value of the Torah in Martin Bucer (1491–1551). Bucer advised Land- its teaching about God’s will and human duties. grave Philipp of Hesse in 1538–9 that he should Further, he insisted that God had not abrogated deprive Jews of everything but the bare means his covenant with Israel. Calvin’s theology was pre- of existence so that they would see their errors eminent in shaping the Reformed Church in its and convert to Christianity, since NewTestament theology and structure as it spread into France, admonitions for tolerance applied only to Jewish Holland, Germany, Hungary, Poland, England and Christians.Justus Jonas (1493–1555) held that Jews Scotland. Adding to the ferment of the Reforma- had been led astray by Talmudic hair-splitting, just tion were Anabaptists, Sabbatarians and Christian as Christians had by scholastic subtleties. Each Hebraists. could be won to Reform, Christians by recovery See also Protestantism ALICE L. ECKARDT of their holy scriptures, Jews by the unadulter- Reformation Churches see Leuenberg Church ated Tanakh. He lauded the ‘doctors of theology’ Fellowship who existed among biblical Israelites, and held that Reformation, Jewish see Progressive Judaism Christians are guests in the house of Abraham Reformed Churches see Leuenberg Church as latecomers to the promise of God. In some- Fellowship; Protestantism; Reformation what similar fashion Wolfgang Capito (1478–1541) Relics believed that the ancient tradition was sound but Relics refer to both the material remains of a holy that contemporary Jews had lost sight of those early person after their death and to objects that come truths by following human reason rather than the into contact with those remains. The Greek word word of God. He denied that Jews were demon- leipsana and the classical Latin word reliquiae possessed or were plotting to overthrow nations, mean any mortal remains; only later does the word and urged they be treated with kindness and com- assume religious connotations. The origin of the passion. Andreas Osiander (1498–1552) was also practice of relics is to be found in the veneration of

370 Religious education

the dead, a common practice in many religions and tion because it was not an ethnos and because it cultures. This veneration often focused on the place lacked the ancestral pedigree of the Jews. Pliny’s of burial, where monuments were erected and reli- (c.61–c.113 CE) letter to the emperor Trajan (r. 98– gious gatherings were held. In Judaism special hon- 117) (Ep. Tra. 10) famously captures this change in our was paid to the tombs of the patriarchs. Early Roman perception. The surviving writings of early Christians also honoured the burial places of their Christian apologists suggest that Christians made holy ones, especially the martyrs;inChristianity,by significant efforts to secure for themselves the same the fourth century in the East and the eighth cen- kind of religious protection that had traditionally tury in the West, as the bodies of the martyrs were been extended to the Jews. This effort was not suc- moved to shrines and churches for a variety of rea- cessful until the conversion of Constantine in the sons, the focus of veneration shifted from the place fourth century. JOHN J. O’KEEFE of burial to the remains themselves. The moving Religion of bodies was often seen as a barbaric practice by Historically, the category ‘religion’ is almost entirely Jewish writers and other non-Christian commenta- alien to the Jewish–Christian encounter. There is, tors. While for Judaism many tombs were and are for example, no straightforward translation of the still venerated, they were not promoted by Jewish word ‘religion’in Hebrew.The two words that some- leaders in the same way Christian leaders promoted times are translated as ‘religion’ are dati, which the tombs of their saints, though the pilgrimages means observance, and emunah, which means of some hasidic groups to the tombs of their rabbis faith. There are significant differences between mirror the Christian practice of pilgrimage to par- Christianity and Judaism that the term ‘religion’can ticularly important shrines on the feast-day of the obscure. For example, beliefs in the terms of a creed saint or even throughout the year. are extremely important in Christianity, while prac- LIAM M. TRACEY ticeismuchmoreimportantinJudaism.Indeed,the Religio licita case can be made that it was only the rise of Islam The phrase religio licita was coined by Tertullian that forced Judaism to start articulating a distinc- (Apol. 21.1) to refer to Roman tolerance of Judaism tive creed, perhaps with the 13 principles of faith as a ‘permitted religion’.The phrase was not used by formulated by Maimonides in the twelfth century. the Romans themselves. Judaism, as Tertullian cor- Before this it was story and practice that mattered: rectly observes, enjoyed a special status in imperial the stories of ‘covenant’ and the obligation to be legislation. Generally, the Romans did not interfere ‘Torah-observant’ were the defining features of the with the religious practices of conquered people; Jewish faith. they were content to add new deities to the existing Yetofcourse the very fact that Jewish–Christian pantheon and continually to expand the pluralis- dialogue can be described as ‘interreligious dia- tic religious environment of the Empire. The Jews logue’ reveals that the word has become important. offered a particular challenge because their strict The word ‘religion’ has a Latin root religio, which monotheism prevented them from accommodat- captures a sense of fear or awe invoked by a god or ing themselves to Roman pluralistic attitudes. How- spirit. However, it has come to describe a generic ever, because the Romans respected the antiquity commitment to any faith tradition. Thus in popu- of the Jews as a people, they were willing to concede lar usage the term implies that both Judaism and specialstatustothemwhenitcametoreligiousmat- Christianity are ‘religions’ (i.e. systems of belief and ters. This accommodation was not without friction, practice that require the worship of a transcendent and the Jews had to work hard to maintain it. deity), and it is in this sense that the term ‘interre- When Christianity appeared on the scene the ligious dialogue’isused. IAN MARKHAM Romans tended to lump Christians together with Religious education Jews. Suetonius (c.70–140 CE) reports that Claudius The education of most Christians and Jews over the expelled the Jews from Rome because of distur- ages has generally contributed to the development bances caused by ‘Chrestus’ (Claud. 25.4). Eventu- of an oppositional identity; both traditions have ally, in part through the protests of the Jewish com- fostered in their adherents a self-understanding munity, Roman authorities recognised Christianity that contrasted with an oversimplified notion of as a new sect that was not subject to legal protec- the other. Christians have typically been taught that

371 Religious Society of Friends

the divine promises made to the Jews were fulfilled tion in ways not possible in homogeneous settings. in Christ, whom the Jews rejected and crucified. Moreover, the recent educational thrust toward Judaism was thus a religion of the past, a prepara- multiculturalism and religious pluralism tends to tion for Christianity, which superseded it. Jews have overlook the specificity of relations between Jews characteristically learned that Christianity, with its and Christians. doctrine of the Trinity and claims about the divine The Internet offers rich resources for deepen- status of Jesus,isidolatry. The bitter legacy of anti- ing understanding of the Jewish–Christian rela- Judaism and antisemitism,moreover, made Jews tionship, often in collaboration with the various sceptical of Christianity’s moral integrity and wary centres for Jewish–Christian relations that have of Christians. been established in recent years (see, e.g., www. A number of factors make possible a different jcrelations.net and www.bc.edu/research/cjl). In a religious education today. The Shoah (Holocaust) world in which too many peoples learn their reli- challenged theology in a radical way. Vatican II gious tradition in ways that inadequately define set in motion a serious re-examination by many (and even demonise) the religious other, the Churches of their teaching about Jews and Judaism. progress in relations between Jews and Christians A burgeoning field of biblical scholarship opened is powerfully instructive. MARY C. BOYS new avenues for understanding the complexities Religious Society of Friends see Quakers of Christian origins in relation to Second Tem- Remembrance ple Judaism. Important studies challenged the The cycle of the religious year as well as lifecy- anti-Jewish theologies that had shaped Christian cle events in Judaism and Christianity all con- self-understanding. Jewish agencies worked in tain elements of remembrance by which Jews and tandem with ecumenical and interreligious offices Christians are called to place themselves in the sponsored by the Churches. Synagogues and history of their respective communities. History, Churches initiated programmes and publications in this context, can mean different things. While as resources for teachers and preachers. Friend- it may mean the history of communities,recall- ships formed: Jews and Christians studied with ing events that are thought especially important each other, worked on collaborative projects and to shape the mindset of subsequent generations, engaged in dialogue in both formal and informal other elements include the history of ideas, such settings. as concepts important for the development of faith Scholars in the field of religious education itself and expectations of salvation.Since most Christian initiated studies of the way textbooks presented the festivals are modelled on aspects of Jewish fes- other tradition. These studies, first appearing in the tivals (Easter–Pesach, followed after 50 days by early 1960s in the United States, in Europe in the Pentecost–Shavuot), the different ways in which the mid-1970s, and with further analyses in the US in seasons of the year are invested with meaning by the late 1970s and mid-1990s, gave impetus to more Jews and Christians offer insights into interfaith accurate texts for many Roman Catholic and main- relations. How Jews were and are now portrayed, line Protestants. Other scholars focused on devel- for example, in the liturgies of Lent and Easter, opmentsinbiblicalstudiesandtheologythatneces- has been an important point in interfaith dialogue sitated replacing the supersessionist paradigm of in recent decades, where the impact of Vatican II salvation history so influential in Christian educa- and subsequent documents has been particularly tion with a more nuanced framework for interpret- significant. (Jewish portrayals of Christians in litur- ing scripture. Continuing education opportunities gical events are not common.) The remembrance for teachers have deepened their grasp of changes of historical events occurring in the lifetime of in texts, as well as involved them in the dramatic, present-day communities is a matter of religious if painstaking, work of rethinking previous under- controversy, as demonstrated by the difficulties of standings. In some cases Jewish and Christian edu- finding ways of commemorating the Holocaust in cators study together, confronting some of the dif- Jewish and Christian communities. While for parts ficult and delicate questions history and theology of the Jewish community the inclusion of a separate raise. Such interreligious learning has enabled par- Holocaust remembrance in the liturgical calendar ticipants to gain understandings of the other tradi- is halakhically difficult, Christians struggle with the

372 Renaissance

difficulty of remembering members of their own would return. This view provided the theologi- communities as perpetrators, bystanders and vic- cal basis for modern Christian Zionism.Today tims. there are many manifestations of remnant the- See also Carmelite controversy; Holocaust Memo- ology, embodying differences over issues such as rial Days; memorialisation; museums the conversion of the Jewish people. While influ- K. HANNAH HOLTSCHNEIDER ential groups such as the International Christian Remnant theology Embassy in Jerusalem publicly speak out against Remnant theology proposes the continuity evangelical activity among Jews, others, such as the between the Hebrew scriptures and the New Church’s Ministry among Jewish People, actively Testament in terms of the ongoing election of the encourageJewishconversiontoChristianity.Never- Jewish people. Although it claims biblical roots, theless, all groups holding remnant theology agree notably Romans 9–11,remnant theology is a much that the modern State of Israel is intrinsically later development, and its origins can be traced related to the Israel of biblical prophecy and a direct back to the desire of seventeenth-century English fulfilment of it. Puritans to study the scriptures in their original See also millenarianism EDWARD KESSLER languages. Whilst there were sufficient Latin Renaissance and Greek scholars, few had an understanding In general terms, the Renaissance of the fourteenth of Hebrew, and Puritans sought guidance not and fifteenth centuries denotes a revival of culture from Calvinists, but from rabbis, notably from which marked the end of the Middle Ages. It was an Amsterdam. This resulted not only in a greater era in which the ancient world was rediscovered. knowledge of Hebrew, but in a new understanding Part of the drive to restore the vanished splendours of covenant, and perhaps also contributed to Jews of the past was a renewed interest in classical litera- being encouraged to return to live in England. ture. This enthusiasm for antiquity was expressed in Remnant theology rejected classical replacement the humanist battle cry ad fontes (back to the orig- theology by arguing that God’s covenant with the inal sources), which was reflected in the Christian people of Israel was eternal, a view that parallels theologians’ rejection of scholasticism. contemporary Christian teaching that the covenant The revival of learning profoundly affected between God and the Jewish people is ‘irrevocable’ Jewish–Christian relations, primarily through the (cf. Rom. 11.25). development of Hebrew scholarship among Chris- In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries the tians (see Hebraists, Christian). Acknowledgement Brethren movement, influenced by dispensation- of Hebrew as one of the three historical languages alist eschatology,argued that the rejection of Jesus of the West, alongside Latin and Greek, had sev- by the majority of Judaism only postponed God’s eral significant results. First, the teaching of Hebrew promises for Israel until Christ’s second coming. was placed on an official footing. Between 500 This parousia would bring in the millennial reign CE and 1450 CE very few Gentiles had under- of Christ, during which time all God’s plans for taken detailed study of the language. However, Israel would be restored and come to full fruition. by the beginning of the sixteenth century it was The book Israel my Glory (1889) by John Wilkinson rapidly becoming a recognised part of every bibli- (1824–1907) was highly influential at the beginning cal scholar’s training. Initially, Christian humanists of the twentieth century, not least on many politi- received instruction privately from Jews: Manetti cians, including Arthur Balfour (1848–1930), and in (d. 1459), Pico della Mirandola,Egidio of Viterbo shaping the British government’s support for the (1469–1532) and Reuchlin all had Jewish teachers. establishment of a homeland for the Jewish people Such cooperation became one of the chief char- in Palestine (see Balfour Declaration). acteristics of humanistic scholarship in Italy.But The political consequences of remnant theology if Hebrew was to be taken seriously it had to be have been considerable. As the biblical covenant included in the academic curriculum at universi- referred to both land and people, there was a ties. It had to be taught by competent teachers reassessment of attitudes towards Palestine, view- andsupportedbyenthusiasticpatrons.Suchofficial ing it as the rightful homeland of the Jewish peo- recognition is a mark of the Renaissance. Reuch- ple to which God would eventually ensure Jews lin spent most of his life as professor of Hebrew

373 Repentance

at Tubingen,¨ Jerome Busleiden (d. 1517) endowed Christians derive their notion of repentance the Collegium Trilingue at Louvain, and Robert partly from these concepts, but also from the exam- Wakefield (d. 1537) was the first salaried Hebrew ple of Jesus in the Gospels. There, Jesus depicts lecturer at Cambridge. Second, the study of Hebrew God as a father who welcomes home his prodi- undermined the traditional reverence for the Vul- gal son (Luke 15.11–32) returning in sorrow for his gate as a translation of the scriptures. Jerome’s ver- misdeeds. While this image is consistent with the sion was less readily accepted as the final authority Judaism of his day, Jesus’ later placing of himself in textual matters because knowledge of Hebrew uniquely in the role of the forgiver of sins (Matt. 9.5– gave scholars direct access to the OldTestament 6) was considered blasphemy by onlookers (Luke in its original form. This eventually led to a drive 5.21). His teaching on repentance emphasises first by Catholics and Protestants for fresh and inde- the mercy of God over the judgement of others and pendent Latin translations based on the hebraica suggests that the social condition of the sinner nei- veritas.Among them are those of Pagninus (1470– ther guarantees nor inhibits true repentance, for 1536), Muntzer¨ (1489–1552), Jud (1482–1542) and example with prostitutes and adulteresses who turn Tremellius (1510–80), all of which feature promi- from sin (Luke 7.44–50; John 8.11), or tax collectors nently as channels of Hebrew scholarship in the and brigands (Luke 19.1–10; 23.39–42; 7.50; 23.43). lineage of the English Bible. Third, Christians began In some cases sin remains due to the self-deceit of to take a serious interest in post-biblical Jewish lit- the sinner (John 9.41). True repentance is known as erature. Pico and Reuchlin pioneered the Christian metanoia,or‘achange of heart’ and is not equiv- study of the Kabbalah, primarily because they were alent to mere ‘remorse’, which must precede it (cf. convinced that Jewish mystical teaching could be Matt. 27.3 and Luke 12.10); failure to repent risks employed to reinforce Christian convictions, but God’sjudgement (Luke 13.5). Early Christians, such also because they believed in the practical value as Paul of Tarsus, taught identically on the mercy of of the Kabbalah as a means of making contact God (cf. Rom. 2.4 and 2 Cor. 7.9–11) and sorrow over with the celestial world and enlisting the help of sin for true repentance. angelic powers. A knowledge of Hebrew gave Chris- Following the separation of Jews and Christians, tians access also to the writings of Rashi, Kimhi, repentance becomes more distinctive in each com- Ibn Ezra and other medieval rabbinic exegetes. munity. The loss of the Temple and the rise of rab- Sixteenth-century scholars who produced Latin binic teaching brought the concept of teshuvah to and vernacular translations of the scriptures were the fore, concentrating on the question, How can greatly assisted by the explanations of textual diffi- wrongdoing be made right? Talmudic discussion culties provided in Jewish biblical commentaries. affirmed the mercy of God as the only one who can In sum, the humanists of Renaissance Europe forgive sins, especially when repentance is made laid durable foundations for the development of from love and not from fear alone (b. Yoma 86b). Hebrew scholarship and enabled Christians to Christian notions, however, developed in conjunc- appreciate the mystical and exegetical traditions of tion with a belief that baptism marked true repen- the Jews. GARETH LLOYD JONES tance, after which only one repentance from sin Repentance was allowed (cf. Herm. Mand. 4.1.8; Tertullian, Jews and Christians share certain biblical notions Paen. 7.9.10). Emphasising the role of the priest regarding repentance, but also diverge sharply on in forgiving sins in the name of Jesus, Christian this concept in their respective traditions. For Jews, ideas on repentance centred on reconciliation with biblical teaching comprises two acts that must be the Church and atonement for punishment (owed realised in the repentant sinner: true sorrowing for both in this life and the next) through ascetic sin (2 Sam. 13.13), and putting an end to evildoing, practices. while at least beginning to do good (Ps. 24.4). This Tragically, many Christians saw the collective is captured in the Hebrew verb shwb (‘to return’), guilt of Jews for the death of Jesus (see deicide, whereby repentance is understood as a ‘change of charge of)tobethe same as an ‘unrepentant direction’ of the heart (Ezek. 18.31; Jer. 4.4) or will. Judaism’.Consequently, Jews were made to ‘repent’ Eventually, the rabbinic concept of teshuvah would through forced baptism, especially during the come to summarise this doctrine. Crusades, despite official Church bans on this

374 Replacement theology

practice. Inevitably, these false conversions were lost their validity with the birth of the Church which marked by remorse and the need to ‘reconvert’, offered the old benefits in a new and superior form. occasioning Jewish and Christian literature that While the two perspectives are compatible, and deplored forced baptism unto repentance and rein- indeed are often found side by side in the same stated affected Jews (cf. Maimonides’ Mishneh authors, their emphases differ. The first portrays Torah). In 1965 Vatican II formally repudiated the the Jewish people as disobedient in fact, while the notion that Jews are cursed or forsaken by God second portrays the Jewish covenant as obsolete in in retribution for their supposed killing of Jesus principle. In modern times the second view has (Nostra Aetate no. 4). In his Lenten liturgy of repen- been especially prominent among apologetically tance for 2000, and subsequently in his visit to minded theologians who have advocated a devel- Israel,Pope John Paul II repented of Christian opmental or progressivist interpretation of Chris- injuries against Jews, asking for forgiveness and the tian faith (e.g. Schleiermacher (1768–1834), Hegel, acceptance of true repentance. Harnack). See also penance/penitence Although a re-evaluation began in the first half DENNIS D. MCMANUS of the twentieth century, it was the Holocaust that Replacement theology prompted many Christians and Christian denom- Replacement theology has entered the parlance of inations in Europe and North America to embark contemporary theology in recent decades to refer upon an unprecedented critical examination of to the traditional Christian teaching that with the Christianity’s traditional teachings regarding the coming of Jesus Christ the Church has taken the Jewish people. A major outcome of this reassess- place of the Jewish people as God’s elect commu- ment has been the formation of a broad (though nity. The term is substantially equivalent to super- not universal) consensus regarding the inadequacy sessionism, and the two terms are sometimes used of replacement theology, which is now perceived interchangeably. Both designate a theological per- to have formed the linchpin of Christianity’s his- spective that interprets Christian faith generally toric ‘teaching of contempt’ toward Jews. Accord- and the status of the Church in particular so as to ingly, the identification, analysis and repudiation of claim or imply the abrogation or obsolescence of replacement theology have occupied a prominent God’s covenant with the Jewish people. place among Christians seeking to put the Church’s Replacementtheologytookshapeduringthesec- relationship to the Jewish people on a new theologi- ond century CE, based upon a selective and embel- cal footing. However, there is less agreement among lished reading of the NewTestament, and was Christians about what replaces replacement theol- a generally accepted staple of Christian theology ogy. Clearly, the rejection of replacement theology from the third century onward. Christian theolo- entails some affirmation of the continuing validity gians found various ways to express the central idea of God’scovenant with the Jewish people. But Chris- that the Church had supplanted the Jewish people tians differ about the implications of the rejection and henceforth was the true Israel (verus Israel)of of replacement theology for other central Christian God. Some (e.g. Justin Martyr, Tertullian)empha- doctrines such as the Trinity, the person and work sised the persistent failure and disobedience of the of Jesus Christ and the universality of the Church’s Jewish people, culminating in their crucifixion of mission. Pioneering among Europeans has been Jesus and rejection of the Easter gospel. According the work of the Roman Catholic Franz Mussner to this view God finally cast off unbelieving Jews (b. 1916) and the Protestant Friedrich-Wilhelm because of their sins and gave their inheritance to Marquardt (1928–2002), who have appealed in dif- another people, the Gentile Church. Others (e.g. ferent ways for a renewed appreciation of the Jewish Melito of Sardis, Augustine)emphasised the idea roots and dimensions of all aspects of Christian that God had always intended the Jewish covenant faith. In North America the dominant voices of the to be temporary in character, an earthly foreshad- 1970s and 80s (e.g. Rosemary Ruether (b. 1936), owing of heavenly goods to be made available in A. Roy Eckhart (1918–98), Paul van Buren (1924–98)) the Church. On this perspective the distinguish- argued that a thoroughgoing rejection of replace- ing features of Israel’s covenant (temple, sacrifices, ment theology requires a corresponding rejec- participation through carnal descent etc.) naturally tion of certain doctrines traditionally regarded as

375 Resurrection narratives

constitutive of Christian identity by the ecumenical resurrection at the end time became one of the hall- church (e.g. that Jesus is the Christ). Since then the- marks of Pharisaic piety and the subject of their ologians on both sides of the Atlantic have increas- fierce debates with the Sadducees, who rejected ingly embraced the view that the most promising such notions of afterlife. avenue for future exploration lies in reinterpreting The New Testament resurrection narratives can ratherthanrejectingtraditionalaffirmationsinlight be understood only against this Jewish apocalyptic of the Church’snew understanding of God’scontin- background:theJewswhobecamedisciplesofJesus ued fidelity to God’s covenant with Israel (see post- were convinced that God had vindicated his righ- suspersessionism; recognition theology). teous life and raised him from the dead, ushering in R. KENDALL SOULEN the final New Age. Two different types of resurrec- Resurrection narratives tion stories circulated among Christians: appear- Influenced by the Jewish pharisaic belief in a future ance stories and empty tomb stories. The earli- resurrection, the NewTestament ‘resurrection nar- est New Testament tradition is attested in Paul’s ratives’ are stories in the Gospels of Matthew (Matt. creedal statement in 1 Cor. 15.5–8, but because Paul 28.1–20), Luke (Luke 24.1–51), John (John 20–1), did not mention the empty tomb, only a list of and the later ending of Mark (Mark 16.9–20) that appearances, some scholars claim that the empty describe Jesus’ followers coming to the tomb and tomb narratives developed later and had a distinct finding it empty, narrate appearances of Jesus after apologetic function to counter Jewish claims that his death and burial, and as a consequence of these the body of Jesus had been stolen. In keeping with experiences proclaim the belief that Jesus was vin- this apologetic function, Matthew’s Gospel alone dicated and raised by God from the dead. Earlier narrates the posting of a guard at the tomb (Matt. NewTestament traditions about the resurrection 27.62–6).Othersseeinthestoriesoftheemptytomb of Jesus appear already in the Pauline and post- the earliest Christian attestation of bodily resurrec- Pauline letters in the form of creedal statements tion and Jesus’ victory over death. Despite differ- and hymns (e.g. 1 Cor. 15.3–4; Phil. 2.6–11; Rom. ences in the New Testament accounts, the constant 4.24; 8.11; Gal. 1.1; Eph. 1.20; Col. 2.12; 1 Pet. 1.21; Christian affirmation stands firm: ‘the tomb was cf. Rom. 10.9) that celebrate Jesus’ life, death, res- empty and he is alive!’ urrection and ascension to God. Although belief in God’s power to bring to life ForJew as well as Christian belief in an afterlife those who have died is a conviction shared by Jews is fundamentally a consequence of firm confidence (for example, the Amidah states, ‘Blessed are You, in God’s judgement on evildoers and in the divine OLord,reviverofthedead’)aswellasChristians,the providential care for righteous humankind. In belief in the resurrection of Jesus is a key dividing Jewish tradition Enoch (Gen. 5.24) and the prophet line between the two religions. Elijah (2 Kgs 2.1–15) were rewarded for their piety BARBARA E. BOWE andwere‘takentoGod’inmysteriouswaysthatpre- Reuchlin, Johannes (1455–1522) figure later resurrection beliefs. Ezekiel’s prophetic German lawyer and Hebraist. Reuchlin’s interest in vision of the ‘dry bones’ (Ezek. 37.1–14) similarly the language, mysticism and literature of the Jews attests to the conviction that God’spower can reviv- lies behind his lasting contribution to scholarship. ify even the dry, lifeless bones of the dead. The ear- Taught by a Jew, he became a proficient Hebraist. liest biblical attestation for a belief in resurrection, As professor of Hebrew at Tubingen¨ he published a however, usually turns to the texts of Daniel (Dan. grammar-cum-dictionary, De rudimentis hebraicis 12.1–3) and the ‘Isaian apocalypse’ (Isa. 26.19). (1506) and a treatise on accents, pronunciation and Daniel comes from the turbulent time of the Mac- synagogue music.Influenced by Pico della Miran- cabean revolt (167–161 BCE) and reflects the Jewish dola,hemade a detailed study of the Kabbalah, apocalyptic mood of the day with its belief that God which, he believed, confirmed Christian truth. He would soon intervene in the world, bringing it to published his views in De verbo mirifico (1494) and its final consummation. At the end time God would Deartecabbalistica(1517).Hisappreciationofpost- raise the dead bodies, pronounce judgement on the biblical Jewish literature emerged in a bitter contro- evilandthejust,andsentencethemtoeithereternal versy with the Dominicans which raged for almost punishment or eternal reward. This faith in bodily a decade. The Emperor Maximilian (1459–1519), at

376 Rhetoric

the instigation of the Dominicans, had ordered that very Word of God) and ‘non-propositional revela- all Hebrew books considered inimical to the Chris- tion’(that the revelation lies behind the text, located tian faith should be burned. Reuchlin came to the within the experience of those who wrote it – see defence of Jewish literature. His success in this ‘bat- J. Hick, Philosophy of Religion, 61–4). The proposi- tle of the books’ was a victory for Jews and Christian tional view is held by such people as James Packer humanists alike. (b. 1926) (Christian) and Norman Lamm (b. 1927) See also Hebraists, Christian; Renaissance (Jewish), while on the non-propositional side C. GARETH LLOYD JONES H. Dodd (1884–1973) (Christian) and A. J. Heschel Revelation (Jewish) line up together. The former position tends Christians in their encounter with Judaism have tobemuchmoresuspiciousofthehistorical-critical wanted to stress the recognition that Christianity approach to scripture (see biblical criticism), has built on the ‘revealing’ of God to Judaism. Both while the latter position is much more sympathetic traditions stress that knowledge of God depends on to it. IAN MARKHAM God ‘revealing’ Godself to humanity. The Hebrew Reverend word for revelation is nirah, which literally means An honorific, ordinarily associated with Christian ‘see’. While Christians want to see the NewTesta- clergy. First used in the Church in the fourteenth ment (literally ‘New Covenant’) build effortlessly century, and since the seventeenth century pre- on the OldTestament,Jews do not see the Hebrew fixed to the names of clergy as a formal title. It Bible as one uniform document. In Judaism all can be applied equally to men and women, as well of scripture is a testimony to the disclosure of as to those in religious orders. It has also been God in history in a variety of ways (prophets, used in Judaism in England and some Common- priests, kings and the written word). The Tanakh wealth countries where, before rabbinical diplomas is the preferred term for the Jewish scriptures; the were required for rabbis in the twentieth century, term is made up from the initial letters of Torah it was adopted to honour the spiritual leadership (the Pentateuch), Neviim (Prophets) and Ketuvim of those who served Jewish congregations. A stu- (Hagiographa). The ultimate revelation of God is dent of the London School of Jewish Studies (for- the Torah, which primarily refers to the Pentateuch merly London Jews College) still graduates, and (the first five books of the Bible), although the is qualified to accept a position, with a minis- word can apply to the teaching of a rabbi. In the ter’s diploma, which is less than the rabbinical Talmud the Torah is God’s blueprint for creation – diploma and carries with it the title ‘reverend’. In a text that predates the creation. Although written all other countries, and among Reform and Con- by Moses,itwas received from God and is therefore servative as well as Orthodox Jews, the only title infallible. borne by the spiritual leader is rabbi,except for In the encounter between Christianity and the Sephardi congregations, which use the title Judaism, the way that Christianity builds on the hakham. PHILIP CULBERTSON Hebrew Bible has been very contentious. Chris- Rhetoric tianity talks of the ‘revelation’ of God in the per- Rhetoric refers to the art of communication that son and work of Jesus of Nazareth. The Gospel of enables the speaker/writer to define a concern and John starts by proclaiming Christ as the Logos (the to frame a presentation that will effectively move an word) of God. The author is deliberately creating a audience towards a consensual goal. The impor- link between Jesus and God’s revelation in nature tance of rhetoric was grounded in the conviction (in Gen. 1, at the start of the Hebrew Bible), which that the meaning of the spoken and written word was brought about by the words of God. In addi- depended not only on what was stated, but also on tion, reformed Christians, in particular, talk about how it was declared. The teaching and preaching of the Bible as the Word of God. The crucial text here Christians and Jews that grew out of the Hellenis- is 1 Tim. 2.16: ‘all scripture is inspired by God’. tic world was profoundly indebted to the prevailing Christian and Jewish attitudes to the text have practices of rhetoric. The arguments Christians and shaped each other. In both traditions we find the Jews advanced within their own ranks, as well as the distinction between ‘propositional revelation’ (that conflictsthatemergedbetweenthesedivergentreli- in some sense the text or doctrinal formula is the gious communities, cannot be deciphered without

377 Rhineland Synod

careful regard for the rhetorical norms that shaped Chrysostom may have directed their arguments their discourse. against enemies within their ranks, these rhetor- The value of rhetoric depreciated in the wake ical texts can live many lives. What Nazis found of the Enlightenment as knowledge was increas- within Chrysostom’s sermons is certainly differ- ingly identified with observable fact. Rhetoric was ent from what Chrysostom’s congregation heard. reduced to nothing more substantial than an out- In contemporary controversies in Jewish–Christian croppingofsubjectivityanddisregardedasanorna- relations there are rhetorical expressions that carry mental expression of the imagination. In recent potent emotional payloads, and the deployment decadesliterarycriticshaverevivedculturalinterest of these terms can evoke explosive reactions, as in the dynamics of rhetoric by exploring the rela- evidenced in references to contested real estate tionship between language, persuasion, personal as either ‘Palestine’ or ‘Israel’, or in applying the knowledge, political/religious contexts and social name ‘Holocaust’asadescription of injustices and control. Rhetorical criticism has generated some atrocities other than those perpetrated during the fresh insights that have great bearing on Jewish– Nazi era. Readers will need to examine the ways in Christian relations. which different audiences receive rhetorical argu- Stanley Stowers (b. 1948), for example, demon- ments in different circumstances, and then scru- strates that a failure to understand the literary con- tinise the various purposes that these arguments text and the rhetorical purposes of Paul’s letter to serve. the Romans has generated some serious misun- See also polemics CHRISTOPHER M. LEIGHTON derstandings of Judaism. The traditional reading Rhineland Synod (1980) of Romans sees Paul as a critic of ‘Jewish legalism’ The statement of the Synod of the Evangelical and ‘Jewish ethnocentrism’. This rendering yields a Church in the Rhineland (EKiR) Towards a Renewal radical doctrine of sin that is said to overturn the of the Relationship between Christians and Jews ‘external’ character of Jewish observance and its is often praised as one of the most important empty promise of salvation.Stowers echoes Krister documents for Christian interpretation of Jewish– Stendahl’s (b. 1921) critique and argues that this Christian relations. It was the first statement of a interpretation of Romans reflects the concerns of German Protestant Church to recognise the the- Augustine and Luther, but has little to do with Paul ological importance of the subject. In the wake or the community he addressed. Instead, Stowers of the study Christians and Jews (1975), in which advocates a reading of Romans that identifies clas- the Evangelical Church in Germany focused on sical rhetorical conventions and reveals a Pauline the history of Jewish–Christian relations, the EKiR argument that enabled Gentile believers to stand formed a commission to draft a further docu- within the mystery of God’s purposes as an authen- ment, which was presented to the Synod in 1980, tic extension of the People of God, namely the accepted and recommended for study by Church people Israel. congregations. The commission had a number of Scholars are also applying the study of rhetoric to Jewish advisors, notably Rabbi Yehuda Aschke- patristic literature. Robert Wilken (b. 1936) demon- nasy (b. 1924). The statement outlines five areas strates the importance of rhetorical conventions in that are of concern for Jewish–Christian relations his analysis of John Chrysostom’s sermons Against (the Holocaust, the Bible, Jesus, the people of the Jews.Not only do contemporary readers need to God, and mission) and recommends conversa- understand that indictments of Judaism and the tions between Jews and Christians. Reactions to Jewish people are modelled on an established the statement were varied. Based on covenant the- rhetorical framework of invective, they also need ology, the statement assumes that Christians are to identify Chrysostom’s audience, most especially dependent on Jews for the development of their his opponents. Chrysostom developed an argu- own faith and identity, and hence need Jewish ment that condemns ‘Judaisers’ who are luring his partners in conversation in order to understand congregants into the observance of Jewish ritu- themselves. While many theologians and activists als, and he assails this dynamic within his con- in Jewish–Christian conversations welcomed this, gregation by attacking the vibrant religiosity to a few prominent professors of theology wrote a which these Judaisers are pointing. While Paul and letter of objection, suggesting that the statement

378 Righteousness

gave up fundamental Christian beliefs and assert- Righteousness ing that salvation could be attained only through The English word ‘righteousness’ is often used to Christ. The few Jewish reactions to the statement translate the Hebrew nouns z. edek and z. edekah, and were positive, recognising the enormity of the the- the Greek word dikaiosune.Its range of meanings ological step taken by the Synod and expressing encompasses the ethical, the state of acting in the hope for the future of Jewish–Christian relations. In correct or right manner, as well as the forensic, 1996 an addition to the constitution of the Rhenish where it indicates the acquittal or the vindication of Church was ratified which was suggested as a con- the person(s) involved. In both the Jewish and the sequence of the 1980 statement and which embeds Christian traditions righteousness is closely related Jewish–Christian relations in this Church’s self- to other concepts, such as justice, justification and definition. The constitution carries the following salvation. uniqueaddition:‘She[theEvangelicalChurchinthe In the Hebrew Bible righteousness has its basis Rhineland] confesses God’sfaithfulness, who holds in the covenant between God and his people. fast to the election of His people Israel. Together Righteousness characterises the people of Israel with Israel, she hopes for a new heaven and a new when they are obedient to the commandments earth.’ K. HANNAH HOLTSCHNEIDER (Ps. 18.20–24; Jer. 22.3; Ezek. 18.5–9, 25–29). The Righteous Gentiles prophets hoped for a future Davidic king whose Righteous Gentiles, or Righteous among the reignwouldbemarkedbyjusticeandrighteousness Nations, is a term originating in rabbinic literature, (Isa. 9.7; 11.1–5; Jer. 23.5; 33.15). The righteousness where it is applied to non-Jews who are good god- of God (Ps. 119.142) is displayed in his loyalty to fearing people. However, it is used today for those the covenant agreement (Neh. 9.8; Dan. 9.13–16), in non-Jews who risked their lives to save Jews during his judgements (Pss. 9.8; 119.137) and in his acts of the Holocaust and is often linked to a statement vindication and salvation (Ps. 71.2; Isa. 46.13; 51.5; from the Talmud that ‘a person who saves a life is 54.14; 62.1–2; Jer. 23.6). These senses of righteous- as if he saved an entire world’ (b. Sanhedrin 37a). ness are found in later Jewish literature. The Torah Since 1963 an Israeli commission has been charged itself can be described in terms of righteousness with the duty of awarding the honorary title Righ- (T. Dan 6.10), while those who follow its precepts teous among the Nations, and at Yad Vashem over are characterised by righteousness (Pss. Sol. 9.3; 1 11,000 ‘Righteous Gentiles’ are honoured, 5,000 of Macc. 2.29; Jub. 20.2–3). In the sectarian writings whom are Polish. from Qumran (see Dead Sea Scrolls), there is men- Examples of Christians who acted to rescue tion of the Teacher of Righteousness who taught a Jews include the Metropolitan Andrii Sheptytsk’kyi particular understanding of the Law (CD 20.28–33; (1865–1944) in Lvov, who hid about 150 Jews in 1QpHab 8.1–3). monasteries in eastern Galicia, and the French In the Christian tradition the Gospel of Matthew Huguenot pastor AndreTr´ ocme´ (1901–71), who stands firmly within contemporary Judaism by cou- converted the Huguenot village of Le Chambon into pling obedience to the Torah with righteousness. amountain hideout. Lay Catholics, such as the Ger- Jesus stipulates that the Law is to be obeyed in man Dr Gertrude Luckner (1900–95), who headed its entirety (Matt. 5.17–19), and he demands that the Caritas Catholics, also extended help to Jews the righteousness of his followers in fulfilling the and non-Aryan Christians in Germany.Inaddition Torahmust be superior to that of the scribes to active help, some clergymen protested the mis- and Pharisees (5.20). By contrast, Paul of Tarsus treatment and deportations of Jews as violations of is adamant that righteousness (or justification) divine and human laws. The Catholic pastor of St comes not through observance of the Law but Hedwig’s Cathedral in Berlin, Bernard Lichtenberg through faith in Christ alone (Phil. 3.9; cf. Rom. (1875–1943), prayed publicly for the Jews until his 9.30–1; 10.3–13). For Paul the righteousness of God arrest; he died on the way to Dachau. The rescue is manifested in his acts of salvation. It is revealed workofRighteousGentileshasbecomeincreasingly through faith in Christ and in his forgiveness of sin well documented and plays an important role in (Rom. 3.21–6; cf. 1.16–17). contemporary Holocaust remembrance. At the time of the Reformation the Pauline view EDWARD KESSLER of justification (or righteousness) by faith alone and

379 Ritual murder, accusation of

not by works of the Law became the catch-cry of the and early modern anti-Judaism. Augustine’s the- Protestant reformers. Martin Luther saw his attack ory that Jews should be permitted to live in a upon the medieval Catholic Church as replicat- Christian realm because they were valuable as the ing Paul’s attack on contemporary Judaism. Luther ‘guardians of Scripture’ and living proof of the maintainedthatjustastheCatholicChurchempha- truth of Christian faith was incorporated into papal sised salvation through works and achievements, legislation. Though not allowing Jews to flourish, so too did first-century Judaism with its empha- Augustine insisted upon physical safety for the Jews sis on Law-observance and human effort. Despite to enable them to fulfil their function of attesting to objections from Jewish scholars, this caricature of their status of being accursed. The Crusades of 1095 Judaism as a religion of legalism and merit that had and 1147 and the William of Norwich ritual murder forgotten the grace of God dominated Protestant charge in 1144 were omens of profound changes in scholarship for centuries, and severely compro- the popular Church. Though local bishops and per- mised Jewish–Christian relations during that time. sons such as Bernard of Clairvaux attempted to This view, however, was strongly and convincingly protect the Jews, and popes condemned charges of criticised in the works of E. P.Sanders (b. 1937). ritual murder and Jewish international conspiracy DAVID SIM as baseless, the local masses were not restrained Ritual murder, accusation of see blood libel from violence and bloodshed by official edict Roman Catholicism or doctrine. Their twelfth-century attack on the Roman Catholicism is a historical, religious, polit- Talmud was endorsed for a time in the thirteenth ical and sociological reality. It denotes those century by popes who perceived talmudic interpre- Christians who claim to be in possession of a his- tations of biblical laws as perverting divine revela- torical and continuous tradition of faith and prac- tion. Though the papacy soon reversed itself, it was tice and who are in communion with the Pope in not before there had been a papal inquisition and a Rome. The term is used particularly of Catholicism public book-burning in Paris. This increasing pop- as it has existed since the sixteenth-century Protes- ular hostility was fed by fear of Muslim expansion, tant Reformation. However, following the East– an emerging economic order in which Jews were West schism (traditionally dated 1054 CE) after perceived as calculating for profit, and the emerg- which the Eastern Church described itself as ‘ortho- ing bureaucratic institutions in a society whose pro- dox’, it also frequently denotes Western Christian- clivity for persecution required the identification of ity, which referred to itself as Catholic and in union an enemy. This also effected a change of attitude with Rome. Organisationally, it is a centralised, in Roman Catholic leadership which particularly hierarchical structure of bishops, priests and laity affected those Jews suffering from the expulsions with the pope at its head. In dialectical relation- from Western Europe. For example, 1084 saw the ship with this official Church is popular Roman Bishop of Speyer offering a charter of protection Catholicism which incarnates the basic beliefs and to expelled Jews, while in 1519 the Bishop of Speyer practices within the concrete conditions of human quarantined his diocese against them. Though Jews life. were deeply opposed to the Church, they refrained Following the schism of 1054 Roman Catholi- from expressing this publicly, especially in face of cism’s relationship with Jews and Judaism retained the thirteenth-century increase in prohibitions and many of the understandings and attitudes that condemnations. Defensive apologetic texts such as marked Christianity of antiquity and the early thoseofAbrahamIbnEzraandJosephKimhi(1105– Middle Ages. This included the strains of polit- 70) were the exception. The Fourth LateranCouncil ical and spiritual triumphalism which, in con- (1215) convoked by Pope InnocentIII, looking back tradistinction to the status of the Jewish people, to the Roman Law of the Christian emperors, spec- viewed the Church’s historical victory and success ified new restrictions placed on Jews. The found- as clear evidence of divine approval (see superses- ing of the Franciscan and Dominican mendicant sionism). The association of synagogue and Jews orders in the early thirteenth century, in reaction with the demonic, rooted in the NewTestament to threats against the institutional Church, affected and graphically asserted by such early Church all non-Christians within the Christian frontiers. Fathers as Chrysostom, undergirded late medieval The attitudes and actions of the popes generally

380 Roman Catholicism combined both positive and negative elements – Ultimately the Reformation, along with the sincere attempts to restrain anti-Jewish zealots, Enlightenment, was the harbinger of such pos- and active repression of whatever appeared to bor- itive developments as religious liberty, pluralism der on anti-Christian influence. Paradoxically, in and religious toleration. However, accusations of many places during this period Roman Catholic unbelief and treason, in the context of a national- relationships with Jews were also positive, and Jew- ism significantly intensified by national Churches ish cultural, biblical, legal, philosophical and scien- and close alliances between Church and state, con- tific contributions were often received with appre- tinued to mark a virulent anti-Judaism. The pro- ciation. The work of the school of St Victor (see found reordering of society effected by the French Victorines) attests to significant Jewish contribu- and American revolutions at the end of the eigh- tions to the spiritual life of the Church, particu- teenth century formally moved religion from the larly through their command of Hebrew.Just as centre to the margins of political social structures. Judaism stimulated the Church’s creative reflec- With the various faiths now equal before the law, tion and reformulation of old understandings, so religions were forced to establish new relationships. the Church was a factor in helping Jews hone and While they presented the greatest challenge to these develop their thought and vision. In spite of pro- liberal ideals, Jews – due to depletion in numbers, hibitions and persecution, there was at no time a and their social and political status – did not play Jewish majority relocation to the Islamic world. a dominant role in this process, though their influ- During the fourteenth- to eighteenth-centuries ence in the religious field and the purely philosoph- Western and Central European transition from the ical realm increasingly affected the universities medieval to the modern world, the new spirit of of the West and newly developing areas of cul- humanism, initiated by the Renaissance, was fol- tural creativity. The modernist movement within lowed by the Protestant Reformation. The paral- RomanCatholicismwhichsoughttobringthetradi- lel hierarchies of Church and nobility lost power as tion of Catholic belief into closer relationship with old secular and religious authority was questioned. these changes was encouraged by Pope Leo XIII The shattering of the monolith of Western Christen- (1878–1903) but condemned by Pius X (1903–14) in dom by the Reformation evoked a militant response 1907. within Roman Catholicism, including an increase In the midst of this preoccupation with mod- of anti-Jewish rhetoric and actual confrontation. ernism, Roman Catholicism entered the ‘century Caughtinthecrossfireofverbalwarfare,thefamiliar of genocide’ which included the experience with scapegoat was linked with these upheavals in Chris- Nazism and the watershed event of the Holocaust tendom and charged with seditious conspiracy at a (Shoah). Nazi racial hatred and dehumanisation of time when European Jewry was in a severe crisis sit- the Jews from 1933 to 1945 took to the extreme the uation, having just been forced to choose between Enlightenment declaration that the genetic nature baptism and expulsion amidst pogroms and mas- of some people rendered them inherently inferior. sacres in Spain. After-effects of the Spanish ‘purity The debate over the ‘silence of the Vatican’ during of blood’ preoccupation and of the 1480 Inquisition this period may remain forever unresolved. How- had spread to northern Europe, intensifying anti- ever, the fact remains that while the popes in previ- Jewish sentiment there. In 1553 the Jews of Italy felt ous centuries had consistently condemned exces- Roman Catholicism’smilitant resurgence of intoler- sive violence against the Jews, and while Pius XI’s ance in the form of public book-burnings in Venice (1922–39) 1937 anti-Nazi encyclical and 1938 words and Rome, and in 1555 in the form of a ghetto estab- declared total opposition between Christianity and lished in Rome and 24 Jews being burned at the Nazism (5 September; Christmas Allocution), the stake. With its confidence gravely shaken by the Ref- words and actions of Pius XII in the face of this ormation, the Church sought assuagement through Nazi aggression appear woefully inadequate. There efforts at mass conversions of Jews. This was central was clearly a radical reversal of the Middle Ages, to the Counter-Reformation efforts of Pope Paul IV when popular and lower-clergy anti-Jewish agita- (1555–9), and to the 1577 papal bull Vices eius nos tionwasconfrontedbypopes.DuringtheHolocaust which required Jews in the Papal States to attend laity and lower clergy were far more willing directly conversionist sermons. to resist the ‘final solution’ than official leaders.

381 Roman Catholicism

More than at any other time in its history, Roman (1985); We Remember: A Reflection on the Shoah Catholicism was caught in the dilemma of being (1998). Along with statements from national and both a political entity and a religious moral force. local episcopates, these directives now guide the The Vatican’s hesitation to violate its neutrality Church in its teaching about Jews and Judaism. in the war or the 1933 Concordat with the Nazi They reject proselytism, repudiate antisemitism regime stands in sharp contrast to the actions of and call Christians to repentance.Roman Catholic some local German bishops and the papal repre- dioceses and parishes throughout the world are sentatives in such countries as Turkey, Slovakia and gradually implementing these directives into their Hungary. teaching and ministries. Meanwhile, in-depth dia- Pope John XXIII, who as Apostolic Delegate in logue continues on historical, theological and Turkey and Bulgaria witnessed Jewish suffering and pastoral themes which include concerns regard- rescued thousands from deportation, began his ing scripture, Christology, soteriology, evangeli- briefpontificate(1958–63)withaclearmoralimper- sation and liturgy. These efforts in dialogue are ative. His 1959 directive that the phrase perfidia strengthened by the Commission’s partnership Judaica be deleted from the intercessory prayers with the International Jewish Committee for Inter- for the Jewish people (see Good Friday Prayer for religious Consultation (IJCIC), and by national the Perfidious Jews) was but a foreshadowing of and international Roman Catholic participation in the effect this experience was to have on Vatican II. the International Council of Christians and Jews He warmly received the French Jewish scholar and (ICCJ). Holocaust survivor Jules Isaac and heard Catholic Trust of the other, fostered by several decades voices from Rome’sBiblical Institute and elsewhere of honest and open dialogue, has enabled Roman expressing the hope that the Council review the Catholics and the international Jewish commu- Church’srelationshipwithJewsandJudaism.Under nity to engage constructively on such conflict- the leadership of Cardinal Augustin Bea the Coun- ual issues as: the beatifications and canonisations cil deliberations on this matter were promulgated of Pope Pius XII, Pope Pius IX and Edith Stein; in 1965 as Article 4 in Nostra Aetate. However, the the Carmelite controversy at Auschwitz; the papal efforts to arrive at this brief statement, the result receptions of such controversial figures as Kurt of considerable compromise, had given rise to the Waldheim (b. 1918) and Yasser Arafat (1929–2004); Council’s most controversial sessions, in which and the opening of the Vatican archives on the Sec- Pope John himself at times directly intervened. ond World War. It also helped sustain the Roman At issue were diplomatic sensitivities and pas- Catholic–Jewish relationship in the years leading up toral/theological considerations which coalesced totheFundamentalAgreement(30December1993) mainly around concern for Catholic minorities in and Diplomatic Exchange (15 June 1994) between Arab states and the explicit rejection of the charge the Holy See and the State of Israel. The delay of deicide. raised in Jewish memories Pope Pius X’sresponse to Nevertheless, under the leadership of Pope Paul Theodor Herzl in 1904 and Pope Pius XII’srefusal to VI and Pope John Paul II this statement provided support the emigration of Jews to Palestine during the foundation of Roman Catholicism’s most rad- the Holocaust. ical rearticulation of Christian self-understanding. The September 2000 Dabru Emet response by Taking seriously the document’s call to dialogue, an interdenominational group of rabbis and Jewish its rejection of the charge of deicide and its reaffir- scholars to these late twentieth-century changes in mation of God’s covenant with the Jewish people, Christianity bears witness that a mutual enterprise Church leaders, clergy and scholars – in dialogue of renewal and reconciliation is in process. Speak- with their Jewish counterparts – contributed to the ing more powerfully of this changed and changing carefully delineated theological, pastoral and eth- relationship than political negotiations and theo- ical directives in the following documents issued logical reformulations are the profound symbolic through the Holy See’s Commission for Religious moments when a deeply moved Pope John XXIII, Relations with the Jews: Guidelines and Suggestions upon meeting a group of grateful Jewish leaders, for Implementing Nostra Aetate,§4(1975); Notes on extended his arms and greeted them with ‘I am the Correct Way to Present the Jews and Judaism Joseph your brother’ (1960), when Pope John Paul II

382 Romans 9–11

visited the Great Synagogue of Rome (1986), and visit. This letter presents Paul’s mature thought on when this same pope, during his visit to Jerusalem a number of issues pertinent to Christian–Jewish (2000), wept at Yad Vashem and stood in silent relations. It has made a tremendous impact on prayer at the Western Wall. These moments impress Western Christianity. upon the pages of history the reality of a new sibling Paul’s thesis is that both Jews and Gentiles sin relationship, Roman Catholic respect for the Jewish and fail to achieve the purpose of human existence religion, a repudiation of triumphalism, and a hum- and are under divine judgement. But the descent of ble admission of the Church’s weakness, error and God’s wrath in judgement is offset by the work of sin. AUDREY DOETZEL Jesus, Messiah and Son of God. Through his self- Roman Empire see Rome, Roman Empire giving in obedient love, Jesus merits divine bless- Romanos Melodos ( fl. sixth century) ings for all humanity. God’s love (agape)isrevealed Byzantine hymnographer. Renowned as Byzan- through the presence of the Holy Spirit, enabling tium’s greatest liturgical poet, Romanos was born Christians to attain the destiny of sharing the risen in Emesa in the late fifth century, quite possibly life of Jesus. This new gift of justification mov- to Jewish parents. He eventually settled in Con- ing toward the fullness of salvation does not con- stantinople in the early sixth century and died tradict God’s promises to Israel. Themes from the sometime after 555. Romanos is credited with the Jewish scriptures have been the basis for Paul’s composition of a prodigious number of hymns, argument that Abraham is the model of believers including the famous Akathist Hymn to the Mother and the father of those adopted into God’s fam- of God, of which only about 60 survive that are gen- ily through baptism.Romans 9–11 constitutes the erally accounted genuine. The hymns are known as longest NewTestament reflection on the situation kontakia and consist of a short prelude followed by of the Jewish people and the relation of Gentile a number of longer strophes in identical metre, sep- Christians to them. In contrast to 1 Thess. 2.14– arated by a repeated refrain, and united by an acros- 16, the occasion is not so polemical and the issues tic. In terms of poetic form there are affinities with are discussed at length. Using techniques from Jew- the poetry of Ephrem and, arguably, with Hebrew ish preaching and scriptural exegesis,Paul builds liturgical poetry (piyyut). Romanos’s hymns deal a case from Torah,Prophets and Writings for his mainly with biblical events and reveal him as a analysis of the non-response of many Jews to the loyal supporter of the policy of enforced Chris- gospel. tian orthodoxy vigorously pursued by the Emperor Major themes that have been integrated by many Justinian.For all his zeal against Christian heretics, generations of Christians into both polemics and Romanos displays a remarkably temperate attitude genuine dialogue include the seven enduring char- to the Jews at a time when official toleration was acteristics of the Jewish people (9.4–5; absence of appearing increasingly reluctant. Romanos has no averb implies present tense), the mystery of elec- doubts that the Jews are in error, but accepts that tion favouring the unlikely younger sons (Isaac and at the Last Day they will be judged according to the Jacob)inrelationtodivinemercy(9.6–29,see11.30– Law (cf. Rom. 2.12). They will certainly bewail their 2) and righteousness grounded on faith (9.30–3; error in not recognising Christ and confessing the see 3.21–4.25). Christ is the telos (end, goal) of the Trinity, but they will not be punished for it. Equally, Law (10.4) in relation to Moses and Jonah (10.6–8 in his treatment of the passion of Christ he singu- in light of Targum Neofiti on Deut. 30.12–13). Isa. larly fails to lambast ‘the Jews’, preferring the less 65.1–2 is interpreted as contrasting the favorable inflammatory ‘the lawless’.In advocating a position lot of Gentile Christians with ‘a disobedient and that upholds the integrity of the Christian revela- contentious people’ (Septuagint) in Rom. 10.19–21. tion without denying the ongoing special dispen- God has not rejected his people (11.1) but a rem- sation accorded to the Jews, Romanos represents nant has always remained faithful (10.2–10). The a significant and constructive voice of continuing positive response of Gentiles to the gospel should relevance. MARCUS PLESTED make Jews jealous (11.11, 14) for all are sanctified Romans 9–11 by the first fruits and the root of the cultivated olive Paul of Tarsus wrote to the Christian community tree to which Gentiles are grafted (11.16–24). When of Rome about 57–8, in anticipation of his first ‘the full number of the Gentiles comes in all Israel

383 Romans 9–11

will be saved’; they are beloved because of the patri- Christ Was Born a Jew)hecommented on Rom. archs, ‘for the gifts and the calling of God are irrevo- 11.25 as a call for the conversion of the Jews at cable’ (11.25–9). Ultimately, this is a mystery whose the end of time, which he hoped would come soon. solution is reserved to God (11.33–6). Later he returned to his previous stance, referring Origen offered the first extant commentary on to the obscurity of Rom. 11. Commenting on Isa. Romans, during his time in Caesarea, after 230; 59:20 (quoted in Rom. 11.26), Calvin spoke of the it survives in extensive Greek fragments and in indomitable obstinacy of the Jews and opined that Rufinus’s (?345–410) translation into Latin.Origen only a remnant would come finally to Christ. The believed that Paul addressed Gentile Christians ‘to Reformers were heirs of a general anti-Jewish pre- demonstrate that salvation is from the Jews, the Law judice that interfered with an effort to grapple with being the foundation on which the truth of Christ Paul’s message. is built’ (Peter Gorday, Principles of Patristic Exege- In his epochal commentary on Romans (1919) sis, 50). He considered that Paul intended to pray in Karl Barth (1886–1968) did not dwell on ‘the Jew- Rom. 9.3–4 for the true Israel, composed of those ish question’, but reacting to Kristallnacht of 9–10 ‘who see God’, Abraham’s spiritual progeny. Rom. November 1938 he wrote in 1939 that the Church 9:24 shows that divine mercy has reached an out- cannot be separated from Israel (referring to Rom. cast people, the Gentiles and ultimately to every 11.17–24). In 1944 the Swiss Catholic theologian human heart that is ready to respond (Gorday, 78). Charles Journet (1891–1975) published a work that Origen uses Rom. 11.25 in reference to the purifica- lamented the tragedy of the Shoah and presented tion of every soul (Hom. Jos. 8.4–5) and to speak of aresponse to Leon´ Bloy’s (1846–1917) Salut par the eventual reconciliation of the Church and the les juifs (1892). He reviewed the positions of earli- synagogue (Hom. Num. 6.4). er interpreters on Rom. 9–11 and presented his own As a priest in Antioch in 386–97, John Chrysos- synthesis: ‘The full number of the Gentiles’ in Rom. tom preached 32 homilies on Romans. Against Jews 11.25 refers to nations, not individuals; so ‘all Israel’ who complain that God is unfaithful to them, he in 11.26 designates not all individually but the mass showed that Paul argued that God is faithful. The of the people, in contrast to those already con- anti-Jewish tone of these homilies is an echo of verted. Will this return bring history to its consum- his eight virulent sermons against the Jews of the mation? Rather, this reintegration may fall within city. history and influence its development for centuries AugustineofHippo did not complete a commen- to come; then in Rom. 11.15 ‘resurrection from the tary on Romans but reflected on Israel’s destiny in dead’ would not be the resurrection for final judge- theCity of God,lettersandsermons.JustasEsauwas ment but an outpouring of divine love compara- supplanted by Jacob, so Israel’sblindness regarding ble to a return of the dead to life. Journet’s and the Messiah serves Christians. A day will come at the other European studies of Rom. 9–11 since the Nazi end of time when there will be one people (Sermon period have begun to elucidate how Christians may 122). In arguing against Pelagius (late fourth–early place Paul’stheology of Jews and Judaism in a mod- fifth century), who emphasised the importance of ern context. good works, Augustine castigated the Jews for their Declarations of many Churches on Christian– supposed adherence to works in contrast to Paul’s Jewish relations draw upon themes of Romans as theology of grace as the foundation for salvation. a foundation for sensitivity to the place of the Jew- The Israel that will be saved (Rom. 11.25–26) are ish people in the divine plan of salvation. Thus the predestined elect, Jews and Gentiles, called into Vatican II’s ‘Declaration on the Church’s Relation- unity. ship to Non-Christian Religions’ (Nostra Aetate 4) Augustine’sinfluence on the issue of ‘grace versus recognises that Christians are Abraham’s children works’,with its negative view of the Jewish position, according to faith. They have been grafted onto came to the fore in the writings of Martin Luther the good olive tree, drawing sustenance from its and John Calvin.Inhis commentary of 1515–16 root.TheprivilegesofIsrael(9.4–5)perdurebecause Luther is very negative about the fate of the Jews. ‘the Jews still remain most dear to God because of In an irenic appeal to the Jews in 1523 (That Jesus their Fathers’, for the divine gifts and calling are

384 Rosenstock-Huessy, Eugen

irrevocable. References regarding Jews and Judaism ties was significant for the development of Jewish– in the New Testament must be studied in con- Christian relations for many reasons, but perhaps text and integrated into a theological synthesis that chief among them is the fact that it gave a con- takes into account the vicissitudes of subsequent crete political expression to the broader cultural history. LAWRENCE E. FRIZZELL principle of presbyteron kreitton or ‘older is bet- Rome, Roman Empire ter’. For the formal recognition of the Jewish reli- The history of is traditionally divided gion was connected with its venerable antiquity, into three periods: regal (753–509 BCE), republi- whereas Christianity seems to have been unable can (509–31 BCE) and imperial (31 BCE–476 CE). to obtain a similar recognition (whatever the rea- The Byzantine Empire, the name for the Roman son for the original persecutions) largely because Empire that survived in the East, lasted until 1453. of its ‘novelty’ and lack of an ancestral foundation Although Jewish contacts with the Romans date or tradition. This circumstance goes a long way in back to the second century BCE, Christian history explaining why the Church Fathers,even as they begins only in the imperial age, and it is therefore defined Christians as a tertium genus or ‘third race’, this period that is most relevant for the history of needed to maintain a claim on Jewish tradition and Jewish–Christian relations. The significance of the acknowledge their historical links to it. Roman Empire lies in the fact that it constituted With the Edict of Milan (313 CE) and the con- the political and legal framework within which the version of Constantine to Christianity this situa- two communities lived and interacted with each tion changed. Christianity came to be tolerated and other during the formative period. Before the time later favoured by the Roman government. The sta- of Constantine this interaction took place primarily tus of Judaism, on the other hand, suffered certain outside Palestine, so it is the setting of the Diaspora setbacks, a fact observable in the legislation pre- (to employ Jewish terms) that is of major concern served in the Theodosian Code and in the codifica- here. tion of Justinian.Indeed, the late Roman laws sanc- Under the Hellenistic kings Jewish communi- tion the verity of Christian orthodoxy, as opposed ties in the Diaspora seem to have enjoyed a recog- to the ‘error’ of Judaism, heralding medieval con- nised legalstatus as independentethnic units, often ceptions. Nevertheless, the exercise of the Jewish alongside a Greek polis.Under the Roman Empire religion, in contrast to that of pagan cults, was not this situation may have gradually changed, espe- banned, and some legal measures may have even cially as more and more Jews, at first within the strengthened or at least consolidated the position city of Rome but also outside it as time went on, ofJudaismintheEmpireandconsequentlyvis-a-vis` became Roman citizens. Accordingly, Jews came to Christianity. ADAM KAMESAR berecognisednotsomuchasmembersofanational Rosenstock-Huessy, Eugen (1888–1973) community, but as members of legal collegia or Law historian and critic. Born to Jewish parents, associations, which in many cases no doubt took Rosenstock was baptised at the age of 16. He the form of synagogues. When Tertullian speaks worked as an academic and subsequently in busi- of Judaism, he speaks of a religio licita,oralegal ness in Leipzig, Frankfurt and Breslau, emigrating religion (Apol. 21.1). Christians, on the other hand, to the United States in 1934. His influence on Franz as they came to be distinguished from Jews by the Rosenzweig was important for Jewish–Christian Roman authorities, did not enjoy a similar legal sta- relations: in 1913 Rosenstock, a strong advocate of tus. Indeed, they were often persecuted, although revelation,urged Rosenzweig as a representative the actual legal grounds for this, at least before of philosophy to abandon his faith in reason and the time of Decius (r.249–51), may be buried deep be baptised; Rosenzweig, accepting his Jewishness withinRomanbureaucraticoperations.Itisremark- as a cultural reality, found his way to the Judaism able that Pliny, who served as the Roman governor of faith instead. This exchange became the topic of Bithynia (c.110–12), seems to have persecuted of an uncompromising correspondence in 1916: Christians on the basis of precedent without know- Rosenstock was convinced that Christianity had a ing the precise reason for doing so (Pliny, Ep. 10.96). civilisational mission,even vis-a-vis` Judaism, while The difference in legal status of the two communi- Rosenzweig insisted that Judaism and Christianity

385 Rosenzweig, Franz

have equal status in their relationship to the or ‘the present’ in the relationship between God truth. HANS HERMANN HENRIX and Humankind; and redemption or ‘the future’ in Rosenzweig, Franz (1886–1929) the relationship between Humankind and World. Jewish philosopher. Emmanuel Levinas (1906–95) Redemption is the ‘situation in which the “I” learns praised him for being the first to say that truth can to say “you” to a “him or her”’ and anticipates eter- exist in two forms, in Judaism and in Christianity. nity. Judaism anticipates redemption as an eternal Rosenzweig asserted the equality of both forms and people who (as the inner fire of the star of redemp- justified this understanding in his magnum opus tion) live eternity now in the yearly course of liturgi- The Star of Redemption (1921). cal feasts and prayers. Christianity creates commu- Born in Kassel (Hesse), Rosenzweig’s early years nity across all nations as an eternal way (the rays were not spent with practising Jews. 1913 was a fate- of the star) and lives the anticipation of the king- ful year for him: in debates with his close cousins dom of God in that way. The entire truth is neither Hans (1883–1958) and Rudolf Ehrenberg (1884– in the Jewish people nor in the Christian way: only 1969) and his friend Eugen Rosenstock-Huessy, all ‘God is truth’ (The Star of Redemption, II, 423). Jews of whom had converted to Christianity, he likewise and Christians have separate missions, but only faced the decision of whether to be baptised. How- together do they form the star of redemption. ever, he did not want to take this step as a ‘pagan’, Contemporary attempts in Christian theology arepresentative of reason and philosophy, but as a and the Jewish philosophy of religion to conceptu- Jew. He thus began to study the origins of Judaism alise the relationship between Judaism and Chris- and consciously participated in the High Holy Days tianity refer in a fundamental way to Rosenzweig. services. He wrote to his cousin Rudolf: ‘So I will He made prayer and the liturgy the centre of remain a Jew . . . We agree upon the meaning of his magnum opus (‘prayer establishes the human Christ and His Church in the world: No one comes world order’: ibid., 268). Both Jewish and Christian to the Father except through him. No one comes to thinkers (Levinas, Bernhard Casper (b. 1931) and the Father – but it is different if one does not have others) have followed his lead, seeing in prayer the to come to the Father because he or she is with Him expectation of the kingdom of God. already.And that is the case with the people of Israel HANS HERMANN HENRIX (not the individual Jew)’ (Gesammelte Schriften I, Rozanov, Vasily Vasilyevich (1856–1919) 132ff.). Russian conservative writer and journalist Rosenzweig’s 1913 decision, for Judaism as reve- who wrote on the Jewish question, combining lation and against baptism, determined his entire Judeophilia with Judeophobia. In his books life and way of thinking. The Star, which he drafted Rozanov admired Judaism as a religion of flesh and on army postcards on the Balkan front between sex, preferring it to ‘fruitless’ Christianity which 1916 and 1918 and completed in book form in 1919, ‘rejected life’ (Solitaria, 1912 and 1916; The Dark represents the sum and substance of his thought. Face: A Metaphysics of Christianity, 1911, People He decided not to pursue an academic career, con- of Moonlight, 1913). However, modern Jewry was tacted Hermann Cohen and devoted himself to in his opinion a threat to the organic basis of adult education. Despite degenerative illness, he Russian life embodied in grass-roots Orthodoxy kept up an extensive correspondence, translated and monarchy. The resulting dualism towards poems by Judah ha-Levi and worked on a trans- the Jews was reflected in The Fallen Leaves (1912 lation of the Bible with Martin Buber,afriend since and 1915). During the Beilis trial of 1913 Rozanov 1921, until his death. published a series of strongly antisemitic articles Rosenzweig’s thought has had a deeper impact later gathered in The Olfactory and Tactile Relation on Jewish self-awareness than, for instance, that of Jews to Blood (1914). He supported the blood of Buber. He made significant contributions to the libel precisely because he saw in Judaism a ‘natural rediscovery of Jewish authenticity and to the clar- religion’ connected intimately with blood. Publi- ification of the relationship between Judaism and cation of his next book of essays on the alleged Christianity. His Star deals with God, World and seizure of Russian economy and culture by the Humankind: creation or ‘the past’ takes place in Jews, Sakharna, was made impossible by the 1917 the relationship between God and World; revelation revolution. MICHAEL WEISSKOPF

386 Russia

Russia Christian children at Passover to use their blood for By the beginning of the twentieth century no less maz. z. ot were repeatedly made, and believed, from than half the world’s Jewish population was located the beginning of the eighteenth century. Further, within the bounds of the Russian Empire. Most it was generally believed that each and every Jew Russian Christians then belonged to the estab- could be considered guilty of Christ’s crucifixion lished Orthodox Church of the realm. Encounters (see deicide, charge of). Matt. 27.25 was used to between the two kinds of population were at best justify this view, and the Orthodox Good Friday ser- neutral. vices confirmed it year by year. There were Church Formany centuries Jews and Christians were leaders who condemned the pogroms and made kept apart. In the early Middle Ages a small Jewish every effort to prevent recurrence of them. Among minority played little part in public life. From the them was the most senior of Russian bishops, sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries Russian rulers Antonii Vadkovskii (1846–1912), metropolitan of St were unwilling to admit Jews to their realm at all. Petersburg. Another bishop, Platon Rozhdestven- Only with the assimilation of Poland to the Russian skii (1866–1934), faced a Kievan mob on his knees crown under Catherine II (r.1762–96) did Jews while endeavouring to still the pogrom of 1905. become a major demographic factor in the western But there were other churchmen (like the monks of regions. In order to contain them, an extensive Pale Pochaev)whofosteredthevenomoftheday.Insuch of Settlement was established (1791), intended as amilieutherewasareadywelcomefortheProtocols a home from which the Jews might move to other of the Elders of Zion, which first appeared under (nominally Christian) areas only with permission. Russian auspices and on Russian soil (1903). Here, Such permission would be granted readily for those as elsewhere, antisemitism and anti-Judaism were who chose to be baptised, and Alexander I (r.1801– equally involved. It was rare for an Orthodox Chris- 25) published an edict to this effect in 1817. But this tian not only to counteract the former, but to rise was hardly a procedure that predisposed anyone above the other and welcome Judaism as it stands. to dialogue between the faiths. In any case, there This was the achievement of Nikolai Ziorov (1850– was often no common language to facilitate discus- 1915), Russian Orthodox archbishop of Warsaw, in sions of this or any other kind. Hebrew was needed 1912; Vladimir Soloviev had already pointed in the for the studies and the worship of the Jews, Yiddish same direction. However, the succeeding age was for diurnal life. Only a promoter of the Haskalah to encourage little in the way of interreligious dia- might urge that acquisition of other languages was logue, since all religions were to be victims of the proper for the Jewish population. Such was Itzhak Soviet state. A new obstacle to any convergence Ber-Levinson (1786–1860), who was prepared to between Judaism and Christianity was the myth engage in Russian-language correspondence with that the Soviet government in its first years was representatives of Church and state. This involved predominantly Jewish, hence its persecution of the his acceptance that there were Gentiles who should Russian Orthodox Church, a myth that ignored the be considered ‘pious men’.At the same time he was Soviet persecution of Judaism in the period. anxious to combat Jewish ‘blood guilt’ libels (see But the worst persecutions were yet to come. The blood libel) and published a book on this theme Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union (1941) involved (1837). In its Russian translation it was to remain initiation of the Shoah in those parts of a newly in print until the trial of Mendel Beilis (1913). By expanded Soviet Union that were then inhabited by that time it had demonstrated its relevance many several million Jews. Belarus and times over, for the neutral encounters between had been incorporated into the USSR (1939), as the Christian and the Jewish populations of the had Lithuania (1940). The fact that many Gentiles realm were all too often punctuated by aggression played their part in the extermination of their Jew- vented by the Russians on the Jews. Not for noth- ish neighbours added yet another impediment to ing is the word pogrom derived from Russian roots. Christian–Jewish convergence which even the wit- While the pogroms might be prompted by social ness of the Righteous Gentiles was not strong and economic factors, they were also coloured enough to countermand. Nor did appraisal of the by religious ignorance disguised as zeal. Accusa- Shoah, which was delayed and muted in the FSU, tions against individual Jews, like Beilis, of killing affect Christian–Jewish relations there as it did in

387 Russia

other parts of the world. There was never an equiv- (1993). Its most prominent spokesman was a recent alent climactic moment to Vatican II.EvenJews metropolitan of St Petersburg, Ioann Snychev whose families had passed through the Holocaust (1927–95), whose extremist views were never seri- were provided with little education on the expe- ously disputed by his peers. rience. Rather, the Soviet authorities continued One incident which seemed to promise some- Stalin’s black-out on specifically Jewish implica- thing different took place abroad when the patri- tions of the Nazi onslaught. The writings and mon- arch of Moscow, Aleksii Ridiger (b. 1929) brought uments devoted to the subject dwelt on the victims an address of reconciliation to a gathering of rabbis exclusively as Soviet citizens. in New York (1991). It involved a generous accep- All the more, therefore, were Christians left tance of Judaism and its eternal values, and quoted unchallenged in their attitudes to Judaism and the words of Archbishop Nikolai Ziorov, which the to Jews. Furthermore, Soviet restrictions had long speaker accepted as his own. But the speech caused inhibited biblical research, and Russian Orthodox outrage in conservative Church circles in the home scholars were in no position to offer fresh assess- milieu. The patriarch feared a backlash and denied ments of such NewTestament material as might that his speech should be seen as ‘programmatic’. fertilise Christian encounters with the Jewish world. He hasnotrevisitedthesubjectsince.Onlytheocca- In any case, there was a conservative and nation- sional Jewish–Christian consultation at the grass- alistic streak in Russian Orthodox churchmanship roots level takes the matter further, sponsored on that included the kind of antisemitism and anti- two occasions (St Petersburg, 1997 and 1998) by Judaism that fed on the Protocols of the Elders of the International Council for Christians and Jews. Zion and other pamphlets of a bygone age. A range Even so, each of the partners is burdened by the of semi-official groups promoted their ideology, stubborn constraints of the past. among them a ‘union of Orthodox brotherhoods’ See also literature, Russian; Orthodox Christianity (1990) and a ‘union of Orthodox banner-bearers’ SERGEI HACKEL

388 SSSS

Sabbatarianism recanted, others became Baptists, a few fled and Doctrine that Christians should refrain from work converted to Judaism in Amsterdam. Traske’sexam- on Sunday (the Christian Sabbath)instrict accor- ple had far-reaching consequences; Henry Jessey dance with the fourth commandment; its radical (1603–63), a Saturday-Sabbatarian Baptist, cham- implementation was occasionally associated with pioned Jewish readmission, corresponded with Judaising tendencies. Rabbi Menasseh ben Israel and collected alms Scottish and English Reformers, including John for Jerusalem Jews. Internationally, Seventh-Day Knox (c.1513–72), developed a uniquely rigor- Adventists (Protestants: membership three mil- ous Sabbatarianism unparalleled among Conti- lion worldwide) still rigorously observe Saturday as nental Reformers. Nicholas Bownde’s (d. 1613) Sabbath. MARGARET BREARLEY The Doctrine of the Sabbath (1595) urged Sun- Sabbath day Sabbath-keeping according to OldTestament The key questions about the Sabbath in Jewish– strictures; banned and burned, its teachings gained Christian relations concern the purpose of the many adherents, including clergy. Sabbatarianism, day. Is the Sabbath mainly a day of rest or a day a political issue in the struggle of Parliament against of worship?Isthere some connection between crown and Church, was attacked by Anglicans, rest and celebration and, if so, what is it? The including Peter Heylin (1599–1662) in The History answers given to these questions raise vital issues of the Sabbath (1636) and Archbishop Laud (1573– of continuity and discontinuity between the two 1645), and by James I (r.1603–25), whose controver- religions. sial Book of Sport,imposed in 1618 and republished The word ‘Sabbath’ translates the Hebrew Shab- in 1633 under Charles I (r.1625–49), urged Sun- bat from the Hebrew root shavat,‘to cease’. Resting day recreational sports. Parliament burned James’s from creative work in order to remember God as Book in 1645 and legislated to impose the Puri- creator is the purpose of this festival. The day is tan Sabbath. Puritan iconoclasm replaced the tra- observed from Friday sunset until Saturday night- ditional Church calendar with scrupulous Sunday fall, day following night in the Jewish calendar observance, the strict Sabbath becoming the defin- (deriving from the account of creation in Gen. 1.1– ing Puritan hallmark in England, the Netherlands 2.4a). The Sabbath is the only festival to be men- and North America. tioned in the decalogue,inboth versions of the More extreme reformers, notably the clergyman fourth commandment (Exod. 20.8–11; Deut. 5.14– John Traske (c.1585–1636), argued for Saturday- 15). In Exodus the reason given is that God ceased Sabbatarianism as biblically commanded moral from his work of creation on the seventh day (Gen. law dating from creation, and therefore perma- 2.2–3), thus creating a holy day. In Deuteronomy nently valid. Though without known direct influ- the benefits of rest are linked to redemption. The ence from Jews, Saturday Sabbath-keepers were freedom to rest was given to the Israelites by God’s accused of Judaising. (Despite Church prohibi- redeeming them from slavery in Egypt. Recognis- tions, some Christians, from Spain to Syria, had ing the need for rest from work, they must there- retained the Jewish Sabbath until the fifth and fore ensure that all have this day of rest. Thus the sixth centuries – in Lyons even until the ninth cen- Sabbath is seen as God’s gift to his people, and tury.) Traske and his followers were harshly perse- the Sabbath liturgy speaks of God’s hallowing this cuted, imprisoned and heavily fined. Theologically, day as a remembrance of both the work of creation most retained orthodox Christian beliefs; some and the exodus from Egypt. The opening Kiddush

389 Sabbath

and closing Havdalah ceremonies set it aside as a The following assertions are often made about holy, that is, separate day. Not Saturday but Sunday the Sabbath: Sabbath was a cornerstone of reli- is the weekly festival of Christians, in celebration gious practice in ancient Israel;Sabbath was a of the resurrection.Nonetheless, elements of the day of worship for Jews in Old Testament times; Jewish Sabbath have been incorporated into the Jews worshipped in synagogues on the Sabbath in Christian Sunday at various periods in the history NewTestament times; Jesus of Nazareth attended of Christianity, sometimes leading to confusion in regular worship in synagogues on the Sabbath. the popular understanding of both Sabbath and Heather McKay has significantly challenged all of Sunday. these (Sabbath and Synagogue) and concludes that TheNewTestamentreferencestotheSabbathare any degree of certainty should rather be reserved of particular importance in Jewish–Christian rela- for the following claims: the Sabbath became the tions. In many Gospel passages Jesus is depicted most important holy day in Israel during the last as coming into conflict with Pharisaic Judaism for two centuries BCE; the Sabbath was not a day of breaking the rules of Sabbath observance. From worship for the ordinary Jewish believer in Old Tes- these accounts have come perpetual misrepresen- tament times; Jews studied in the synagogue on the tations by Christians of Jews being legalistic in the Sabbath in first-century Palestine, but worship is sense of being more concerned with detailed rules not described; Jesus did not attend Sabbath services than with their purpose. Jesus is presented as need- of worship, for there were none at that time. This ing to draw the attention of his fellow-Jews to the may make too sharp a distinction between study fact that ‘the sabbath was made for humankind, and prayer, and thus underestimate the part played and not humankind for the sabbath’ (Mark 2.27). by study in Jewish worship. Whether all McKay’s Christians often miss the thoroughly Jewish sen- conclusions are accepted largely depends on how timent of this dictum. ‘The Sabbath is given to prayerandworshiparedefined.However,sheissues you, not you to the Sabbath’ appears in midrash avaluable warning against assumptions, some of (Mekhilta 31.14) and Talmud (b. Yoma 85b). Fur- which may cloud Jewish–Christian relations. ther possibilities for misunderstandings between There is debate about when the Jewish Christians Jews and Christians arise from the fact that in some of New Testament times stopped observing the of these so-called ‘conflict stories’ in the Gospels Sabbath, when they began observing Sunday, and what Jesus is purportedly accused of would not in what they transferred from Sabbath to Sunday reality have been judged by his critics as break- observance. It is unlikely that Gentile Christians ing the Sabbath at all (e.g. healing, as in Matt. had an interest in adhering to the work restric- 12.9–14; John 7.19–24). This is best explained by tions of Judaism, but just what elements consti- remembering that by the time the Gospels were tuted Christian worship and exactly when they being written their authors wanted polemically took place is difficult to establish. From the bibli- to distance the emergent new religion of Chris- cal texts that mention Sunday (Acts 20.7–12; 1 Cor. tianity from Judaism. Matthew’s predominantly 16.2; Rev.1.10) scholars come to varied conclusions. Jewish-Christian community, it may be surmised, The Seventh-Day Adventist Samuele Bacchiocchi observed the Sabbath and came into conflict with (b.1938),forinstance,maintainsthatSundayobser- other Jews as to what was allowed on that day. This vance began only in the second century CE (From has a bearing on the whole vexed issue of the Jew- Sabbath to Sunday), whilst most scholars believe ishness of Jesus’ teaching and the degree to which that in the first century Christians chose to dif- he intended to supersede Jewish Law.Onthe one ferentiate themselves from Jews by beginning the hand Jews dislike the caricature of the Pharisees first day of the week on Saturday evening with a in the past and themselves in the present as people eucharist.Once Easter began to be celebrated on a missing the point of God’scommands. On the other Sunday, there also appears to be variation in Chris- hand many Christians are not convinced by the sug- tian observance of fasting and vigils associated gestion that Jesus was at one with the Pharisees in with Jewish Passover activities. (In Syria and Egypt, his attitude to the law, particularly as it pertained to for example, third-century Christians extended a the Sabbath. (The debate has implications for the Saturday fast back by two days.) This has a bear- whole position of law in the theology of Paul.) ing on what later Christian groups have taken from

390 Sacred space

the Jewish Sabbath. Sabbatarianism judged the understanding of sacrament as founded in the per- fourth commandment to be binding on Christians, son of Jesus and embodied in the Church. This has claiming that ‘the Christian observance of Sunday led to an abandonment of an earlier theology which has its basis not in ecclesiastical tradition but in saw sacraments as present in the Hebrew scriptures the decalogue’ (P.Collinson, Godly People, 429). In within a typological framework of promise and mid-seventeenth-century England Puritan rulers fulfilment. Contemporary theologians have again introduced short-lived laws banning any form of expanded their use of the word ‘sacrament’ to indi- recreation on Sunday, taken to be the Sabbath. This cate any encounter or thing that mediates an expe- point of view is today represented by the Lord’s Day rience of God. In this regard, in 2002 Cardinal Walter Observance Society. Besides representing a supers- Kasper (b. 1933) described Judaism as ‘a sacrament essionist view in taking upon itself a uniquely Jew- of every otherness that as such the Church must ish commandment,itseems also to miss the key learn to discern, recognize and celebrate’. Since purpose of the Jewish Sabbath which is precisely to Judaism is not sacramental – and some would argue ‘recreate’ the human spirit by freeing time to con- that it has no understanding of sacraments – such centrate on God. Whether in home or synagogue, a comment is particularly striking. Jewish observance is characterised by joy rather LIAM M. TRACEY than avoidance of anything pleasurable. The Jewish Sacred space ideaofrestinginordertofocusonGodascreatorhas Because Judaism and Christianity are revelatory made it possible for Christians to apply the Sabbath religions operating within human history, the phys- commandment to the observance of Sunday.Estab- icalsiteswheredefiningevents–births,deaths,mir- lishing the common ground between their respec- acles, visions, revelations, victories and defeats – tive holy days as a weekly opportunity to celebrate are believed to have taken place are important. key theological themes of both faiths, notably reas- Such sites become sacred space: places for pil- surance and hope, and the need for recreation in grimages, the focus of devotion. For Christians and relation to each other and the created world, may Jews questions of sacred space remain an integral also be seen as an opportunity for greater closeness part of interreligious relations, since sacred space in Jewish–Christian relations. is the place where divinity and humanity encoun- CHRISTINE PILKINGTON tered one another and where God’s power was Sacrament revealed. But there are major differences between In contemporary Christian practice a sacrament the two religions, especially in the dichotomy refers to a specific liturgical rite. The majority between the Christian view of Jerusalem as a of Christian communities accept baptism and ‘heavenly’ city and the importance given to the eucharist as sacraments, while Roman Catholics ‘earthly’ Jerusalem by Jews. Historically, these dif- alongwithsomeotherChristiansaddconfirmation, ferences vis-a-vis` Jerusalem have impacted directly marriage,orders, penance and the anointing of the upon Jewish–Christian relations. The entire city of sick to the number of sacraments. However, early Jerusalem is sacred space for Jews, not merely the Christian writers often described the whole ensem- holy places associated with Judaism; and since it ble of their liturgical practices as mysteries (Greek, is also the political capital of the State of Israel, mysterion; Latin, mysterium or sacramentum). The Jewish sovereignty over the entire city is a reli- word mysterion and some of its synonyms does gious as well as a political imperative. While Chris- appear in some post-exilic books of the Hebrew tians revere the city where Jesus died and was res- Bible, where it refers to the plan of God for the sal- urrected, their attachment is frequently to a spir- vation of humanity and the revelation of that plan itualised Jerusalem that transcends earthly exis- by an angel, a prophet or even God. Paul takes up tence; as a result, the issue of political sovereignty this meaning and mainly uses the word to indicate over Jerusalem is often less important to Christians that Jesus is the revelation of the saving plan of God. than the existence of an internationally guaranteed Systematic theology,aided by contemporary phi- statute that permits them to visit holy places in losophy (especially phenomenology) and patris- peace and security. tic scholars, has pushed beyond Aristotelian and Since Christians believe Jesus is the fulfilment of neo-scholastic presentations of sacrament to an the Hebrew Bible,herepresents definitive sacred

391 Sacrifice

space. As a result, Christianity emphasises a strong lives were seen as a sacrifice of praise offered to spiritual perspective on holy places. Protestant God. Prayer and their central prayer of thanksgiv- scholar W. D. Davies (1911–2001) has called this ing, the eucharist, was inevitably seen as part of Christian de-emphasis on geographical or terres- the Christian sacrifice. This sacrifice or offering of trial specificity ‘disenlandisement’,but on the other praise was seen to be in direct contradiction to the hand Walter Brueggemann feels that Christian- blood sacrifices of Judaism and the contemporary ity needs to develop a theology of land precisely Greco-Roman world, yet drew on some of the ideas because land is traditionally not central to Christian of Philo and the Qumran community. The Didache theology. The Christian approach to sacred space sees the eucharist as fulfilling the ‘pure sacrifice’ contrasts with the Jewish concept. Sacred space is a of Mal. 1.11, a theme also taken up in Justin Mar- central motif of the Hebrew Bible, and in Rabbinic tyr and often used in anti-Jewish polemic. Already Judaism makom, the Hebrew for ‘place’, is another in the writings of Justin Martyr we find the notion name for God. The hope expressed in many Jewish that the bread and wine of the eucharist fulfil the prayersisforthephysicalreturnofJewstothedivine oblations of the Hebrew scriptures, and the Chris- presenceinZion,notablytheremainingouterstone tian offering came to be seen as the offering of rampart of the Holy Temple – the Western Wall, a the bread and cup. Over the next centuries, espe- destination of Jewish pilgrims for centuries. Chris- cially in the post-Constantinian liturgical transfor- tians emphasise pilgrimages to sacred sites linked mation, ever more use was made of the language to the life and ministry of Jesus, particularly in of sacrifice found in the Hebrew scriptures, and Jerusalem, Bethlehem and the Galilee. But despite even language from pagan cultic practices finds its these differences, visits to sacred space, even if way into Christian descriptions of the eucharist. highly ‘spiritualised’, can be a profound religious Some recent scholarship has argued that a plural- experience for pilgrims of both faiths. ity of views – sacrificial and anti-sacrificial – are A. JAMES RUDIN to be found in the early Christian movement and Sacrifice that even the use of sacrificial language may be an While sacrifice (an offering) is something that is attempt to subvert the religious meaning of sacri- conceived as alien to contemporary Western soci- fice away from its cultic connotations and to assert ety, it was a fundamental way to express human its ethical implications for the Christian believer. interaction, homage and relationship with the This view has similarities with the Progressive Jew- divine in the ancient world, Judaism and Christian- ish understanding of the biblical sacrifices that took ity being no exception. In Judaism one can see vari- place in Jerusalem: they were a step towards the ous attitudes to sacrifice, from the idealised priestly rejection of a cultic religion and a move towards an theology of the books of Leviticus and Numbers to ethical monotheism and a sacrifice of the heart. the sharp critical rhetoric of some of the prophetic LIAM M. TRACEY writers. In post-biblical Judaism the study of sacri- Sacrifice of Isaac see binding of Isaac ficial texts in the Pentateuch has ensured that the Sadducees significance of sacrifice retains an important place, Adherents of a first-century CE Jewish sect, listed particularly in Orthodox Judaism, although clearly by Josephus as one of the ‘three philosophies’ not as central as when the Temple stood. (alongside Pharisees and Essenes: J. W. 2.108–66). For some of the writers of the NewTestament, Sadducees are mentioned in the NewTestament in offering a material sacrifice was seen not as a Chris- polemics with Jesus (Mark 12.18–27 and parallels) tian activity, but as associated with pagan cults and as members of the Sanhedrin that tried Paul or with the Jerusalem Temple. Yet the writings of (Acts 23.7–8). They first appear in Jerusalem in the Paul and deutero-Pauline are filled with spiritu- second century BCE, when according to Josephus alised or bloodless sacrificial language and images. (Ant. 13.288–98) the Hasmonean kings converted to These texts can refer to the sacrifice of Christ,or their sect. The Sadducees subsequently became a envision Christians as a new priesthood or tem- powerful faction in Judean politics, but seem not ple, or speak directly or indirectly of the sacrifice of to have survived the destruction of Jerusalem in Christians. For early Christians the whole of their 70 CE (however, this may just reflect our lack of

392 Salvation

sources for the post-70 CE period). Sadducees were to strengthen the Hebrew-speaking Catholics in mainly wealthy aristocrats, but the assumption Israel. DAVID M. NEUHAUS that they were all priests (or that all priests were Sainthood Sadducees: a traditional extrapolation from Acts Historians and phenomenologists of religion con- 5.17) has now been largely discarded (note that sider sainthood to apply generally to persons of all Josephus, a priest, was a Pharisee). The passage in religions who are leading or have led lives of heroic Acts 23.7–8 certainly suggests that they were only virtue. However, sainthood is primarily a Christian partially in control of the Sanhedrin, and the same category,theterm‘saints’(hagioi)havingbeenused is likely to have applied to the Jerusalem Temple. in Acts (e.g. 9.13, 32, 41) and by Paul (e.g. Rom. Sadducees rejected the authority of ancestral tra- 12.13; 15.25) to refer to the entire Christian commu- ditions upheld by the Pharisees (their main oppo- nity, and during the patristic era to refer to excep- nents), relying exclusively on their own interpreta- tionally holy persons worthy of veneration. The tion of scriptures; they also rejected (if our sources, cult of saints became increasingly elaborate dur- largely anti-Sadducean, are to be trusted) divine ing the Middle Ages, during which time the epis- providence,theexistenceofangels,theafterlife,res- copacy and eventually the papacy controlled the urrection and other related beliefs. Some passages declaration of sainthood through the formal pro- of the Dead Sea Scrolls may reflect Sadducean ori- cess of canonisation.Sainthood plays a minor role gins.AccordingtoJosephus(Ant.20.197–203),itwas in Judaism, which, given its lack of institutional aSadducee high priest, Ananus, that brought about hierarchy, has no official notion of sainthood. The the execution of James, brother of Jesus, leader of Christian emphasis on holy individuals worthy of the Jerusalem Church, in 62 CE. It has been sug- imitation and veneration is generally incompatible gested that the Sadducees, as aristocrats, may have with Jewish focus on the people collectively. How- disliked James because of his preference for the ever, Judaism has always held up, in the Bible and poor (evident at least in the Epistle of James). in rabbinic literature, and continues to acknowl- SACHA STERN edge, saintly persons held in high esteem for their Saint James, Association of extraordinary piety, goodness and covenant faith- Association of Hebrew-speaking Catholics in Israel fulness through such categories as hasid, kadosh (Mif’al Ya’aqov HaTsadik) named for St James, (set apart, separate, holy) and tzaddik (righteous brother of Jesus.Founded in 1955 by the Roman one). There is a sense, particularly in communities Catholic Patriarch of Jerusalem for Catholics of Jew- influenced by traditions of Lurianic Kabbalah or by ish origin and Catholics living in Jewish society in cults of saints in Islam, that there are saints who can Israel,therearecommunitiesinthefourmajorcities act as heavenly intercessors – leading to such prac- of Jerusalem,Tel Aviv-Jaffa, Haifa and Beer Sheba. tices as worship at their graves. These similarities in Members give expression to their faith in Hebrew, Judaism and Christianity’s expressions and appre- with a profound appreciation of the Jewish roots ciation of saintliness (lived holiness)are rooted in of their faith and practice, and seek to understand the call to the children of Israel in Lev. 19.2: ‘Ye shall the relationship between Christianity and contem- be holy; for I the Lord your God am holy.’ Christian- porary Judaism, as well as the reality of the State ity’s self-understanding is also shaped by this call of Israel.Members tend to see the Association as to holiness which is extended to them through New the revival of a Judeo-Christian community within Testament writers (e.g. 1 Pet. 1.15, 16; 1 Cor. 1.2; aJewish environment, recalling the earliest Church. Eph. 1.4; 1 Thess. 4.3). To be near to God is to be Some of its leaders have been central figures in holy; therefore saintliness, if not sainthood, is pos- the Jewish–Christian dialogue in Israel, includ- sible for all. ing the Dominican priests Bruno Hussar (1911– See also righteousness; sanctification; Stein, Edith 96) and Marcel Dubois (b. 1920). In August 2003 AUDREY DOETZEL Pope John Paul II appointed the head of the Asso- Saints see canonisation; sainthood ciation, Benedictine Abbot Jean-Baptiste Gourion Salvation (b. 1934), himself of Jewish origin, auxiliary bishop Salvation is a key area for the Jewish–Christian to the Patriarch of Jerusalem, a move designed encounter. The early Christian understanding of

393 Samaritans

salvation was dependent upon Judaism, as demon- In recent years there has been a major debate strated by the Hebrew word for salvation yeshuah, in Christianity over ‘soteriology’ (the study of meaning ‘divine deliverance’. It runs parallel to a salvation). Alan Race (b. 1951) in 1982 organised range of related concepts such as ‘redemption’,and the debate around three positions: ‘exclusivism’– perhaps ‘life after death’. The theme of deliverance salvation is only through conscious knowledge of is a significant one in the Hebrew Bible.Itisasso- the saving activity of Jesus; ‘inclusivism’ – salvation ciated with the need for deliverance from sickness is only possible through Jesus, but Jesus can save (Ps. 6.4), danger (Ps. 10), captivity (Exod. 14.30) and, faithful adherents of other faith traditions without in particular, exile (Isa. 49.25). Ps. 33.16–19 explains their conscious recognition; and ‘pluralism’ – all the that God alone brings about salvation. The theme major faith traditions are different and indepen- is also significant in terms of ritual. On the sev- dently authentic contexts of salvation. The debate enth day of the festival of Sukkot is Hoshana Rabba, has since generated a vast literature. Whereas which includes prayers that ask God for salvation. Messianic Jews and Evangelicals tend to be exclu- In addition, Alan Unterman (b. 1942) argues that sivists, inclusivism and pluralism are strategies that the concept of miz. vah includes certain notions of seek to redefine the language of salvation so it can punishment and reward that implies ‘a doctrine of respect the integrity of Judaism. salvation by works rather than faith, [although] this Some Jewish scholars have started to use the does not necessarily imply a mechanistic view of same taxonomy, for example, Dan Cohn-Sherbok salvation’ (Unterman, Jews, 32). (b. 1945) has described himself as a Jewish plural- Christians inherited much of this description of ist. There has been some interesting work explor- salvation. However, it was significantly modified by ing the concept of ‘covenant’ between the two using the term to describe primarily the work of traditions, with some contemporary theologians God in Christ, made possible by the life, death and talking of a ‘two-covenant’ approach, according to resurrection of Jesus.Humanity is saved from five which Christ does not displace or supersede the different problems and situations: these are (1) sin covenant with Judaism. Other theologians have (Matt. 1.21), (2) judgement or condemnation (1 Pet. stressed how the ‘Noachide laws’are an inclusivist 4.17–18), (3) losing one’s life (Mark 8.35), (4) death strategy within Judaism; they assume the truth of (Jas 5.20) and (5) the ‘wrath of God’ (Rom. 5.9). the‘symbol-system’ofJudaism,butmakeprovision From these different images the doctrine of atone- for a moral Gentile. IAN MARKHAM ment and redemption emerged. For Christians in Samaritans the Reformed tradition, the emphasis is upon ‘sal- An ethnic and religious group, whose members are vation from hell’,which is made possible by accept- few in numbers today (c.500 persons today live ing the work of atonement that God performed in mainly in Nablus (ancient Shechem at the foot of Christ on the cross or to use Paul’s instruction to Mt Gerizim) and outside Tel Aviv). They identify the gaoler in Acts 16: ‘Believe in the Lord Jesus, and themselves as descendants of the tribes of Ephraim you will be saved, you and your household.’ and Manasse, that is, those Jews who were not The Christian doctrine of salvation can be a deported by the Assyrians in 722 BCE. They regard major problem for constructive relations between themselves as faithful to the ancient traditions; Christians and Jews. Part of the reason for the ani- calling themselves ha-Shamerim,‘those keeping mosity towards ‘Messianic Jews’ (those Jews who [the Law]’. Cultural and religious clashes between have accepted Jesus as the Jewish Messiah and the Samaritans and those Jews who returned from Saviour) is the sense that these groups are requiring the exile led Jews to accept neither their offer to Judaism to convert to Christianity otherwise they help rebuild the Temple, nor their wish to convert will not be saved. Hermann Cohen has argued that, to Judaism (2 Kgs 17.24; Ezra 4). They were regarded on the topic of salvation, Judaism has the advan- as idolatrous immigrants from Kuth and were not tage over Christianity: the Jewish emphasis on the allowed to convert to Judaism. priority of ethics over belief means that ultimately In NewTestament times the animosity was people are judged by their behaviour, not by their already proverbial (John 4.9; 8.48), which may well beliefs, which are often determined by culture and be the reason for the positive characterisation in can be muddled, confused and partial. the parable of the good Samaritan (Luke 10.33) and

394 Sanhedrin

in the story about the ten lepers (Luke 17.16) – often preferred martyrdom to forced conversion to although the characterisation is not consistent Christianity. (cf. Matt. 10.5; Luke 9.52f.). In early Christian mis- On its own, the Hebrew word for ‘sanctifica- sionary reflection the Samaritans played an influ- tion’, Kedushah, denotes a prayer celebrating God’s ential role; they were understood as the first group majesty and glory. To join in this heavenly sanc- outside the Jewish people that was proffered and tus (the opening words of which are in Isa. 6.3) is accepted the Christian gospel. This is seen in both regarded as the climax of the mystic’s ecstasy, as the programmatic verse in Acts 1.8 and the entire seen in Merkavah mysticism.IntheOldand New eighth chapter where Luke depicts the transition Testaments ‘sanctification’ carries a range of mean- from Jews to Gentiles. Important also is the conver- ings. In the first instance the sense of God’s sepa- sation between an anonymous Samaritan woman rateness dominates (compare Rudolf Otto’s (1869– and the Johannine Jesus who encourages her to 1937) sense of the ‘numinous’ in The Idea of the preach the gospel (John 4.39). JESPER SVARTVIK Holy, 1923), but the connotation of morality soon Sanctification comes through in injunctions accepted by both As with the closely related concept of holiness, faith communities to ‘be holy for I am holy’ (a recur- sanctification is important in both traditions, rent refrain, notably in Leviticus). Jesus’ command Christianity inheriting many central connotations in Matt. 5.48 (‘Be perfect, therefore, as your heav- from Judaism. In Jewish–Christian dialogue,how- enly Father is perfect’) has been interpreted vari- ever, it may be necessary to recognise that each ously by Christian movements, notably Arminian religion has its distinctive emphases in interpret- groupings where the effort of the ‘believer’ over a ing the term. At the root of the concept is the lifetime is usually emphasised. In both Jewish and notion that God alone is holy and that through him Christian traditions people can grow in holiness, times, places, objects and people can become sanc- whether suddenly or gradually. Aquinas,drawing tified. The Hebrew Kiddush and the Greek hagias- on the Jewish concept of the sanctification of a mos denote a state or the outcome of an action whole people, conceived of the Israelites receiving or process. So the reciting of Kiddush declares the ‘sanctifying grace’ through the gift of faith in God holy days as set aside by God, and the sanctifi- and his revelation.Quoting Isa. 26.12 and Hos. 13.9 cation of marriage is expressed in the term kid- to emphasise that sanctification comes from God dushin.Jews can be sanctified by God’s command- rather than through human effort, Aquinas states ments (e.g. in the blessing recited on kindling the that Christians are sanctified in baptism or at con- Sabbathlights).Apriest,inancientIsrael,wassanc- version from sin. Again the stress is on joining a tified and needed to retain his sanctity (Lev. 21.6– community that is sanctified by God. Supremely in 8). God’s name can be sanctified or hallowed as, in Christianity, sanctification is the work of the Holy Christianity, in the Lord’s Prayer and in Judaism Spirit. The Lambeth Conference of Anglican Bish- in the so-called ‘Mourner’s Prayer’, the Kaddish, ops in 1988 emphasised the shared mission of Jews whose opening words are: ‘Magnified and sanc- and Christians in sanctifying the world in the sense tified be his great Name’ and which is, in effect, of promoting God’s intended purposes of justice, a hymn of praise to God’s kingship. In Judaism, peace and harmony. This manifestation of sancti- kedushatha-Shem(‘thesanctificationoftheName’) fication draws on the powerful Jewish concept of becomes the third blessing of the daily Amidah tikkunolam,variouslyrenderedas‘mending’,‘heal- (‘the sanctification of the day’, kedushat ha-Yom is ing’ or ‘repairing’ the world. the blessing used in the Sabbath or festival Ami- CHRISTINE PILKINGTON dah). Kiddush ha-Shem is also a term used in Sanhedrin Judaism for martyrdom, and implies that the mys- Sanhedrin, a Hebraicised form of the Greek teriously holy God reveals himself in the reality sunedrion (literally, ‘sitting together’), Second Tem- of the martyr’s faith, the martyr thus helping God ple Judaism’s legislative and judicial council in by manifesting his presence in the world. In both Jerusalem, appears differently in Christian and Judaism and Christianity martyrs may be witnesses Jewish sources. The Church vilified the Sanhedrin to their faith, standing firm against opposition from as complicit in the death of Jesus and the persecu- members of another faith; Jews have, for example, tion of his followers; the rabbinic system praised it;

395 Sarah

Josephus mentions it in connection with the death etiesheldadministrativeanddisciplinarymeetings. of James, the brother of Jesus. The Samaritans also had a ‘supreme council’ (Ant. Discrepancies among the various early sources 18.4.8). concerning the Sanhedrin’s composition and In 1807 Napoleon Bonaparte convened a ‘Grand responsibilities complicate any analysis. Mark Sanhedrin’ modelled after rabbinic descriptions, to 14.64 and Matt. 26.66 depict the Sanhedrin, led provide religious credibility to the assimilationist by the high priest and composed of chief priests, resolutions of the ‘Assemblyof Jewish Notables’.Six elders, scribes and, according to Acts and John, of the 12 issues it debated related directly to the Pharisees,asseeking to kill Jesus (Mark 14.53– interaction between Jews and their Christian neigh- 5) and suppress his followers; thus it epitomises bours and addressed traditional concerns regard- Judaism’s corruption. Rabbinic sources call the ing Jewish clannishness, divided loyalties, inter- Sanhedrin theBetDin(‘house of judgement’), attest marriage and usury.Atthe time, the Sanhedrin it had 71 members (see Num. 11.16) and men- generated considerable excitement, including con- tion two leaders, the Nasi (prince) and the Av bet demnations from the Lutheran Church in Prussia Din (father of the house of judgement). Whereas and from the tsar who, encouraged by the Rus- these texts ascribe the office of Nasi to such fig- sian Orthodox Church, described Napoleon as the ures – usually identified as Pharisees – as Hillel, his ‘Anti-Christ and the enemy of God’ for liberating son Simon and his grandson Gamaliel I, Josephus the Jews. AMY-JILL LEVINE (Ant. 20) and the NewTestament (Matt. 26.5–6; John Sarah 11.49) assign the presidency of the Sanhedrin to the Wife of Abraham,mother of Isaac, and claimed by high priest. Whether the Sanhedrin had the power both Jews and Christians as their matriarch. Con- of capital punishment in the late Second Temple sequently, Sarah is both a point of contact for Jews period remains debated. John 18.31 (cf. Ant. 20.9.1 and Christians and a point of separation. Sarah and b. Sanhedrin 18a, 24b) claims that death sen- plays a role in five narratives recounted in Genesis. tences required Roman confirmation, but m. San- The focal point in her complex story is the fourth hedrin 6.1–4 and y. Sanhedrin 24, 25 describe pro- episode in which, by God’s miraculous interven- cedures for capital punishment. Some interpreters tion, the infertile Sarah gives birth and so becomes suggest that John sought to vilify the Jewish council the mother of the Jewish people. Thus she plays an by suggesting that the Sanhedrin would have exe- essential role in the fulfilment of God’s covenantal cuted Jesus themselves if they had the power. Jose- promise. The other incidents provide a context for phus (Ant. 20.197–203) records that the high priest this fourth episode. The NewTestament adds addi- Ananus convened the Sanhedrin during an inter- tionallayerstotheChristianinterpretationofSarah, regnum between Roman governors to condemn and parts of Paul’s treatment of Sarah in Romans James the brother of Jesus and others for ‘having and Galatians seem to separate her from the Jewish transgressed the law’, although it is not clear that people and thus undermine her potential as a bond the charge was the proclamation of Jesus. He also between Jews and Christians. notes that ‘those of the inhabitants of the city who The biblical account of Sarah raises many trou- were considered the most fair minded and were bling issues for contemporary readers, in part strict in the observance of the Law [Pharisees?] were because it reflects the worldview of patriarchal soci- offended by this’. ety at the time of Abraham and of the composi- Jewish sources (Sota 9; Echa Rabbati on Lam. tion and compilation of Genesis. While Sarah has 5.15)lamenttheSanhedrin’sdemiseduringtheFirst the prestige of being the first matriarch, she is cer- Revolt, and Jewish leaders reconstituted the San- tainly not an equal to or partner of Abraham and hedrin in Jamnia,Tiberias, Usha and especially Beit she is described primarily in terms of her relation- She’arim where the institution lasted until the ces- ships with and attractiveness to men. She is a vic- sation of the Patriarchate in 425. Although Church tim of the limitations imposed on women in her assemblies (e.g. Acts 15, the Councils) bear some society and she in turn victimises her slave Hagar. similarity to the Jerusalem Sanhedrin, there is no The story of Sarah raises other disturbing questions direct connection. Most Roman cities had councils because it takes for granted the institution of slav- or senates as well as law courts, and voluntary soci- ery. As a slave, Hagar is treated as property – given

396 Sardis to Abraham as a concubine, mistreated and then in Weaving the Visions (1989)‘revisions’ Sarah, also discarded. viamidrash.Finally,agrowingnumberofChristians The New Testament contains several references have come to reject theologies of supersessionism to Sarah. In Rom. 4.19 Paul praises Abraham for and replacement, and feminist scholars in particu- his faith in the divine promise of progeny, even lar may find a shared heritage as children of Sarah. though both he and Sarah are too old to have chil- JOANN SPILLMAN dren, and treats Sarah’sbarrenness as a challenge to Sardis Abraham’s faith. 1 Pet. 3.6 cites Sarah as a model of The synagogue in Sardis, a major urban centre in wifely submission to her husband. In the New Tes- south-western Asia Minor (modern-day Turkey) tament too, therefore, Sarah is described in terms has played a major pioneering role in the re- of her relationship to men. Heb. 11.11 offers some evaluation of Jewish–Christian relations in Late redress of the balance by focusing on Sarah rather Antiquity. Discovered in 1961, this very impres- than on Abraham and by praising her faith in the sive structure was located on the city’s main thor- divine promise. oughfare, occupying a wing of the municipal bath- Paul’s treatment of Sarah presents great chal- gymnasium complex. The building was c.80 m long; lenges to those concerned to promote positive rela- in its final stage it was subdivided into a 60 m-long tions between Christians and Jews. He cites the sanctuary and a 20 m-long atrium. The remains of story of Abraham and Sarah to illustrate and explain its extraordinarily rich interior include an elaborate his understanding of God’s covenantal promises, courtyard with a fountain, two aediculae (one of of election as God’s free act, and of justification which undoubtedly housed Torah scrolls), a mas- by faith. In Galatians Paul allegorises the story of sive stone table with Roman-style eagles engraved Sarah and Hagar in order to illustrate his under- in relief on each of its two supporting stones, a standing of faith and election. He not only appears lavish mosaic floor and a three-tiered semicircular to separate her from the Jewish people – or at least bench at the western end of the hall. Remains of 19 from some of the Jewish people – but also to appro- menorot were found along with 86 inscriptions (79 priate her as the mother of Christians only. This of which are in Greek). may not have been his intention – this allegory, The synagogue was initially dated to the late sec- employing as it does forms of argument common ond and early third centuries, but recent studies among Jews of Paul’s day, drawing on midrash and have suggested a late third- and fourth-century at times using exaggeration and irony, is one of the context. The building as we see it today is largely a most difficult passages in the entire body of Paul’s product of extensive renovations conducted in the writings, and its interpretation remains a subject latter half of the fourth century, that is, a clearly of scholarly debate – but whatever Paul’s intention, Byzantine setting, and it remained as such until some later Christian writers did in fact claim that the fall of the city to the Persians in 616 CE. The Christians have replaced Jews as the children of Sardis synagogue is the first and most dramatic Abraham and Sarah, thus making Sarah a symbol of archaeological testimony for the continued pres- supersession. ence and acceptance of a Jewish community even In recent decades there has been a growing inter- after Christianity had become the dominant force est in the study of the women of the Bible, especially in society. The degree of tolerance and acceptance among feminists.Asboth Jewish and Christian reflected in this and several subsequent archaeo- scholars try to recover and understand the role of logical remains goes a long way in balancing the womenintheirtraditions,Sarahhasbecomeapoint rather negative picture of Jewish–Christian rela- of convergence for Jewish and Christian feminist tions portrayed in contemporary literary sources, scholars who are rediscovering her voice and offer- such as the Church Fathers and some imperial ing new and sometimes radical interpretations. For edicts. There is no more striking example of the instance,developingthemidrashinGenesisRabbah contrast in attitudes toward the Jews than the com- that Sarah died immediately after the episode of the parison of the impressive Sardis synagogue remains binding of Isaac, Christian theologian Phylis Trible with the harsh anti-Jewish polemic preached by wrote an influential essay entitled ‘The Sacrifice of Melito, bishop of Sardis in the second century. His Sarah’ (1999), while Jewish scholar Ellen Umansky condemnation of the Jews and Judaism was not

397 Satan

reflective of the city’s population generally (to wit, and has become an important meeting place for the synagogue enjoyed a prominent position on the scholars and interfaith groups alike, and the exeget- urban landscape throughout Late Antiquity), of the ical and theological contribution of Krister Sten- Christian laity, at least in the Byzantine period, or dahl (b. 1921) is groundbreaking. One of the most of the involvement of members of the Jewish com- tangible examples of this improvement is that the munity in political affairs. The inscriptions found Evangelical-Lutheran Church of Sweden passed its at the site reveal that 16 synagogue donors identi- first declaration on Jewish–Christian relations in fied themselves as citizens of Sardis and 9 as mem- 2001, The Ways of God,inwhich antisemitism is bers of the city council; 3 others held imperial posts, declared to be a sin, the deicide charge is con- and 6 were referred to as theosebeis (godfearers, or demned and replacement theology is abandoned. Gentiles (Christians?) who associated with the syn- JESPER SVARTVIK agogue). Finally, it has even been suggested that the School of St Victor see Andrew of St Victor; community itself might not have been Jewish, but Victorines was rather a non-Jewish association closely related Scribes to Judaism. Both Judaism and Christianity are indebted to See also architecture LEE I. LEVINE scribal activity; without the dedicated work of Satan see demon/devil scribes over many centuries the documents essen- Scandinavia tial for tracing the history and self-understanding There are indications of Jewish–Scandinavian of religious movements would never have survived. encounters during the Viking period, but it was The availability and quality of those documents, not until the seventeenth century that Jews were written by Jewish and Christian scribes, control the allowed to settle in Scandinavia (Denmark 1619; reliability of texts within the canon and within non- Sweden 1774). Although the ways to estimate the canonicaltexts.Thetechnicaldescriptionof‘scribe’ size of the Jewish population differ (according to the varies in reference and significance throughout American Jewish Year Book 2000: Denmark 6,400; Jewish literature: the Septuagint favours the func- Finland 1,100; Norway 1,200; Sweden 15,000), Scan- tion of scribes as administrators, officials, instruc- dinavian Jewry is comparatively small and well inte- tors and judges, and bearers of wisdom and ethical grated. This may also explain the wave of sympa- traditions (Sir. 6.34; 7.14; 8.33; 39.1–4); sociological thy with the fate of Scandinavian Jewry during the study of the Second Temple period recognises their Second World War, which made possible the rescue political relationship to priestly parties (1En. 92.1– of some 7,500 Danish Jews who, in spite of German 5); as an honorific term ‘scribe’ is used of Moses, occupation, in October 1943 were smuggled to Swe- Enoch, David and Ezra (1 Esd. 8.7); within the early den in small boats, thereby escaping the fate of the relationships of Jews and Christians, as the Synop- Norwegian Jews. tic Gospels indicate, it could be used as a term of In the autumn of 1942 the Norwegian Nazi party general criticism – of scribal commitment to the leader Vidkun Quisling (1887–1945) ordered the written Torah,ofanimplied failure to match under- deportation of the Norwegian Jews. Thus, almost all standing of the Torah with appropriate behaviour, of those who had not escaped the country perished. or of involvement in opposition to Jesus and his Finnish soldiers – among them Jews – fought the followers (Mark 8.31; 9.16). That usage of the term Soviet Union, that is, on the same side as German should not, however, inhibit the scholar today from soldiers. Paradoxically, a number of Jewish soldiers a deep appreciation of aspects of the spirituality of were awarded the German Iron Cross (although the scribe as portrayed in Sirach, where meditation, refusing to accept it), and a tent served as a Finnish worship, theology and learning are fused, nor from field synagogue with a Torah Scroll for the Nyland appraising the positive attitude to scribal activity brigade (‘Scholka’s shul’). which is also found in each of the Synoptic Gospels In the postwar era Jewish–Christian relations (Matt. 13.52; 23.2; Mark 12.28–34; Luke 10.25–28). have improved, perhaps more in Sweden than in The early interdependence of Jewish and Christian the other countries. There are local Councils of scribal activity, in terms of translation, exegesis, Christian and Jews in Sweden, the Swedish The- form, composition and content, is well illustrated ological Institute in Jerusalem was founded in 1951 by comparisons between the Gospel of Matthew,

398 Septuagint (LXX)

the Qumran material (see Dead Sea Scrolls) and the in Greek from after the first century CE (although scribal methods as evidenced in Mishnah Avot. Jewish Greek inscriptions have survived), its value IVOR H. JONES being indicated by Philo, who recorded an annual Second Vatican Council see Vatican II festival in Alexandria celebrating the translation. Seder see Last Supper; paschal lamb; Passover In rabbinic literature criticism of it is found only Seelisberg Conference rarely, and it is often spoken of approvingly. Such The newly formed International Council of approval might be indicated by the continued use ChristiansandJews (founded 1946), under the gen- of the Greek text, at least in the version of Aquila, eral secretaryship of the Revd W.W.Simpson (1907– in the synagogue as late as Justinian (sixth cen- 87), met in the Swiss town of Seelisberg in 1947. Del- tury). The use of Greek by both Jews and Christians egates attended from European countries in East in the Mediterranean region, and respect for the and West and from Australia, as did representatives LXX, account for the preference of the LXX over from many organisations, including UNESCO, the the Hebrew Bible in Jewish–Christian disputations WorldCouncil of Churches and the ‘Historic Peace in the first couple of centuries, and suggest that Churches’. At this second conference of the Coun- such disputations might reflect genuine contact. cil the main issues on the agenda were the estab- The inclusion of apocryphal books in the Christian lishment of human rights and the combating of canon was not a matter of dispute, but the accu- antisemitism.Adeclaration by the Christian par- racy of the text and its interpretation were. Justin ticipants was issued, known as the ‘Ten Points of (Dial. 71.1) implies some Jews wished for a more Seelisberg: An Address to the Churches’, in which accurate translation than the current LXX, and in the Christians, in consultation with Jews, tack- the second century the apparently Jewish versions led the problem of Christian antisemitism. The of Aquila, Symmachus and Theodotion were pro- ‘Ten Points’ drew attention to the Jewishness of duced. Aquila’s version rendered the Hebrew much Jesus and of the early Christian community, and more closely than any other, and its Jewish origin reminded that Jews and Christians are bound by might be implied by a similar version still in use a common commandment to love God and one’s among Jews in the medieval period (attested in the neighbour. It proceeded to indicate what should be Cairo Genizah). All three Jewish versions render, avoided in the presentation of Jews by Christians, for example, Isa. 7.14 with the word ‘young woman’ including the misrepresentation of Jews as enemies rather than ‘virgin’ to counter Christian claims of of Jesus, portraying the passion as if all Jews were the virginal birth of Christ (cf. Justin, Dial. 43.8; responsible for Christ’s death, or choosing critical 67.1). The Dialogue of Timothy and Aquila (late sec- passages from the NewTestament without noting ond to fourth century) specifically attacks Aquila’s their universal application to humanity and not just version for mutilating the text, and the ongoing to Jews. The ‘Ten Points’ anticipated many later dispute concerning the text of the LXX might be Church statements in its understanding of Jesus reflected in the rabbinic response that the day of and the early Church, and in its concern for care the translation was as the day when the Golden Calf in preaching and catechesis. JAMES K. AITKEN was fashioned (Megillat Ta’anit 13). Some Christian Septuagint (LXX) commentators, notably Melito of Sardis, Origen The Septuagint originally denoted the (Old Greek) and Jerome,were aware of deficiencies in the LXX, translation of the Pentateuch, but from the second and referred to the Hebrew for clarification. Ori- century CE onwards the term came to be used for gen’s Hexapla (c.250 CE), which aligned various LXX the whole of the OldTestament in Greek, includ- translations with the Hebrew text, may have been ing the apocryphal books, not all of which were produced, among other reasons, to counter Jew- translations. Within the Church it has held a spe- ish arguments on the text. In Justin’s Dialogue with cial position as the version of the Bible quoted in the Jew Trypho Jews are accused of omitting pas- the NewTestament and as the version used by sages from the LXX, although in reality these are many Church Fathers. The Eastern Fathers too usually Christian additions. The Epistle of Barn- relied for their Old Testament on ancient transla- abas, for example, discusses the Christian reading tions from the LXX. It was also important within of the LXX of Isa. 45.1, where the addition of one Judaism, despite a lack of other Jewish literature letter has changed ‘my anointed one, Cyrus [kyro]’

399 Sermon on the Mount

to ‘my anointed one, Lord [kyrio]’, a reading that being sought out by Gentile astrologers and dream Jerome actually denounces. The LXX continued to interpreters, who call him ‘the king of the Jews’ be the text discussed in disputations as late as the (Matt. 2.1–12). Immediately afterwards Jesus’ par- Byzantine period, appearing in the anti-Christian ents take him to Egypt to protect him from Herod, text Nestor the Priest, although the version there is who kills all the baby boys of Bethlehem. Later, they different from extant LXX versions. The authority return to fulfil the prophecy, ‘Out of Egypt I have of the LXX remains a matter of discussion in Chris- called my son’ (Matt. 2.13–15). An observant reader tianity, it being advocated, for example, by Bishop quickly recognises allusions to Jewish Messianic John Fisher (sixteenth century), E. Grinfield (nine- hopes, Moses’ childhood escape from death, and teenth century) and M. Muller¨ (twentieth century). the exodus. STEVEN J. MCMICHAEL Orthodox Churches continue to use the Septuagint Service International de Documentation (in the case of the Greek Orthodox) or its daugh- Judeo-Chr´ etienne´ (SIDIC) see Jewish–Christian ter translations (e.g. Coptic,Ethiopic, Armenian, relations, centres for the study of OldSlavonic), which, given their incorporation of Seventh-Day Adventists theologicalalterationsinfluentialonearlyChristian The Seventh-Day Adventist church is distinguished writers, can reinforce the position of the Old Testa- from mainline Protestantism by its belief in the ment simply as a typological precursor of the New. imminent pre-millennial Second Advent (return) of See also Bible translations, ancient; biblical inter- Christ, and observance of the biblical seventh-day pretation JAMES K. AITKEN (Saturday) Sabbath and dietary laws.With roots in Sermon on the Mount the teachings of Baptist William Miller (1781–1849) The Sermon on the Mount (Matt. 5–7) is the first and Ellen G. White (1827–1915), the Church was for- of five major discourses in the Gospel of Matthew mally organised in 1863 and now has over 11 million (perhaps the most Jewish of the four Gospels of the members. Energetic mission is a consequence of NewTestament). A number of biblical scholars the belief that universal proclamation of the gospel have suggested that the five discourses are intended is a precondition of the Second Advent. to parallel the five books of the Torah. The Sermon As Judaising Christians,Adventists constitute a on the Mount can be further divided into five major minority in all countries, and are prominent cam- sections beginning with the beatitudes and con- paigners for religious liberty, lobbying for imple- cluding with exhortations to live a radical type of mentation of the United Nations’ Declaration on discipleship. In addition, it has a section consisting Human Rights, and Church and state separa- ofsixstatements–‘Youhavehearditsaid ...butIsay tion. However, whilst several individual Adventists to you’ – in which Torah law is expanded or reinter- helped Jews to escape the Holocaust (John Weidner preted, and another section on purity of intention (1912–94) is recognised as a Righteous Gentile in prayer, fasting and almsgiving – important ele- for his organisation of an ‘underground railroad’ ments of Jewish piety. that rescued 800 people), the German Adventist The most controversial element of the sermon Church supported Hitler and attempted to distin- is Matt. 5.17–20, which begins ‘Do not think I have guish itself from Judaism in the minds of the author- cometoabolishthelawortheprophets:Ihavecome ities by publishing articles in support of anti-Jewish not to abolish but to fulfil.’ While many Christians measures, permitting Sabbath work and military do think that Jesus came to abolish Mosaic Law,it service. is clear from the sermon that the Matthean Jesus is Adventist practice was re-established in postwar not speaking of eliminating the law but of calling Europe, but the Holocaust has had limited impact people to live their covenant relationship in a radi- on Adventist–Jewish relations. Individuals like John cal, more intensive way. In this, Jesus is following in Graz (b. 1945) have called for recognition of Chris- a long tradition of reformers and prophets of Jewish tiancomplicityintheHolocaustandare-evaluation history. Recall, for example, Jeremiah’s call to a new of Adventist theology of the Jewish people, but covenant written on the heart (Jer. 31.31–4). Adventist–Jewish relations remain largely those The literary context of the Sermon on the Mount between propagators and targets of conversionary confirms this interpretation. In the stories that pre- mission. In several countries Adventists are primar- cedethesermonMatthewdescribestheinfantJesus ily African, African-American or African-Caribbean

400 Sex/sexuality

in origin; Adventist–Jewish relations may there- tianity’s approach–avoidance relationship with sex fore be located partly in a context of wider Black and sexuality is further complicated by the fact that Christian–Jewish relations. MELANIE J. WRIGHT in the Bible, while God is usually referred to by male Sex/sexuality pronouns or male titles, God has no clear genital In today’s world the subject of sexuality is increas- configuration in contrast to all other divine figures ingly complicated. Sex is a physical and emotional of the ancient Near East and of Hellenistic cultures. activity; sexuality is an identity category, generally Each religion dealt with this discrepancy differently. privileging heterosexual concepts of power, owner- Sexual love is celebrated in the Hebrew Bible, and ship, social role and status in the eyes of God. In the sex is spoken of frankly in rabbinic literature. Sexual face of modern insights into gender, sexual identity love in the NewTestament is often equated with andsexualorientation–allnon-biblicalcategories– lust, and thus condemned. Originalsin (Augustine, both Judaism and Christianity are struggling to find early fifth century) was virtually equated with sex- enough common ground to formulate definitive ual passion, so every act of conception was intrin- joint declarations concerning many sexual issues. sically evil. The difference between the two tradi- Historically both religions sanction only one tions can be summarised as follows: in Judaism option: a carefully delimited heterosexuality, regu- sexual activity is characterised by temperance lated by religious authority.Both assume that a ‘nor- and self-control; in Christianity by asceticism and mal’ man–woman relationship should culminate in self-denial. marriage. All other sexual activity is traditionally In 1993 the Synagogue Council of America and understood to be contrary to nature as intended by the US National Conference of Catholic Bishops God. issued a joint statement decrying the proliferation The Gospels say little about sexual behaviour of pornography, for it ‘reduces the Creator’s gift (Paul spoke only slightly more) and nothing at all of sexuality to a level . . . devoid of personal dig- about sexuality. Early Church writers often under- nity, commitment and spirituality’. In 2003 a joint stood marriage as a distraction from full devo- statement by the Pontifical Commission for Reli- tion to God; hence celibacy is much more com- gious Relations with the Jews and the Chief Rab- mon in the history of Christianity than in Judaism. binate of Israel Commission for Jewish–Catholic The creation narrative models monogamy, though Dialogue affirmed ‘the family unit as the basis the Bible also contains examples of ‘sanctioned’ for a wholesome society’, arguing that God has polygamy. Christianity has from the beginning sanctified marriage between a man and a woman insisted on monogamy, a proscription also adopted (Gen. 1.27). The statement ends: ‘We cannot agree by Judaism from the eleventh century. to alternative models of couples’ union and the Though adultery is often used in the Bible as family.’ ametaphor for intentionally turning away from But other voices within both Judaism and Chris- right relationship with God, neither religion tol- tianity do seek to explore and endorse alterna- erates human adultery. In the prophetic literature tive models. With the rise of biblical criticism adultery could be forgiven by God, though there and the influence of Freud’s psychology, and in is little biblical evidence that humans should for- a world of postmodern contextuality, attitudes give. In both traditions marriage is also a common toward sex and sexuality have begun to change metaphor – God to Israel, the Lamb to the Church, in Judaism and Christianity. Both religions agree God to the human soul. Both Kabbalah and early that sexual abuse, paedophilia, bestiality and non- medieval mysticism drew erotic parallels between consensual sex are offensive to a loving God the sexual act and the mystical union with God. who desires healthy human relationships. How- In Judaism God’s sexuality is also anthropomor- ever, both religions are at present characterised phised as female and heterosexual. Wisdom and by intra- and inter-community disputes on issues the Shekinah are feminine aspects of God; Torah of sexual identity and orientation, and divine and Sabbath are also described as female. sanction, so that a rocky road lies ahead in this area Body–soul dualism, valuing the soul and devalu- of Jewish–Christian relations. We are more likely ing the body, entered Christianity from outside to find agreement among Jewish and Christian Judaism, probably from Greek philosophies. Chris- liberals, or Jewish and Christian traditionalists,

401 Shabbat

than we are across the traditionalist/postmodern Nathan to Rome to perform a secret ritual to has- divide. ten the fall of the pope and Christendom. Shab- See also homosexuality PHILIP CULBERTSON beteanism continued to flourish after their deaths, Shabbat see Sabbath but the movement disintegrated in the following Shabbetai Zvi (1626–76) century when most followers converted to Chris- Self-proclaimed Messiah and founder of Shab- tianity or Islam. The best known Shabbetean was beteanism, a Jewish Messianic movement which Jacob Frank, whose followers later converted to gained an enormous following among Jews, par- Catholicism. Catholic Frankists survived until the ticularly in the Ottoman empire through which mid-twentieth century, although their influence he travelled widely from his home city of Smyrna, diminished significantly from the mid-nineteenth and was seen by some Christians as a precursor century. EDWARD KESSLER to the return of Jesus Christ. The rise in violence Shaftesbury, Anthony Ashley Cooper, 7th Earl of against Jews, particularly in Russia and Poland (1801–85) (for example, the Chmeilnicki massacres of 1648), Early Christian Zionist. Shaftesbury urged Jews to contributed to his success, as did the increase immigrate to Israel, partly because, like other early in popularity of Kabbalah, especially in its Lau- Christian Zionists, he saw Jews playing a key role in rianic form which combined Messianism with Christ’s Second Coming, which would occur only mysticism.In1665 Nathan of Gaza (1644–80) when Jews lived in a restored Israel – he argued acknowledged Shabbetai Zvi as the long-awaited the Jewish people were vital to a Christian’s hope Messiah. Shabbetai Zvi’s actions, such as appoint- of salvation – and partly from a desire to see ing apostles to represent the 12 tribes of Israel, Europe free of Jews. The contradictory co-existence attracted the interest of Christian millenarians in his writings of antisemitism (e.g. ‘The State and in England, the Netherlands and Germany who Prospect of the Jews’ (1841)) and exaltation of Jews expected Christ to return in 1666; for example, in as God’s Chosen People is not unusual in early Amsterdam Peter Serrarius (1600–69) spread news Christian Zionism.Shaftesbury was among a small of Shabbetai Zvi to his many Christian correspon- number of early Christian Zionists who influenced dents. Fasts, ritual baths and mortifications of an leaders such as Lloyd George,Arthur Balfour (1848– extreme character were the order of the day among 1930) and Woodrow Wilson (1856–1924). the Shabbeteans. Many communities in Europe EDWARD KESSLER made preparations or even left for the land of Israel Shakespeare, William (1564–1616) in Messianic expectation. In 1666 Shabbetai Zvi English playwright, poet and actor. Parish records was imprisoned by the sultan and given the choice from his birthplace Stratford-upon-Avon indicate of converting to Islam or being put to death. He that (as the law required) William Shakespeare chose the former, as did thousands of his follow- belonged to the Church of England; the Bible ers. Nathan of Gaza explained that the scandal of and the Book of Common Prayer influenced his his apostasy was necessary in order to redeem the work. Several of his 38 plays treat Jews and entire world: although outwardly he submitted to Jewish–Christian relations in ways that contempo- domination by an earthly power and took on the rary readers find problematic, including The Two shame of being a traitor, this was a last stage before Gentlemen of Verona and Macbeth which contain he revealed himself as Messianic redeemer. Ger- passing antisemitic references (II.iii and v, and shom Scholem (1897–1982) compares the Shab- IV.iv respectively) and The Merchant of Venice. betean movement to Christianity, suggesting that Opinion is divided as to whether the latter is an what Paul had called the scandal of the cross was antisemitic play or a play about antisemitism (or as shocking as the scandal of an apostate Messiah. both). In both cases the disciples proclaimed the birth Little is known of Shakespeare’s biography, of a new form of Judaism, which had replaced the including his religious beliefs. The family had recu- old. Both groups believed that the Torah had been sant connections and there is a tradition that replaced by the new law of the Spirit and devel- Shakespeare was a Catholic. This theory has more opedanincarnationalconceptionofGod(seeincar- credibility than the (rare) suggestion that he was nation). After his conversion Shabbetai Zvi sent Jewish, but remains unproven. There have been

402 Shema

many attempts to deny or explain Shakespeare’s deals with the theme of conversion to Judaism. negative attitude towards Jews. For some inter- Shavuot in medieval times marked the beginning preters as a ‘great writer’ Shakespeare must nec- of children’s formal study and in modern times has essarily have been (by contemporary standards) been favoured for Jewish confirmation and religion a‘great person’, and so cannot have shared in school graduation ceremonies. The Anglo-Saxons the prejudice of his age. Alternatively it is some- called the feast White Sunday (Whitsunday), from times argued that Shakespeare’s attitude stems the white clothes worn by those baptised. In mod- fromignorance;JewswereexpelledfromEnglandin ern Israel public processions are held for which 1290.However,therewereJewsinsixteenth-century white is worn. MICHAEL HILTON London, where Shakespeare worked. Moreover, Shekinah scholars like James Shapiro (b. 1955) have recently The idea of the Shekinah seems to originate with argued for a reappraisal of the impact of Jew- God’s glory ‘dwelling’ over the tabernacle (Exod. ish questions in early modern England, implying 40.35) and comes to be associated with divine pres- that Shakespeare certainly participated in Jewish– ence and continuity. In the Aramaic translations of Christian relations on an ideological level, if not in the Bible the term Memra serves the same purpose. terms of everyday life encounters. What is unde- An important image of the Shekinah is the conti- niable is that Shakespeare’s pre-eminence in the nuity of the divine presence even when in exile, literary canon has ensured the continuing influ- seen in the cloud and fire leading the people in ence of his work on popular perceptions of Jews and the Exodus account, and later taken to be present Judaism. MELANIE J. WRIGHT after the fall of the Temple in 70 CE. In the Wis- Shalom see peace dom of Solomon (first century BCE) the figure of Shavuot Wisdom was associated with the Shekinah and this Jewish festival precisely parallel to the Christian contributed to the Christian view of Jesus. The pro- festival of Pentecost (which was also the name logue to John’s Gospel might have been developing given to the Jewish festival by Greek-speaking Jews). similar concepts, especially with the allusion there Shavuot is linked to Passover in the same way that to the ‘tabernacling’ of the Word. Drawing upon a Pentecost is linked to Easter byaperiod of seven pun in Greek where the word for ‘tent’ is similar weeks (Lev. 23.15). Acts 2 describes how at the festi- to the Hebrew for ‘to dwell’ (1.14), Jesus, the Word val the Holy Spirit descended on the whole assem- of God, is depicted as encamping with the people bly with the disciples speaking in tongues, to take of the world. The similarity of Jewish and Chris- the Christian message out to the peoples of the tian concepts of divine presence could serve as a world. The narrative precisely parallels the revela- theological issue of dialogue and understanding tion at Sinai, with its thunder and fire and God’s between the faiths. JAMES K. AITKEN revelation to the whole of the people of Israel. Shema Rabbis countered Christian claims to have a more Shema is the singular imperative of the Hebrew verb universal message with the retort that Torah had ‘to hear’ and the first word of Deut. 6.4, ‘Hear, O been offered to other nations but refused. In the Israel’. The Shema is the name of the most impor- Hebrew Bible Shavuot is simply a harvest festival, tant declaration of faith for Jews, and consists of and the precise date of the revelation at Sinai is Deut. 6.4–9, 11.13–21 and Num. 15.37–41. It begins not mentioned. Shavuot as celebrating God’s rev- by asserting the unity of God (‘the Lord our God, elation finds its written testimony firstly in Acts, the Lord is one’) and it enjoins the love of God secondly in rabbinic writings. The third-century withone’swholebeingandpossessions.Thesecond Rabbi Elazar ben Pedat declared that the Torah was part of the Shema links obedience to God’s com- given on Shavuot (b. Pesahim 68b), thus making mandments to material blessing, while the third the festival similar in theme to the parallel Chris- part commands the wearing of fringes or tassels as a tian festival. The more recent development of the reminder of the exodus from Egypt and the obliga- two festivals shows further links. As early as the fifth tion to obey God’s commandments. The recitation century baptisms into the Church were common at of the Shema is at the heart of the daily morning Pentecost. It became the custom at Shavuot to read and evening service, but it is also used on other the book of Ruth (Machzor Vitry,from 1208), which occasions, such as at the culmination of the Day

403 Shittuf

of Atonement.Inthe NewTestament the opening Shoah words (Deut. 6.4–5) are described by Jesus as ‘the Hebrew term used to describe the murder of Jews first and great commandment’ (Matt. 22.37–8), and during the Second World War. It is biblical in ori- Anglicanliturgiesfromtheeighteenthcenturyhave gin, meaning ‘total destruction’ (e.g. Ps. 35.8; 63.10; included this passage in the opening section of the Prov. 1.27; Job 30.14; Isa. 6.2; 19.3; 47.11). In English eucharist, thereby putting it at the heart of their it is used by some as an alternative to the term worship. Holocaust which, also biblical in origin, is the Greek See also confession of faith JOHN ROGERSON translation of the Hebrew olah, meaning ‘whole Shittuf burnt offering’. Describing the victims with a word A halakhic term which means ‘partnership’ or ‘asso- that originally denoted sacrifices to God, as well as ciation’ of an additional power with God and is the use of the term ‘holocaust’ in other contexts, is used in Orthodox Judaism to describe non-Jewish offensive to some Jews and Christians. Yet just as religions, especially Christianity and Islam.Itis the term ‘holocaust’ has been used in a variety of applied to religions that are not considered idol- contexts to describe scenes of violence and destruc- atrous but are viewed as combining elements of tion, shoah is used similarly in modern Hebrew, for Judaism and paganism, resulting in a contamina- example in association with nuclear disasters and tion of the absolute monotheism revealed at Sinai. air accidents. K. HANNAH HOLTSCHNEIDER However, because a shittuf religion has not degen- Sicut Judeis erated into polytheism and idolatry,itwas not con- Sicut Judeis is the name of a Papal Bull, first pro- demned, and (commercial) contacts with its repre- mulgated during the pontificate of Callixtus II sentatives were deemed acceptable. According to (1119–24). Its purpose was to protect Jews against the medieval view, it was understandable that such Christian violence. Even while protecting Jews, religions contain truth and error, because their rep- however, the document reflects the depth of resentativeswerenotatSinaianddidnottakeonthe Christian ambivalence about the continued vital- obligatory commitment to uncorrupted worship of ity of Jewish communities. This can be clearly God and fulfilment of God’s commandments that discerned in the document’s opening line: ‘Even covers all generations. The view that God might as the Jews ought not have the freedom to dare have had a partner in creation was first refuted do in their synagogues more than the law per- in Rabbinic Judaism’s interpretation of the Golden mits them, so ought they not suffer curtailment of Calf,whichwasdescribedasafalse‘mixing’(shetaf ) those[privileges]whichhavebeenconcededthem.’ of the Name of God with an alien cult. A pragmatic The most likely context for the original promulga- position eventually emerged that while shittuf tion of Callixtus’s Bull is the increasing Christian– compromised monotheism and was thus prohib- Jewish violence that characterised the First ited to Jews, it was not incompatible with the Crusade. Noachide laws and thus Christians were not actual Specifically, the Bull forbids the forced baptism idolaters (t. Sanhedrin 63b and t. Bekhorot 2b). of Jews, and it condemns such crimes as the EDWARD KESSLER wounding, killing or robbing of Jews. It also forbids Shiloh Christians from interfering with Jewish worship An obscure word in Gen. 49.10, and part of a bless- and festival celebrations. Although first promul- ing by Jacob, which was interpreted in Rabbinic gated during the medieval period, similar legal pro- Judaism and in the early Church as a Messianic nouncements date back to the pontificate of Pope prophecy: ‘The sceptre shall not depart from Judah, Gregory the Great, one of whose letters begins with nor a lawgiver from between his feet, until Shiloh the words Sicut Judeis.For Gregory the context was comes; and to him shall be the obedience of the local Roman policy toward the Jews. As the power people.’ ‘Sceptre’ was understood by both the rab- of the Pope grew, local Roman policy began to have bis and by the Church Fathers as the 12 tribes of more universal influence on issues affecting the Israel or as Judah, and Shiloh as the Messiah.In whole Church. The Bull was frequently reissued Christian tradition Shiloh is identified with Jesus, by a succession of popes during the Middle Ages, but for the rabbis Shiloh has not yet arrived (cf. testifying to its limited success in controlling vio- b. Sanhedrin 98b) EDWARD KESSLER lence against the Jews. Sicut Judeis became part

404 Sisters of Sion

of the foundational texts for the developing tradi- Sin tion of canon law, and for centuries it represented Sinisanimportant issue in the Jewish–Christian official Church policy towards the Jewish commu- encounter. A shared concept, the word sin in nity. Reflecting the Church’s generally defensive Hebrew, het,means ‘that which goes astray’ and posture following the Reformation, the Bull fell carries connotations of an arrow that misses the tar- into disuse; Church policy became more restric- get, while for Christianity the Greek word hamartia tive and remained so until the twentieth century, means ‘missing the mark’. In both cases the word when official policy went far beyond the bare tol- implies failure to meet expectations of holiness erance that characterised Sicut Judeis and con- or goodness. As Paul puts it in Rom. 3.23, ‘all demned antisemitism. JOHN J. O’KEEFE have sinned and fall short of the glory of God’ SIDIC see Jewish–Christian relations, centres for (New Revised Standard Version). One key difference the study of between Christianity and Judaism is over the issue Silence of ‘original sin’. There is, however, a major simi- Silence may describe a number of different states, larity in that both Judaism and Christianity stress including the condition of being silent or still, or a the importance of the mercy of God. God is will- failure to speak out on an issue. Silence in each of ing and able to forgive those who turn to God for these senses has a role in Judaism, Christianity and repentance. The idea shapes much of the drama of Jewish–Christian relations. the Hebrew Bible, and Christians inherited the idea Both Jews and Christians use silence in worship. and made it central to their understanding of how It iscustomaryforJewishcongregationstorecitethe God relates to the world. Amidah silently before its repetition by the leader The twentieth century, especially in the light of (following m. Berakhot 5.1), and the Kabbalah the Holocaust, generated a significant literature of (drawing on texts like Ps. 62.2; 5.2; Zohar 2b) views Christian acknowledgement of the many sins com- silence as the authentic medium of prayer,adis- mitted against Judaism. Many of the major Chris- cipline to be practised by those seeking to draw tian denominations (e.g. Anglican, Lutheran, Pres- near to the Eternal. Christianity roots silent, pri- byterian) organised working parties to look at the vate prayer in the examples of Mary (Luke 2.19, 51) propensity to demonise the Jew both in scripture and Jesus (Luke 5.15; Matt. 6.5–8). Members of reli- and tradition. Pope John Paul II made the acknowl- gious orders regularly observe silence (especially edgement of sin against Judaism a major theme during the night hours, or ‘Great Silence’); Quak- of his pontifical teaching, culminating in his papal ers are noted for their tradition of silent ‘waiting confession of sin at the Western Wall in Jerusalem upon the Lord’. during his pilgrimage to Israel in March 2000. In Jewish–Christian relations silence as failure to IAN MARKHAM resist evil is associated primarily with the failure Sisters of Sion of Christians to protest the Holocaust or address The Congregation of Our Lady of Sion is an interna- their complicity afterwards. Much contemporary tional Order of Roman Catholic religious women dialogue and remembrance activity is predicated founded in Paris in the mid-nineteenth century on the fear that the absence of conversation within by Theodore Ratisbonne.Inaccordance with the and between faiths on these issues is only partly a thought of the Church at the time, the order’s aim stunned or respectful silence, and may in fact attest was the conversion of the Jews – ‘to cooperate in to indifference or forgetfulness. the fulfilment of the promises concerning the des- Some meetings of Councils of Christians and tiny of the Jewish people’. Following the Second Jews (and similar bodies) and other interfaith World War, the impact of the Holocaust, the ecu- events use silence as an opportunity for spiritual menical and biblical movements, and new theo- reflection and sharing. In the absence of commonly logical understandings led to a dramatic change accepted liturgies reflecting new appreciations of in the aim of the Order. Vatican II and Nostra the bonds uniting Jews and Christians, this avoids Aetate confirmed and encouraged this new thrust. problems associated with verbal ministry, but can The sisters are now called, through a variety of become characterless and lack genuine spirituality. ministries, professions, schools and centres, to wit- MELANIE J. WRIGHT ness ‘to God’s faithful love for the Jewish people’

405 Slovakia

and ‘to promote understanding and justice for Society of Friends see Quakers the Jewish community, and to keep alive in the Society of Jesus see Jesuits Church the consciousness that, in some myste- Soloveitchik, Joseph (1903–92) rious way, Christianity is linked to Judaism from Scion of the rabbinic family that led the presti- its origin to its final destiny’ (1984, Constitution gious Volozhin yeshivah, Soloveitchik studied phi- §§ 13, 14). AUDREY DOETZEL losophy in Berlin before becoming one of the Slovakia most influential ‘Modern Orthodox’ rabbinic lead- For almost ten centuries (tenth century–1918) Slo- ersandphilosophersoftwentieth-centuryAmerica. vakia preserved its Slavonic language and charac- Soloveitchik reacted to Western liberalism and ter as a part of Hungary,afact that also signifi- to Vatican II with the same mixture of interest cantly influenced the relationship of Christians and and mistrust. While Jews had a duty to resist reli- Jews there. Thanks to the initially benevolent pol- gious acculturation, Soloveitchik ruled that Ameri- icy towards Jews of the Arp´ ad´ dynasty (896–1301), can Jews could celebrate Thanksgiving as a religious Hungary and Slovakia witnessed relatively peace- festival, and he actively followed discussions of the ful coexistence and even attracted Jewish fugitives role of religion in society.His public response to Vat- from the West. A gradual change of mood was sig- ican II (‘Confrontation’, Tradition, 1964) has often nalled by two blood libel charges from 1494 and been read as a ban on theological or even all inter- 1529, which ended at the stake. After the defeat faith dialogue,restricting intergroup encounter to of Hungarian forces by the Ottoman army at the secular and social subjects. He subsequently made battle of Mohacs´ (1526) Jews were banned from clear that this was not a halakhic ban but an expo- several towns, settling in suburbs where peaceful sition of the philosophical basis for an encounter cooperation developed with rural Christian com- in which Judaism would be respected as equal and munities, especially in the districts of Liptovsky´ independent, not subjected to triumphalist con- Mikula´sˇ and Trencˇ´ın. In the seventeenth century descension, dogmatic disputation and missionary Slovakia again became a destination for Jewish intent. In relating his suspicion that the Catholic refugees, who were sometimes even supported by Church was unlikely to abandon its mission to Jews, Hungarian landlords in erecting places for wor- Soloveitchik also recalled the unscrupulous mea- ship and study. At the beginning of the nine- sures previously adopted by the Russian Orthodox teenth century Hatam Sofer (1762–1839) founded Church in pursuit of Jewish converts. Neverthe- an officially recognised rabbinical orthodox semi- less, his publications betray a profound engage- nary in Pressburg (Bratislava). New political condi- mentwithprewarGermanProtestantthought,from tions in the Austro-Hungarian Empire gradually led Kant and Kierkegaard (1813–55) to Scheler (1874– to greater cultural and political bonds between Slo- 1928)andOtto(1869–1937).From1962Soloveitchik vakJews and Hungary, which contradicted national was privately involved in discussions between Jew- Slovak feelings and created new tensions. Mod- ishorganisationsandtheVatican,insistingthatlim- ern edicts of tolerance such as that in 1867 were its on dialogue be set to avoid doctrinal divisions. therefore sometimes opposed by clergy and pub- His classic Lonely Man of Faith was first delivered lic. There was strong support for Zionism among at a Catholic seminary in 1965. Slovak Jews, and Pressburg hosted important Zion- GEORGE R. WILKES ist congresses. The creation of Czechoslovakia in Solovyov, Vladimir (1853–1900) 1918 brought relative political and religious free- Orthodox Christian Russian religious philosopher, dom, but this was interrupted between 1939 and poet and political thinker; the spiritual father 1945 by the controversial creation of an indepen- of Russian religious renaissance during the early dent Slovak state which collaborated with the Nazi twentieth century.Solovyov’sinnovative pro-Jewish regime: some 100,000 people perished in the Holo- theses and arguments were part of his Christian caust, and of about 25,000 survivors only half reset- universalism and ecumenist utopia. In his youth tled. Todayabout 6,000 Jews live in the modern state he studied Kabbalah and later read in Hebrew the of Slovakia. OldTestament and parts of the Mishnah with his See also Czechia PETR FRYSˇ friend and teacher Feivl Getz (1853–1931). He used

406 Son of Man

ideas, terms and citations from the Old Testament, the pre-existence (John 3.16–17), baptism (Matt. sometimes in Hebrew, to illustrate his theosophical 3.17; Mark 1.11; Luke 3.22), trial (Matt. 26.63; Mark views. In his lectures at the St Petersburg University 14.61; Luke 22.70; John 19.7), death (Matt. 27.54; (1882)hepraisedtheJewsastheChosenPeopleand Mark 15.39), resurrection (Acts 13.33; Rom. 1.3–4) defended their civil rights in Russia.Heattributed and ascension of Jesus (John 20.17) and the parou- to Jews deep religious belief and dedication to God; sia (1 Cor. 15.28). In the letters of Paul the believers a developed personal and national self; and a mate- become ‘sons’ or ‘children’ of God by adoption (Gal. rialist worship of God. He wished Jews were partic- 4.5–7; Rom. 8.14–15), but this ‘sonship’ has its ori- ipants in a future ecumenist ‘free theocracy’, but gin in Jesus’ unique ‘filial’ relationship with God. in his ‘The New Testament Israel’ (1885) and later In present exegetical scholarship it is still an open essays he realised that mass proselytism cannot be question whether the Messiah was seen as ‘son of expected from Jews after the pogroms.Inhis‘The God’ prior to Christianity, but on the basis of 2 Sam. Jewish People and the Christian Question’ (1884) he 7.14 and Ps. 2.7 (and their seeming interpretation declared that the ‘Jewish problem’ in Russia derived in Qumran), many deem it possible. If this is so, from the non-Christian behaviour of the Christians. then one needs to assume that Rabbinic Judaism In an essay published in 1896 Solovyov enthusiasti- deliberately avoided ‘son of God’ due to the fact cally rehabilitated the moral values of the Talmud. that Christians made extensive use of this concept He defined Jewish theological innovation on the in their Christological reflection. basis not of monotheism, but of belief in histori- The confession of Jesus as ‘Son of God’ can cal progress, thus giving hope to its believers. In his be called a summary of the problem of Jewish– apocalyptic ‘Three Discussions’ and ‘A Short Story Christian relations. In the Gospels, and in the on the Anti-Christ’ (both 1899), Jews join Chris- Gospel of John in particular, calling Jesus the ‘Son tians in a battle against the Antichrist and return of God’ is at the heart of the disputes concerning to their Holy Land. Solovyov was politically active Jesus’ identity and ultimately leading to his accu- against antisemitism in Russia. On his deathbed sation. It was not unusual in Jewish circles to con- he asked his attendants not to let him sleep so he sider human beings as ‘sons of God’. Pious Jews, could pray for the Jewish people. His lectures, writ- all Israelites or even all of humanity were at cer- ings and personality were highly valued by Jewish tain moments in history considered to be ‘sons of Zionist and non-Zionist writers, intellectuals and God’.In the rabbinical period the expression ‘son of theologians, including S. Dubnov (1860–1941) and God’ disappeared into the background, according A. I. Kook (1865–1935), the Chief Rabbi of pre-state to some for the reason that the title ‘Son of God’ Israel. HAMUTAL BAR-YOSEF had taken a prevalent place in the parting of the Son of God ways. The specificity of the Christian understand- Since the beginning of Christianity the question ing of ‘Son of God’ as applied to Jesus is that Chris- whether the expression ‘Son of God’ can be applied tians believe that Jesus is the ultimate incarnation to Jesus has been a central issue of debate between of God, which is and continues to be unacceptable Jews and Christians. In Jewish tradition ‘son of God’ from a Jewish perspective. has been used to refer to the people of Israel (Exod. REIMUND BIERINGER AND DIDIER POLLEFEYT 2.24; Isa. 1.2; Jer. 3.22; Hos. 11.1), the king (2 Sam. Son of Man 7.14; Ps. 2.7; 89.27–8) and the heavenly court at The Hebrew ben adam and the Aramaic bar God’s throne (Job 1.6; Ps. 29.1; Dan. 3.25). In all (e)nash(a) form the linguistic background of the these cases the expression ‘son of God’ is not refer- Greek ho huios tou anthropou which is commonly ring to physical conception, but is associated with translated as ‘Son of Man’. In the Hebrew scrip- election and obedience, often with a commission tures statistically the majority of the occurrences to accomplish a task. In Christian tradition ‘Son of of the expression is found in Ezekiel, where God God’ as a title for Jesus has been used to express addresses the prophet as ben adam.Some scholars Jesus’divinityandhisspecialrelationshipwithGod. understand this expression to refer to the unique In the Gospel tradition, in Acts and in the letters position of the prophet as the exceptional person of Paul ‘Son of God’ is variously connected with chosen by God to fulfil a special task, while others

407 Soul

see it as stressing Ezekiel’s mere human status. Else- by using it not only in apocalyptic contexts, but where in the Bible the term appears mainly in syn- also applying it to the suffering and resurrection of onymous poetic parallelism, always in the second Jesus. In contemporary Jewish–Christian relations half, as a counterpart to nouns designating ‘human ‘Son of Man’ reminds Christians of their Jewish being’, predominantly in passages that point to roots and Jews of the Christological line of inter- human weakness and mortality as contrasted to pretation Christians have developed starting from God and angels (e.g. Ps. 8.5). There is a strong ten- the First Testament. dency in scholarship that assumes that the titular REIMUND BIERINGER AND DIDIER POLLEFEYT use of ‘Son of Man’ in the NewTestament has its Soul origin in a Christological explanation of Dan. 7.13 Although there was an earlier belief in some form where it refers to a vision of the figure ‘like a son of separate existence for the essential character of of man’ coming with the clouds to the Ancient of the human being (nefesh, ruah. and neshamah), the Days. The vision has been interpreted as symbolis- conceptofthesoulcameintoearlyJudaismthrough ingacollectiveunity(thesufferingpeopleofIsrael), Greek thought. In early Christianity there is much an angel or divine figure (as a theophany), or the discussion about the body/soul and flesh/spirit Messiah (prevalent in rabbinic literature, where he division of the human being, especially in the writ- is mostly seen as an individual). In the New Tes- ings of the apostle Paul.Around the first century CE tament the expression occurs in about 50 different there seems to be a prevalent belief in both the res- sayings (mainly in the Gospels) almost always on urrection of the body and the immortality of the the lips of Jesus in third-person sayings. It is likely soul that caused much reflection and argumenta- that the expression ‘Son of Man’ in the New Tes- tion in Judaism and Christianity. The resurrection tament has its origin in the historical Jesus him- of the body was a major item of debate between self. Scholars continue to discuss whether he might Sadducees and Pharisees.Neoplatonism strongly have used ‘Son of Man’ in a generic sense (‘human influenced early Christianity and Judaism in the being’) or in a self-referential sense (‘I’). It is now development of the idea of a rational soul distinct generally accepted that the Synoptic and Johannine from the physical body. Christians and many Jews Jesus refers to himself as the ‘Son of Man’. The New believe that the soul is the innermost part of the Testament ‘Son of Man’ sayings can be divided into human being because it reflects the ‘image of God’ three categories, referring to his earthly ministry, (Imago Dei)(Gen. 1.27). Human beings are spiri- his suffering and resurrection, or his future coming. tual creatures and the soul is the spiritual princi- Many authors understood the Gospels to use the ple within them that makes them images of God. expression ‘Son of Man’ to designate Jesus’ human- The soul is united with the body to form one single ity, stressing his truly human nature, some empha- nature. Christians believe that God creates the soul sise his lowliness (‘weak man’), others his superi- and unites it with the body at conception and that ority (‘ideal man’), still others his mere humanity it will rejoin the body at the time of the final resur- (‘simply human’). Based on Dan. 7.13 many schol- rection after being separated at death. Even though ars have interpreted ‘Son of Man’ as an apocalyptic not many Jews believe in bodily resurrection, many title referring to one who comes on the clouds to Jews believe in the existence of a soul that will live judge and reign (e.g. Mark 13.26; 14.62). In the New on after death. Testament ‘Son of Man’ is only used in the con- The main issue that concerns the soul in Jewish– text of Jewish Christianity, which seems to indicate Christian relations is the salvation of the soul after that this terminology is only understood in conti- death. Certain Christians in history have held that nuity with Jewish tradition. Obviously the concept the lack of belief in the divinity of Christ has resulted did not survive the move of early Christianity to in Jews not being able to reach salvation and there- a Hellenistic context. Christians who use ‘Son of fore they will suffer the loss of their souls at death. Man’todayhavetobeawarethatoriginallythiscon- Contemporary Roman Catholic understanding of cept was developed by Jewish Christians who tried salvation holds that there is a possibility of salvation to understand the meaning of Jesus Christ start- for the souls of non-believers (which would include ing from the framework of their Jewish faith. They Jews) who do not come to believe in Jesus Christ, moved beyond the original meaning of ‘Son of Man’ though ‘objectively speaking [they] are in a grave

408 Spain

deficient situation in comparison with those who, FraternalSociety).Aswellascontinentalgatherings, in the Church, have the fullness of the means of some countries have organised national meetings. salvation’ (2000 Vatican document Dominus Iesus, In 1981 the National Bishops Conference in Brazil 22), but Jews are in a different situation from other created a National Commission of Dialogue for non-Christians with regard to the salvation ques- Catholic–Jewish relations, consisting of five priests tion in that they belong to ‘the covenant that has and five Jewish representatives. This body has regu- never been revoked’ (Pope John Paul II)(Vatican larly produced documents and educational guides document Notes on the Correct Way to Present the for local dioceses and has organised joint Bible Jews and Judaism in Preaching and Catechesis in the studyprogrammes.TheSistersofSionandBrothers Roman Catholic Church,24June 1985). of Sion are particularly strong in Brazil. Similarly in STEVEN J. MCMICHAEL Chile, according to Chief Rabbi Angel Brill (b. 1945) South America one of the most advanced Latin American countries The Jewish–Christian encounter in South America in interfaith work, a joint Jewish–Catholic group has started soon after the arrival of the first Chris- been established to help prisoners and families of tians around 1500. For example, Pedro Alvares prisoners who suffered under the Pinochet dicta- Cabral (1467–1520), who discovered Brazil, brought torship. with him Gaspar da Gama (c.1444–c.1510), a Polish In spite of these efforts, the relationship between Jew converted during the Inquisition.From then Jews and Christians is markedly less developed in onwards the continent received many Conversos South America than in North America and Europe. and Marranos.Even today it is common to come Given the small size of Jewish communities in a across Christian families who do not eat pork or continent where democracy is far from consoli- who light candles on Friday night. The bulk of the dated and economic and social turmoil are the Jewish community arrived in the nineteenth and rule, Jewish–Christian relations are perhaps unsur- early twentieth centuries as refugees, the majority prisingly often relegated to secondary importance. fleeing antisemitism in Eastern Europe. Outside of Nevertheless, there is increasing awareness of the Argentina the largest Jewish community is found in significance of South America in Jewish–Christian Brazil, where the population is estimated at 150,000 relations, as can be seen in the decision by the Inter- out of 170 million. The Jewish population in South national Council of Christians and Jews to hold its America (excluding Argentina) is estimated to be annual meeting in Montevideo in 2002. approximately 250,000 out of a total population of EDWARD KESSLER 315 million (2002). Spain At least 80 per cent of Christians in South America Jewish settlement in Spain is very ancient. The are Roman Catholic and much of the Jewish– Hebrew Bible reveals knowledge of Tarshish Christian dialogue is organised through the Latin (Tartessos), probably a port near Cadiz.´ A large American Council of Bishops (CELAM), which has Jewish community existed in the sixth and seventh organised regular meetings with leaders of the centuries under the Visigothic kings, who, however, Jewish communities since Nostra Aetate in 1965. decided to suppress Judaism, perhaps as part of For example, in 1968, when Pope Paul VI vis- their programme of conversion of the Goths from ited Columbia, CELAM and the Anti-Defamation Arian to Catholic Christians, which led them to League organised the first official meeting of seek religious uniformity. It is uncertain how far the Catholics and Jews in Bogota.´ In 1985 a docu- vicious legislation outlawing Jewish observances ment was issued entitled To Dialogue in Order to such as circumcision, Passover and the Sabbath Serve which tackled some of the problems facing was applied. However, the Jews appear to have wel- the interfaith dialogue, notably Christian prejudice comed as saviours the Arab and Berber invaders and Jewish distrust of Jewish–Christian dialogue. In who came in 711, especially since the armies prob- 1990, during a time of increasing antisemitism in ably included Berbers of Jewish origin. As Muslim Argentina, the Anti-Defamation League, the Latin rule stabilised, the Jews became an accepted part American Jewish Congress and CELAM met to dis- of the religious landscape, subject to some restric- cuss historical and theological understandings of tions like all non-Muslims, but widely tolerated. racism (The Church and Racism: Towards a More Jewish culture responded to contact with Islam by

409 Spinoza, Barukh

adopting similar styles of poetry and by engaging divided between professing Jews and Conversos, in the close study of Hebrew grammar, following and at first not much was done to keep them apart Arabic methods of study. Some Jews even studied (after all, many converts were members of fami- the Qur’an. In addition Jews were able to make con- lies some of whose members remained Jewish). But tact with the communities of Babylonia across the concern at the ‘contamination’ of converts by Jews vast open spaces of the Islamic world, acquiring a led to the establishment of a Spain-wide Inquisi- version of the Babylonian liturgy and Talmud texts. tion (1484) and culminated in the decree of expul- The Caliphs employed Jewish officials at court, sion of the Jews in 1492. This did not mark the end and Lucena in the Berber kingdom of Granada of Judaism in Spain, because secret Jews continued became a formidable centre of Jewish scholarship to practise their ancestral religion behind (literally) andpopulation.TheadvancingChristiankingdoms closed doors, but their numbers rapidly declined of the north in turn became welcoming when new in all but a few outlying areas such as Majorca. Berber empires conquered the south and turned Some Portuguese merchants managed to practise against religious minorities,sothat Toledo took Judaism in Spain in the seventeenth century, but to over the baton from Lucena. Jewish scholars were all intents Judaism had ceased to exist there by then. actively engaged, alongside arabised Christians, in See also Ferdinand the Catholic; Marranos the translation of Arabic scientific and philosoph- DAVID ABULAFIA ical books for the royal court. Toledo also became Spinoza, Barukh (1632–77) avery important centre of Torah study and kab- Philosopher. Spinoza was born into a Dutch Mar- balistic study. For a while a similar openness to rano family and received a Jewish education, that found in early Muslim Spain existed in Chris- but later study of Greek philosophy, Descartes tian Spain, and Jews and Muslims were accepted and Calvinism led him away from orthodoxy. He as part of the fabric of society (see Convivencia). rejected free will and a personal deity, understand- The atmosphere turned sour as the Christian king- ing God as the Universe’s immanent cause. He also doms began to assert more strongly their Christian argued that the Bible was human in origin. This pre- identity:Aragon, Catalonia, Castile, Leon,´ Navarre cipitated his excommunication and estrangement and Portugal saw themselves as the front line of from Amsterdam’s Jewish community, although a crusade against the , and inevitably other some critics have emphasised the continued influ- non-Christians were also seen as outsiders. Jews ence of talmudic style and medieval Jewish philos- remained prominent at court, but attempts to force ophy on his reasoning. Spinoza subsequently spent Jews to attend conversionist sermons were tenta- time with Anabaptists near Leiden; they may have tively made under King James I of Aragon, and encouraged his advocacy of religious tolerance.His the Dominican friars began to develop a vigor- ideas were not generally popular with Christians. ous strategy of learning Hebrew and Arabic to a The Enlightenment led to reappraisal of Spinoza, high level in order to challenge rabbis and imams and his thinking influenced Eliot, Hegel, Heine and using their own texts. The Disputation of Barcelona Schleiermacher (1768–1834), amongst others. (1263) between PaultheChristian,aconverted Jew, MELANIE J. WRIGHT and Nahmanides was an important moment in this Star of David process. Thereafter conditions became gradually According to Jewish tradition the six-pointed star more difficult. Before 1300 the large Jewish com- appeared on the shield of King David (magen munity of Majorca City (the modern Palma) was David) and on King Solomon’s ring (seal of enclosed in a Call, or ghetto, and walled Jewish Solomon). As a symbol it does not feature in the bib- quarters, partly for protection, partly for segrega- lical or rabbinic literatures. In the Second Temple tion, became widespread in the fourteenth and fif- period both Jews and non-Jews used the hexa- teenth centuries. The conversion campaigns were gram for decoration. From the early Middle Ages only moderately successful until force came into it appears in Jewish magical works and at times play, in 1391, when pogroms spread across Spain was associated with the Messiah, for example by and led to mass conversions; in large areas of Cat- the followers of Shabbetai Zvi.From early in the alonia the Jewish communities shrank almost to nineteenthcenturyaself-consciousconcerntoimi- nothing. Thereafter the Jewish communities were tate Christianity (for example, among Reform or

410 Stein, Edith

Progressive Jews)meant that many Jews increas- Jewish–Christian relations, suggesting that placing ingly adopted the star as a symbol for Judaism, such emphasis on a Jewish convert to Christianity corresponding to the crucifix as the symbolic rep- would promote the idea of a renewed Christian resentation of Christianity. It also became a com- mission to convert Jews. Three themes can be mon feature of popular antisemitic imagery.Jewish identified in the controversy. First, did Stein die as political Zionists in the late nineteenth century a Christian or a Jew – hence, whose ‘martyr’ was took it as their own emblem, and by the time the she? Secondly, is she a symbol of Jewish–Christian philosopher Franz Rosenzweig published The Star reconciliation or conflict? And thirdly, does her of Redemption in 1921, it had become a universally self-understanding and interpretation of her recognised Jewish icon. Rosenzweig used the star as situation matter, and to whom? While Stein was a ameans by which to illustrate the triangular inter- Christian, she was murdered not because of her relationships between God, humankind and the Christian faith but because of her Jewish origin, as world, and also as a metaphor for the relationship were many of her family; hence, it is controversial between Judaism and Christianity, with Judaism as to claim her as a Christian martyr. At the same time, the centre of a fiery core and Christianity as the rays Jews are reluctant to claim Stein as Jewish, other that radiate from the core to illuminate the pagan than in the sense of a Holocaust victim, since a world. During the Holocaust the Nazis combined confessing member of another religion ceases to be the hexagram with the yellow badge of shame as a able to claim their rights in the Jewish community. means by which to distinguish and humiliate the Stein herself interpreted her impending death as Jews. Today the national flag of the State of Israel is part of her ‘Jewish fate’, a joining of the ‘sacrifice’ a blue star on a white and blue background. of the Jewish people, seeing God’s judgement DANIEL R. LANGTON enacted in the Holocaust and the persecution State of Israel see Israel, land and State of and murder of the Jewish people as the ‘cross’ of Stein, Edith (1891–1942) Christ. This further complicates understanding Philosopher, Carmelite nun, saint. The youngest of her sainthood as a symbol of reconciliation child of a Jewish family in Breslau (then Germany), between Christians and Jews. While the Catholic Edith Stein converted to Catholicism in 1922, hav- Church, making Stein’s interpretation of her own ing explored Christian thought and practice follow- fate normative for her sainthood, suggests she can ing the shock of the First World War and having be seen as a symbol of a new Jewish–Christian read the spiritual autobiography of Teresa of Avila relationship of mutual understanding, Jews have (1515–82), reformer of the Carmelite order of nuns. criticised this vision: whether she saw Jews in In 1933 she was expelled from her teaching post in the Holocaust as witnessing to the persecuted Munster¨ because of her Jewish origin. Stein entered Christ or as a sacrifice for their own sins, clearly the Carmelite convent in Cologne in October 1933 neither view voiced by a convert to Christianity and took her eternal vows in 1938, shortly before coincides with Jewish self-understanding. A charge fleeing to the Carmel in Echt, Holland, following levelled against Stein during her lifetime was the pogroms of Kristallnacht. Stein and her sister that she did not explore Jewish tradition before Rosa, who also found refuge in Echt, were arrested conversion (as, for example, did her fellow philoso- by the Gestapo on 2 August and sent to Auschwitz- pher Rosenzweig) and that her understanding of Birkenau, where they were murdered on arrival, Judaism therefore remained caught in Christian presumably on 9 August, the date chosen as Stein’s terms and stereotypes. Some commentators saw saint’s day. the Catholic Church’s beatification of Stein as Controversy about Stein’s significance for a confirmation of her interpretation of Jews in Jewish–Christian relations erupted with her beat- negative supersessionist terms and consequently ification in 1987 and subsequent canonisation as a step backwards in Jewish–Christian relations. (1998). While the Catholic Church suggested that Some Catholics, commenting on the same pas- Stein’s beatification recognised her Jewishness sages in Stein’s work, interpreted them in the and that her ‘martyrdom’atAuschwitz was thus opposite sense, suggesting that her understanding remembered in Catholic celebration of her life, of her own imminent death and her (disputed) Jews saw these events largely as damaging to willingness to embrace it demonstrated not only

411 Strack, Hermann

her solidarity with Jews, but also her saintliness in (53.11b–12). This figure of a Suffering Servant is imitating Christ. K. HANNAH HOLTSCHNEIDER taken up again in later texts, for example Zech. Strack, Hermann see Strack–Billerbeck rabbinic 12.10, Dan. 12.3, Sir. 11.12–13 and Wis. 5.1–7. commentary The writers of the NewTestament were influ- Strack–Billerbeck rabbinic commentary enced by Isaiah in general, and the figure of the Suf- German Protestant scholars, Paul Billerbeck (1853– fering Servant seems to have coloured their under- 1932) and Hermann Strack (1848–1922) jointly standing of the passion and death of Jesus. The New wrote the Kommentar zum Neuen Testament Testament narratives are marked by the mission aus Talmud und Midrasch, which drew parallels and suffering described in the Servant songs (cf. between rabbinic texts and the NewTestament. citations in Matt. 8.17 and 12.18–21 and Acts 8.30– This became a standard text for Christian study of 35 as well as in Mark 15.28, Luke 22.37, 24.26, 46). Rabbinic Judaism, but has been recently criticised Paul in Rom. 4.25 and Phil. 2.6–11 and the author because of alleged theological bias in its selection of of Peter in 1 Pet. 2.21–4 paraphrase from the Suffer- texts, notably towards the theory that God was inac- ing Servant text in order to describe Christ’s suffer- cessible in Rabbinic Judaism. E. P.Sanders (b. 1937), ings. Even though the explicitness of the equation for example, has suggested that the commentary between Christ and the Suffering Servant is the sub- misled a generation of New Testament scholarship ject of some debate with regard to the New Testa- with a loaded interpretation of Rabbinic Judaism. ment itself, later Christian literature used the Isaiah STEPHEN PLANT texts as proof-texts with regard to the identity of ‘Suffering Servant’ Jesus as Messiah. The Church Fathers insisted on The ‘Suffering Servant’ refers to a figure appearing a Christological reading, and the texts became the in Isaiah 52.13–53.12. This is the final of a series of centre of a biblical apologetic for the understand- at least four texts describing the Servant (see 42.1–4; ing of Jesus as the Christ (see Justin Martyr, Dial. 49.1–6; 50.4–9) found in Deutero-Isaiah (chs 40–55), 89, Tertullian, Marc. 3.7.1–7, Origen, Cels. 1.55). attributedto a discipleof Isaiahand written towards Much of traditional Jewish exegesis rejected the the end of the Babylonian exile, 539. These texts are understanding of the Suffering Servant as an indi- at the centre of an often bitter debate between Jews vidual Messianic figure. Most Jewish commenta- andChristiansregardinginterpretationofthescrip- tors insist that the servant is in fact the people of tures of Israel after the coming of Jesus Christ. Who Israel as a collective (Rashi,Radak (David Kimhi)). is the Servant described in these texts? Exegetes Saadiah Gaon (882–942) argues that the Servant was have proposed four basic possibilities: the prophet Jeremiah while Ibn Ezra summarises the various himself; a contemporary of the prophet; the people possibilities and then concludes that the figure is ofIsrael;orthe Messiah. The texts themselves focus any servant in exile and most likely Isaiah himself. more on the Servant’s role than on his identity. Some Jewish commentators, however, do maintain Deutero-Isaiah consoles the people, assuring that the figure described is a Messianic one (Targum them that God had not abandoned them and that Jonathan, b. Sanhedrin 98b, Maimonides, Letter to they would experience a second Exodus and return Yemen 4). to the Land. Within this context the songs of the Ser- In large part because of the Servant texts, Isaiah vantappearascrypticandenigmaticevocationsofa has been understood in Christian tradition as being salvific figure: ‘Behold My servant whom I uphold, ‘the Fifth Evangelist’. The Servant texts are central My elect in whom My soul delights’ (Isa. 42.1). In in the liturgical readings during Holy Week, and the the fourth song the divine elevation and humil- Suffering Servant text is read in Catholic and Angli- iation of the Servant at the hands of the people can Churches on Good Friday. Christian belief that is described. The song contains the reflection of the Servant texts are a prophecy of Jesus Christ is the people after the Servant has been rejected, has probably what led to their exclusion from the canon died and is buried. The people recognise that ‘ours of prophetic readings publicly recited in the syn- were the sufferings he bore’ (53.1–11a) and God agogue on Shabbat (haftorot), many of which are affirms that the Servant, though rejected by the peo- derived from Deutero-Isaiah. ple, has found favour with God, bearing the sins of Modern exegesis of Isaiah has contributed much many and making intercession for the transgressors to the possibility for Jews and Christians to study

412 Supersessionism

these texts together. Christians are more apt today take the place of someone or something, while to to understand the elements of collective identity be superseded means to be set aside as useless or that suppose that the Servant is the people of Israel obsolete in favour of someone or something that (cf. Grelot). Modern Jewish commentators, on the is regarded as superior. In recent decades the term other hand, are confronted with the significance in ‘supersessionism’ has gained currency among the- these texts of an innocent figure who carries the sins ologians and biblical scholars to refer to the tra- of the multitude, suggesting a redemptive theol- ditional Christian belief that since Christ’s com- ogy of atonement through vicarious suffering. Joint ing the Church has taken the place of the Jewish Jewish–Christian study of the texts holds out much people as God’s chosen community, and that God’s promise for the overcoming of centuries of biblical covenant with the Jews is now over and done. By polemics. DAVID M. NEUHAUS extension, the term can be used to refer to any Sukkot interpretation of Christian faith generally or the As one of three annual pilgrim festivals (with status of the Church in particular that claims or Passover and Shavuot)inancient Judaism, Sukkot implies the abrogation or obsolescence of God’s or the Feast of Tabernacles celebrated in autumn covenant with the Jewish people. Supersession- the harvest of grapes and olives at the end of the sea- ism is thus substantially equivalent to replace- son. It became associated with prayers for rain, and ment theology, and the two terms are often used in the post-exilic period involved a water-drawing interchangeably. ceremony at the pool of Siloam and water libations Although never formally defined as a doctrine at the Jerusalem altar, while the people processed by the early Church, supersessionism has stood carryingfruitandpalmbranches.Tothisdaybooths at the centre of Christianity’s understanding of its are built in remembrance of the Israelites dwelling relationship to the Jewish people from antiquity in the wilderness and are decorated with branches until recent times. During the second and third cen- (lulav) and fruits. It is possible that Sukkot came turies Christian theologians (e.g. Irenaeus, Tertul- to signify Jewish national hope, it being the festival lian) often articulated its main elements in opposi- when Judas Maccabaeus rededicated the Temple tion to Marcionism (see Marcion)onthe one hand on the first celebration of Hanukkah (1 Macc. 4), and Judaism on the other. They condemned Mar- and it seems to have developed an eschatologi- cionites for denying that the one God and Father cal dimension, as reflected in Zech. 14, which may of Jesus Christ had spoken in the OldTestament, then have been utilised by Rev. 7. For that reason and that he had indeed entered in some fashion there may be a resonance of the feast in Jesus’ into a special relationship with Abraham’s descen- entry into Jerusalem (Mark 11), even though it is at dants according to the flesh. But they equally con- the wrong time of year. John’s Gospel, which men- demned Jews for failing to recognise that after tions a celebration of the feast (John 7.2), draws on Christ’s incarnation God had irrevocably trans- the water imagery of Sukkot in its designation of ferred all the benefits of this relationship from Abra- Jesus as the living water. In Jewish tradition, espe- ham’s carnal descendents to his spiritual ones, that cially in the Targumim, the Tabernacles came to is, to the Church, where the benefits were more- denote the indwelling presence of God, and it is per- over available in superior form. After Christianity haps a combination of that and the eschatological became the official religion of the Roman Empire, connotations that explains Peter’s desire to build supersessionism provided a theological rationale tabernacles at the Transfiguration of Christ (Mark for imperial policy towards Jews, with similarly two- 9.2–8 and parallels). As an annual pilgrimage festi- sided implications. In contrast to paganism, which val the evangelical organisation the International was driven underground and eventually extin- Christian Embassy in Jerusalem has chosen Taber- guished, Judaism continued to enjoy some measure nacles for a gathering of Christians in Israel to wit- of official toleration and self-government, but on ness and pray for the welfare of the country. terms increasingly subordinate to Christianity and JAMES K. AITKEN disadvantageous to Jewish institutions. Supers- Supersessionism essionism also figures prominently in modern From Latin supersedere:tosit above or be supe- Christian thought, which has often portrayed the rior to. In general parlance to supersede means to origin of the Church as a victory of universal,

413 Switzerland

humanising values over ancient Judaism’s narrow, to their homes within a few years, in some cities self-interested, particularistic ones (Kant, Schleier- such as Basel (edict in 1434) they were required macher (1768–1834), Harnack). to attend proselytising sermons. Jews began to After the Second World War, and particularly in return in greater numbers in the sixteenth century the light of the Holocaust, Christians in Europe when Christian printers began printing Hebrew and North America gradually began to question the texts. Emancipation was granted in 1874. Prior soundness of supersessionism on the grounds of to and during the Second World War Switzerland its consistency with scripture (especially Romans gave refuge to about 23,000 Jewish refugees, and 9–11), its coherence with other Christian beliefs its role in the Holocaust has become the object (e.g. the fidelity of God) and its practical conse- of fierce debate, notably in the 1990s. For exam- quences (e.g. the inculcation of contempt toward ple, the Catholic Bishops’ Conference in Switzer- Jews). By the 1990s many Church bodies had issued land issued a statement on the subject in 1997, public teaching documents (e.g. the Evangelical acknowledging the failure of the Churches. In 1947 Church of the Rhineland’s Toward Renovation of the Switzerland hosted a group of Jews, Protestants and Relationship of Christians and Jews (1980) and the Catholics in Seelisberg to consider the implications Presbyterian Church (USA)’s A Theological Under- of the Holocaust; this marked the establishment of standing of the Relationship Between Christians the International Council of Christians and Jews. and Jews (1987)) repudiating the belief that Christ’s The WorldCouncil of Churches and the Orthodox coming entails the abrogation or obsolescence of Center of the Ecumenical Patriarchate are based in God’s covenant with Israel. Alternatives to super- Switzerland, increasing its importance in modern sessionism concur in affirming the ongoing valid- Jewish–Christian dialogue.In1977, for example, an ity of God’s covenant with the Jewish people, but Orthodox Christian–Jewish conference took place beyond that vary widely among themselves. Some inLucerne,acitythathousesaninstituteforJewish– emphasise the relative independence of Chris- Christian dialogue founded by Swiss Catholic the- tianity and Judaism as different but equally valid ologian Clemens Thoma (b. 1932) who has written appropriations of a common religious inheritance a number of important works on Christian–Jewish rooted in biblical Israel (often called ‘two covenant’ relations. EDWARD KESSLER approaches). Others interpret the Church and the Synagogue see Church and synagogue Jewish people as interdependent players in a com- Syriac Christianity mon history of salvation (so-called ‘one covenant’ The Syriac language is a form of Aramaic spo- approaches). Todate North Atlantic Christians have ken in the region of Edessa from shortly before taken the initiative in seeking post-supersessionist the beginning of the Christian era. It is therefore ways to express Christian faith; the long-term closely related to the form of Aramaic spoken by viability of their efforts will depend in part on Jesus himself. Syriac Christianity refers to the form whether and to what degree Christians in South Christianity took in the lands where Syriac was spo- America, Asia and Africa also begin to consider ken, where there were active Christian commu- and address the fundamental theological issues nities from the beginning. It was a region where at stake. there had long been important Jewish commu- See also recognition theology nities, especially in Edessa. From the beginning R. KENDALL SOULEN relations between Jews and Syriac Christians were Switzerland close, displaying both shared traditions and sharp Switzerland has had a Jewish community since the antagonisms. This is illustrated by the fifth-century thirteenth century, made up of Jews from Germany Doctrine of Addai, which on the one hand accuses and France. The medieval community flourished Jews of killing Christ but on the other indicates until the mid-fourteenth century when, during that Christians had friendly relations with Jews and the Black Death,Jews were accused of poison- may have attended the synagogue. Because Syriac ing wells and of murdering a Christian boy named ChristianityretaineditsoriginalSemiticexpression, Rudolf (see blood libel). Many Jews were killed and it was thus less affected than Christianity in the Jewish children forcibly baptised. Regular expul- rest of the Roman Empire by the need to negoti- sions followed, and although Jews often returned ate the thought-world of Hellenism, and remained

414 Syriac Christianity open to Jewish traditions, both targumic and rab- of the covenants’, or the ‘single ones’ (ihidhayeh), binic. The principal version of the scriptures (and celibate followers of the ‘Only-begotten’ (same still the authorised version of the Syriac-speaking word in Syriac). The separation of Syriac Christian- Churches) is the Peshitta, the OldTestament of ity from mainstream Mediterranean Christianity which was probably made from the Hebrew original should not, however, be exaggerated. The greatest in the early part of the second century for the Jewish Syriac writers of the fourth century, Aphrahat and communityinEdessa;itbetraystheinfluenceoftar- Ephrem, supported the great Greek fathers of the gumic interpretations. In the NewTestament the fourth century in their rejection of Arianism, and Gospels exist in two forms: a Syriac translation of in the following centuries the Syriac fathers were the Diatessaron,aharmony of the Gospels com- as deeply involved in the continuing Christologi- posed in Greek by the Syrian Tatian (the original cal controversy and the controversy over Origenism Greek is lost), and a later ‘Gospel of the Separated’, as the Greek fathers. In their writings Aphrahat that is, the four separate Gospels, known as the ‘Old and especially Ephrem betray extensive knowledge Syriac’. The Peshitta included Acts and the major of Jewish exegetical traditions, both targumic and Catholic epistles and the Pauline epistles (in that rabbinic, in their interpretation of scripture, some order),butnottheApocalypse,orthelesserCatholic of which no longer survive in the rabbinic litera- epistles (2 Peter, 2 and 3 John, and Jude). The earli- ture. This Jewish influence is manifest as late as the est forms of Syriac Christianity – Odes of Solomon, seventh century. The influence of Semitic literary Bar-Daisan, Acts of Judas Thomas (containing the genres partly explains Ephrem’s fondness for met- beautiful ‘Hymn of the Pearl’) – were from the point ricalforms,whichprobablyinfluencedthedevelop- of view of Greco-Roman Christianity tainted with ment of liturgical poetry in the Greek Church. From ‘Gnosticism’, though more recent scholarship has the fifth century onwards Christian antagonism to tended to see them as indebted to ascetic Jewish Jews led to attacks on synagogues. With the rise of traditions, such as those of the Qumran community Islam,Syriac first acted as a bridge between Greek or the Essenes (if they are not one and the same). and Arabic (especially for philosophical works), but Syriac Christianity, in this deeply ascetic form, was increasingly became an artificial language, used embraced by those who called themselves the ‘sons largely liturgically. ANDREW LOUTH

415 TTTT

Talmud to the category of avodah zarah, although it is not A generic name (literally ‘Teaching’) for the explained in what respect it should be regarded most important works of Rabbinic Judaism. The as idolatrous, polytheistic or ‘pagan’. The assimi- Palestinian Talmud (y.) (also known as ‘Jerusalem lation of Christianity with other religions into the Talmud’) dates from the second half of the fourth single, halakhic category of avodah zarah may thus century CE, while the Babylonian Talmud (b.) (far explain its apparent rarity in the Talmud. Another more important in medieval and later Jewish tra- category frequently associated with the Christians dition) was redacted from the fifth to the seventh ismin(pl.minim),literally‘type(s)’,atermgenerally centuries CE. Both are structured as commen- applied to (Jewish) heretics, including Christians, taries on the Mishnah, but include much more and by extension applicable (in some cases) to non- than commentary: they present and discuss a wide Jewish Christians; although the extent to which range of legal and non-legal sources (halakhah the term min in the Talmud should be identi- and aggadah), often digressing into ethics, bibli- fied as ‘Christian’ has been grossly overestimated. cal exegesis, anecdotes and stories. Talmud and One min,Jacob of Sikhnin, is said to have healed contemporary Christian literature were written, it ‘in the name of Jesus’ and conveyed an exegeti- seems, without knowledge of each other; mutual cal teaching of Jesus to Rabbi Eliezer (early sec- influence is generally unlikely. ond century; the latter subsequently regretted his As the main source-text of Judaism, the Talmud action: b. Avodah Zarah 16b–17a, 27b); he is cer- has long been at the centre of Jewish–Christian con- tainly to be identified as Christian. The same proba- troversies. However, references to Christianity and bly applies to the minim of Caesarea who are said to ChristiansaresparseintheTalmudandrelatedliter- have challenged Rabbi Abbahu (late third century) ature. This is surprising, considering the high level about the meaning of Amos 3.2 and its implica- of Christian presence in Palestine from the fourth tions regarding the election of Israel and its cur- century, and that a large proportion of the Babylo- rent sufferings (b. Avodah Zarah 4a; see also the dia- nian Talmud is based on traditions of Palestinian logue of Rabban Gamaliel and a min in b. Yevamot origins. It may also appear surprising that the few 102b). This story, if historical, would suggest that talmudic passages that mention Jesus or Christians some Palestinian rabbis had polemical encounters (seebelow)arealmostentirelyconfinedtotheBaby- with Christians. lonian Talmud. This may reflect self-censorship by Explicit references in the Talmud to the figure of the authors or early transmitters of the Palestinian Jesus are more detailed, and in some ways more Talmud who lived (until the seventh century) under interesting. ‘Jesus the Christian’ (Yeshu ha-noz. ri)is increasingly oppressive Christian rule, unlike the depicted as a pupil of Rabbi Joshua ben Perahyah Babylonians who lived under non-Christian rule; who was expelled by his master because of his but this remains entirely speculative. The scarcity lewdness, and subsequently apostasied to idolatry of references to Christianity in both Talmuds more (b. Sotah 47a; b. Sanhedrin 107a). He was tried, probably reflects a general lack of interest, in early executed and hung on the eve of Passover by the Rabbinic Judaism, towards other religions: specific Jewish high court, for practising magic and lur- pagan cults are rarely mentioned in the Talmuds, ing the Jews into idolatry (b. Sanhedrin 43a). These but simply bundled into the catch-all category of sources are defiant rather than apologetic: there avodah zarah.One passage (b. Avodah Zarah 6a is no attempt, for example, to deny that the Jews and 7b) suggests, indeed, that Christianity belongs killed Jesus. However, it must be remembered that

416 Talmud trials the Talmud is addressed exclusively to a Jewish rab- expurgation from standard editions (including the binic readership. It is difficult to relate these stories now standard Vilna edition of 1880–6) of all explicit to anything contained in the Gospels, the detailed references to Jesus and Christians (i.e. the pas- contents of which are ostensibly unknown to the sages referred to above), as well as of words con- talmudic authors (save for one paraphrase of the sidered offensive such as min,‘non-Jew’, or even Sermon on the Mount, and a pun on the word ‘Talmud’. evangelion,inb. Shabbat 116a–b). Talmudic stories See also Talmud trials SACHA STERN about Jesus are certainly polemical (e.g. the gibe, in Talmud trials coded language, on the virginity of Miriam/Mary: Allegations against the Talmud had already been b. Sanhedrin 67a), but their source remains unclear; made in the twelfth century by, for example, Peter they are more likely to represent later literary cre- Alfonsi and Peter the Venerable,Abbot of Cluny. ations than the legacy of some early historical tra- What is new in the thirteenth century is much dition. These stories later formed the basis of the greaterfirst-handknowledgeofJewishpost-biblical medieval compilation Toledot Yeshu. writings amongst Christians. In 1236 the Jewish Besides the passages so far discussed, the Talmud convert Nicholas Donin wrote to Pope Gregory IX appears in some places to polemicise against accusing the Talmud of blaspheming Jesus and Christianity, but without any explicit mention of the Virgin, maligning non-Jews and altering scrip- Christianity or Jesus. The identification of these tural precepts. The charge that Jews followed pre- passages as anti-Christian polemics is naturally cepts of the Talmud rather than those found in contentious; but we may point, for example, to the Bible was an especially serious threat to the a saying attributed to R. Abbahu that if someone Jews whose presence in Christian society was safe- claims to be God or the ‘son of man’, he is a liar guarded by the principle, formulated by Augustine (y. Ta’anit 2.1, 65b) – this saying is more likely of Hippo, that they bore witness to the truth of aimed at Jesus than at pagan, deified men. In b. Christianity by upholding the books of the Old Sanhedrin 46b a parable is cited of a robber who Testament.Pope Gregory instructed the Domini- was hanged, but whom onlookers mistook to be cans and Franciscans to confiscate the Talmud. In the king. This source (already attested in the third France the Talmud was put on trial in Paris in 1240. century Tosefta) may well be a parody of the Cruci- After Rabbi Jehiel ben Joseph of Paris (d. before fixion, not least because it is part of an exegesis of 1267) was unsuccessful in combating the allega- Deut. 21.22–3, and may thus be a covert response to tions brought against it, and an ecclesiastical court Gal. 3.13. Implicit polemics of this kind, however, headed by Eudes (Odo) of Chateauroux (d. 1273), are far more frequent in the contemporary and later chancellor of the University of Paris, condemned it, works of midrash;even if correctly identified, their cartloads of volumes of the Talmud were publicly historical significance and Sitz im Leben is yet to be burnt in 1242. Some years later Pope Innocent IV established. commissioned Eudes, by then cardinal-bishop of From the thirteenth century the Talmud became Tusculum, to reinvestigate the Talmud. This led to the object of Jewish–Christian controversies and further condemnation of the text. The remainder disputations.In1240 the disputation in Paris of of the thirteenth and the fourteenth centuries wit- Nicholas Donin led, two years later, to the public nessed various instances of confiscation, burning burning of 24 cartloads of Talmud (and presumably or censorship of the Talmud. In general, however, other books). The Talmud suffered further repres- it seems as if popes were hesitant to deprive Jews sion from Christian authorities (e.g. Innocent IV)in permanently of their sacred texts altogether, how- this and subsequent centuries, and was included in ever much they were concerned about their con- the first Index of forbidden books in 1559, although tents. Traditional papal policy towards the Jews did Christian Hebraists such as Johannes Reuchlin ensure that Jews were allowed the wherewithal to attempted to defend it. The text of the Talmud also practice their religion. suffered from censorship, either at the hand of In 1263 the Talmud was subjected to another Christians, or by Jews anticipating Christian cen- publicinvestigationinthe disputationofBarcelona sors. The Basel edition of 1578–80 was particularly between Paul the Christian,aconvert from mutilated by Christian censorship. This led to the Judaism, and Nahmanides in the presence of

417 Tanakh

James I of Aragon. By this time Christian scholars Targum did not just reject the whole Talmud as an affront AJewish translation of the Hebrew Bible into to Christianity, they incorporated the Talmud in Aramaic, dating from Late Antiquity (first to eighth their efforts to convert Jews by interpreting vari- centuries CE). There are Targums for all the bib- ous passages as attesting to Christian belief. Thus lical books, with the exception of Ezra–Nehemiah in Barcelona Paul attempted to demonstrate that and Daniel, which already contain substantial por- the Talmud proved that the Messiah had come and tions in Aramaic. In many cases several Targums, that Christian teaching was therefore correct. Nah- either in whole or in part, are extant for the same manides’ long Hebrew report reflects the earnest books. For example, besides the official Babylonian attempts made by the Jewish community to deflect Targum to the Pentateuch known as Onkelos,a this new and dangerous conversionary tactic. Sub- complete Palestinian Targum to the Pentateuch, sequent work by the Dominicans greatly perfected knownasCodexNeofiti1,survives,aswellasseveral Paul’s jejune efforts. In his Pugio Fidei (‘Dagger incomplete Palestinian versions (the Fragmentary of Faith’, c.1278) the Dominican Raymond Martini Targum and the Cairo Genizah fragments), and a quotes countless passages of post-biblical Jewish curious late text, Targum Pseudo-Jonathan, which writings in Hebrew and Aramaic in order to prove combines elements of both Onkelos and the Pales- theveracityofChristianitytoJews.Condemningthe tinian tradition. The institution of the Targum orig- Talmud whilst at the same time identifying proof- inated in the early synagogue’s practice of orally texts from it for Christianity was once again on rendering the Hebrew biblical lections into the ver- the agenda at the public disputation staged in Tor- nacular. Many Targums contain paraphrases and tosa in 1413–14 by anti-pope Benedict XIII (r.1394– expansions of the biblical text which make them 1417).Overaperiodofalmosttwoyearsofrelentless valuable repositories of early Jewish exegesis,on conversionary effort many Jews were converted. which Rashi and other medieval Jewish Bible com- Later Joseph Albo (c.1380–c.1435), who took part in mentators draw from time to time. the disputation, wrote his Sefer ha-Ikkarim (Book of The Targums have long attracted the interest Principles) in an effort to bolster Jewish confidence. of Christian scholars. It is possible that Jerome’s ANNA SAPIR ABULAFIA knowledge of Jewish Bible exegesis was derived, at Tanakh see Hebrew Bible; Old Testament least in part, from a Targum, known either to him- Tantur Ecumenical Institute self, or to one of his Jewish informants. Medieval On the border between south Jerusalem and the Christian Hebraists such as Nicholas of Lyra also Palestinian West Bank, the Tantur (literally ‘hill- studied the Targums, but it was not until the Ref- top’) Ecumenical Institute embodies the shared ormation, with its return to the Bible in its original dream of Paul VI and the official observers at Vati- languages, that Christian scholars truly mastered can II:aninternational, intercultural, ecumenical thisliterature.TextsoftheTargumswereincludedin community of prayer, study and dialogue in the the great Christian polyglot Bibles, starting with the Holy City. The institute, under the guidance of both Complutensian Polyglot (Alcalad´ eHenares, 1514– Protestant and Roman Catholic rectors, focusses 17), and culminating in the London Polyglot, edited ecumenical and interfaith relations through study, by Brian Walton (1665). They can also be found, research and international or local meetings with without Latin translations, in the Rabbinic Bibles Christians, Jews and Muslims. Since Tantur’s open- printed by Daniel Bomberg and others (1525 etc.). ing in 1973 over 4,500 scholars, teachers, parish Though printed under Christian auspices, the texts clergy and other Church workers have participated of the Targums were prepared by Jewish scholars, in its programmes, conducted principally by local who in some cases were converts to Christianity Christian, Jewish and Muslim teachers, on topics (e.g. the Spaniard Alfonso de Zamora (d. 1531), such as biblical studies, field trips, Abrahamic spir- whose editions of the Targums, still preserved in itualities, the bases and practices of ecumenical manuscripts in Madrid and Salamanca, were used and interreligious relations, human rights and non- in the Complutensian Polyglot and the Biblia Regia, violent conflict resolutions in the Holy Land. Antwerp). Christian scholars pioneered the study MICHAEL MCGARRY of the Targums, and as a result they were rather

418 Ten Commandments

neglected and marginalised among Jews. A notable Josianic Reform in 622 BCE the Jerusalem Temple exception was the Jewish biblical scholar Samuel had been one of many in the land of Israel. The David Luzzatto (1800–65), who wrote an important reform centralised the cult and made the Jerusalem study of Targum Onkelos. sanctuary the only remaining legal one. It con- Christian interest in the Targums focussed on: (1) tained, until 587, the Ark of the Covenant, which Their language. The Targums were used by Chris- was never replaced. From its beginnings the Tem- tian scholars to reconstruct the Aramaic spoken ple served as the focus of ancient Israelite and Jew- by Jesus and the first Christians. Debate has raged ish religious and cultural self-understanding and as to which targumic Aramaic dialect is closest to as an economic centre; after its final destruction the language of Jesus. Gustav Dalman (1855–1941) it became a focal point for nostalgia and for fer- argued that it is Onkelos; Alejandro D´ıez Macho vent eschatological expectation. In Christianity the (1916–84) that it is the Palestinian Targumim. (2) Temple was used as the negative background for the Theirexegesis.Thoughthe‘official’Targums(Onke- salvation brought about by Christ: although Jesus is los to the Pentateuch and Jonathan to the Prophets) described as a devout practitioner of the Law (Matt. have been heavily influenced by Rabbinic Judaism, 21.12,23),heprophesiesthedestructionoftheTem- the Targums are not in origin rabbinic, and they ple (Mark 13.2), and at the moment of his death contain interpretations that are sometimes at vari- the veil protecting the holy of holies is rent asunder ance with the official rabbinic view and closer to (Mark 15.38). However, for the earliest Christians Christian exegesis. Thus, they interpret Isa. 53 (see in Jerusalem, who considered themselves no less ‘Suffering Servant’)asreferring to the sufferings Jewish than their fellow Jews, the Jerusalem Temple of the Messiah, and not of the Jewish people as a continued to be the centre of their religious lives whole – the standard rabbinic opinion. Christian (Luke 24.53; Acts 2.46) until 70 CE. The rebuilding apologists have seized on this to argue that the of the Templeremains one of the hopes of Orthodox Targums reflect earlier Jewish exegesis which the Judaism (e.g. the Shemoneh Esre). From the Chris- rabbis suppressed because it supported Christian- tian perspective the sacrifice of Christ rendered the ity. Less controversially, Christian scholars have Temple obsolete: there will be no Templein the New used the Targums to illuminate NewTestament Jerusalem (Rev. 21.22). JOACHIM SCHAPER exegesis of the OldTestament.Byassuming that Temple, William (1881–1944) the Targum’s interpretation was current in the first As Archbishop of York (1929–42) and Canterbury century, a flood of light can sometimes be thrown (1942–4), Temple played an important role in the on the early Christian use of the Old Testament/ formation of the Council of Christians and Jews Tanakh.TheTargumshaveplayedanimportantrole (CCJ). A creative theologian, Temple, who keenly in demonstrating how rooted early Christianity was supported ecumenism, became increasingly inter- in Jewish tradition. More recently, however, Jewish ested in the application of the gospel to social prob- scholars have attempted to reclaim the Targums, lems. In 1941, in discussion with Chief Rabbi J. H. along with the apocrypha, other deutero-canonical Hertz (1872–1946) and others about the formation texts, and the Dead Sea Scrolls,asapartofthe of CCJ, Temple insisted that, rather than just com- Jewish heritage. PHILIP ALEXANDER bating antisemitism,CCJ should emphasise the Temple fundamental ethical values shared by Judaism and The Jerusalem Temple, first built by Solomon after Christianity, which provided the basis for Euro- the example of other Syro-Phoenician temples as pean civilisation and which were under attack by a state sanctuary around 960 BCE (1 Kgs 5.16ff.), Nazism. MARCUS BRAYBROOKE destroyed by troops of the Neo-Babylonian Empire Ten Commandments in 587, rebuilt by the returnees from the Babylo- The Ten Commandments, also known as the Deca- nian exile and rededicated in 515, desecrated by logue (‘Ten Words’ in Exod. 34.28 and Deut. 10.4), Antiochus IV Epiphanes (r.175–164 BCE) in 167 and are highly honoured in the Christian commu- again rededicated by Judas Maccabaeus in 164, suf- nity, despite the contrast long drawn by Chris- fered final destruction at the hands of the Roman tians between Judaism as a religion of divine law military leader Titus (39–81) in 70 CE. Until the and Christianity as a religion of divine grace. This

419 Tertullian of Carthage

contrast between law and grace, supported espe- understood? Does it refer to murder or to any taking cially by reference to Paul’s epistles to the Galatians of human life? Does the command rule out cap- and Romans, is called into question precisely by the ital punishment, warfare, euthanasia, abortion? TenCommandments, thus making the Decalogue Joint debates between Jews and Christians over a potentially fruitful subject in Jewish–Christian these commandments have proved highly produc- relations. tive, especially as each community has come better The Ten Commandments of Exod. 20.1–17 and to understand the long traditions of interpreta- Deut.5.6–21summarisethedemandsofGodplaced tion by the other. In Christian history the negative upon Israel. They do so, however, in a way that form of most of the commandments has caused makes them applicable to all peoples and all times. Christian interpreters to contrast Jewish prohibi- While the opening commandments are tied to tions with Christian positive commands that sum Israelite faith (YHWH delivered Israel from bondage up the entire law (Matt. 22.36–40; Mark 12.28–34; in Egypt, is the only deity who counts, forbids idol- Luke 10.25–8; Rom. 13.9), but the positive import atry and the misuse of the divine name), even these of short, pithy prohibitions, easily remembered, in carryameaningapplicabletoallpeoples(themercy providingorientationandguidanceforthecommu- and uniqueness of the deity). The commandments nity is unmistakable. Christian communities have are not so much law as the foundation for particular made regular use of the Ten Commandments in laws. They were probably committed to memory in both instruction and worship.More critical for the home and recited periodically in public gather- Jewish–Christian relations is the whole question of ings for the reaffirmation of the covenant between how law itself is best understood. Studies of texts Israel and the deity. in praise of God’s teaching or Torah (e.g. Pss 19 The commandments as read and observed in and 119), plus the relation of Torah to wisdom (Sir. Judaism begin with Exod. 20.2 (Deut. 5.6): ‘I am the 24; Bar. 3.9–4.4), have radically altered much Chris- LORD your God (better: ‘I the LORD am your God’) tian understanding of law in the Bible, bringing who brought you out of the land of Egypt, out of the about a renewed appreciation of the form, con- house of slavery’, a declaration rather than a com- tents and function of the Ten Commandments and mandment, but one that firmly establishes God’s of the very meaning of Torah within the Jewish love and grace as the motivation and ground for community. the demands that follow. Since the twentieth cen- Controversy has arisen in the United States over tury this grounding of Israelite law in divine grace the posting of the Ten Commandments in public has been widely affirmed by Christian as well as places, an issue still not resolved. The controversy Jewish interpreters. Three commandments stand is primarily among Christians and does not greatly out as highly distinctive from those of neighbour- affect Jewish–Christian relations thus far. ing communities, all with consequences for rela- WALTER HARRELSON tions between Judaism and Christianity. The pro- Tertullian of Carthage (second century CE) hibition of the making of carved images resulted Church Father. The author of Adversus Judaeos,a over time in a rejection of all images of the deity, prominent example of the literary genre to which it even though the Israelites surely knew that such gave its name, Tertullian was principally concerned images were representations of the deity,not objects with being a Christian in a pagan society and his of worship as such. Strict fidelity to this prohibition knowledge of Judaism seems to have been limited. by some Christian groups brought division within Scholars are divided as to his view of, and the extent the Christian community, while laxity by both Jews of his contact with, Jews and Judaism, some argu- and Christians through the centuries often resulted ing that he saw Jews and Christians as rivals jointly in bitter conflict within and between the commu- fighting the evil of idolatry, others that Adversus nities. The command to observe the Sabbath or Judaeos was written to convert not Jews but pagans. seventh day came to divide Christians over how All agree, however, that Tertullian believed Chris- to relate Sabbath and Lord’s Day (Sunday). And tianity, not Judaism, was the spiritual heir of Israel the prohibition of the taking of human life has (see supersessionism). offered a challenge of interpretation for both Jews See also Church Fathers; early Church and Christians. How is the Hebrew term raz. ah. to be EDWARD KESSLER

420 Tetragrammaton

Testaments presumably put together by Gregory of Nyssa (330– Belonging to the category of the Pseudepigrapha, c.395); a compilation of Old Testament quotations testaments can be classified as a genre of Hellenis- attributed to Melito of Sardis (cf. Eusebius, Hist. tic Jewish literature, with forerunners in Aramaic eccl. 4.26.12ff.) and the compilation produced by Jewish literature. They played a significant role in BarSalibi, of which a Syriac text is extant. However, their Jewish context, and some were taken over testimonia had already been compiled in Hellenis- and modified by the early Church. There are sev- tic Judaism: amongst the Qumran writings was eraldistinctiveelementscharacterisingtestaments: found what is probably the earliest example of a after introductory remarks and an opening for- collection still in existence, viz. 4Q175 (4QTest), a mula, a dying father addresses his offspring, or a collection of Messianic/eschatological texts. The teacher or leader directs a farewell discourse at his thesis proposed by J. R. Harris (Testimonies, pas- successor, his followers, his disciples or his peo- sim), according to which all Christian testimonia ple. The discourse tends to comprise references collections can be traced back to one original testi- to events in the speaker’s past, moral exhortations mony book of OldTestament prophecies intended directed at the listeners, and forebodings of the to demonstrate that Jesus was the Messiah, was future, ending with a concluding formula. The tes- subjected to fierce criticism by, amongst others, tament as a whole ends with the death and burial C. H. Dodd (1884–1973) and Krister Stendahl of the central character. They are modelled on bib- (b. 1921). The existence of 4Q175 indicates that lical farewell discourses, such as Gen. 27.1–40, 49, the genre of testimonia collections predates the Deut. 1.1–4.40, Josh. 23–24 and 1 Sam. 12. The most beginnings of Christianity and was ‘inherited’ from characteristic examples of the genre are the Testa- Hellenistic Judaism. Rabbinic testimonia are not ments of the Twelve Patriarchs, the Testament of known. The basic concept informing the collectors Job, and the Assumptio Mosis.Someofthe writ- of testimonia, both in Judaism and in Christianity, ings commonly called testaments are in fact not was their view of scripture as containing texts that representatives of the genre, like the Testament of could be used to show the truth of eschatological Abraham and the Testament of Solomon. The tes- and Messianic predictions. JOACHIM SCHAPER taments were intended to exhort, sustain and edu- Tetragrammaton cate their readers by referring to exemplary char- Greek term meaning ‘[comprising] four letters’ sig- acters in Israel’s past and were used, in modified nifying the name of God in Hebrew, YHWH, often form, for similar purposes by early Christians, to shortened to tetragram. First found in Philo (Mos. whom they appealed because of their paraenetic 2.115), the designation was taken up by early Chris- character. The most famous testaments, the Testa- tian writers. The tetragram’s original vocalisation ments of the Twelve Patriarchs,are Christian in their is uncertain, but there is evidence (Samaritan present form and contain components that range usage, Church Fathers, the shortened form Yah) from the second century BCE to the second century that it was probably pronounced ‘Yah-weh’. In CE, witnessing to the interest of Christian commu- the late biblical period the name’s pronuncia- nities in Hellenistic Jewish theology and incorpo- tion began to fall into disuse for several reasons rating elements from both traditions. (Martin Rose, ‘Names of God in the OT’). It was once JOACHIM SCHAPER believed that the name’s usage ceased completely Testimonia by the time of the Septuagint (LXX), whose trans- Testimonia are collections of uncommented quota- lators employed kyrios (‘Lord’) for YHWH, reflect- tions, especially from the Bible, which are organised ing the Palestinian practice of substituting adonai around common themes. They were produced and (‘Lord’). However, with the twentieth-century dis- used in ancient Judaism and in the early Church. covery of pre-Christian LXX manuscripts contain- Collected as proof-texts in order to support cer- ing Hebrew tetragrams (or the Greek trigram Iao) tain theological viewpoints, testimonia were made written within the Greek text, scholars revised this to serve didactic, paraenetic, polemical and litur- assumption, some postulating that it was Chris- gical purposes respectively. Amongst such testi- tians who replaced the tetragram with kyrios.Evi- monia were: the oldest Christian collection extant, dence for the history of the name’s gradual disuse, Cyprian’s Testimonia ad Quirinum; the collection both oral and written, is contradictory, and various

421 Textbooks

scenariospostulatedbycertainacademicsareinad- cent of lessons referred to Gentile religious groups. equate for explaining this complex issue. A number Over 90 per cent of those references were either of scholars find various evidence for the name in the neutral or intended to combat prejudice. Negative NewTestament; some pagans and early Christians comments were more numerous concerning other knew the name especially in its pronounced Greek segments of the Jewish community. These United form (McDonough, YHWH at Patmos;Shaw, ‘The States studies were made known to Pope John XXIII Earliest Use of αω’). ‘Jehovah’ came about when and contributed to his wish that Vatican II prepare late medieval Roman Catholics and early Reform- a document on Jews and Judaism; Nostra Aetate ers began studying Hebrew and, unaware of the was thus partially the consequence of textbook Masoretic practice of pointing YHWH with the vow- research. els for adonai,misread the tetragram and produced Beginning in 1967, the Sperry Center for Inter- this designation, used in Church hymns and some group Learning sponsored analyses of Italian and Bible translations until the mid-twentieth century. Spanish Catholic textbooks published between Most Bibles today utilise the device Lord to indicate 1940 and 1964 and of French Catholic textbooks the name. FRANK SHAW used from 1949 to 1964. Jews were mentioned twice Textbooks as often as Protestants in Italian textbooks and six United States and European studies of how times more often in Spanish materials. The ratio Christian and Jewish religion textbooks present the of negative to positive references to Jews in Italian other tradition have proven to be useful measures texts was found to be roughly 5 to 1 and about 3 of reform. Textbooks are defined herein as grade- to 2 in the Spanish books, although the Spanish level-specific books used for classroom religious negative comments were more vituperative. The instruction. French texts were generally more balanced, but the In the late 1950s in the United States the positive comments mostly referred to Jews before American Jewish Committee sponsored studies of the time of Jesus. These studies concluded that the treatment of different ethnic, racial and reli- young European Catholics were being taught that gious groups in Jewish, Catholic and Protestant ‘the Jews’ killed Jesus and were punished by God, secondary textbooks. In the Catholic study Rose that Jews had rejected Jesus because they were Thering OP discovered that positive comments materialistic, that the unfaithful Jews cannot be about Judaism were restricted to praising Judaism saved, and that Judaism has been superseded by as the forerunner of Christianity. The widespread Christianity and now has no meaning (Bishop, How negative assertions about Jews mostly referred to Catholics Look at Jews). the NewTestament themes of the supposed Jew- In 1972 the American Jewish Committee spon- ish rejection of Christ and their consequent divine sored research by Gerald S. Strober to deter- punishment, the role of Jews in Jesus’ crucifixion, mine if the 1963 Olson study had affected US or Pharisaism (Pawlikowski, Catechetics and Preju- Protestant materials (Portrait of the Elder Brother). dice). In the Protestant study,Bernhard Olson (Faith Strober concluded that the same topics remained and Prejudice) examined textbooks from funda- problematic. mentalist, conservative, liberal and neo-orthodox In the early 1970s Eugene J. Fisher studied pri- Christian publishers. He was concerned that the mary and secondary US Catholic textbooks and frequent mention of Jews in 64 per cent of all found that ‘American Catholic religion materials lessons could make them a ‘vulnerable target’.Ther- are significantly more positive toward Judaism than ing’s list of negative topics was replicated by Olson, they were before the Vatican Council’ (Faith with- with the additional biblical subjects of early con- out Prejudice). The idea of a divine punishment flicts between Church and synagogue and Gen- of Jews, for instance, had vanished or was con- tile admission to the Church. Olson believed that demned. However, there were still topics that pro- the authors’ pre-existing attitudes towards other duced negative scores according to the statistical religious communities shaped their interpretations instrument Fisher employed. It should be noted of pertinent New Testament passages. The Jew- that ‘negativity’ in this statistical sense means ‘inac- ish study of Bernard D. Weinryb (‘Intergroup Con- curacy’. These topics were: (1) Jesus and Jewish tent in Jewish Textbooks’) found that only 14 per contemporaries, (2) Pharisaism, (3) the crucifixion,

422 Theodosian Code and (4) the relationship of the OldTestament to 3. Jewish educational materials are less the New Testament. A study by Philip A. Cun- concerned with teaching about the religious ningham of late-1980s Catholic primary and sec- other. There is some tendency to portray ondary textbooks (Education for Shalom) found Christians only as historical oppressors and to that the negative topics in Fisher’s study remained overlook recent changes in Christian negative, although noticeably less so. The excep- theology. tion was the more negative treatment of the cru- cifixion in secondary textbooks because of care- Future research should examine lectionary-based less remarks that sweepingly implicated Jews or curricula and the curricula in continents and Jewish leaders. Cunningham also concluded that Churches not previously examined. Previous stud- ‘the most important single deficiency in present ies should be updated regularly. textbooks is the minimal application or complete See also religious education lack of critical biblical insights’. Stuart Polly stud- PHILIP A. CUNNINGHAM ied US Protestant junior and senior high school Theodoret of Cyrrhus (393–466) textbooks and Sunday school materials within a Christian bishop, theologian, exegete and historian year of the Cunningham study. He found that 65– of the Antiochene tradition. Theodoret’s literary 80 per cent of Protestant lessons referred to Jews work is extraordinarily wide in scope, encompass- as compared with about 50 per cent in the Cun- ing biblical exegesis, Church history, Christology ningham Catholic study. Polly also discovered that and a comprehensive refutation of paganism. He materials for younger students tended to be more displays a conventional but comparatively moder- negative to Jews because they lacked the extended ate hostility to the Jews, regularly lamenting their and nuanced presentations of high school materi- misunderstanding of scripture and their infidelity als. Collectively, the nine Protestant curricula that to God’s purposes. He reports the enthusiasm of Polly evaluated had about an equal number of pos- Jews across the Empire for Julian the Apostate’s itive and negative references to Jews. However, this proposal to rebuild the Temple and also notes that ratio ranged from almost entirely positive for one the various woes of the Jews under the Roman publisher to largely negative for another. Polly’s Empire were the direct result of their rejection of list of negative topics mirrored those of the other Jesus Christ. Theodoret notes instances of forced studies. conversion of Jews with apparent approval but also Ronald Kronish conducted an informal assess- hints at a more tolerant approach, remarking that ment of Israeli textbooks in 1998. He noted that the Jews are commanded to follow the pious ways of few lessons on Christianity were mostly historical their fathers and aiming his criticism not so much rather than religious in nature. This led to a dan- at Jews in general but rather at particular instances ger of Christians being mentioned only as oppres- of perceived impiety. MARCUS PLESTED sors of Jews. Kronish also observed little interest in Theodosian Code recent changes in the teachings of some Christian Collection of imperial legislation dating from 312 churches. onwards promulgated in 438 by the Emperor Theo- The following overall conclusions can be drawn: dosius II (r.408–50). The Theodosian Code wit- nessesthepassageofChristianityfromthefavoured 1. Christian textbooks had been predominantly religion of the emperor to the official religion of the negative in their portrayal of Judaism until the Roman Empire.Anumber of prescriptions against mid-1960s. Then some Christian Churches the Jews are laid down (without necessarily being began to revise their textbook lessons, most rigidly or universally applied): they are forbidden to notably the Roman Catholic Church in the proselytise, own Christian slaves, marry Christians wake of Vatican II. Protestant curricula vary or to hold public office. Judaism, however, remains more widely in terms of how Jews are portrayed. very clearly a licit religion (see religio licita): free- 2. Certain recurrent biblical topics are dom of worship is upheld, as are the fiscal privi- consistently problematic in Christian leges of the Jewish clergy. The stance is one of reluc- education depending on whether a textbook tant toleration,inmarked contrast to the Code’s employs various forms of biblical criticism. decidedly harsh treatment of Christian heretics.

423 Time

The Theodosian Code became one of the princi- were substituted for the Jewish fast-days of Monday pal building-blocks of the more famous Justinian and Thursday (see fasting). Code (see Justinian I), its prescriptions against the Momentously, Christian interpretations of bibli- Jews being (again) reconfirmed and extended by the cal time demonised the Jews, polarising Old Tes- later collection. The regularity with which disabili- tament figures into bad Jews and good Hebrews tiesarelaidupontheJewsbytheChristianemperors (Gavin Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Anti- may be taken as an indication that enforcement was Semitism). Typically, Hilary of Poitiers (c.315–67) often far from comprehensive. argued that before the Law the Jews were demon- MARCUS PLESTED possessed; the Mosaic Law temporarily drove out Time their unclean devil, which returned immediately Time has played an acute role in Christian anti- after they rejected Christ. The association of Rab- Judaism. This is superficially surprising, since Jew- binic Judaism with devil worship, articulated by ish and Christian perceptions of time have much Chrysostom and other Church Fathers,resulted in common, especially an optimistic, linear vision in both Jewish space (the synagogue) and Jewish of time, markedly distinct from the orientation of time (festivals, especially Passover) being maligned pagan mythology towards a past Golden Age or the as demonic; from the thirteenth century Christian cyclical vision of time prevalent within Buddhism propagandists linked allegations of Jewish ritual and Hinduism. Just as Genesis embodied ‘the rejec- murder to Passover. Medieval Christian persecu- tion of space, the espousal of time’ (AndreN´ eher, tion of Jews was often specifically timed to coincide Moses and the Vocation of the Jewish People), so with the holiest Jewish times, Sabbaths and festi- biblical and rabbinic writers rejected the empha- vals: the mass-suicide in York to pre-empt mass sis on sacred space inherent within pantheistic murder occurred on the Sabbath before Passover, paganism. They invested time, not space, with spir- 1190. itual significance, its passage replete with mean- Moreover, persecution and massacres of Jews ing due to God’s perceived active role in history. often coincided with the holiest Christian times, Thus Jews became ‘builders in time’,their Sabbaths notably Lent (Jewish books were confiscated in and festivals approximating to ‘cathedrals in time’ France on the first Sabbath in Lent, 1240), Palm (Heschel), reliving – and anticipating – God’s inter- Sunday (in Beziers and elsewhere Christians stoned ventions in Jewish history. Jewish houses), Holy Week (anti-Jewish sermons, Within Christianity the profoundest significance passion plays), Easter (ritual murder allegations – attached to time was Christological;Jewish biblical see blood libel) and Corpus Christi (accusations history was interpreted as culminating in Christ, of host desecration). Expulsions were sometimes while Christian festivals, like the sacraments of symbolically timed; all Jews had to leave England eucharist and baptism,ritually perpetuated the by AllSaints’Day,1290.BecauseChristianeschatol- past of Christ’s birth, life, death and resurrection. ogy envisaged the conversion of all Jews prior to the Although for several centuries, despite the force Messiah’s return, mass forcible conversions could of canon law and anti-Jewish preaching such as occur, especially at times of millenarian fervour. that of John Chrysostom, some Christians contin- Today millenarian eschatology more benignly ued to observe their festivals at Jewish times and underpins Christian Zionist observance of Sukkot with Jews, to pray and light candles in synagogues, in Jerusalem, while Christian–Jewish relations are keep the Jewish Sabbath – until the ninth century widely fostered by interfaith ceremonies on Holo- around Lyons (see Sabbatarianism)–and even Jew- caust Memorial Day and events like the Polish ish festivals, the early Christian divorce from Jew- Catholic ‘Day of Judaism’. ish time – to discourage Judaising,todistinguish MARGARET BREARLEY Christianity as uniquely salvific – was inevitable. Toledot Yeshu Commemoration of the resurrection on Sunday, The first extant anti-Christian tract, the Toledot stressed by Ignatius, led to its substitution for the Yeshu (‘family history of Jesus’) has survived in a Jewish Sabbath, urged by the second-century anti- number of varying versions in Hebrew.Acomplete Jewish Epistle of Barnabas and formalised during form of the text exists from the tenth century, but the fourth century. Similarly, Tuesdays and Fridays the variety of versions indicates that it has had a

424 Tolerance/toleration

long history. It derives its core from the Gospels, ready to allow Jews freedom to worship in England, presenting the life of Jesus, whose Virgin Birth is but drew the line at atheists and Catholics, believ- explained as the result of a rape or an abandon- ing that they would undermine the stability of the ment by the father. The precocious youth Jesus state. showsgreatwisdombutisdisrespectfulofthesages, Jews did not exercise political power over peo- and when he grows up performs magical tricks, ple of other religions, but as a minority they including his resurrection, which is explained as had an interest in demonstrating their own tol- atrick intended to deceive. The tract’s polemic is erance. Moses Mendelssohn,inhis 1782 preface drawn from a number of similar traditions, found, to Menasseh ben Israel’s Vindiciae Judaeorum, for example, in the ninth-century Alphabet of Ben denounced the practice of excommunication by Sira, where the Virgin Birth is seen to be the result of which the rabbis had until then enforced religious amasturbator’s semen floating in a pool and where conformity. A year later, in Jerusalem,heargued the young child has wisdom beyond his age. The for the complete separation of Church and state. Talmud too presents Jesus as a magician, and many He also sought, like many Jewish apologists before of the other themes in the Toledot, including mis- and after, to demonstrate that Judaism was inher- use of the divine name and a shameful death, can ently more tolerant than Christianity; he claimed be traced in Jewish–Christian disputations and lit- that it was a ‘rational’ religion, free of dogma, erature. In its final form the Toledot reads like a folk- non-conversionist, and through its concept of the tale, but was probably written for the education of ‘Seven Laws of Noah’ (see NoachideLaws) acknowl- Jews about Christianity and to respond to Christian edged that other people might approach God in arguments and prevent conversion. different ways while upholding the moral and eth- JAMES K. AITKEN ical values that were the essence of Torah.His Tolerance/toleration Judaism has much in common with the less dog- Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa in 27 BCE designed the matic Christianity advocated by Locke in The Rea- Roman Pantheon as a home for all gods. When sonableness of Christianity (1695). Political imple- it was dedicated in 609 CE as the Church of the mentation of the new ideas was piecemeal. The Santa Maria Rotonda, or ad Martyres, the gods were Toleranz-Patent (1781–2) of Joseph II of Austria, driven out to be replaced by the One God. Pagan one of a series of patents granted to the major, tolerance was swept away by Judeo-Christian intol- non-Catholic denominations of Austria, aimed at erance of ‘other gods’. Worse than that, Jews and encouraging the integration of the Jews into Chris- Christians were no longer prepared to tolerate each tian society. It retained some traditional restric- other, or even dissidents within their own ranks; tions and, though welcomed by many Jews, was as Christians gained the upper hand, Jews became opposed by Mendelssohn, who feared that the pro- a barely tolerated minority under Christian rule, posed method of education would lead Jews to and Christian–Jewish relations deteriorated to a low apostasy,aswell as by conservatives who saw that it ebb. wouldleadtothebreak-upoftraditionalcommunal Despite this, dormant seeds remained to support discipline. the rediscovery and re-growth of tolerance in the The ‘Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the modern age. Those seeds were germinated by the Citizen’ adopted in 1789 by the National Assem- blood of the Wars of Religion and nurtured through bly during the French Revolution asserts unequiv- the humanism of a secular Enlightenment. The ocally (article 10) that ‘No one may be disturbed Peace of Augsburg (1555) allowed for both Catholic on account of his opinions, even religious ones, as and Lutheran states to coexist within the Habsburg long as the manifestation of such opinions does not Empire, but made no allowance for the autonomy interfere with the established Law and Order.’ This of individual conscience, a concept clearly formu- principle has become the norm in Western soci- lated by Pierre Bayle (1647–1706) more than a cen- eties, even though its implementation has been tury later in his plea for religious toleration even imperfect. It was adopted by Israel in its Decla- for atheists.John Locke (1632–1704) in his Epis- ration of Independence, which states: ‘The State tola de Tolerantia, influenced by the latitudinarians of Israel . . . will ensure complete equality of and published anonymously at Gouda in 1689, was social and political rights to all its inhabitants,

425 Toleration

irrespective of religion, race, or sex; it will guarantee lical times to the present day and has resulted freedom of religion, conscience, language, educa- in the completion of works such as the Mishnah tion and culture; it will safeguard the Holy Places of and Talmud,aswell as the midrashim.Rabbinic all religions.’ Judaism taught that Moses received the Torah from While dialogue is possible within a regime of ‘tol- Sinai (m. Avot 1.1) but there was also a tradition that eration’, successful dialogue needs to be based on the Torah was in existence before the creation of full affirmation of the other as an equal. This is the world (e.g. Sir. 1.1–5), or even before the creation possible under secular government, but where the of the Throne of Glory (Genesis Rabbah 1.4). Torah representatives of a specific religious denomina- was equated with Wisdom (Prov. 8.22) and Philo tion control the government it is ipso facto impos- wrote about the pre-existence and role in creation sible. From the theological point of view dialogue of the word of God (Logos), which he identified with is easier when participants are able to make ‘the- the Torah (Migr. 130). Although Philo did not have ological space’ for one another. This is relatively the same understanding of the incarnate Logos that easy in Judaism, where the concept of the ‘Seven is found in the prologue to John’s Gospel, it is strik- Laws of Noah’, and the classic statement of Rabbi ing that a Jew who lived at the same time as the Joshua ben Hananiah (second century) that ‘the authors of the New Testament, and who probably righteous of all nations have a portion in the World never even heard of Jesus, spoke of the fatherhood to Come’, provide ‘space’ for people other than of God and of the Logos as his image: ‘Even if we are those of the Jewish faith. Statements such as extra not yet suitable to be called the sons and daugh- ecclesiam nulla salus (‘there is no salvation out- ters of God, still we may be called the children of side the Church’) make such a position more diffi- his eternal image, of his most sacred word (logos)’ cult for Christians, though many modern Christian (Conf. 147). Later, Christian theology understood theologians have adopted a less exclusive, pluralist Logos as the ‘Word of God’, which referred to Jesus view. NORMAN SOLOMON as God Incarnate. Toleration see tolerance/toleration Rabbinic Judaism also personified Torah, Torah describing how God discussed the creation of Literally teaching, instruction, often translated as the world with the Torah (Gen. 1.27). On another law,Torah carries a wide variety of meanings. occasion the Torah is described as Israel’s bride. Traditionally misunderstood by Christian scholars Another feature of the Torah according to the as solely a collection of laws, more recently it is rabbis is that it was eternal. Jesus’ statement in being seen as a common link between Judaism and Matt. 5.17 that he has come not to destroy but Christianity. to fulfil the Torah is reminiscent of the rabbinic Torah can be used to describe the Five Books of teaching of its non-abrogability. The rabbis taught Moses (Written Torah) or the Word of God (cf. Ps. that the Torah would exist in the world to come, 119). The latter is of particular interest to New Tes- but interestingly it was also argued that changes tament scholars because it was translated in the to the Torah would take place in the Messianic Targums as memra, indicating the means by which age (Genesis Rabbah 98.9), although this was later God’s will is made known to the people of Israel rejected by Maimonides, who held there would be and by which that will is fulfilled. Most striking is no change after the coming of the Messiah. the Targum on Exod. 19.17, which states that the Torah was translated in the Septuagint as nomos people went out to meet the Word of God (memra) (in order to emphasise the traditions and customs ratherthantomeetGodasstatedbythebiblicaltext. of Israel), by Jerome in the Vulgate as lex, and finally Although memra became a periphrasis for God, it is into English as ‘law’. Each translation narrowed mostunlikelytohavebeenunderstoodasaseparate the meaning of the term until Judaism came to be person, as in Christian Trinitarianism (see Trinity). seen by many Christians simply as a form of legal- Torahinits broadest sense can also be equated ism. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth cen- with the whole body of Jewish teaching and law turies in particular Christian biblical scholars such (Oral Torah). The latter explains what the Penta- as Schurer¨ (1844–1910) and Wellhausen described teuch means and how it should be interpreted, Judaism as a cold, unfeeling, legal religion, in which is a process that has continued from bib- contrast to Christianity, the religion of love and

426 Tradition

brotherhood. Judaism, especially Pharisaic and of handing on. Jewish vocabulary is able to distin- Rabbinic Judaism, which were generally described guish between the point of view of the tradent and as ‘late Judaism’ (Spatjudentum¨ ), was compared of the recipient: kabbalah is ‘that which is received’ negatively with the teaching of Jesus. The Jewish and masoret is ‘that which is passed on’. context was almost entirely ignored or rejected. In Rabbinic Judaism a special importance Although Jewish law lies at the heart of Torah, attaches to the halakhot,ordirections for right con- particularly in the teaching of Orthodox Judaism,a duct, given to Moses on Mount Sinai, and trans- large part of Jewish law is about social action. Thus, mitted orally from one generation of teachers to acts of kindness are deemed part of Jewish law; the another. This constitutes a body of law held to be word miz. vah (commandment)iscommonly used of equal authority to the laws of the written Torah. to mean any good deed. This is illustrated by the This kind of ‘tradition’ is presupposed in Mark 7.1– Talmud’s account of a pagan who visited Hillel (end 23, where Jesus is questioned about his disciples’ of first century BCE and beginning of first century refusal to follow its precepts. It is interesting that CE) and told him that he would convert to Judaism some of Jesus’ contemporaries apparently expected if Hillel could teach him the whole of the Torah him to keep traditions that were not universally while he was standing on one foot. Hillel replied: observed. His reply need not be read as a nega- ‘What is hateful to yourself, do not do to your fel- tion of the value of the traditions as such, but as low man. That is the whole Torah; the rest is just emphasising the primacy of an ethic of love within commentary. Go and study it’ (b. Shabbat 31a). This which alone they become acceptable; it can thus Golden Rule, which was negatively expressed by be construed as a perfectly Jewish answer to a Jew- Hillel, was declared as a positive pronouncement ish question. Around the traditions of both the oral by Jesus (Luke 6.31, cf. Matt. 7.12), indicating that and the written law grew traditions of commen- both Judaism and Christianity place correct ethical tary and interpretation, especially in the Mishnah conduct at their core. and the Talmud. The characteristic rabbinic way Most recently Jewish scholars of and activists of approaching the task of commentary by balanc- in Jewish–Christian relations have argued that the ing different possible interpretations against one Torah illustratesanumberofsharedvaluesbetween another gives a dynamic quality to the transmission the religions. For example, Dabru Emet states that of tradition. ‘Jews and Christians accept the moral principles of Paul uses the concept of tradition positively: it is Torah’ and that ‘this shared moral emphasis can be important to him to hand on what he has received the basis of an improved relationship between our (1 Cor. 11.23–24; 15.3; Gal. 1.9; 1 Thess. 2.12). two communities’. EDWARD KESSLER It became important to Christians to define the Tradition boundaries of this paradosis. Against esoteric The notion of tradition is fundamental to both teachers who initiated their disciples privately into Judaism and Christianity. Both depend on the idea Gnostic traditions, Church Fathers like Irenaeus that the disclosure of the divine self, and of the of Lyons sought to define a public body of tradi- divine purposes for the Chosen People or for all tion. During the Reformation the relation between humankind, need to be handed on securely from the greatly expanded body of Church ‘tradition’ one generation to another. The nature and content (embracing both teaching and practice) and scrip- of what is handed on varies within and between ture became highly controversial, and those con- both religions, and debates over the limits and char- troversies are still being worked out in different acter of tradition have played an important part in Christian attitudes to tradition today. The Council both their histories. ‘Tradition’ has often been used of Trent,inresponse to the Reformers’ critique of to refer in particular to insights and instructions tradition, insisted that scripture and tradition were thatarehandedoninparallelwiththeteachingtobe to be esteemed equally (1546). This insistence could found in the written law or the Christian scriptures, easily be taken to mean that tradition was a source and the authority of this ‘tradition’ has been a sub- of revelation alongside scripture. Vatican II’s Dog- ject of lively debate. Early Christian writers use the matic Constitution on Divine Revelation (1963) was terms paradosis (in Greek) and traditio (in Latin); carefultodenytheinference,butcontinuedtoallow they can refer to both the process and the content an important place to tradition in determining how

427 Trent, Council of

Christians should believe and live. Between Trent ars regard these Jewish trials as informal interroga- and Vatican II comes the spread of theories of tions, not as a formal meeting of the Sanhedrin, evolution and change, and especially the work of since later practice suggests that the Sanhedrin John Henry Newman (1801–90) on the develop- would not have met at night, nor did they con- ment of doctrine, which understood tradition to vene during the festival days. Whether these pro- mean development as well as transmission. This cedural rules were fixed already in the first century, understanding of the development and transmis- however, cannot be determined with certainty. The sion of tradition is noticeably similar to Judaism’s charge brought against Jesus by the Jewish authori- emphasis on the ever-developing oral Torah, which ties was one of ‘blasphemy’(Mark 14.64), although is handed down from generation to generation. Mark also implies that Jesus was seen as a threat ANDERS BERGQUIST to the Temple (Mark 14.58). Mark records the abu- Trent, Council of sive treatment and mockery of Jesus by the religious A council of Roman Catholic bishops, held inter- leaders(Mark14.65),andMatthewandLukeembel- mittently between 1545 and 1563 and regarded as lish this tradition in order to depict Jewish hostility the nineteenth ecumenical council. Although Trent toJesusevenmoreemphatically.Oncechargedwith gave little attention to Jews and Judaism, its impor- blasphemy, Jesus was then led to the Roman gov- tance to Jewish–Christian relations lies in the new ernor Pilate because, as John records, the Jews had catechism that resulted from it and that served for no right to try capital offences at this time in Pales- centuries as a basic resource for Catholic catech- tine (John 18.31). Whether this detail is historically esis. The Council declared that Christian sinners soundisanothermatterofinconclusivedebate.The were more to blame for the death of Christ than Roman trial before Pilate corresponds to procedu- Jews, thus rejecting accusations of deicide against ral customs of the time for the trial of a non-citizen. Jews. According to the 1985 Notes on the Correct The charge brought against Jesus in the Roman trial WaytoPresent the Jews and Judaism in Preach- is that he claimed to be ‘King of the Jews’ (Mark ing and Catechesis, the Council taught that whilst 15.2), a title that may suggest his perceived role as Jews ‘knew not what they did (cf. Luke 23.34)’ ‘we ‘leader of the resistance’.It was, therefore, a political [Christians] know it only too well’ (Pars I, caput charge of sedition against Rome. The Gospel por- V, Quaest. XI). The Council is also mentioned in trait of Pilate as an indecisive and compassionate the American Catholic Criteria for the Evaluation ruler who three times declares Jesus’ innocence is in of Dramatizations of the Passion (1988), warning sharp contrast to the historical Pilate, whom history Christians not to allow passion plays to stir up anti- records as a cruel and brutal ruler. Except for John’s Jewish prejudice. JOANN SPILLMAN Gospel, the others depict a silent Jesus who gave no Trial of Jesus response to Pilate’s questions, but this detail seems The events that led to Jesus’ death have been expressly designed for apologetic purposes to cast debated over the centuries, and assessment of these Jesus in the role of the Isaianic Suffering Servant events has fuelled hostility against Jews as ‘Christ- who was silent, ‘like a sheep before the shearers’ killers’. In general, the Gospels tend to exaggerate (Isa. 52.13–53.12). Another questionable detail in the responsibility of the Jewish leaders in Jesus’ the Gospel accounts is their reference to a custom death and to exculpate Pilate and the Romans. The of ‘Passover amnesty’ whereby the governor would NewTestament Gospels record multiple and con- release a criminal at the time of Passover.Wehave tradictory traditions associated with different ‘tri- no extra-biblical corroborating evidence for this so- als’ convened to accuse and to judge Jesus, one called custom, although we cannot rule out the Jewish and another Roman. The earliest Gospel, possibility of an occasional incidence of amnesty Mark (14.53, 55–65, see parallel Matt. 26.57, 59– granted. The intended irony indicated by the con- 68), records a first arraignment and interrogation fusion of names, ‘Jesus Barabbas or Jesus who is during the night before the Jewish religious lead- called Messiah’ (Matt. 27.17), suggests redactional ers (Mark 14.53 ‘high priest, chief priests, elders intent. Finally, Pilate’s sentence of death by cruci- and scribes’), whereas John records two Jewish tri- fixion for Jesus’ political crime, despite attempts to als, one before Annas and another at the house of shift blame onto the Jewish crowd, was the decisive the high priest Caiaphas (John 18.13, 19–24). Schol- judgement leading to Jesus’ death. The enduring

428 Trinity

effect of the Gospel trial scenes has been to dis- In Christiancirclesanti-Judaismhasnotyetbeen miss Roman responsibility and to focus instead on banished entirely from Church and theology, and the trials before Caiaphas (Matt. 26.57; Mark 14.53; Islamophobia is a widespread phenomenon. Of Luke 22.54; John 18.24), Annas (John 18.13–23) and the three monotheistic religions it is Christianity even Herod (Luke 23.6–12) as a way to demonstrate that has most consistently excluded others from Jewish responsibility and guilt for Jesus’ death. ultimate salvation.Jews may regard Muslims and See also deicide, charge of; passion narratives Christians as ‘sons of Noah’; Muslims may regard BARBARA E. BOWE Jews and Christians as ‘people of the book’. For Trialogue many centuries, however, Christians have adhered The term ‘trialogue’ designates a ‘trilateral dialogue’ to the tenet extra ecclesiam nulla salus (‘no sal- between Judaism, Christianity and Islam that goes vation outside the Church’). To find space for the beyond both bilateral dialogues – Jewish–Christian, other, attempts have been made in recent years Muslim–Christian and Jewish–Muslim – and a to develop a more dynamic covenant theology, general dedication to multi-religious encounter. and to emphasise a theology of the Holy Spirit – The foundation of this trialogue is monotheism: a conviction that Abraham’s promise has been Judaism, Christianity and Islam share belief in one directed to all peoples by the outpouring of the Holy God, and all three regard Abraham as the ancestor Spirit at Pentecost – which might accommodate the of their faith. theological question whether Muhammad can be Despite the challenge to search for a common seen as a special envoy of God. Some theologians, language and potential symbiosis, there are huge for example, regard it as a special work of the Holy doctrinal and psychological barriers to trialogue Spirit that the Name of the God of the Bible has been within all three monotheistic religions. Collective brought to the lips of the Arab and many other peo- memories prevent uninhibited dialogue: for exam- ples by means of the prophet Muhammad. ple, most Jews think of Christianity in terms of suf- Trialogue does not mean looking for a harmon- fering and persecution; while Muslims have not for- ising common denominator: the core beliefs of gotten the Crusades, and see in Western aspirations Judaism, Christianity and Islam cannot be har- for world hegemony the old crusader mentality in a monised. The place that Torah holds for Jews is new guise. All three religions have wide experience for Christians held by Jesus Christ and for Mus- in polemics and apologetics, but not in real dia- lims by the Qur’an as the infallible and literal rev- logue, for which addressing one’s own theological elation of Allah through Muhammad, the seal of agenda is an essential preparation. all the prophets before him. Although there are ForJews the traditional assumption that Judaism some promising new approaches, where dialogue constituted the only fully authentic expression of partners are looking at the fruitfulness of theo- divine revelation had been modified by the third logical differences between religions, the emphasis century CE to accord the status of ger toshav (‘resi- within the trialogue has thus tended to be on ethics dent alien’) to individuals who abandonedidolatry, rather than on theology. Indeed, Jewish–Christian– arecognition formalised in the Noachide laws.In Muslim trialogue remains limited. An example is Jewish philosophy there were several attempts – for the long-established annual study conference, held example by Saadiah Gaon (882–942), developed by in Bendorf in Germany,inwhich Jews, Christians Judah ha-Levi and Maimonides –tofind ‘theologi- and Muslims participate. In Israel the Interreligious cal space’ for the other: Islam and Christianity were Coordinating Council in Israel and the Israel Inter- ‘in error’,but could be accommodated as part of the faith Committee are active in the field of trialogue. divine design to bring the nations gradually to God. see also vocabulary SIMON SCHOON A further step was made by the Yemenite philoso- Trinity pher Netanel ibn Fayyumi (d. c.1164), who asserts The Christian doctrine of Trinity achieved its the authenticity of the prophecy of Muhammad, as classic expression in the Nicene creed, accord- revealed in the Qur’an, and at least the possibility ing to which Christians believe in ‘One God the that there are additional authentic revelations: ‘He Father . . . and in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of sends a prophet to every people according to their God . . . that is from the substance of the Father . . . language.’ and the Holy Spirit...whoproceeds from the Father

429 Tyndale, William

and the Son’. From earliest times Christians have remember how God named himself in relation to argued there is no inconsistency between a belief Israel: the Tetragrammaton of Exod. 3. Because in the Trinity and a belief in the one God. Although YHWH remains the name of God the Father to the doctrine of the Trinity has undergone numer- whom Jesus prays ‘hallowed be thy name’, YHWH ous developments, it remains the central Christian must also name the one with whom Jesus identifies teaching about the Godhead and also marks not himself (Matt. 28.18) and the Spirit (Rom. 1.4, Acts only difference between Judaism and Christianity, 5.9). If so, Soulen concludes, YHWH must name the but also profound mistrust. For its part, from its one whom Christians name ‘The Father and the Son biblical roots to the present day, Judaism affirms and the Holy Spirit’. monotheism (cf the Shema and Deut. 6.4–10), and The current epoch brings Jewish theologians rabbinic writings demonstrate concern about dual- into fruitful dialogue with Christian theologians ism and tri-theism. The Talmud, for example, con- who portray the Trinity as a doctrine about God’s tains numerous condemnations against idolatry relationality. Elliot Wolfson (b. 1956), for example, (see avodah zarah) and the rabbis were keen to argues that, like the Christian doctrine, the Jew- refute Trinitarian claims such as the Christian inter- ish Kabbalah narrates the relations God establishes pretation that the three references to God in the with himself and his creation, each relation con- Shema applied to the Trinity.For patristic Christian- stituting one of God’s identities. Students of the ity the Trinity measured what Judaism was missing: Jewish philosopher Franz Rosenzweig write of the above all, recognition that the Second Person of triadic relations among God, God’s word (Torah) God is incarnate in Jesus.ForRabbinic Judaism it and God’s addressee (Israel). Charles Peirce (1839– marked what Christianity lost: the ability to remove 1914) based his triadic logic of science on a model divinity from all levels of creaturehood. Medieval of three-part relations in the Trinity. And the patris- Jewish philosophers identified belief in the Trinity tic scholar Robert Markus (b. 1924) suggests that with the heresy of shittuf,orlimiting God’s infinity Peirce’s logic fulfils what Augustine sought: a thor- by associating his divinity with creaturely being. In oughly triadic logic of triune relations. As sug- the modern epoch liberal Christians as well as Jews gested by these hints, Jewish and Christian the- tended to denounce the doctrine as introducing a ologians have much more to discuss about God’s metaphysical system alien to Christianity’s biblical relationality. PETER OCHS roots. Tyndale, William (c.1494–1536) In the present epoch, however, postliberal Chris- Bible translator. B. F. Westcott (1825–1901) notes: tian and Jewish theologians have opened possi- ‘the history of the English Bible begins with the bilities of constructive dialogue between Trinitar- work of Tyndale and not Wycliffe’ (AHistory of The ian Christians and rabbinic Jews. According to the English Bible, 316). William Tyndale produced in Lutheran theologian Robert Jenson (b. 1930), the 1525 or 1526 his hugely influential translation of the doctrine has been misrepresented by theologians NewTestament;in1530 he produced the Penta- who identify the triune God with the Greek philo- teuch,andin1537Joshuato2ChroniclesandJonah. sophic concept of ‘timeless being’. ‘Being is not HisNew Testament translation was influenced by a biblical concept’, but a philosophical concept the German translation of Martin Luther and repli- designed to answer the question ‘what do we mean cates Luther’s anti-Jewish features. However, Tyn- when we say “x is?”’ (Systematic Theology I, 207ff.). dale translates Luke 19.46 as ‘den of thieves’ rather The doctrine of Trinity names the discovery that than Moerdergrube (gang of murderers) and his God lives in endless relation to the three persons, ‘Exposition of the Fifth, Sixth and Seventh Chapters which Jenson retranslates, following Tertullian,as of Matthew’s Gospel’ makes clear that he under- God’s three dramatis personae,or‘identities’. Israel stood Jesus in Matthew to criticise the Pharisees remains alive in these identities, since God’s rela- for their exclusionary practices but that scripture tions are narrated in scripture and his faithfulness itself is ‘the well of Abraham’.By 1530, in contrast to to Israel is central to this narrative. Luther, Tyndale began to display a positive attitude For the Methodist theologian Kendall Soulen to the laws of the Hebrew scriptures. He praised Jenson’s scriptural account enables Christians to Deuteronomy as ‘a boke worthye to be rede in daye

430 Typology

and nyghte and neuer to be oute of handes . . . Typological interpretation also functioned in the avery pure gospel’.Tyndale’stranslation reflects his struggle between Christians and Jews over who was assessment that the Hebrew scriptures nurture the and was not the ‘true’ Israel, a title to which both beginning of an education in love of God and love religious groups laid claim. Christian exegetes, for of neighbour. DEIRDRE J. GOOD example, frequently maintained that the story of Typology Jacob and Esau typologically depicted the relation- The term ‘typology’ refers to a particular variety of ship of the Church to Israel: the elder (Judaism) interpretation and is generally discussed in tandem shall serve the younger (Christianity). Surprisingly, withthesimilarpracticeofallegory.Moregenerally, some Jewish scholars report that the rabbis also typology, like its cousin allegory, is a form of non- used this same text to claim that Esau was the Chris- literal or figurative reading of the Bible. The ancient tian church and Jacob was faithful Israel. Christian- Christian and Jewish communities extensively cul- ity, they argued, was the elder Rome in new form, tivated both of these practices as they attempted whileJacobwastheyounger,andseeminglyweaker, to reinterpret the Hebrew Bible in the light of faith Israel. More negatively, typology has made frequent in Jesus and the new reality facing Judaism after appearances in Christian supersessionism. Chris- the destruction of the Temple (70 CE). Discerning tianity, the new Jacob, claimed to replace Esau, the the exact way in which typological exegesis differs elder Israel. The old levitical priesthood and Temple from allegorical exegesis can be a challenge to the sacrifice were seen as types of the new single aton- modern student of antiquity. In general a typology ing sacrifice of Christ who renders the old obso- is a figural reading that discerns in an event or per- lete. The circumcision of the heart replaces the lit- son in the past a model that illuminates an event eral circumcision of the Jews. The Pauline contrast or person in the present. For example, when Chris- between the justified faith of Abraham and the law tians claim that the exodus anticipates the libera- given to Moses has often been used in Christian his- tion from sin and death in baptism or when Zion- tory typologically to cast Jews in the role of closed- ists liken the establishment of Israel to post-exilic minded legalists whom God has rejected and Chris- restoration, they are using typology.Allegory,on the tians in the role of heirs to God’s promise. other hand, is a figural reading that sees the lit- This mixed legacy of typology, however, should eral text as standing for something else: both Chris- not detract from its usefulness. Any community tians and Jews read the Song of Songs as something attempting to engage an ancient text and make other than erotic love poetry. For the former it was it relevant in the lives of contemporary believers about the soul’s relationship to Christ, and for the will likely make use of this powerful interpretive latter it described God’s relationship with Israel. technique. As a final example, one might recall Philo of Alexandria pioneered figural reading of that the American civil rights leader Martin Luther the Bible and influenced the exegetical work of King (1929–68) once exclaimed that he had ‘been Clement (c.150–c.215) and Origen.When Philo, to the mountain top and seen the promised land’. Clement and Origen laboured to reconcile respec- In doing so, he likened the struggle of African- tively Judaism and Christianity to Platonism, the Americans against discrimination to Israel’s libera- person of Moses frequently appears as a ‘type’ of tion from Egypt and filled that struggle with divine the true philosopher. purpose. JOHN J. O’KEEFE

431 UUUU

Ukraine Jews to convene its annual conference in Ukraine Poland, Russia and the Austrian-Hungarian Empire in 1999. have each dominated portions of Ukraine until See also Poland; Russia SERGEI HACKEL its present independence. With the exception of Unitarians the Soviet period, when atheism was officially Unitarianism is a diverse movement originat- imposed, the ruling classes since the Middle Ages ing within Christianity during the Reformation, have been Christian, whether Roman Catholic, although some major groups claiming the label are Orthodox or (since 1596) ‘Uniate’ (Greek-Catholic). now only tenuously associated with it. As its name But there was also a sizeable proportion of the pop- suggests, Unitarianism was distinguished by the ulation that was Jewish. The Russian Pale of Settle- anti-Trinitarian convictions of its founders, such mentincludedUkraine.BythebeginningoftheSec- as the sixteenth-century reformers Michael Serve- ond World War Jews amounted to no less than 8 per tus (1509–53) and Francis David (1520–79), but cent of the population in Soviet Ukraine, recently for many contemporary adherents Unitarianism is expanded westwards as it was (1939). a non-creedal religion that encompasses a wide The earlier history of Jewish–Christian relations range of beliefs, and does not presuppose or pro- had been deeply troubled. Almost all the pogroms scribe any particular faith commitment. of the late nineteenth and early twentieth cen- Around 10 per cent of the current membership of turies had taken place in Ukraine. Ingrained anti- the Unitarian Universalist Association (1,000 con- semitism meant that the Nazi onslaught on the gregations in North America) identify themselves Jews (1941) found considerable support among the as Jewish, a figure only slightly less than those who local people. All the more notable was the pub- define themselves as ‘liberal Christians’. This com- lic stance taken by the Greek-Catholic metropoli- plexity makes it hard now to speak of Unitarian– tan of L’viv, Andrii Sheptytsk’kyi (1865–1944). He Jewish relations, in the sense of two discrete enti- personally sheltered Jews and encouraged fellow- ties encountering one another. The predominance Christians to do the same. The actions of a Chris- of non-Christian (often non-theist) members, and tian burglar, Leopold Socha, in sheltering a com- the rejection of creeds, are perennial issues in Uni- pany of Jews in the sewers of L’viv for 14 months tarians’ participation in ecumenical and interfaith (1943–4) also deserves to be remembered. Among organisations. Although there is superficial affinity the Orthodox who risked their lives to save Jews between Judaism and traditional Unitarianism in under Nazi occupation should be mentioned Alek- their respective assertions of the unity of God, there sii Glagolev (1902–72), who was a priest in Kiev. But have been few formal relations between the two. in general the history of the Righteous Gentiles in There are some notable exceptions: the Socinian Ukraine remains to be explored. Theirs was a dia- Unitarian Szymon Budny (1550–93) of Lithuania logue in dramatic terms, which anticipated any dia- waspraisedbyHezekiahDavidAbulafia(eighteenth logue of words. Neither was furthered by the Soviet century) for his knowledge of Talmud; nineteenth- antisemitic campaign of the postwar period, much century Unitarian scholar R. Travers Herford had of it masked as anti-Zionism. The independence of a particular interest in the ethical traditions of Ukraine (1990) provided the would-be protagonists early Judaism. Also in the nineteenth century, Uni- of Jewish–Christian dialogue with some new per- tarians joined other Dissenters in campaigning spectives, which were judged to be positive enough actively for religious toleration and Jewish emanci- for the International Council of Christians and pation.Perhaps the most striking, albeit untypical,

432 United Kingdom

episode in Unitarian–Jewish relations is that of Jews occurred in several cities, most notably in York the Transylvanian Sabbatarians (Sabbatarianism at Clifford’s Tower. A century later Edward I ordered spread among some Hungarian Unitarians in the the expulsion of all Jews from the realm. Despite late sixteenth century) who, in a move echo- the expulsion, some Marranos –Jews from Spain ing that of the Khazars, converted en masse to who had converted to Christianity – may have come Judaism. MELANIE J. WRIGHT to Britain during late medieval and Tudor times; United Kingdom Shakespeare’s Shylock (see Merchant of Venice) Christianity has been the dominant religion in was perhaps modelled on one of them. the United Kingdom, but some Jews have lived The Tudor and Stuart periods were dominated in Britain for much of the last 2,000 years, by the struggles of the Reformation.Henry VIII except between 1290, when they were expelled by (r.1509–47) repudiated papal control and estab- Edward I, and 1656 when they were readmitted by lished the Church of England, and in Scotland, Oliver Cromwell. under the leadership of John Knox (c.1513–72), a Christianity reached Britain by the second cen- more thoroughgoing Reformation led to the estab- tury CE, and there is evidence of an organised lishment in 1560 of the Church of Scotland. In the Church from the fourth century.Archaeological evi- seventeenth century there was new interest in the dence also suggests a few Jews lived in Roman Jews, especially from Puritans, who attached great Britain between 43 and 400 CE. After Roman rule importance to the study of the scriptures, includ- collapsed Christianity in Britain was influenced by ing the OldTestament, and some of whom, as the Celtic Church, which survived for some cen- a minority themselves, advocated religious toler- turies in Ireland.Elsewhere, following the mission ance.Oliver Cromwell, himself a Puritan, aware led by St Augustine of Canterbury (d. between 604 of the economic benefits of Jewish tradesmen and and 609), who landed in Kent in 597, and the Synod financiers, allowed Jews to return in 1656. This pol- of Whitby (664), papal authority was established icy was continued by Charles II (r.1660–85). Bevis and Roman usages were accepted. Some Jews may Marks, the oldest synagogue in Britain, was opened have visited Britain during the Anglo-Saxon period, in 1701, and in 1760 Sephardi and Ashkenazi com- but there is no firm evidence of Jewish settlements munities together formed the Board of Deputies of until after the Norman Conquest of 1066, which also British Jews, as it is now known. brought the English Church into the mainstream In the nineteenth century the disabilities of of European religious life. The Jews who accompa- Roman Catholics, Nonconformists and Jews were niedWilliamItoEnglandfromRouenreceivedroyal gradually removed, although the Church of Eng- protection. Communities were established in Lon- land, as the established Church (see Church and don – on a site still known as Old Jewry – in Lin- state), retained certain privileges, such as the pres- coln, Oxford and some other centres. There were ence of some bishops in the House of Lords. Jews a number of debates between clergy and rabbis, gradually gained political emancipation, although, and Brother Gilbert Crispin of Westminster Abbey partly because of opposition by the bishops, it was in a letter to St Anselm,Archbishop of Canterbury, not until 1858 that Lionel de Rothschild (1808–79) refers to one with an unnamed Jewish ‘friend’, was formally admitted as the first Jewish Mem- although the report has not survived. ber of Parliament. The nineteenth century was Relations, however, deteriorated by the middle a period of Jewish organisational consolidation. of the twelfth century. Royal power became weaker The office of Chief Rabbi was established and the and less able to protect Jews, who, in any case, Board of Deputies strengthened, thanks especially were unabletoprovidetheexcessivesumsofmoney to Sir Moses Montefiore. The nineteenth century demanded by the kings. The barons, to whom the also saw the beginning of divisions in the Jewish Jews lent money, encouraged popular disturbances community with the opening of the West London in which Jewish homes were ransacked and records Synagogue – the first Reform synagogue in Britain – of debts destroyed. The clergy became more hos- in 1840; the United Synagogue was founded in 1870 tile, and popular prejudice was fed by the ‘blood and the Union of Liberal and Progressive Syna- libel’ which originated in England with the case of gogues in 1902. There were also divisions in the William of Norwich in 1144. In 1190 massacres of Churches – notably between Methodists and the

433 United States of America

Church of England and between members of the WayofThinking. Although most Churches have Evangelical revival and the higher Church Oxford made significant efforts to eliminate anti-Jewish Movement – while biblical criticism and the evolu- teaching and are committed to maintaining good tionary views of Charles Darwin (1809–82) caused relations with the Jewish community, there is a dan- great theological debate. During the nineteenth ger that the conflict in the Middle East may spill century some Jews took their place in high soci- over into Britain, and bodies such as the Three ety and others, including Claude Montefiore,were Faiths Forum try to ensure good relations between from its beginning in 1904 members of the Society Jews, Christians and Muslims. Attitudes to Israel for the Study of Religions. The late nineteenth cen- often cause division between Jews and Christians tury also saw an influx of Jewish refugees fleeing in Britain, and the conversionist efforts of some from persecution in Russia.Inthe period 1881 to Christian groups also cause tension. Sheh. ita – the 1914 the Jewish population rose from about 25,000 ritual slaughter of animals – may provoke the oppo- to nearly 350,000. Some Christians joined protest sition of Christians committed to animal rights. meetings against Russian persecution, and Chris- There is public debate about the place of faith- tian missionary centres in East London and other based schools in contemporary Britain. Yet, despite cities provided practical help. tensions, there are friendly relations between many Even before the rise of Nazism, some British leaders of Jewish and Christian communities and Christians, such as James Parkes,recognised Chris- between local churches and synagogues. Most reli- tian responsibility for antisemitism, and the found- gious communities, however, are experiencing a ing of the (London) Society of Jews and Christians loss of membership in an increasingly secular in 1927 saw the beginning of organised dialogue. society. Many British Jewish leaders and some Christians See also Anglicanism; literature, English were strong supporters of Zionism.Nazi persecu- MARCUS BRAYBROOKE tion led to another influx of refugees, and again United States of America Christians and Jews came together to provide prac- Since the Second World War, in which two-thirds tical help and oppose Nazi ideology. The Council of European Jewry, along with its rich array of cen- of Christians and Jews was founded in 1942. The tres of learning, were destroyed, the United States number of Jews in Britain today is about 300,000, has been in the vanguard of Jewish–Christian rela- including those of Jewish birth who have no affilia- tions internationally. While Israel has the world’s tion with a synagogue. Since the readmission Jews second largest Jewish community after the US, and in Britain have been spared serious outbreaks of awealth of academic institutions to foster serious violence, but antisemitism, which has never had study, its Christian community is too small to hold official approval, remains latent, and attacks on its owninadialogue.Until recently only in the US Jewish buildings and cemeteries still occur. have both communities enjoyed the institutional There are three mainstreams of Christianity in and academic strength for serious and sustained Britain today: Anglican, Roman Catholic and Free dialogue. Church or Protestant – consisting of the Methodist, The first group of Jewish families arrived in 1654 United Reformed and Baptist Churches. There are in New Amsterdam (renamed New York in 1664) fol- also some Greek, Russian and Oriental Orthodox lowing the fall of Recife, Brazil, to the Portuguese. Churches, as well as Pentecostal Churches, often By the time of the founding of the Republic, small with many members of Afro–Caribbean ethnic ori- groups of Jews, often merchants and dominantly gin, and a growing number of ‘charismatic’ house Sephardic, existed in cities along the coast. In the Churches. The Society of Friends, known as Quak- early nineteenth century Ashkenazi synagogues ers, has a distinctive peace witness. Unitarian were established. In the years between 1820 and Churches do not believe in the Trinity or the divinity 1870 some 7,500 Jews emigrated to America, and of Jesus. Many Churches work together through the more than 70,000 in the 1870s. Pogroms launched Council of Churches for Britain and Ireland (CCBI), in Russia after the assassination of Alexander II in which in 1994 produced guidelines on Christian– 1881 led to a great wave of immigration: a third of Jewish relations called Christians and Jews – A New the 4 million-plus Jews of Eastern Europe had fled

434 United States of America their homelands by the outbreak of the First World food requirements was about the limit of religious War, many to the US. discussion. For these Jews the American experience was One can find traditional, European-derived marked both by lack of a feudal heritage deter- stereotypes and negative religious images of Jews mining the ‘caste’ of its citizens and by an individ- in both Protestant and Catholic literature in the ualist ethic, derived from the Enlightenment, set nineteenth century, but in neither the nineteenth within a legal framework of civil equality and sepa- nor the twentieth centuries were religious-based ration of government from any particular religious prejudices politically potent as they were through- tradition – the result of accommodation with ear- out Europe. Because of their numbers, Catholics lier and contemporary waves of immigrants, many rather than Jews were seen as the greatest threat Catholic, from Ireland, Germany, and southern to American civilisation, spawning remarkable andeasternEurope.Giventheantipathywithwhich anti-Catholic political parties such as the Know- these Catholic ‘ethnics’ were greeted, Jews were Nothings. The nineteenth century was marked by seen as simply one more group of ‘huddled masses’, strong attempts of the Protestant majority to mis- no more alien to the ‘Protestant Establishment’ sionise America’s immigrants – Jews and Catholics than were Italians or Slavs. These groups all faced alike – through the ‘public’ schools, where num- similarlevelsofcultural,economicandpoliticaldis- bers gave them control of the curriculum. (While crimination, and reacted, often, in parallel fashion, Catholic belief led to a desire to ‘save’ Jewish as well if not in coalition. as Protestant souls, efforts to convert Jews never In the US no Church had an exclusive historic took on the same priority or aggressiveness as in association with an inherited aristocracy; Church the Protestant Evangelical community.) The Jewish affiliation often cut through social classes, as indi- community responded with increasingly sophisti- viduals of different denominations achieved suc- cated works of apologetics and, by the 1920s, with cess. There was thus no distinctive drama of ‘Jew- the establishment of two major ‘defence’ organi- ish emancipation’, since there were neither legally sations, the American Jewish Committee and the prescribed ghettos nor a distinct place in society for Anti-Defamation League. Jews as a group to be emancipated from. After the In 1928, as antisemitism began to rise to politi- Civil War, while ‘genteel’ discrimination kept Jews, cal prominence in Europe, anti-Catholicism deter- Catholics and Protestants of the non-‘mainline’ mined the outcome of a presidential race when the Churches out of many of the better universities and first Catholic ever to be nominated by a political neighbourhoods,aswellasthemoreprestigiouslaw party, Alfred E. Smith (1873–1944) of New York, lost and medical practices, banking firms and so on, amid a flurry of stereotypes and Vatican conspir- a generally booming economy and mobile social acy theories. Shocked, key figures of the Protestant structure opened opportunities. Establishment sought to counteract what they per- The history of the American labour movement is ceived as a threat to American religious pluralism at the same time a history of Catholic–Jewish rela- with the foundation of the National Conference of tions in the US for the last half of the nineteenth Christians and Jews. This became the first forum of and the first half of the twentieth centuries. The religious exchange in the US, though its platforms needs of both communities, comprising as they of ‘minister, priest, rabbi’ most often stuck to gener- did so much of American ‘ethnics’, were shared, allyacceptablesocialvaluesandaffirmationsrather giving rise to an unprecedented economic and than delving into the dangerous waters of theol- social coalition, which also had political implica- ogy. During the 1930s and 1940s major Catholic tions, for example in the influence of labour (i.e. and Protestant publications expressed concern for Catholics and Jews) on the domestic and foreign the plight of the Jews of Europe and condemned policy stances of the Democratic Party with regard antisemitism at home; the ‘radio priest’, Charles to support for the State of Israel. However, such Coughlin (1891–1979), whose antisemitic fulmina- coalitions, replicated in many ways in different tions in the late 1930s were heard by millions, communities,seldomgaverisetoreligiousdialogue was among the clergy a notorious exception to the as we know it today; accommodating each other’s norm. Both Catholic and Protestant publications,

435 United States of America

however, were split among themselves on the issues AliceEckardt(b.1923)andFranklinLittell(b.1917)– of Zionism and a Jewish state in Palestine. While were Protestants, most of them deeply concerned the American labour movement, heavily Catholic, with the logical result of Jew-hatred that was the supported the cause from the beginning, fears were Holocaust and the role of traditional religious doc- expressed in Catholic magazines, at times reflect- trine and images in the development of modern, ing similar concerns coming from Rome, that a racial antisemitism. Jewish state would dispossess the Catholic minor- In American Catholicism the work of the great ity in the Holy Land and close access to the Holy French theologian Jacques Maritain (1882–1973) Places. first raised the issue as a serious theological con- Just as the US varies from region to region, so cern. In 1955 John Oesterreicher established at does the quality and character of Jewish–Christian Seton Hall University the first Institute of Judeo- relations. The concentration of Catholics and Jews, Christian Studies at any institution of higher learn- as well as Protestants, in the large cities of the ing in the history of Christianity, bringing to the fore North-east resulted in various patterns of economic a generation of Catholic pioneers such as Edward and political alliance and sometimes conflict. In Flannery (1912–98) and George G. Higgins (1916– the predominantly Baptist South both Jewish and 2002) and providing a constructive focus for the Catholic communities were from the beginnings of postwar sympathy of many Catholics toward Jews. the Republic tiny minorities that often got along This positive attitude resulted in a key role for Amer- quite well. It was not unusual after the Civil War, icanbishopsattheSecondVaticanCouncil(1962–5) for example, for Catholic schools in the South in securing a strong statement on the Jews (Nostra to have numerous Jewish students, whose par- Aetate), along with statements on ecumenism and ents felt they were less likely to be proselytised religious freedom. than in the public schools. A relative openness to Even before Vatican II,Catholics, Jews and innovation and difference characterised much of Protestants had in the early 1960s become involved the ‘pioneering’ culture of the Midwest and West, in specifically religious dialogues, locally as well as enablinganeaseofminglingbetweenethnicgroups nationally, leading not only to several significant not always present in the more socially stratified statements by the Churches but also to joint Jewish– East and South. In Detroit in 1942, for example, Christian statements on a variety of social and reli- three major social groups, Knights of Columbus gious topics, the series issued by the US Confer- (Catholic), B’nai B’rith (Jewish) and the Masonic ence of Catholic Bishops (USCCB) and the National Lodge (Protestant), jointly launched a series of Council of Synagogues being perhaps the most con- annual banquets that lasted well into the 1970s, sistent example. Co-founded by Rabbi Mordecai raising hundreds of thousands of dollars to help the Waxman (1917–2002) and Cardinal William Keeler war effort and, later, a variety of social causes. (b. 1931) in 1987, the consultation has produced The Second World War was a unifying strug- joint statements on topics such as MoralValues in gle for many ethnic Americans, while the GI Bill Public Education and Reflections on Covenant and (1944) gave hundreds of thousands the opportu- Mission,aswell as condemnations of pornography nity of higher education and entry to the middle and Holocaust revisionism. and upper-middle classes, ultimately bringing to The National Workshops on Christian–Jewish an end the era of the dominant Protestant Estab- relations, jointly sponsored by all three religious lishment – an ending symbolically marked by the communities, began as a Catholic–Jewish dialogue election in 1960 of the first Catholic President, John in 1973 in Dayton, Ohio. Held in varying cities F. K ennedy (1917–63), which was cheered as much across the country, the workshops have provided by Jews as by Catholics. As it was a Protestant ini- the opportunity for scholars and local laity and tiative that first picked up the challenge of religious clergy to meet and enrich each other’sperspectives. bigotry among its own after the First World War, There are now over two dozen institutes and cen- so immediately after the Second World War the tres across the country promoting Jewish–Christian early American pioneers of Jewish–Christian dia- studies, many affiliated with Catholic universities. A logue – notably Reinhold Niebuhr (1892–1971) and source of solid scholarship and programmes to sup- H. Richard Niebuhr (1894–1962), Roy (1918–98) and port the ongoing efforts of Church and synagogue

436 Usury

bodies, they have joined to form the association the Usury Center of Centers of Jewish–Christian Relations. From the earliest days of the Church Christian See also literature, American thinkers were faced with the challenge of interpret- EUGENE J. FISHER ing the biblical prohibition of the taking of inter- Universalism est from co-religionists. The proof-texts most often Universalism – belief in a collection of universal cited are Exod. 22.25, ‘If you lend money to my truths applicable to everyone and at all times – people, to the poor among you, you shall not deal is often defined in contradistinction to particular- with them as a creditor; you shall not exact inter- ism.Itissometimes assumed that one of the major est from them’, as well as Lev. 25.36. The highly differences between Judaism and Christianity is commercialised Roman economy was supported that the latter is a universal and the former a partic- by laws that defined and allowed the enforcement ularistic religion. Thus Judaism has been accused of contracts regulating interest on loans. Jewish law by Christians of lacking an emphasis on universal- had a complex set of definitions, which allowed for ism while Christianity has been accused by Jews of investment and shared compensation for risk. In religious imperialism. These generalisations derive their desire to differentiate themselves from both from an oversimplification of the teachings of both Jewish and Roman practices the taking of interest religions. While Judaism clearly possesses particu- beyond the principal of the loan came to be pro- laristic features, such as attachment to the land of hibited by the Church Fathers.Inthe first instance, Israel, there is also a strong emphasis on universal in the Council of Nicaea (325) clerics were forbid- values, as witnessed from the writings of the biblical den to take interest, a prohibition extended in the prophets in the eighth century BCE through to the next century to the laity. Pope Leo I’s letter of 444 development of Reform Judaism (see Progressive against the taking of interest formed the basis of a Judaism)inthe nineteenth and twentieth centuries legal tradition enshrined in canonistic collections, CE. Yet it is doubtless true that in its emphasis on a position reiterated and invigorated by the canons land and culture as well as religion Judaism com- of the Second Lateran Council of 1139. The Third bines particularism with universalism, and there Lateran Council of 1179 ordered excommunica- are also clearly examples in the history of Chris- tion of usurers and the annulment of wills that dis- tianity of the fusing of religious and national or eth- pensed usurious gains. This position clashed dra- nicelements,asinthenineteenth-centuryAnglican matically with the realities of urban growth and missions to Africa, which sought to propagate both commercialisation of the European economy from religious and national, in this case British, identity. around 950. It also existed in acute tension with the For Christianity, universalism is generally under- interests and initiatives of secular rulers who habit- stood as God loving or saving all people (cf. 1 Tim. ually licensed interest-taking by setting regional 2.4): God wills all to salvation, but there remains rates of interest and licensing specific groups to disagreement as to whether salvation is limited to undertake moneylending and pawnbroking. It is in believers only (extra ecclesiam nulla salus – outside the late medieval centuries that Jews were simul- the Church there is no salvation) or is open to all. taneously excluded from many occupations and Some Christian theologians have explored the uni- encouraged to engage in financial services. But they versal salvific will of God; Karl Rahner (1904–84), were never the sole providers of loans, although for example, proposed the concept of ‘anonymous they were increasingly providers of small subsis- Christianity’ and was concerned with how God can tence loans. In England the crown developed an save all people while Christ remains the mediator ingenious system of protection and licensing of of salvation. Unsurprisingly, Jews (and other non- Jewish moneylending and the enforcement of con- Christians) do not welcome the title of ‘anonymous tracts between Christians and Jews. Copies of con- Christian’. For Christians, universalism requires a tracts were deposited in carefully guarded urban reconsideration of the meaning of mission and thus chests (archae) the incomes of which were scruti- of whether conversion remains at the heart of their nised by a department of state, the Exchequer of the faith. For Jews, by contrast, conversion to Judaism Jews. The Holy Roman Emperors protected Jews in is not necessary for salvation: adherence to the the imperial cities as ‘servants of the imperial fisc’, Noachide laws is sufficient. EDWARD KESSLER parts of an imperial fiscal policy. Large-scale loans

437 Usury

could be disguised as forms of investment and so inflict on Christians. In late medieval Italy preach- the restriction on moneylending at interest usually ers and urban elites attempted to rid themselves applied only to smaller loans, and lending against of the need for Jewish subsistence lending by pawns.InthesetransactionsJewscameintocontact setting up charitable low-interest banks (monti with the poorer sections of urban societies, con- di pieta`) with the encouragement of Domini- tacts that often created malaise and resentment. can and Franciscan preachers, banks that usu- Such feelings converged with the competitive ani- ally failed after a short while. The visual image of mosities of guild-members in German cities and the Jew as usurer was transformed in more mod- ultimately led to the expulsion of Jews from sev- ern times into the figure of the Jewish banker, or eral urban centres in the fifteenth century during even into conspiracies of bankers. In the twen- anti-usurycampaignsbypreachers.Althoughmon- tieth century the traditional imagery was revived eylending at interest was a widespread and nec- most powerfully in antisemitic publications of essary economic reality, it became a byword for Nazi, Soviet anti-capitalist and anti-Israeli Arab Jewish evil, and for the harm that Jews intended to propaganda. MIRI RUBIN

438 VVVV

Vatican II Victorines The Second Vatican Council was, in the counting of Augustinian canons of Saint-Victor Abbey in Paris, the Roman Catholic Church, the twenty-first ecu- founded in 1113 by William of Champeaux (c.1070– menical (literally, ‘the whole world’) council of the 1121). Victorine scholars exerted a major influence Church. The defining event for Catholicism in the on twelfth-century biblical exegesis, mysticism twentieth century, it marked a turning point in and liturgical poetry. Breaking with Augustine’s the history of Jewish–Christian relations, particu- allegorical tradition, they returned to Jerome’s larly with the promulgation of Nostra Aetate (Octo- literal and historical approach to biblical study ber 1965), the council’s declaration on interfaith and took rabbinic commentary tradition seriously. relations. While ecumenical councils, which are Hugh of St Victor (d. 1142), whose vast erudition gatherings of bishops from throughout the Catholic in the liberal arts and theoretical and practical sci- world, have been held in order to respond to doc- ences resulted in an early encyclopaedia, Didascal- trinal disputes, to determine official ecclesiastical icon (c.1127: ‘Teaching’), was the first medieval the- teaching, and to take disciplinary measures, Pope ologian to urge the importance of the natural world John XXIII convened Vatican II for the purpose of for understanding God. Hugh’s prolific Bible com- aggiornamento,‘updating’. It was in this spirit that mentaries established the Victorine tradition of lit- the council issued 16 documents initiating Church eral interpretation and historical study of scripture, reforminavarietyofareas,includinginterfaithrela- inspired in part by his considerable indebtedness tions with Jews. to Rashi.Hugh knew some Hebrew and frequently Nearly a year before Nostra Aetate, the council cited Jewish sources, including Rashbam (Samuel declared, in Lumen Gentium (November 1964), that ben Meir)(c.1080/85–1174) and oral traditions. He the Jewish people ‘remain most dear to God’. Thus, warned against overly Christological interpreta- ‘in a single phrase, the Roman Church reversed tion of the Pentateuch. at least 16 centuries of popular Christian teach- Andrew of St Victor wrote important commen- ing’ (Cunningham, Education for Shalom, 35) and taries on the Octateuch, Prophets, Proverbs and signalled a reversal of the traditional replacement Ecclesiastes, based on Hugh’s exegesis and close theology or supersessionism that, for most of attention to the literal text; like Hugh, Andrew jux- Christian history, had marked the Church’s self- taposed Christian with Jewish interpretations, fre- understanding vis-a-vis` Jews and Judaism. Not quently and sympathetically. Richard of St Victor only has this reversal positively affected Jewish– (d. 1173), an early and scintillating teacher of mys- Christian relations, it also has fostered renewal of tical theology, opposed some of Andrew’s ‘Jewish’ Catholic life and theology based on a new-found interpretations, yet innovatively used portions of appreciation of the Hebrew Bible,ofthe Jewishness Hebrew scripture to explore ‘the steep stairway of Jesus and his ministry, and of Jewish approaches of love’, the soul’s union with the Bridegroom- to God and to covenant with God, to community, Word through betrothal, marriage, wedlock and to the relationship of the physical and spiritual fruitfulness. MARGARET BREARLEY dimensions of life, and to redemption in and of this Virgin Birth world. JOHN C. MERKLE The Christian belief that Christ was born of a vir- Verus Israel see Chosen People; people of Israel; gin who was intact at the time of his conception supersessionism and remained so after his birth became central

439 Visigoths

to Christian theology by the early Middle Ages. It of the ninth century, rejected the thought that God formed part of the emergent theology and homilet- would have dwelt in a ‘womb, in the filth of men- ics that underpinned the belief that Jesus was strual blood, in the confinement and imprison- both God and man. Yet this was also one of the ment and darkness for nine months’. Conversely, claims that met the most visceral rejection from in medieval Christian polemical writings, such Jews. rejection of Virgin Birth was imputed to Jewish The Gospel accounts of Jesus’ birth provide rel- interlocutors; Odo of Tournai (c.1100) had the Jew in atively little detail about his mother. Luke 1.26– his Disputation with the Jew Leo claim that Mary’s 35 recounts the encounter between Mary and the womb was ‘uncleanliness of woman, the obscene angel, who announces that although she is a vir- prison, the fetid womb’. Jewish rejection of Virgin gin she will conceive by the work of the Holy Spirit. Birth also resulted in a view of the Jews as partic- What the Gospels left out was clearly a subject of ular enemies of Mary, an understanding that was some speculation and discussion among the many explored in medieval polemic, art and miracle tales. groups engaged in polemic and persuasion: Jew- The polemical thrust became newly apparent dur- ish Christians,Gentile Christians, Jews, pagans. By ingtheReformation,when,althoughitwaswithout the early second century a version of Mary’s early scriptural basis, Mary’s perpetual virginity was not life was provided by the Greek Protogospel of James. rejected by Luther. MIRI RUBIN This work emphasised the chastity of her elderly Visigoths parents and rendered her own birth miraculous; The Visigoths ruled the Iberian Peninsula from each tale demonstrated Mary’s purity, in her life the later part of the fifth century until 711 when in the Temple, during her chaste youth, and in her Islamic forces took it over. In the early period there marriage to the widower Joseph. is evidence that there were friendly social rela- While Mary’s virginity was upheld in these early tions between Christians and Jews, such as shar- Christian accounts, important thinkers – Origen, ing in festivals and dining together. With the con- Tertullian –rejected the growing belief that Mary version of King Recared (r.586–601) in 589 from remained intact after the birth of her son. The Vir- Arianism to Catholic orthodoxy, a different atti- gin Birth continued to grow in importance as it tude to the Jews arose. Social and economic forces, was blended into the claims that resulted from along with a desire to unify the kingdom, seem the formative Christological debates. In the Nicene to have moved Christian leaders to enact legisla- creed (325) Virgin Birth and incarnation were inter- tion harmful to the Jews. At the Third Council of twined. In opposition to those sects that empha- Toledo in 589, the decision was reached that Jews sised one nature in Jesus, the dual formulation – were no longer able to marry Christians, hold pub- man and God – depended on his birth in the flesh lic office or possess slaves. After a period of relaxing of a woman, yet a birth pure and unique, of a vir- of these laws, King Sisebut (r.612–21) ordered that gin. The efforts of exegetes were poured into inter- all Jews be baptised. Although many did not con- pretation of the Bible, rendering the phrase alma vert, many of those who did wanted to return to (‘maiden’ in Hebrew) in the prophecy of Isa. 7.14 their Jewish faith, which created the first Conver- as virgo (‘virgin’) in Jerome’s translation of the Vul- sos controversy in Spain.During the reign of the gate.Bythe council of Ephesos of 431 the formula- subsequent kings Reccesuinth (r.649–72) and Ervig tion theotokos – ‘bearer of God’ – was authorised to (r. 680–7), further legislation was enacted to curtail describe Mary. the influence of Judaism in the kingdom: Passover, Jewish opinion expressed in polemical texts dietary laws,Jewish marriages, Sabbath and other rejected the idea of Virgin Birth as unreason- Jewish rituals were forbidden, and ownership of able because unnatural, and even suggested that property was taken away from Jews. There is much it masked Mary’s adulterous pregnancy. Toledot debate about the extent to which this anti-Jewish Yeshu,aparodic and polemical version of Christ’s legislation was enforced, and about the respective life, inverted Christian belief and called Mary roles in it of the Church leadership and the gov- impure (nidda). Jewish rejection of Virgin Birth ernment. Also at issue is whether these leaders formed part of the denial of the incarnation. The were trying to suppress Jews and Judaism per se Book of Nestor the Priest,aJewish polemical text or Jewish influence over Christians in a country

440 Voltaire

that was attempting to unite under the banner of other terms have been preferred. But whilst ‘holo- Christianity. STEVEN J. MCMICHAEL caust’ is used of sacrifices in English translations of Vocabulary the Bible (from Greek ‘wholly burnt’), it has been Vocabulary is a key issue in Jewish–Christian rela- used in the English language since the eighteenth tionsinseveralrespects.Asmodernlinguisticshave century of any major destruction. For this reason shown, words gain their meanings from the con- it came to be used of the destruction of Jews and texts in which they are used and the social conven- others in the Third Reich, and for the same rea- tions that lie behind them, and since they can of son is initially capitalised in that specific context. course have more than one meaning, or different Again, ‘dialogue’ when it includes a third party is referents in different situations, if not used wisely sometimes referred to as a ‘trialogue’, but this pre- they can cause misunderstanding or misrepresen- supposes, incorrectly, that ‘di-’ in ‘dialogue’ means tation. ‘two’: in fact, the whole word dialogue denotes ‘dis- When comparing Judaism and Christianity, for cussion’without indication of number. (At the same example, it is common to speak of each as a time, it is of course in the nature of language that ‘religion’, but such a term has been questioned. new words may be coined for specific needs, and When used of ancient religion (Latin: religio) the often through false etymology.) It should also be term refers to the ancient practices of sacrifice and borne in mind that dialogue is different from rela- worship, and is not to be associated with the dogma tions, the former a subset of the latter. ‘Relations’ orinstitutionalisationofthemodernterm.Thecon- refers to the study of contact in all its forms between cept of ‘religion’ as developed by Christianity was Jews and Christians, and need not be theological or such that by the fourth century it represented a reconciliatory, as is implied in ‘dialogue’. practice that committed the believer to a set of The handling of vocabulary in religious texts is rules and beliefs separate from lifestyle. One could an issue of particular sensitivity. As words derive argue, therefore, that by this definition Judaism is force from their context of use, apparently inno- not a religion. At the same time, to draw such a rigid cent words can be applied in communities with distinction is to emphasise differences rather than negative effects: for example ‘the crowd’ in John’s commonalities. Gospel, which could be taken disparagingly to refer When the same word is applied to different phe- to a Jewish mob. But by the same token such mis- nomena or events, it both identifies their relation- applications can be reinterpreted within commu- ship and implies a connection that might not exist. nities and need not call for excision of the offend- For example, ‘antisemitism’ always applied to any ing word. Similarly, in translations no one word will verbal or physical attack on Jews implies the con- convey the full range or connotation of the source tinual presence of hatred and the essentialist nature language, and education is needed for a proper of Jewish suffering, whether in antiquity or more understanding of the meaning. To explain a reli- recently. However, in contrast, to define the term gious term through recourse to its ‘root’ sense or too precisely by social and historical conditions can the presumed mind of the speaker, without any obscure the real connections that do exist. Likewise, reference to actual usage in texts, is thus a futile one may speak generally of an ‘Adversus Judaeos’ enterprise. JAMES K. AITKEN tradition, in the light of Adversus Judaeos texts. But Voltaire (1694–1778) as an actual tradition it might not exist beyond (Pseudonym of Franc¸ois-Marie Arouet.) Voltaire the texts themselves, and to generalise such a term was a prolific Enlightenment author. His writings can lead to statement without a supporting argu- called for religious tolerance. Although built on ment. The presence of texts by that name, if those rationalist foundations, they assumed a detailed texts might be for internal Christian education only, familiarity with the Bible, suggesting (for example) cannot necessarily be used to support a tradition that the first Christians did not distinguish them- of continual attack on, or Christian critique of, selves from Jews, and that Christian anti-Judaism Judaism. was a later aberration. However, Voltaire’swork was Other words have caused confusion from a mis- not free of traces of the same anti-Jewish prejudices understanding of their origins. ‘Holocaust’ has that he sometimes ridiculed, and, more distinc- been objected to as a religious term, and Shoah and tively,he discussed Jews in ways that suggested they

441 Vulgate

had innate negative qualities. In the Philosophical mon’ (i.e. widespread) use in the Latin Church, it Dictionary (1764) Voltaire described avarice, super- was intended as a revision of an earlier Latin trans- stition and hatred of others as Jewish traits, which lation, the Vetus Latina.Jerome sought to return to meant that they ‘deserve[d] to be punished’. For the hebraica veritas (‘the Hebrew truth’) by translat- this reason, scholars like Arthur Hertzberg (b. 1921) ing the OldTestament from the Hebrew rather than have traced a line from Voltaire’s views to mod- from the Septuagint.Using a Jewish informant, he ern racial antisemitism and Nazism. This assess- justifies in his commentaries areading on the basis ment neglects the inconsistent and satirical charac- of exegesis that often seems to be Jewish in origin. ter of much of Voltaire’s oeuvre.Hismain target was Nevertheless, he remains in part dependent on the the ancien regime´ , established privilege in French Septuagint for his translation, sometimes contra- society. dicting his own commentaries. The influence of the See also literature, French MELANIE J. WRIGHT Vulgate continues today, through Luther’s transla- Vulgate tion that was based upon it and Luther’s influence Jerome was commissioned to produce a new trans- in turn upon the Authorised Version. lation of the Bible into Latin by Pope Damasus I See also Bible translations, ancient (366–84). Known as the Vulgate, owing to its ‘com- JAMES K. AITKEN

442 WWWW

Wagner, Richard (1813–83) these impulses found new expression. Nazi propa- German composer and essayist. Wagner associ- ganda recast the wanderer as an international crim- ated Judaism with corruption and degeneracy. His inal, both sub- and superhuman. This contrasts essay DasJudentum in der Musik (1850) drew on with the approach of the Romantic poets, such as deterministic race theories, arguing that Jews were Shelley (1792–1822), Wordsworth (1770–1850) and innately avaricious and sought world domination. Coleridge (1772–1834), for whom he was a univer- Unassimilable, they must be removed from Euro- sal symbol of dignified endurance. A recently redis- pean cultural life. Wagner’s politics are reflected covered Yiddish film, DerVanderner Yid (George in his operas: Parsifal (1882) blends pagan and Roland, 1933), is believed to have been the first Christian stories and motifs to glorify the Ger- American feature film to deal with the subject of man Volk;Beckmesser’s character in DieMeis- Nazi oppression of Jews. tersinger von Nurnburg¨ (1868) is influenced by anti- MELANIE J. WRIGHT semitic stereotypes. Wagner influenced later anti- Weddings semites, including Hitler.For these reasons, pub- Christian and Jewish marriage ceremonies have a lic performance of his music in Israel is rare and common origin, but have developed many oppos- controversial. MELANIE J. WRIGHT ing customs. Wedding ceremonies derive from the Wandering Jew Romans, including the giving of a ring and the cut- The Wandering Jew is a recurring and much stud- ting of the bride’s hair. Roman custom drew a clear ied motif in Christian folklore, finding expression distinction between the sponsalia,orpreliminaries, in stories, songs, poems, the visual arts and the and the marriage itself, culminating in the proces- popular name for the trailing plant tradescantia sion of the bride to her husband’s house. In most zebrina.Incommon with other legends, there are Christian rituals these two parts have become inter- many versions of the tale, but its core is relatively twined, but at a Jewish wedding the two original constant. A Jerusalem cobbler (often named Aha- parts can still be made out, the giving of the ring suerus) refuses Jesus rest near his house on the forming the erusin or betrothal ceremony, and the road to the crucifixion.For this he is cursed, forced sheva berakhot (seven benedictions) forming the to wander eternally until Jesus’ second coming. nissuin or wedding ceremony.These two parts were The story is recorded by thirteenth-century chron- combined into one ceremony from the twelfth cen- iclers Roger of Wendover and Matthew Paris, with tury. By this time the Roman origin of wedding cer- a 1602 German publication (the Kurtzse Beschrei- emonies was forgotten, and Church and synagogue bung) being the earliest to identify the wanderer developed opposite customs. For example, it is the as Jewish. However, the tale is probably ancient. It Jewish custom that the bride stands on the bride- mayoriginateinpopularexegesisofMatt.16.28and groom’s right: in the Church the bridegroom stands John 21.20–2; there are also significant resonances on the bride’s right. It has always been the custom withthe story ofCain(Gen.4.1–15),wherelongevity at a Jewish wedding for the bridegroom to place the and wandering are divinely imposed punishments ring on the forefinger of the bride’s right hand: the for wrongdoing. Many versions of the legend are Church also preferred the right hand until the six- shaped by negative prejudice towards Jews and teenth century,but used the third finger. Many wed- Judaism: arrival of the wanderer invites disaster. But ding customs, including the veiling of the bride and in some variants he is a positive figure, whose pres- the Jewish custom of breaking a glass by the bride- ence brings blessing. Post- Enlightenment, each of groom, were originally intended to protect against

443 Weizmann, Chaim

evil spirits. In talmudic times it was customary to Wesley, John (1703–91) strew food, such as nuts and parched corn, before Anglican clergyman and founder of Methodism; the bridal pair: during the Middle Ages wheat was his view of non-Christian religions was unusually thrown by both Jews and Christians. The celebra- open in an eighteenth-century cleric. As a fellow tion of marriage at the church door was the norm of Lincoln College, Oxford, Wesley led a group in Western Christendom from the tenth to the six- dedicated to study, prayer and good works nick- teenth century. Jewish weddings were held in pri- named ‘methodists’. Following a religious experi- vate homes at that time: from the fifteenth cen- ence in 1738, Wesley travelled extensively in Britain tury they were held in synagogues and then out of and Ireland, establishing Methodist societies. By doorsinthecourtyard,especiallyinEasternEurope. 1784 Methodism had effectively separated from the Early Reform Jews were considered to be adopting a Church of England. ‘Christian’ custom in seeking to hold the ceremony In 1737 Wesley learned Spanish to converse with in the communal place of worship. Sephardic Jews in his parish. In 1757 he baptised MICHAEL HILTON aPortuguese Jew. His journal for 23 February 1770 Weizmann, Chaim (1874–1952) records his visit to the Aldgate Synagogue where First president of the State of Israel (1948–52) he was impressed by the solemn doxology which and president of the World Zionist Organization ‘might strike an awe upon those who have any (1920–31 and 1935–46). Through a combination thought of God’. Wesley believed that Jews are at of charismatic personality and scientific contribu- a stage of faith beyond materialists, ‘Mahometans’ tions, Weizmann became known to leading British and ‘heathens’. He argues that though Jews are politicians including Lloyd George.Inhis inten- God’s elect, ‘the veil is still upon their hearts’, yet sive lobbying which led to the Balfour Declaration concludes that ‘it is not our part to pass sen- (1917) he consciously appealed to Christian Zion- tence upon them’ (Sermon 106). But Wesley’s chief ist sympathies among the British statesmen, later interest in Judaism was as a rhetorical device to commentating, ‘They understood as a reality the encourage evangelical faith: he goaded Christians concept of Return. It appealed to their tradition and by pointing to good Jews. their faith.’ Likewise, in his dealings with US Pres- Charles Wesley (1707–88), Anglican clergyman ident Harry S. Truman (1884–1972), he based his and poet, co-founded Methodism with his brother presentation of the Zionist cause on the biblical John. He wrote nearly 10,000 hymns, many employ- history and geography with which Truman was inti- ing a Christological reading of Hebrew scriptures: mately familiar. DANIEL R. LANGTON for example, ‘Come, O thou Traveller unknown’ Wellhausen, Julius (1844–1918) identifies the stranger at the Jabbok ford (Gen. 32) German orientalist best known for Prolegomena with Christ. Charles emphasised the doctrine that to the History of Israel (1883), which proposed a Christ died for all people, a universalism that three-stage development of Israelite religion, each may explain why he rarely singled Jews out for stage corresponding to a literary source of the Pen- comment. STEPHEN PLANT tateuch:aperiod of spontaneous religion with wor- Willebrands, Johannes (b. 1909) ship at many shrines (ninth to eighth centuries, Dutch Catholic churchman and ecumenist. Mon- the sources using the divine names Jehovah and signor Willebrands was Secretary of the Secretariat Elohim); centralisation of worship in Jerusalem for Promoting Christian Unity (SPCU) when the under the influence of prophetic teaching (seventh Office for Catholic–Jewish Relations (OCJR) was century, Deuteronomy); the post-exilic period with created under Augustin Cardinal Bea in 1966 and increasing emphasis on sacrificial atonement (the attached to the SPCU. In 1974 the OCJR became Priestly source). Orthodox Jewish and conserva- the Holy See’s Commission for Religious Relations tive Christian scholars have been united in their with the Jews (CRRJ) under the presidency of now rejection of this view, in which some Jews, such as Cardinal Willebrands. Although successive secre- Solomon Schechter (1847–1915), have detected an taries of the Commission were responsible for its undercurrent of antisemitism, but which, however, ongoing activity, Willebrands continued to follow remainsamilestoneinthecriticalstudyoftheBible. its development closely until his retirement in See also biblical criticism JOHN ROGERSON 1989. He clarified the Commission’s mandate by

444 Wine

inserting in its name the qualification ‘religious’ texts, such rituals included the inauguration and relations. conclusion of Sabbaths and festivals, most lifecy- LUCY THORSON AND MURRAY WATSON cle rituals, the Grace after Meals (birkat hamazon), William of Norwich particularly in a festive setting, and parts of the The traditions associated with the life-story of Passover seder. Their thick wine always required William of Norwich told that his 12-year-old body dilution, so cups were always ‘mixed’. The origins was found in Thorpe Wood outside Norwich, Eng- of this ritual practice are unknown, but among the land, on 24 March 1144. His mother claimed that factors that doubtless led to its emergence were that he had been taken away by a man who offered the wine, a local and high-quality product in Israel, was boy employment; his uncle, Godwin Sturt, blamed widely considered a choice drink both for human the Jews of Norwich, but this accusation did not consumption and for ritual use in temple contexts. result in any action. It was with the arrival at PaganandJewishsacrificialritesinvolvedwineliba- Norwich Cathedral priory in 1150 of the monk tions. All of these rabbinic rituals required a bless- Thomas of Monmouth (fl.1150–60) that the local ing (berakhah)over the wine in conjunction with tale became a notorious one. For Thomas wrote the blessing(s) appropriate to the specific ritual an account of the life of William of Norwich, a that addresses the actual content of the event. The history of his passion (Passio). This was a hagio- prayer of sanctification (Kiddush) before a Sabbath graphical treatment, which claimed to be based or festival meal and the grace after that meal bracket on careful research conducted by Thomas, and it with wine-related rituals, marking the whole as to be based on the testimony of a Jewish con- particularly sacred time. vert, Theobald. Thomas attributed sanctity to the Jesus and his disciples were clearly familiar with body, which had not been touched by the birds this structure, particularly with the integration of a of the forest and was left intact and incorruptible. ritual cup of wine into a meal setting. The Synop- Thomas’s account, in a manuscript of around 1170, tic Gospels all record that at the Last Supper Jesus also recorded tens of miracles that were believed ‘took a cup, gave thanks, and gave it to them . . .’ to have taken place around William’s tomb, and (Mark 14.23; cf. Matt. 26.27; Luke 22.17). He contin- later around the shrine that was built for it once ues with an explanation of the meaning of the cup. the body was moved to Norwich cathedral. William However, it is with this explanation that Jesus and of Norwich attracted pilgrims who sought in partic- his followers broke with the Jewish model; at this ular cure for children’s diseases and the ailments of meal and in subsequent Christian eucharistic rites women. it is the cup’s contents, the fruit of the vine, that This early tale established a narrative that holds symbolic value rather than wine’s creating imputed to Jews the desire to ‘re-crucify’ Christ in the context for another ritual. This wine combines the figure of an innocent Christian boy. Although the Jewish domestic and sacrificial rituals. While it did not gain official recognition, the follow- derived from a home table setting, as the blood of ing decades saw similar cases enacted in English Christ it echoes distantly the libations of the Tem- towns – Harold of Gloucester in 1168, Robert of Bury ple, but even more so the blood of the sacrificial in1181,AdamofBristolin1183–andlaterinFrance. animals that was ritually sprinkled on the altar as The narrative was also elaborated further as the part of the offerings. However, humans consumed blood libel. The cult of William of Norwich ebbed neither the libations nor the sprinkled blood; the and flowed, particularly in East Anglia, where a shared eucharistic wine therefore maintains ele- number of fifteenth-century roodscreens included ments of its original social function. Requirements him among martyrs and saints (as in Litcham and inmostChurchesthatthewinebemixedwithwater, Lodden). MIRI RUBIN although explained Christologically, also derive Wine from the ritual’s cultural origins. By the first century CE, when Jesus shared wine Rabbinic concern that Jews might consume with his disciples at the Last Supper,most known wine intended for pagan libations led to halakhic Jews marked certain elements of domestic life as requirements that Jews only drink wine prepared sacred by performing rituals in conjunction with by other Jews. This, along with other dietary laws, a cup of wine. As documented in early rabbinic severely limited socialisation between Jews and

445 Wisdom/Wisdom Literature

non-Jews. Even medieval acceptance of Chris- dom as a person invested with divine attributes was tians as monotheists did not alter this restriction. rooted in Jewish thought. In Wis. 7.22–7 she is given Many contemporary kosher wine-makers, espe- qualities usually attributed to God. Philo refers to cially in the Diaspora where Jews and Christians her as ‘the daughter of God, the mother of the cre- often socialise together, now pasteurise their wines. ative word’ (De Profugis 9.20). In both Judaism and This removes the product from the halakhic cate- Christianitythisconceptdevelopedundertheinflu- gory of ‘wine’, thus circumventing the prohibition. ence of Greek philosophy and was adapted by the Few non-orthodox Jews observe this prohibition first Christians to suit the needs of their mission to today. RUTH LANGER the Gentiles. It is to be found in the hymn extolling Wisdom/Wisdom Literature the cosmic Christ in Col. 1.15–20 and in the pro- The term ‘Wisdom Literature’ is used to identify a logue to John’s Gospel where Christ is described as distinct category of biblical books whose purpose is the Logos or Word which has been with God from to provide moral and religious instruction. Within thebeginningoftime,assistinginthecreationofthe the Hebrew Bible it refers to the books of Proverbs, world. Jesus is the incarnation of divine wisdom. It Job and Ecclesiastes; in the apocrypha it includes has been claimed that this Wisdom Christology is Tobit, the Wisdom of Solomon and the Wisdom of the earliest attempt to understand and express the BenSira (Ecclesiasticus). Israelite wisdom is to be relationship between Jesus and God, predating Son understood in two ways. First, as a characteristic. It of God Christology. GARETH LLOYD JONES has been defined as ‘the ability to cope’, inasmuch Wise, Stephen (1874–1949) as it has a practical rather than theoretical meaning. Budapest-born American Reform rabbi and Zion- Skilled workmen, capable administrators and suc- ist leader. Wise studied independently in New York cessful statesmen are described as ‘wise’.The sages, and was ordained privately. As a rabbi he was a or teachers of wisdom, provided sound advice on radical and charismatic leader who disregarded rit- matters of daily living. Second, as a person. In Prov. ual and pioneered interfaith activities, conducting 8 wisdom is personified as a woman and honoured services for both Jews and Christians. In 1922 he as the first of God’s creations. She was present as established the Jewish Institute of Religion, a cross- an active participant when the world was formed. denominational rabbinical seminary and educa- As wisdom theology developed in Judaism, she was tional centre. His contribution to the Jewish recla- equated with the Torah (Sir. 24.23). mation of Jesus took the form of a public sermon in Agreater appreciation of the Israelite wisdom tra- 1925 in which he controversially endorsed Joseph dition has led Christian theologians to recognise Klausner’s positive biography of Jesus. An outspo- the marked affinity between it and the New Tes- ken, liberal preacher, he was active in social rights tament teaching about Jesus Christ. As a result of work,protestingalongsideChristianleaderssuchas the current drive to explore Christianity in Jewish the Baptist minister Walter Rauschenbusch (1861– terms, and the recognition of the common ground 1918) of the Social Gospel movement in Amer- sharedbyJewsandChristians,Jesusisrecognisedas ica, and was among the first in the US to warn wisdom’s voice. The Synoptic Gospels place much against the dangers of Nazism.Heco-founded the emphasis on Jesus’ sayings; they record many para- representative body, the World Jewish Congress, blesand over 100 aphorisms – for example‘Youcan- in 1936. DANIEL R. LANGTON not serve two masters’; ‘you cannot get grapes from Wissenschaft des Judentums abramble bush’; ‘no one pours new wine into an old German term for the ‘Science of Judaism’ (Hebrew wineskin’ – which are the bedrock of the Jesus tra- h. okhmat yisrael) that flourished primarily in dition. Wisdom from the Hebrew Bible lies behind Germany and Austria from the early nineteenth this collection of sayings. Like the Israelite sages, century until the Second World War and promoted Jesus is portrayed as one who disturbs his listeners the critical, historical and literary study of Judaism and provokes them to think for themselves. and Jewish sources. Born out of the Aufklarung¨ Butinthe New Testament Jesus is not only a or enlightenment that accompanied Jewish eman- teacher of wisdom, he is wisdom. In the letters of cipation, its methodological ancestry was in the Paul and in John’s Gospel we see the move from European intellectual developments that had been teacher to wisdom personified. The motif of wis- primarily inspired by the Christian Reformation.It

446 World Council of Churches (WCC)

set out to record Jewish history in a scholastically redoubling of efforts to convert Jews, recommend- sound and modern way, to present Jewish learning ing that the Churches should ‘seek to recover the in a manner acceptable to the dominant Christian universality of our Lord’s commission by includ- environment and to emancipated Jewry,and to fuse ing the Jewish people in their evangelistic work . . . thebestacademictraditionsofbothJewsandChris- and because of the unique inheritance of the Jew- tians. Its proponents were prolific scholars, espe- ish people, the churches should make provisions cially in the areas of manuscript (and then Genizah) for the education of ministers specially fitted to research, who edited a number of important new this task.’ This position is no longer held by the periodicals, but their degree of commitment to Jew- WCC, although mission to Jews remains a contro- ish belief and practice ranged from the intensely versial topic, as does the significance of the State traditional to the minimal. The early leading fig- of Israel and especially the Israel–Palestinian con- ures were Leopold Zunz (1794–1886), S. J. Rapoport flict. The WCC has been deeply involved in liber- (1790–1867), Samuel David Luzzatto (1800–65) and ation theology, and the strongly pro-Palestinian Nachman Krochmal (1785–1840), and the method- Middle East Council of Churches (consisting in the ology was championed in the rabbinical seminar- main of Arab Churches – see Arab Christianity)is ies and subsequently at some (essentially Chris- a constituent body and has influenced its attitudes tian) universities of central and western Europe. beyond the specific political issues of the Middle It provided much of the intellectual stimulus for East. The WCC Assembly has regularly endorsed the evolution of Reform (A. Geiger), Conservative anti-Israel statements, including an approval of the (Z. Fraenkel (1801–75)) and Modern Orthodox (D. 1975 UN resolution equating Zionism with racism. Hoffmann (1843–1921)) forms of Judaism, encour- The hostile attitude to Israel underwent a certain aged a closer engagement with Christian sources thaw with the peace process of the 1980s and and perhaps led to early forms of modern dialogue. 1990s and the 1993 Israel–PLO agreement but has Members of the traditional rabbinate of Eastern reverted to the critical following the collapse of both Europe were generally antagonistic to its princi- in 2002. ples and influences. Its impact on cultural Zion- In 1971 the WCC established a Sub-unit for Dia- ism and interplay with Jewish nationalism are rep- logue with People of Living Faiths and Ideologies, resented by the Hebrew University and other Israeli which also provided a desk for Jewish–Christian educational institutions, and its effect, in moder- dialogue.New partners, particularly from member ated form, is still being felt in the Jewish studies Churches in the South, have become involved in the departments of universities around the world, most dialogue through consultations in Nairobi (1986), of them of Christian foundation. STEFAN C. REIF Hong Kong (1992), Cochin (1993), Johannesburg Word of God see Logos (1995) and Yaounde´ (2001). Important statements World Council of Churches (WCC) were issued in 1982 and 1988, but the diversity of Established in Amsterdam in 1948, the WCC is a fel- opinion within the WCC resulted in their being lowship of approximately 350 mainline Protestant toned down versions of the original drafts. Never- and Orthodox Churches. Its make-up is so hetero- theless, the 1982 document called on Christians to geneous that its approach to Judaism has to steer a understand the Jews ‘on their own terms’,acknowl- difficultcoursethroughthegreatvarietyofattitudes edged the continuing creativity of Judaism as a liv- represented by the constituent Churches. ing religion, and encouraged dialogue. The 1988 At its first Assembly in 1948 the WCC addressed document affirmed that the Jewish people have not issues associated with the destruction of European been rejected by God but remain the continuation Jewry during the Holocaust, stating: ‘We call upon of the biblical Israel, enjoying God’s love and faith- all the churches we represent to denounce anti- fulness. Yet for all their positive statements, neither Semitism, no matter what its origin, as absolutely of these documents was promulgated at the top irreconcilable with the profession and practice of level of the WCC because it was felt that they would the Christian faith. Anti-Semitism is sin against not be passed by the Central Committee. In 2004 God and man.’ Tackling antisemitism has contin- the WCC began a process of considering the impli- ued to be a concern, as has the question of mis- cations of Jewish–Christian dialogue for Christian sion to Jews. The selfsame 1948 report called for a self-understanding. EDWARD KESSLER

447 Worship

Worship Second Temple and Rabbinic Judaism, but of the Worship is understood in a religious sense as giv- ongoing influences between the two communities ing due honour and reverence to the divine. As in the Roman Empire and into the medieval and such it is a communal and public activity that is modern world. Liturgical scholars have noted that seen as central in defining the identity of a reli- modernising nineteenth-century reforms of Jewish gious group, a fact central to the Jewish and Chris- worship adopted many forms of Protestant wor- tian understanding of worship. For Jews, worship ship, including the introduction of a sermon or takes place at home and in the synagogue at set having it in the vernacular, the shortening of the times and in a set way, its central motif being praise. service, and the use of choirs. As in Christian wor- For Christians, worship is understood to be a pub- ship, these reforms provoked strong reactions and lic activity of the Christian community, the offer- polemics.Students of worship engaged in the con- ing of praise and glory to God for the gift of Jesus temporary Jewish–Christian encounter are partic- Christ in the power of the Spirit by a gathered com- ularly attentive to how the ‘other’ is portrayed in munity. Both Jewish and Christian worship gathers worship; the ‘other’ may have been portrayed as together different strands of time in its celebration. ‘faithless’ or ‘heretical’, or not been mentioned at The past is remembered as a manifestation of God’s all. Christian liturgists have shown how worship saving love for humanity, especially the covenant patterns and claims have led to antisemitism and with the people of Israel. Christians recall the life, supersessionismin Christianworship, especiallyin ministry,suffering,death,resurrectionandongoing some Christian liturgical use of the Hebrew Bible. saving presence of Jesus as the central point of this Thepossibilitiesandproblemsofinterfaithworship remembrance. Sometimes problematic for Jewish– have also drawn the attention of scholars. Nowa- Christian relations in this regard is appropriation days Jewish and Christian worship traditions are by Christians for themselves of the vocabulary and faced with many challenges in common; for exam- identity of the people of Israel. ple, the role of women in worship as participants The study of worship as an academic discipline and as leaders of the worshipping assembly; what continues to grow. From its roots in the disciplines language should be used for worship; how should it of history and archaeology, it now embraces theol- be inclusive of all those present; how ‘sacral’ should ogy and has more recently drawn extensively on the it be; how much communal participation should human and social sciences. More specifically, the there be; and who or what defines that participa- study of the relationship between Jewish and Chris- tion. Despite these questions, worship remains the tian worship is of increasing interest to scholars in central public self-identification of both Jewish and the field, in respect not only of the earliest interac- Christian communities. tions between the emerging Jesus movement and See also liturgy LIAM M. TRACEY

448 YYYY

Yavneh, Council of see Jamnia, Council of tablets of the Law,representing the OldTestament, Yellow badge while elsewhere other designs were used. The con- From medieval times Jews were often required to quests of Napoleon freed many Jews from this wear badges to distinguish them from their Chris- discriminating practice. During the Holocaust the tianneighbours.AugustinehadtaughtthattheJews Nazis enforced the wearing of a yellow star of David were set apart, the cursed bearers of ‘the mark of or variations of it (for example, white armbands Cain’. Atradition had developed of a fear of inter- with blue stars) for Jews from as young as six years relations, which was clearly articulated at Lateran old. DANIEL R. LANGTON Council IV in 1215 and which led to the sporadic Yiddish literature see literature, Yiddish introduction throughout Europe of ‘the badge of Yom Kippur see Day of Atonement shame’. In England the yellow badge showed the Yugoslavia see Balkans

449 ZZZZ

Zealotry to be zealous (Greek, zelos) for love and for the good The phenomenon of zeal is an important aspect of the neighbour (1 Cor. 12.31; 14.1). of the ancient Hebrew religion, with the fervour of WILLIAM KLASSEN God affirmed in countless texts, indicating divine Zion passion against sinners and in support of justice Zion is a place name that Jews and Christians use and peace (Exod. 20.5; 34.14; Deut. 4.24; 5.9; 6.15; to express realities that are beyond geography but Nah. 1.1–2; Isa. 9.7, where ‘zeal’ is also translated nonetheless rooted in history. Both traditions pro- as ‘jealous love’; 37.32; 2 Kgs 19.31). All occur- claim and claim Zion as the city of God and of ‘the rences of ‘zealot’ in the Greek Bible, the Sep- great king’,and especially as the setting and symbol tuagint,are in reference to God and the Lord’s of salvation in an idealised ‘end of days’. For both self-disclosure. Jews and Christians Zion is a spiritually and politi- During the Second Temple period the figure of cally loaded symbol that carries within it life-giving Phineas (Num. 25. 6–13), much discussed by such truths that sustain the communal identity of each leading figures as Josephus, Philo and Pseudo- group. Philo, became for Jews a model of zeal, enact- Zion, or Sion, is synonymous with Jerusalem in ing justice on behalf of God without waiting for the Tanakh, but became more evocative of escha- official action if something abhorrent to Torah tology than the later name. Zion’s meaning was was encountered. Jews referred to as zealots were constantly expanded and extended: from a desig- active from the time of the Maccabees until they nation for a specific site and a name for a city to an were destroyed during the last Jewish revolt against allusion to the entire land of Israel and a symbol of Rome in 135 CE. During the first century CE they the historic fate of the people of Israel, and finally kidnapped Jews as hostages for ransom, stole from to a vision of universal redemption and a concept caravans and killed their own people whom they of cosmic concord. Zion’s multiple layers of mean- regarded as traitors. Josephus accuses the zealots ing and its power to evoke a radically new era or of destroying the Temple and eventually Jerusalem reality are reflected in the use of the term by groups in the war against Rome in 66–70 CE. as diverse as Anabaptists (who founded their King- There are indications that Jews who made up the dom of New Zion in Munster¨ in 1534), Mormons early Church accepted zeal as a virtue, but chose (for whom America is the land of Zion where the not to encourage believers to imitate God’s zeal. newJerusalemwillbeestablished)andthefounders At least one of Jesus’ disciples was a zealot (Simon of Zionism.Many African and Protestant Churches the Zealot, Luke 6.15). Only once is an act of Jesus and sects incorporate the word Zion in their name. attributedtozeal:whenheragesintheTemple,John Today in Jerusalem Mount Zion denotes the hilltop 2.17 echoes a passage from Ps. 69.9: ‘the zeal for at the south-west corner of the Old City, which is your house consumes me’. Of the 16 references to elevated by its association with the site of the insti- zeal in the NewTestament,byfar the majority are tution of the eucharist at the Last Supper and of laudatory. Paul boasts that, prior to his conversion, the founding of the Church at Pentecost,aswell as he was zealous for the law and in his persecution of with the traditional tomb of King David. Christians (Gal. 1.13–16). One of his greatest contri- Ever since the Babylonian exile, Jewish faith and butions,however,washisefforttoremovefrompas- life have been animated by the hope of religious sionate devotion to God any need to kill the trans- and political renewal in Zion, which ultimately gressor or the ‘other’. Instead, he urges his people will include the restoration of the Temple and an

450 Zionism

idealised kingdom of David. Redemption is incon- land of Israel, both through political action and by ceivable without shivat zion,‘return to Zion’, as practical settlement of the land. This restoration the material and spiritual centre of Jewish exis- and national renaissance severely undermined the tence. Jewish liturgy, festivals, rites of passage and age-old Christian claim that the ‘Wandering Jew’is everyday life are permeated with longing for Zion. divinely doomed to eternal exile and suffering and Zionism – the modern-day, largely secular, Jewish the corollary charge of deicide, which have but- movement for national renaissance – takes its name tressed replacement theology and the superses- from Zion as the most evocative symbol of the Jew- sionism inherent in the notion of the Church as the ish people’s eschatological aspirations. NewIsrael. For Jews, the path of modern secular For Christians, ‘the great king’ is Christ and Zion nationhood required reconsideration of the classi- is mater ecclesia, the Church or body of Christ, cal notions of Chosen People,reward and punish- the city of God on earth. The sequence, or litur- ment and redemption.Zionism, like Christianity, gical hymn, composed by Thomas Aquinas for is both an ideal and a reality, and thus it evokes the Mass of Corpus Christi is entitled Lauda Sion for Jews and Christians alike the issue of the rela- (‘Praise Sion’). As the place where the first church – tionship between universalism and particularism. the Church of Jerusalem or of the Apostles – was The ongoing debate about Zionism mainly revolves founded, Holy Zion is also the earthly mother around the question of whether Zionism is an inte- of all Churches. Zion is sometimes equated with gral part of being Jewish, as the vast majority of Jews Mary, the virgin daughter of Zion who became and many Christians now maintain, or is intrinsi- the holy mother and the ark that bore the incar- cally incompatible with Judaism, as some Christian nation.Beginning with the Church Fathers, clas- critics and most ultra-Orthodox Jews adamantly sical Christian biblical interpretation generally insist. At best, Christian opponents argue that a applied the praises and promises for the ‘daugh- particular nationalism cannot coexist with a uni- ters of Zion’ to Christians, while directing crit- versal religion of ethical monotheism; at worst, icismsandcondemnationsatJews.Modernbiblical they insist that Jews have no right to terminate the criticism isolated a ‘Zion tradition’ with a royal tra- exile imposed on them as punishment for failing jectory, which, particularly in liberation theology, to recognise Jesus as their Messiah.Orthodox Jew- is negatively contrasted with the Christian gospel ish opposition to Zionism derives from a firm belief of freedom deriving from the ‘exodus’ or ‘Mosaic that return and restoration can come about only tradition’. under divine auspices and that any human attempt The centrality of Zion symbolism and conscious- to ‘hasten the end’ through political means is ness in both Jewish and Christian tradition points heretical. to the common patrimony of the two faiths. But the Religious, philosophical, social and political fac- very interrelatedness of these traditions betrays the tors converged and interacted to produce Zionism. causes of their interreligious rivalry and historical The movement drew heavily – not least through its conflicts. Ultimately, their dispute over the mean- chosen name – on the religious faith that in the ing of Zion as the city of God reflects rival claims to end of days God would return the Jewish people be the true Israel, or people of God, and the chosen to Jerusalem, but it largely secularised traditional forebears of the future. DANIEL ROSSING Messianism by translating it into political means Zionism and goals appropriate to the modern Western dis- No other single topic in the modern history course. Zionism was a natural outgrowth of eman- of Jewish–Christian relations has generated such cipation and enlightenment, but it was also a reac- intense and often divisive debate among Jews and tion to the failure of enlightened liberalism and Christians as has Zionism, which raises important rationalism to eradicate the popular antisemitism questions about core components of traditional – epitomised by the Dreyfus Affair – that thwarted Christian and Jewish self-understanding. From its full assimilation of Jews into Western European beginnings in the second half of the nineteenth society and fuelled pogroms in Eastern Europe and century the main goals of Zionism have been the Russia. The rise of modern nationalism in the mid- return of the Jewish people to Zion and the estab- dleofthenineteenthcentury,withitsromanticcon- lishment of a secure national home for Jews in the cept of the unique soul of a particular ‘folk’ rooted

451 Zionism

in a specific land and language, also hampered major Christian statements on the new relationship integration of Jews. However, the new notions of of the Church and the Jewish people stammer or nationhood and national renaissance offered Jews even fall silent on the subject of Zionism and the an alternative path to a secure place in the modern State of Israel. In 1969 Edward Flannery (1912–98) world, not as assimilated universalised individuals argued cogently that the Christian psyche is sub- or as a reformed religion like all other religions, but liminally predisposed to anti-Zionism, which pro- as a particular nation like all other nations. vides an outlet for suppressed or unconscious anti- Ideological debates among the early Zionists pro- semitism. The complexity of the issue is illustrated duced a variety of visions of the desired charac- by the case of the American Catholic scholar Rose- ter of a renewed national Jewish existence, which mary Ruether (b. 1936), who published a penetrat- were influenced as much by current trends in West- ing study of the theological roots of antisemitism as ern Christian society as by ancient Jewish tradi- well as a later work whose polemic against Zionism tions. Zionism’s founding father, Theodor Herzl, is more virulent than even the harsh critique of the envisioned an elitist, aristocratic liberal European movement featured in Palestinian liberation the- polity, and at one point even considered establish- ology, where Zionism is presented as ‘a retrogres- ingitinUganda.BerBorochov(1881–1917),acham- sion of the Jewish people’ and ‘a step backward in pion of Marxism, argued for a nation that would the development of Judaism’. RomanCatholicism’s be the vanguard of the international class strug- official attitude towards Zionism changed greatly in gle, with the kibbutz as its hallmark. Ahad Ha’am the course of the twentieth century. In 1904 Pope (Asher Zvi Ginsberg (1856–1927)) advocated a ‘cul- Pius X (r.1903–14) rejected Herzl’s plea for sup- tural Zionism’ and a small nation of the spirit that port unequivocally: ‘The Jews have not recognised would be a vital corrective to the dominant nation- our Lord, therefore we cannot recognise the Jew- alisms of power. In sharp contrast, Jewish revi- ish people.’ Nine decades later the Holy See estab- sionists, led by Vladimir Jabotinsky (1880–1940), lished official diplomatic relations with the State insisted that Jews were doomed in the Diaspora by of Israel, and Pope John Paul II, during his historic an impending ‘onrush of lava’ and only an ironclad visit to the Holy Land in March 2000, displayed deep state with considerable military power could guar- respect for the nation of the Jewish people. Ortho- antee Jewish survival. The common aim of these dox Christianity has been guarded in its response and other plans was to secure and ‘normalise’ Jew- to Zionism, particularly in Arab lands and coun- ish existence, which required the cooperation of tries of the former Soviet bloc, where the politi- Gentile nations. cal climate dictated a negative attitude to the Jew- Zionism benefited from the Christian West’s ish national movement. Protestantism is deeply rediscovery of the Holy Land in the nineteenth divided by polar positions on Zionism. Christian century, as well as from the climate created by Zionists, including fundamentalists and evangeli- numerous influential Christians like George Eliot, cal movements associated with the International who advocated the restoration of the Jewish peo- Christian Embassy, believe that God is working ple to the Promised Land. The collapse of the through Zionism to fulfil biblical prophecy and OttomanEmpire in the First World War, the capture usher in the Messianic age. Most mainline Protes- of Palestine by General Allenby (1861–1936) and the tants firmly oppose such prophetic dispensation- publication of the Balfour Declaration in 1917, and alism and reject millenarianism, but nonetheless the decision of the League of Nations to award Great endorse Zionism, as did (1886–1965) Britain the Mandate over Palestine all facilitated and Reinhold Niebuhr (1892–1971), as a neces- the political and practical progress of the Zionist sary and morally justified response to antisemitism. movement. Some Protestants make absolute moral demands In the aftermath of the Holocaust Zionism on Israel and conclude that Zionism represents a became a pre-eminent part of Jewish identity,even profane corruption of Judaism’strue prophetic mis- though Jews continue to argue passionately over sion. Opposing views on Zionism also find expres- its place in Jewish history and its desired future sion in the politics of pilgrimage: Christian Zionist course. Christian attitudes towards Zionism are tours to Israel emphasise the amazing accomplish- often confused, and sometimes extreme. Many ments of God’s Chosen People in the land given to

452 Zola, Emile´

thembyGod.ChurchesandChristianorganisations contrast to post-millenarians) that the redemption that are hostile to Zionism tend either to ignore will begin before the Second Coming. modern Israel in their Holy Land itineraries or to A handful of nineteenth-century Christian Zion- sponsor tours that feature the worst sides of Israel ists, like W. Blackstone (1841–1935) and W. Hech- and thus reinforce and enhance participants’ neg- ler (1845–1931), were instrumental in the advance ative attitudes to Zionism and the State of Israel. of modern Zionism.Historically, however, Chris- The intense debate about Zionism among Chris- tian Zionists had little contact with Jewish Zion- tians is mirrored in the international political arena. ists. The 1970s saw a new level of contact between Zionism has been extolled as the national libera- the Israeli government and its American Christian tion movement par excellence, and condemned as supporters, claiming to represent 65 million South- a form of racism by the United Nations General ern Baptists and other Evangelicals.Most Christian Assembly in a 1975 resolution which most major Zionists believe Jews must convert to Christianity Churches condemned at the time and which the by the completion of the Restoration, though the General Assembly rescinded two decades later. International Christian Embassy in Jerusalem also See also Zionism, Christian DANIEL ROSSING includes Christians who believe it is they who must Zionism, Christian fit into a Jewish religious framework. Commonly used to refer to Christian support for the Christian movements have generally identified State of Israel,‘Christian Zionism’ also denotes the ‘Zion’ with their own religious and national ful- doctrine that the return of Jews to the ‘Promised filment, and Jewish appropriations of the bibli- Land’ will fulfil biblical prophecy and inaugurate cally promised Land have been viewed variously the end times. with sympathy or scorn. Until 1945 some Church From the eighteenth century a steadily grow- support for Zionism was tinged with the aspira- ing minority of Protestants in Europe and America tion to rid Christian lands of Jews. A range of argued that a Jewish ‘Restoration’ in the Holy Land nativist ‘Zionisms’ continue to respond to the Old would accompany the creation of Christian nation Testament ‘Zion’ traditions without reference to states elsewhere, fulfilling one of the ‘dispensations’ post-biblical Judaism – notably in Africa and the leading to the millenial redemption prophesied in African Diaspora (Swazi Zionists, Rastafarians; see the Old and New Testaments. Christian Zionists also African theology). GEORGE R. WILKES have thus also been known as Restorationists, Dis- Zohar see mysticism pensationalists or pre-millenarians, believing (in Zola, mile see Dreyfus Affair

453 Bibliography

Bible Barton, J. (ed.), Cambridge Companion to Biblical Abrahams, Israel, Studies in Pharisaism and the Interpretation (Cambridge, Cambridge Gospels (first series, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1998). University Press, 1917, second series, Barton, John (ed.), The Biblical World,Vol. II (London, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, Routledge, 2002). 1924). Baskin, J. R., Pharaoh’s Counsellors: Job, Jethro, and Adamo, David T., Reading and Interpreting the Bible Balaam in Rabbinic and Patristic Tradition in African Indigenous Churches (Eugene, OR, (Brown Judaic Studies 47) (Chico, CA, Scholars Wipf & Stock, 2001). Press, 1983). Adams, William Seth, ‘Christian Liturgy, Scripture and Beal, T. K., The Book of Hiding: Gender, Ethnicity, the Jews: A Problematic in Jewish–Christian Annihilation and Esther (London, Routledge, Relations’, Journal of Ecumenical Studies 25/1 1997). (1988), 39–55. Beaton, Richard, Isaiah’s Christ in Matthew’s Gospel Aletti, Jean-Noel,¨ Israel et la Loi dans la lettre aux (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, Romaines (Paris, Cerf, 1998). 2002). Anderson, G. A., The Genesis of Perfection: Adam and Beck, Norman, Anti-Roman Cryptograms in the New EveinJewish and Christian Imagination Testament (New York, Peter Lang, 1997). (Louisville, Westminster John Knox Press, Beckwith, R. T., The Old Testament Canon of the New 2001). Testament Church (London, SPCK, 1985). Bach, Alice (ed.), Women in the Hebrew Bible: A Bell, Richard H. Provoked to Jealousy: The Origin and Reader (London, Routledge, 1999). Purpose of the Jealousy Motif in Romans 9–11 Bammel, E. (ed.), The Trial of Jesus; Cambridge Studies (WUNT 2/63) (Tubingen,¨ J. C. B. Mohr (Paul in Honour of C. F.D. Moule (London, SCM Siebeck), 1994). Press, 1970). Bellis, Alice Ogden and Joel S. Kaminsky (eds), Jews, Bammel, E., Judaica et Paulina: Kleine Schriften II Christians, and the Theology of the Hebrew (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchung zum Neuen Scriptures (Atlanta, Society of Biblical Testament 9) (Tubingen,¨ J. C. B. Mohr, Literature, 2000). 1997). Blenkinsopp, Joseph, AHistory of Prophecy in Israel Barr, James, Holy Scripture: Canon, Authority, (Philadelphia, Westminster Press, 1983). Criticism (Philadelphia, Westminster Press, ‘Tanakh and New Testament: A Christian 1983). Perspective’, in Boadt, Lawrence, et al. (eds.), Barrett, C. K., ‘The Allegory of Abraham, Sarah and Biblical Studies: Meeting Ground of Jews and Hagar in the Argument of Galatians’, in Christians (New York, Paulist Press, 1980), Rechtfertigung: Festchrift Ernst Kasemann¨ 96–119. (Tubingen,¨ Mohr-Siebeck, 1976), 1–16; reprint Blowers, P.M. (ed.), The Bible in Greek Christian Essays on Paul (Philadelphia, Westminster Antiquity (Notre Dame, University of Notre Press, 1982), 154–70. Dame Press, 1997). ‘The Lamb of God’, NewTestament Studies 1 Blintzler, J., The Trial of Jesus (Cork, Mercier, 1961). (1954), 210–18. Boadt, Lawrence, et al. (eds), Biblical Studies: Meeting Barth, Markus The People of God (Sheffield, JSOT Ground of Jews and Christians (New York, Press, 1983). Paulist Press, 1980).

454 Bible

Borg, M., Meeting Jesus Again for the First Time (San Buchmann,¨ Christina and Spiegel, Celina (eds), Out of Francisco, Harper 1994). the Garden: Women Writers on the Bible (San Borgen, P.(ed.), The New Testament and Hellenistic Francisco, Harper Collins, 1994). Judaism (Aarhus, Aarhus University Press, Burns, R. J., Has the Lord Indeed Spoken Only through 1995). Moses? A Study of the Biblical Portrait of Miriam Bori, Pier Cesare, The Golden Calf and the Origins of (SBL Dissertation Series 84) (Atlanta, Scholars the Anti-Jewish Controversy (South Florida Press, 1987). Studies in the History of Judaism 16) (Atlanta, Caird, G. B. The Language and Imagery of the Bible Scholars Press, 1990). (Philadelphia, Westminister Press, 1980). Boyarin, Daniel, Intertextuality and the Reading of Campbell, W. S., ‘Israel’, in Hawthorne, Gerald F.and Midrash (Bloomington, Indiana University Martin, Ralph P.(eds), Dictionary of Paul and Press, 1990). his Letters (Downers Grove, IL, InterVarsity A Radical Jew: Paul and the Politics of Identity Press, 1993), 441–6. (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1997). ‘Judaizers’, in Hawthorne, Gerald F.and Martin, Boys, Mary C., Biblical Interpretation in Religious Ralph P.(eds), Dictionary of Paul and his Letters Education (Birmingham, AL, Religious (Downers Grove, IL, InterVarsity Press, 1993), Education Press, 1980). 512–16. Brenner, A. (ed.), Ruth and Esther: A Feminist Carr, D. M., ‘Canonization in the Context of Companion to the Bible 2nd series (Sheffield, Community’, in Weis, R. D. and Carr, D. M. Sheffield Academic Press, 1999). (eds), AGift of God in Due Season (Sheffield, Bronner, L. L., From Eve to Esther: Rabbinic Sheffield Academic Press, 1996). Reconstruction of Biblical Women (Louisville, Carroll, J. T. and Green, J. B., The Death of Jesus in Early Westminster John Knox Press, 1994). Christianity (Peabody, Hendrickson, 1995). Brooks, Roger and Collins, John J. (eds), Hebrew Bible Catchpole, D. R., The Trial of Jesus (Leiden, E. J. Brill, or Old Testament?: Studying the Bible in 1971). Judaism and Christianity (Notre Dame, IN, Charlesworth, James H. (ed.), Jesus and the Dead Sea University of Notre Dame Press, 1990). Scrolls (New York, Doubleday, 1992). Brooks, Roger (ed.), Unanswered Questions: Jesus’ Jewishness: Exploring the Place of Jesus in Theological Views of Jewish–Catholic Relations Early Judaism (Philadelphia, American (Notre Dame, IN, University of Notre Dame Interfaith Institute; New York, Crossroad, Press, 1990). 1991). Brown, Raymond E., The Birth of the Messiah (New The Messiah: Developments in Earliest Judaism York, Doubleday, 1993). and Christianity (Minneapolis, Fortress Press, A Coming Christ in Advent: Essays on the Gospel 1992). Narratives – Preparing for the Birth of Jesus Chester, Stephen J. Conversion at Corinth: An (Matthew 1 and Luke 1) (Collegeville, MN, The Exploration of the Understandings of Liturgical Press, 1998). Conversion Held by the Apostle Paul and the The Death of the Messiah (New York, Doubleday, Corinthian Christians (Edinburgh, T&T Clark, 1994). 2003). Brown, Schuyler, ‘The Matthean Community and the Childs, Brevard S., Biblical Theology of the Old and Gentile Mission’, Novum Testament 22 (1980), NewTestaments (Minneapolis, Fortress Press, 193–221. 1992). Brueggemann, W., An Introduction to the Old The New Testament as Canon: An Introduction Testament: The Canon and Christian (Philadelphia, Westminster Press, 1984). Imagination (Louisville, Westminster John Chilton, Bruce, Judaic Approaches to the Gospels Knox Press, 2003). (University of South Florida international Bruteau, Beatrice (ed.), Jesus through Jewish Eyes: studies in formative Christianity and Judaism Rabbis and Scholars Engage an Ancient Brother 2) (Atlanta, Scholars Press, 1994). in a New Conversation (Maryknoll, NY, Orbis Targumic Approaches to the Gospels: Essays in the Press, 2001). Mutual Definition of Judaism and Christianity

455 Bible

(Lanham, MD, University Press of America, Crossan, J. D., Who Killed Jesus? Exposing the Roots of 1986). Anti-Semitism in the Gospel Story of the Death Chilton, Bruce and Evans, Craig (eds), James the Just of Jesus (New York, Harper Collins, 1996). and Christian Origins (Leiden, Brill, 1999). Culpepper, Alan, John the Son of Zebedee: The Life of a Chilton, Bruce and Neusner, Jacob, Comparing Legend (Edinburgh, T&T Clark, 2000). Spiritualities: Formative Christianity and Cunningham, Philip A., Sharing the Scriptures (New Judaism on Finding Life and Meeting Death York,Paulist Press, Stimulus Books, 2003). (Harrisburg, PA, Trinity Press International, Danielou,´ J., The Bible and the Liturgy (Notre Dame, 2000). University of Notre Dame Press, 1956). Judaism in the New Testament: Practices and Davies, Philip R., Scribes and Schools: The Beliefs (London, Routledge, 1995). Canonization of the Hebrew Scriptures Chilton, Bruce and Neusner, Jacob (eds), James, (Louisville, Westminister John Knox Press, Brother of Jesus (Louisville, Westminster John 1998). Knox Press, 2001). Davies, W. D., Paul and Rabbinic Judaism (London, Clines, D. J. A., The Esther Scroll: The Story of the Story SPCK, 1948). (JSOT Supplement Series 30) (Sheffield, JSOT DeLorenzi, L. (ed.), DieIsrael Frage nach Romer¨ 9–11 Press, 1984). (Rome, St Paul’s Abbey, 1977). Coats, G. W., Moses: Heroic Man, Man of God Dodd, C. H., According to the Scriptures: The (Sheffield, JSOT Press, 1988). Sub-Structure of New Testament Theology Cody, Aelred, ‘Aaron: A Figure with Many Facets’, (London, Nisbet, 1952). Bible Today 88 (1977). Driver, S. R. and Neubauer, A. D., The Fifty Third AHistory of Old Testament Priesthood (Rome, Chapter of Isaiah According to Jewish Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1969). Interpreters (New York, Ktav, 1969). Cohen, J., The Origins and Evolution of the Moses Efroymson, David P., Fisher, Eugene J. and Klenicki, Nativity Story (Suppl. to Numen 58) (Leiden, Leon (eds), Within Context: Essays on Jews and Brill, 1993). Judaism in the New Testament (Collegeville, Cohn, Haim, The Trial and Death of Jesus (New York, MN, Liturgical Press, 1993). Ktav Publishing House, 1971). Evans, Craig, and Hagner, Donald A. (eds), Collins, Adela Yarbro, ‘The Function of Anti-Semitism and Early Christianity “Excommunication” in Paul’, Harvard (Minneapolis, Fortress Press, 1993). Theological Review 73 (1980), 251–63. Farmer, William (ed.), Anti-Judaism and the Gospels Conrad, E., Reading Isaiah (Minneapolis, Fortress (Harrisburg, PA, Trinity Press, 1999). Press, 1991). Farris, Stephen, The Hymns of Luke’s Infancy Coote, R. B. and Ord, D. R., In the Beginning: Creation Narratives: Their Origin, Meaning and and the Priestly History (Minneapolis, Fortress Significance (Sheffield, JSOT Press, 1985). Press, 1991). Feiler, Bruce, Abraham: A Journey to the Heart of Cosgrove, Charles H., Elusive Israel: The Puzzle of Three Faiths (New York, W. Morrow, 2002). Election in Romans (Louisville, Westminster Feliks, Yehuda, Nature and Man in the Bible: Chapters John Knox Press, 1997). in Biblical Ecology (London, Soncino Press, ‘The Law Has Given Sarah No Children (Gal 1981). 4:21–30)’, Novum Testamentum 28 (1987), Fernandez´ Marcos, N., The Septuagint in Context: 219–35. Introduction to the Greek Versions of the Bible Cothenet, E. ‘A l’arriere-plan` de l’allegorie´ d’Agar et (Leiden, Brill, 2000). de Sara (Ga 4:21–31)’, in De la Torah au Messie: Flusser, David, Jesus (Jerusalem, Magnes Press, Festschrift Henri Cazelles (Paris, 1981), 2001). 457–65. Judaism and the Origins of Christianity (Jerusalem, Cowley, R. W., Ethiopian Biblical Interpretation: A Magnes, 1988). Study in Exegetical Tradition and Hermeneutics ‘“Sie wissen nicht was sie tun”, Geschichte eines (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, Herrenwortes’, in Muller,¨ Paul Gerhardt and 1988). Stenger, Wenger (eds), Kommunitat¨ und

456 Bible

Einheit, Studien fur¨ Franz Mussner (Freiburg, Hahn, Ferdinand, Mission in the New Testament Herder, 1981), 391–410. (London, SCM Press, 1965). Fox, M. V. , Character and Ideology in the Book of Hall, S. G., Christian Anti-Semitism and Paul’s Esther, 2nd edn (Grand Rapids, Eerdmans, Theology (Minneapolis, Fortress, 1993). 2001). Hansen, Walter, Abraham in Galatians: Epistolary Fredriksen, Paula, Jesus the Christ (New Haven, Yale and Rhetorical Contexts (Sheffield, JSOT Press, University Press, 1988). 1989). Frymer-Kensky, Tikva, Reading the Women of the Haran, M., Temples and Temple Service in Ancient Bible: A New Interpretation of their Stories (New Israel (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1978). York, Schocken Books, 2002). Hayes, Richard B., Echoes of Scripture in the Letters of Fuchs, E., Sexual Politics in Biblical Narrative: Paul (New Haven, Yale University Press, 1989). Reading the Hebrew Bible as a Woman Hayward, Robert, ‘Shem, Melchizedek, and Concern (Sheffield, Sheffield Academic Press, 2000). with Christianity in the Pentateuchal Gamble, H. Y., The New Testament Canon: Its Making Targumim’, in Cathcart, K. J. and Maher, M. and Meaning (Philadelphia, Fortress Press, (eds), Targumic and Cognate Studies: Essays in 1985). Honour of Martin McNamara (JSOTSS 230) Garc´ıa Mart´ınez, Florentino and Luttikhuizen, Gerard (Sheffield, Sheffield Academic Press, 1996), P. , Interpretations of the Flood (TBN 1) (Leiden, 67–80. Brill, 1998). Hazleton, Lesley, Mary:AFlesh and Blood Biography Gartner, Bertil, John 6 and the Jewish Passover (Lund, of the Virgin Mother (New York, Bloomsbury, C. W. K. Gleerup, 1959). 2004). Georgi, Dieter, The Opponents of Paul in Second Heaton, E. W., The School Tradition of the Old Corinthians (Edinburgh, T&T Clark, 1987). Testament (Oxford, Oxford University Press, Gignac, Alain, Juifs et chretiens´ al’` ecole´ de Paul de 1994). Tarse ...Romains 9–11 (Montreal, Medias´ Paul, Hengel, M., Crucifixion (Philadelphia, Fortress Press, 1997). 1977). Good, Deirdre J., ‘What Does it Mean to Call Mary The Zealots (Edinburgh, T&T Clark, 1989). Miriam?’, in Levine, Amy-Jill (ed.), Mary Herberg, W. and Anderson, B. W. (eds), Faith Enacted (Feminist Companion to the New Testament into History: Essays in Biblical Theology Series) (forthcoming) (Philadelphia, Westminster Press, 1976). Mariam, the Magdalen, and the Mother Hill, David, NewTestament Prophecy (Atlanta, John (Bloomington, Indiana University Press, Knox Press, 1979). 2005). Hodgson, R., ‘Holiness Tradition and Social Gorak, J., The Making of the Modern Canon (London, Description: Intertestamental Judaism and Athlone Press, 1981). Early Christianity’, in Burgess, S. M. (ed.), Goulder, Michael D., Luke: A New Paradigm Reaching Beyond: Chapters in the History of (Sheffield, JSOT Press, 1989). Perfectionism (Peabody, Hendrickson, 1986). Greene, John T., Balaam and his Interpreters: A Hoheisel, Karl, ‘Hagar’, Reallexikon fur¨ Antike und Hermeneutical History of the Balaam Traditions Christentum (Stuttgart, 1986), XIII, 305–13. (Atlanta, Scholars Press, 1992). Hollenbach, Paul W., ‘Social Aspects of John the Greenspahn, Frederick, E. (ed.), Scripture in the Baptizer’s Preaching Mission in the Context of Jewish and Christian Traditions (Nashville, Palestinian Judaism’, Aufstieg und Niedergang Abingdon Press, 1982). der romischen¨ Welt II, 19 (1979), 856–75. Grelot, Pierre, Les poemes` du serviteur: De la lecture Holmgren, F.C., The Old Testament and the critique al` ahermeneutique´ (Paris, Cerf, 1981). Significance of Jesus: Embracing Change – Grenholm, Cristina and Patte, Daniel (eds), Reading Maintaining Christian Identity: The Emerging Israel in Romans (Harrisburg, Trinity Press, Center in Biblical Scholarship (Grand Rapids, 2000). Eerdmans, 1999). Gunneweg, A. H. J., Leviten und Priester (Gottingen,¨ Holtz, Barry W. (ed.), Back to the Sources: Reading the Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1965). Classic Jewish Texts (New York, Summit, 1984).

457 Bible

Hooker, Morna D., The Gospel According to St Mark Kinzig, Wolfram, ‘Closeness and Distance: Towards a (London, A. & C. Black, 1991). NewDescription of Jewish–Christian The Signs of a Prophet: The Prophetic Actions of Relations’, Jewish Studies Quarterly,vol. 10 Jesus (London, SCM Press, 1997). (Nov. 2003). Horbury, W., ‘The Aaronic Priesthood in the Epistle to ‘Philosemitismus’, Zeitschrift fur¨ the Hebrews’, Journal for the Study of the New Kirchengeschichte 105 (1994), 202–28, 361–83. Testament 19 (1983), 43–71. Klassen, William, Judas, Betrayer or Friend of Jesus? ‘Extirpation and excommunication’, Vetus (Minneapolis, Fortress Press/SCM Press, 1996). Testamentum 35 (1985), 13–38. Klassen, William, ‘Jesus and the Zealot Option’, in Horsley, R. A. and Hanson, J. S., Bandits, Prophets, Huebner, Chris, Hauerwas, Stanley, Huebner, and Messiahs: Popular Movements in the Time Harry, Tiessen Nation, Mark (eds), The Wisdom of Jesus (Minneapolis, Winston, 1985). of the Cross: Essays in Memory of John Howard Horton, J., The Melchizedek Tradition (Cambridge, Yoder (Grand Rapids, Eerdmans, 1999), 131–49. Cambridge University Press, 1976). Klutz, Todd (ed.), Magic in the Biblical World: From Howard, George, ‘Tetragrammaton in the New the Rod of Aaron to the Ring of Solomon Testament’, Anchor Bible Dictionary (New York, (London, Continuum, 2003). Doubleday, 1992), VI, 392–3. Koenig, John, Jews and Christians in Dialogue: New Jantzen, G. J., ‘Song of Moses, Song of Miriam: Who Is Testament Foundations (Philadelphia, Seconding Whom?’, Catholic Biblical Quarterly Westminster Press, 1979). 54 (1992), 211–21. Kraemer, D., ‘The Formation of the Rabbinic Canon: Jaubert, Annie, La date de la Cene:` calendrier biblique Authority and Boundaries’, Journal of Biblical et liturgie chretienne´ (Paris, J. Gabalda, 1957). Literature 110 (1991), 613–30. Jeansonne, Sharon Pace, The Women of Genesis Kraemer, Ross (ed.), Women in Scripture (Grand (Minneapolis, Fortress Press, 1990). Rapids, Eerdmans, 2000). Jeremias, Joachim, The Eucharistic Words of Jesus Krauss, S., Das Leben Jesu nach judischen¨ Quellen (trans. Norman Perrin; Philadelphia, Fortress (Berlin, S. Calvary, 1902). Press, 1977). Kugel, James L., The Bible as It Was (Cambridge, MA, Johnson, Luke Timothy, ‘The New Testament’s Harvard University Press; London, Belknap, Anti-Jewish Slander and the Conventions of 1997). Ancient Polemic’, Journal of Biblical Literature In Potiphar’s House: The Interpretive Life of Biblical 108/3 (1989), 419–41. Texts (New York, HarperCollins, 1990). Journet, Charles, Destinees´ d’Israel¨ (Paris, Egloff, The Traditions of the Bible (Cambridge, MA, 1944). Harvard University Press, 1998). Juel, D., Messiah and Temple (Missoula, Scholars Kung,¨ H. and Lapide, P., Jesus im Widerstreit: Ein Press, 1977). judisch-christlicher¨ Dialog, 2nd edn (Stuttgart, Kabak, Aharon Avraham, Narrow Path: The Man of Calwer Verlag; Munich, Kosel¨ Verlag, 1981). Nazareth (trans. Julian Louis Meltzer; Tel-Aviv, Kuschel, Karl-Joseph, Abraham: Sign of Hope for Jews, The Institute of Translation of Hebrew Christians, and Muslims (New York, Literature, 1968) (Hebrew 1936). Continuum, 1995). Kaufmann, Y., Christianity and Judaism: Two Kvam, Kristen, Schearing, Linda and Ziegler, Valarie Covenants (Jerusalem, Magnes Press, 1988). (eds), Eve and Adam: Jewish, Christian, and Kee, H. C., Who Are the People of God? Early Christian Muslim Readings on Genesis and Gender Models of Community (New Haven, Yale (Indianapolis, Indiana University Press, University Press, 1995). 1999). Kessler, E., Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and Lachs, Samuel, A Rabbinic Commentary on the New the Sacrifice of Isaac (Cambridge, Cambridge Testament: The Gospels of Matthew, Mark and University Press, 2004). Luke (New York, Ktav, 1987). Kim, Johann D., God, Israel, and the Gentiles: Rhetoric LaCoque, A., The Feminine Unconventional: Four and Situation in Romans 9–11 (Atlanta, Subversive Figures in Israel’s Tradition Scholars Press, 2000). (Minneapolis, Fortress Press, 1990).

458 Bible

Lapide, P., Am Scheitern hoffen lernen: Erfahrungen Honor of Paul W. Meyer (Atlanta, Scholars Press, judischen¨ Glaubens fur¨ heutige Christen 1990), 160–92. (Gutersloh,¨ Gutersloher¨ Verlagshaus Gerd The Gospel of John in Christian History: Essays Mohn, 1985). for Interpreters (New York, Paulist Press, Lapide, P.and Gollwitzer, H., Hebrew in the Church: 1979). The Foundations of Jewish–Christian Dialogue McAuliffe, J. D., Walfish, B. D. and Goering, J. W. (eds), (Grand Rapids, Eerdmans, 1984). With Reverence for the Word: Medieval Larsson, Goran, Bound for Freedom: The Book of Scriptural Exegesis in Judaism, Christianity, and Exodus in Jewish and Christian Traditions Islam (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2002). (Peabody, MA, Hendrickson, 1998). Meier, John P., AMarginal Jew: Rethinking the Le Deaut, R., ‘Miriam, soeur de Mo¨ıse, et Marie mere` Historical Jesus: Mentor, Message and Miracles du Messie’, Biblica 45 (1964), 198–219. (New York, Doubleday, 1994), Vol. II. Levenson, J. D., The Death and Resurrection of the Mellinkoff, B., The Mark of Cain (Berkeley, University Beloved Son: The Transformation of Child of California Press, 1981). Sacrifice in Judaism and Christianity (New Metzger, Bruce, The Canon of the New Testament Haven, Yale University Press, 1993). (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1987). The Hebrew Bible, the Old Testament, and Morgan, R. with Barton, J., Biblical Interpretation Historical Criticism: Jews and Christians in (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1988). Biblical Studies (Louisville, Westminster/John Morray-Jones, C. R. A., ‘Paradise Revisited (2 Cor Knox Press, 1993). 12:1–12): The Jewish Mystical Background of Sinai and Zion: An Entry into the Jewish Bible (New Paul’s Apostolate. Part 1: The Jewish Sources; York,Harper & Row, 1985). Part 2: Paul’s Heavenly Ascent and its Lewis, J. P., AStudy of the Interpretation of Noah and Significance’, Harvard Theological Review 86 the Flood in Jewish and Christian Literature (1993), 177–217. (Leiden, Brill, 1968). Morris, P.and Sawyer, D. F.(eds), AWalk in the Lichtenberger, H., ‘Taufergemeinde¨ und Garden: Biblical, Iconographical and Literary fruhchristliche¨ Tauferpolemik¨ in letzten Drittel Images of Eden (Sheffield, Sheffield Academic des 1. Jahrhunderts’, Zeitschrift fur¨ Theologie Press, 1992). und Kirche 84 (1987), 36–57. Motyer Stephen, Your Father the Devil: A New Lim, Timothy H., Holy Scripture in the Qumran Approach to John and ‘the Jews’ (Carlisle, Commentaries and Pauline Letters (Oxford, Paternoster Press, 1997). Clarendon Press, 1997). Muller,¨ M., The First Bible of the Church: A Plea for the Linafelt, T. (ed.), Strange Fire: Reading the Bible after Septuagint (Sheffield, Sheffield Academic Press, the Holocaust (Sheffield, Sheffield Academic 1996). Press, 2000). Munck, Johannes, Christ and Israel: An Interpretation Linton, O., ‘The Trial of Jesus and the Interpretation of of Romans 9–11 (Philadelphia, Fortress Press, Psalm CX’, NewTestament Studies 7 (1960–61), 1967). 258–62. Murphy, Catherine M., John the Baptist: Prophet of Lodge, John G., Romans 9–11: A Reader-Response Purity for a New Age (Collegeville, MN, Analysis (Atlanta, Scholars Press, 1996). Liturgical Press, 2003). Lubking,¨ Hans-Martin, Paulus und Israel im Murphy-O’Connor, Jerome and Charlesworth, James Romerbrief¨ (Frankfurt, Peter Lang, 1986). H., Paul and the Dead Sea Scrolls (New York, Luttikhuizen, Gerard P.(ed.), The Creation of Man and Crossroad, 1990). Woman: Interpretations of the Biblical Mveng, E. and Werblowsky, R. J. Z. (eds), Black Africa Narratives in Jewish and Christian Traditions and the Bible: The Jerusalem Congress on Black (Leiden, Brill, 2000). Africa and the Bible (Jerusalem, Anti- Marshall, I. H., Last Supper and Lord’s Supper (Grand Defamation League of B’nai B’rith, 1972). Rapids, Eerdmanns, 1981). Nanos, Mark D., The Irony of Galatians: Paul’s Letter Martyn, J. L., ‘The Covenants of Hagar and Sarah’, in in its First Century Context (Minneapolis, Carroll, T. T. (ed.), Faith and History: Essays in Fortress Press, 2002).

459 Bible

Nehrer, Andre,´ Moses and the Vocation of the Jewish Reinhartz, Adele, Befriending the Beloved Disciple: A People (trans. Irene Marinoff; London, 1959). Jewish Reading of the Gospel of John (New York, Nickelsburg, George W. E., Resurrection, Immortality, Continuum, 2001). and Eternal Life in Intertestamental Judaism Reumann, John, The Supper of the Lord (Philadelphia, (Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press, Fortress Press, 1985). 1972). Richardson, Peter (ed.), with Granskou, David, Niditch, S. (ed.), Text and Tradition: The Hebrew Bible Anti-Judaism in Early Christianity, Vol. 1, Paul and Folklore (SBL Semeia Series) (Atlanta, and the Gospels (Ontario, Wilfrid Laurier Scholars Press, 1990). University Press, 1986). Nodet, Etienne, ‘Jesus´ et Jean-Baptiste selon Josephe’,` Rivkin, Ellis, What Crucified Jesus? (London, SCM Revue Biblique 92 (1985), 497–524. Press, 1984). Ochs, C., ‘Miriam’s Way’, Cross Currents 45/4 (1995), Rodr´ıguez Carmona, A., ‘La figura de Melquisedec en 493–510. la literatura targumica’,´ Estudios Biblicos 37 Ochs, Peter, The Return to Scripture in Judaism and (1978), 79–102. Christianity (New York, Paulist Press, 1993). Rosenberg, D. (ed.), Congregation: Contemporary Packer, James, GodHas Spoken: Revelation and the Writers Read the Jewish Bible (San Diego, Bible (London, Hodder and Stoughton, Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1987). 1993). Roshwald, M. and M., Moses: Leader, Prophet, Man: Paffenroth, Kim, Judas the Last Disciple (Richmond, The Story of Moses and his Image through the VA,Westminster/John Knox Press, 2001). Ages (New York, Thomas Yoseloff, 1969). Painter, John, Just James: The Brother of Jesus in Rubenstein, Richard, My Brother Paul (New York, History and Tradition (Edinburgh, T&T Clark, Harper, 1972). 1999). Russell, Letty M. (ed.), Feminist Interpretation of the Peters, F.E., Judaism, Christianity, Islam: The Classical Bible (Philadelphia, Westminster Press, Texts and their Interpretation (Princeton, NJ, 1985). Princeton University Press, 1990). Ruether, Rosemary, Faith and Fratricide: The Petuchowski, J. J., ‘Hoshi ‘ana in Psalm CXVIII, 25, a Theological Roots of Anti-Semitism Prayer for Rain’, VT 5 (1955), 266–71. (Minneapolis, Seabury Press, 1974; New York, Petuchowski, Jacob and Brocke, Michael (eds), The Search Press, 1975). Lord’s Prayer and Jewish Liturgy (New York, Sabourin, L., Priesthood: A Comparative Study Seabury Press, 1978). (Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1973). Polzin, R., Moses and the Deuteronomist: A Literary Saebo, Magne (ed.), Hebrew Bible/Old Testament Study of the Deuteronomic History (New York, (Gottingen,¨ Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2000). Seabury Press, 1980). Saldarini, Anthony J., Matthew’s Christian-Jewish Pomykala, Kenneth, The Davidic Dynasty Tradition Community (Chicago, University of Chicago in Early Judaism: Its History and Significance Press, 1994). for Messianism (Atlanta, Scholars Press, Sanders, E. P., The Historical Figure of Jesus (London, 1995). Allen Lane, 1993). Pope, Marvin, ‘Hosanna’, Anchor Bible Dictionary Jesus and Judaism (London, SCM Press, 1985). (New York, Doubleday, 1992), III, 290–1. Judaism: Practice and Belief 63BCE – 66CE Powery, Emerson B., Jesus Reads Scripture (Leiden, (London, SCM Press, 1992). Brill, 2003). Paul and Palestinian Judaism (London, SCM Puech, Emile, ‘Messianism, Resurrection, and Press, 1977). Eschatology at Qumran and in the New Sanders, James A., Canon and Community Testament’, in Ulrich, E. and Vanderkam, J. (Philadelphia, Fortress Press, 1984). (eds), The Community of the Renewed Covenant Torah and Canon (Philadelphia, Fortress Press, (Notre Dame, University of Notre Dame Press, 1972). 1994), 235–56. Sawyer, J. F.A., The Fifth Gospel: Isaiah in the History Redford, Donald B., AStudy of the Biblical Story of of Christianity (Cambridge, Cambridge Joseph, Genesis 37–50 (Leiden, Brill, 1970). University Press, 1996).

460 Bible

Schneiders, Sandra M., The Revelatory Text: Sacrifice: The Akedah (New York, Schocken Interpreting the New Testament as Sacred Books, 1967). Scripture (San Francisco, Harper, 1991). Stegemann, Hartmut, The Library of Qumran: On the With Oil in their Lamps: Faith, Feminism, and the Essenes, John the Baptist and Jesus (Grand Future (New York, Paulist Press, 1999). Rapids, Eerdmans, 1993). Schneidewind, William, Society and the Promise to Stegner, W. R., ‘Paul the Jew’, in Hawthorne, Gerald F. David: The Reception History of 2 Samuel 7:1–17 and Martin, Ralph P., Dictionary of Paul and his (New York, Oxford University Press, 1999). Letters (Downers Grove, IL, InterVarsity Press, Schussler-Fiorenza,¨ Elisabeth (ed.), Searching the 1993), 503–11. Scriptures: An Introduction (New York, Stemberger, Gunter,¨ Jewish Contemporaries of Jesus: Crossroad, 1993). Pharisees, Sadducees, Essenes (Minneapolis, Segal, Alan, Paul the Convert (New Haven, Yale Fortress Press, 1995). University Press, 1990). Stendahl, Krister, AFinal Account (Philadelphia, Seitz, C., ‘Old Testament or Hebrew Bible? Some Fortress Press, 1996). Theological Considerations’, Pro Ecclesia 5 Paul among Jews and Christians (Philadelphia, (1996), 292–303. Fortress Press, 1976). Senior, Donald, The Passion of Jesus in the Gospel of Swartley, Willard, ‘War and Peace in the New John (Collegeville, MN, Liturgical Press, 1991). Testament’, Aufstieg und Niedergang der The Passion of Jesus in the Gospel of Luke Romischen¨ Welt II 26.3 (1996), 299–410. (Collegeville, MN, Liturgical Press, 1989). Swetnam, J., Jesus and Isaac: A Study of the Epistle to The Passion of Jesus in the Gospel of Mark the Hebrews in the Light of the Aqedah (Rome, (Collegeville, MN, Liturgical Press, 1984). Biblical Institute Press, 1981). The Passion of Jesus in the Gospel of Matthew Talmon, Shemarayhu, ‘The Signification of Shalom (Collegeville, MN, Liturgical Press, 1985). in the Hebrew Bible’, in Evans, Craig and Sievers, Joseph, ‘God’s Gifts and Call are Irrevocable: Talmon, S. (eds), The Quest for Context and The Reception of Romans 11:29 through the Meaning, Studies in Biblical Intertextuality in Centuries and in Christian–Jewish Relations’, Honour of James Sanders (Leiden, Brill, 1997), in Greenholm, C. and Palte, D. (eds), Reading 75–115. Israel in Romans: Legitimacy and Plausibility of Taylor, Jean E., The Immerser: John the Baptist within Divergent Interpretations (Harrisburg, PA, the Second Temple Judaism (Grand Rapids, Trinity Press International, 2000), 127–73. Eerdmans, 1997). Sim, David, The Gospel of Matthew and Christian Thoma, Clemens and Wyschogrod, Michael (eds), Judaism: The History and Social Setting of the Understanding Scripture: Explorations of Jewish Matthean Community (Edinburgh, T&T Clark, and Christian Traditions of Interpretation (New 1998). York,Paulist Press, 1987). Simon, Uriel, Four Approaches to the Book of Psalms Tomson, Peter J., Paul and the Jewish Law: Halakha in (Albany, NY, SUNY Press, 1991). the Letters of the Apostle to the Gentiles ‘Joseph and his Brothers, A Story of Change’, trans. (Compendia rerum iudaicarum ad Novum Louvish, David in, Seek Peace and Pursue It Testamentum 3.1) (Assen, Van Gorcum; (Tel Aviv, Bar Ilan University, 2002). Minneapolis, Fortress Press, 1990). Smalley, Beryl, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Trible, P., ‘Bringing Miriam Out of the Shadows’, Bible Ages (New York, Philosophical Library, 1952; Review 5/1 (1989), 14–25 and 34. Notre Dame, University of Notre Dame Press, Tyson, Joseph, Images of Judaism in Luke–Acts 1964). (Columbia, University of South Carolina Press, Smiles, Vincent M., ‘The Concept of “Zeal” in 1992). Second-Temple Judaism and Paul’s Critique of Ulfgard, Hakan,˚ Feast and Future: Revelation 7:9–17 it in Romans 10:2’, Catholic Biblical Quarterly and the Feast of Tabernacles (Lund, Almqvist & 64 (2002), 282–99. Wiksell, 1989). Spiegel, S., The Last Trial: On the Legends and Lore of Ulrich, E, ‘The Canonical Process, Textual Criticism the Command to Abraham to Offer Isaac as a and Later Stages in the Composition of the

461 Theology

Bible’, in Fishbane, M., Tov, E. and Fields, W. W. Williamson, Clark M. and Allen, Ronald J., Interpreting (eds), Sha’arei Talmon (Winona Lake, IN, Difficult Texts: Anti-Judaism and Christian Eisenbrauns, 1992). Preaching (London, SCM Press, 1989). van Buren, Paul M., According to the Scriptures: The Williamson, H., The Book called Isaiah: Deutero- Origins of the Gospel and of the Church’s Old Isaiah’s Role in Composition and Redaction Testament (Grand Rapids, Eerdmans, 1998). (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1994). van der Horst, Pieter W., ‘Eve in the New Testament’, Willis, W., The Kingdom of God in 20th-Century in Meyers, Carol and Craven, Toni (eds), Interpretation (Peabody, MA, Hendrickson, Women in Scripture (Boston, Houghton Mifflin, 1987). 2000), 144–5. Wink, Walter, John the Baptist in the Gospel Tradition vanKooten, G. (ed.), The Creation of Heaven and (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, Earth: Re-interpretations of Genesis 1 in the 1968). Context of Judaism, Ancient Philosophy, Winter, P., On the Trial of Jesus (Berlin, de Gruyter, Christianity and Modern Physics (Leiden, Brill, 2nd edn rev. 1974). 2005). Yoder, John Howard, The Politics of Jesus (Grand Vermes, G., The Changing Faces of Jesus (New York, Rapids, Eerdmans, 1972, 1994). Viking, 2000). Young, Norman, Creator, Creation and Faith Jesus the Jew (London, SCM Press, 1973). (Philadelphia, Fortress Press, 1976). The Religion of Jesus the Jew (London, SCM Press, Younger, K. L., Hallo, W. W. and Batto, B. F.(eds), The 1993). Biblical Canon in Comparative Perspective: Scripture and Tradition in Judaism: Haggadic Scripture in Context IV (Lewiston, NY, Edwin Studies (Studia Post-Biblica 4) (Leiden, E. J. Mellen Press, 1991). Brill, 1961). Zeitlin, S, Who Crucified Jesus? (New York, Bloch, 4th Visotzky, Burton L., Reading the Book: Making the edn, 1964). Bible a Timeless Text (New York, Doubleday, 1991). Theology von Rad, Gerhard, ‘The Joseph Narrative and Adam, Adolf, The Liturgical Year (New York, Pueblo Ancient Wisdom’, in The Problem of the Publishing, 1981). Hexateuch and Other Essays (New York, Adler, Rachel, Engendering Judaism (Philadelphia, McGraw Hill, 1966). Jewish Publication Society, 1998). von Wahlde, Urban C., ‘The Johannine “Jews”: A Aitken, J. K. and Kessler, E. (eds), Challenges in Critical Survey’, NewTestament Studies 28 Jewish–Christian Relations (New York, Paulist (1982), 33–60. Press, 2006). ‘“The Jews” in the Gospel of John: Fifteen Years of Altizer, Thomas J. J., ‘The Holocaust and the Theology Research (1983–1998)’, Ephemerides of the Death of God’, in Haynes, S. R. and Roth, theologicae lovanienses 76 (2000), 30–55. J. K. (eds), The Death of God Movement and the Wagner, J. Ross, Heralds of the Good News: Isaiah and Holocaust: Radical Theology Encounters the Paul ‘in Concert’ in Letter to the Romans Shoah (Westport, CT, Greenwood Press, (Leiden, Brill, 2003). 1999). Weitzman, M. P., The Syriac Version of the Old Aquino, Maria Pilar, Machado, Daisy, and Rodriguez, Testament: An Introduction (Cambridge, Jeannette (eds), AReader in Latina Feminist Cambridge University Press, 1999). Theology (Austin, University of Texas Press, Werner, E., ‘Hosanna in the Gospels’, Journal of 2002). Biblical Literature 65 (1946), 97–122. Ateek, Naim, Justice and Only Justice, a Palestinian Westermann, C., Creation (London, SPCK, 1974). Theology of Liberation (Maryknoll, NY, Orbis Whybray, R. N., The Intellectual Tradition in the Old Books, 1989). Testament (New York, de Gruyter, 1974). Bacchiocchi, Samuele, From Sabbath to Sunday: A Wiener, Aharon, The Prophet Elijah in the Historical Investigation of the Rise of Sunday Development of Judaism (London, Routledge Observance in Early Christianity (Rome, and Kegan Paul, 1978). Pontifical Gregorian University, 1977).

462 Theology

Baeck, L., The Essence of Judaism (London, Bouyer, Louis, The Eucharist (Notre Dame, University Macmillan, 1936). of Notre Dame Press, 1968). Judaism and Christianity: Essays (Philadelphia, Boyarin, Daniel, Dying for God: Martyrdom and the Jewish Publication Society, 1964). Making of Christianity and Judaism (Stanford, Banki, Judith H. and Pawlikowski, John T. (eds), Ethics CA, Stanford University Press, 1999). in the Shadow of the Holocaust: Christian and Boys, Mary C., HasGod Only One Blessing? Judaism as Jewish Perspectives (Chicago, Sheed & Ward, a Source of Christian Self-Understanding (New 2002). York,Paulist Press, 2000). Barth, Karl, Church Dogmatics II (Edinburgh, T&T Jewish–Christian Dialogue: One Woman’s Clark, 1957). Experience (New York, Paulist Press, 1997). Barton, Stephen C. (ed.), Holiness: Past and Present Boys, Mary C. (ed.), Education for Citizenship and (London, T&T Clark, 2003). Discipleship (New York, The Pilgrim Press, Baum, Gregory, Christian Theology after Auschwitz 1989). (London, Council of Christians and Jews, Seeing Judaism Anew: Christianity’s Saved 1976). Obligation (Lanham, MD, Sheed & Ward, 2005). Bayfield, T., Brichto, S. and Fisher, E. (eds), He Kissed Braaten, Carl E., Justification: The Article by Which the Him and they Wept (London, SCM Press, 2001). Church Stands or Falls (Minneapolis, Fortress Beauchamp, Tom and Childress, James, Principles of Press, 1990). Biomedical Ethics (Oxford, Oxford University Braaten, C. and Wilken, R. (eds), Jews and Christians, Press, 4th edn, 1994). People of God (Grand Rapids, Eerdmans, 2003). Bemporad, Jack, Pawlikowski, John T. and Sievers,´ Bradshaw, Paul, ‘Did the Early Eucharist Ever Have a Joseph (eds), Good and Evil after Auschwitz: Sevenfold Shape?’, The Heythrop Journal 43 Ethical Implications for Today (Hoboken, NJ, (2002), 73–6. Ktav, 2001). The Search for the Origins of Christian Worship Bemporad, J. and Shevack, M., Our Age: The Historic (London, SPCK, 1992). NewEra of Christian–Jewish Understanding Bradshaw, P.and Hoffman, L. A. (eds), Passover and (New York, New City Press, 1996). Easter: Origin and History to Modern Times Berger, David, The Rebbe, the Messiah and the (Notre Dame, Notre Dame Press, 1999). Scandal of Orthodox Indifference (London, Passover and Easter: The Symbolic Structuring of Littman Library, 2001). Sacred Seasons (Notre Dame, University of Berger, David and Wyschogrod, Michael, Jews and Notre Dame Press, 1999). ‘Jewish Christianity’ (New York, Ktav, 1978). Brandon, S. G. F., The Judgment of the Dead (London, Berkovits, Eliezer, Faith after the Holocaust (New York, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1967). Ktav, 1973). Braybrooke, Marcus, Christian–Jewish Relations: The Major Themes in Modern Philosophies of Judaism Next Steps (London, SCM Press, 2000). (New York, Ktav, 1974). ‘Praying Together: Possibilities and Difficulties of Bieringer, Reimund et al., Anti-Judaism and the Interfaith Worship’, Dialogue and Alliance 3/1 Fourth Gospel (Louisville, Westminster John (Spring, 1989), 89–93. Knox Press, 2001). Brueggemann, Walter, The Land (Philadelphia, Bishop, Claire Hutchet, HowCatholics Look at Jews: Fortress Press, 1977). Inquiries into Italian, Spanish, and French Buber, Martin, Between Man and Man (Macmillan, Teaching Materials (New York, Paulist Press, NewYork, 1965 (1947)). 1974). I and Thou (New York, Charles Scribner’s Sons, Bokser, B. M., The Origins of the Seder (California, The 2nd edn, 1958). University of California Press, 1984). Moses, the Revelation and the Covenant (Oxford, Borowitz, E. B., Contemporary Christologies: A Jewish Phaidon, 1946; New York, Harper Torchbooks, Perspective (New York, Paulist Press, 1980). 1958). Borresen, K. (ed.), Image of God and Gender Models in Burrell, David B., Knowing the Unknowable God: Ibn Judeo-Christian Tradition (Oslo, Solum Verlag, Sina, Maimonides, Aquinas (Notre Dame, 1991). University of Notre Dame Press, 1986).

463 Cairns, D., The Image of God in Man (Fontana Library The Encyclopedia of Apocalypticism, vol. 1: The of Theology and Philosophy) (London, Collins, Origins of Apocalypticism in Judaism and 1973). Christianity (New York, Continuum, 1998, 2nd Cantwell Smith, Wilfred, The Meaning and End of edn, 2000). Religion: A New Approach to the Religious Collinson, P., Godly People (London, The Hambledon Traditions of Mankind (New York, Macmillan, Press, 1883). 1963). Cohn-Sherbok, Dan, Judaism and Other Faiths Charlesworth, James (ed.), Jews and Christians: (London, Macmillan, 1994). Exploring the Past, Present and Future (New Messianic Judaism (London, Cassell, 2000). York, Crossroad, 1990). Cracknell, Kenneth, Wilfred Cantwell Smith: A Reader Overcoming Fear between Jews and Christians (Oxford, One World, 2001). (New York, Crossroad, 1992). Cunningham, Lawrence, The Meaning of Saints (San Chauvet, Louis-Marie, The Sacraments: The Word of Francisco, Harper & Row, 1980). God at the Mercy of the Body (Collegeville, MN, Cunningham, Philip, Proclaiming Shalom: Lectionary The Liturgical Press, 2001). Introductions to Foster the Catholic and Jewish Chilton, Bruce, Redeeming Time: The Wisdom of Relationship (Collegeville, MN, The Liturgical Ancient Jewish and Christian Festal Calendars Press, 1995). (Peabody, MA, Hendrickson, 2002). AStory of Shalom: Religion Textbooks and the Chireau, Yvonne and Deutsch, Nathaniel (eds), Black Enhancement of the Catholic and Jewish Zion: African American Religious Encounters Relationship (Collegeville, MN, The Liturgical with Judaism (New York, Oxford University Press, 1995). Press, 2000). Danby, Herbert, The Jew and Christianity: Some Christ, Carol and Plaskow, Judith (eds), Womenspirit Phases, Ancient and Modern, of the Jewish Rising: A Feminist Reader in Religion (San Attitude towards Christianity (London, The Francisco, Harper Collins, 1979). Sheldon Press, 1927). Chupungco, Anscar, Liturgical Time and Space: Daum, Annette and Fisher, Eugene, The Challenge of Handbook for Liturgical Studies 5 (Collegeville, Shalom for Catholics and Jews: A Dialogical MN, The Liturgical Press, 2000). Discussion Guide (New York, Union of Clifford, Anne M., Introducing Feminist Theology American Hebrew Congregations and the US (New York, Orbis, 2001). Conference of Catholic Bishops, 1985). Cohen, Arthur A., The Myth of the Judeo-Christian Davies, W. D., The Gospel and the Land (Berkeley, Tradition (New York, Schocken, 1971). University of California Press, 1974). Cohen, Arthur A. and Mendes-Flohr, Paul (eds), Davies, W. D. (ed.), Torah and Dogma (Cambridge, Contemporary Jewish Religious Thought: MA, Harvard University Press, 1968). Original Essays on Critical Concepts, Davies, W. D. and Allison, D. C. (eds), Christian Movements and Beliefs (New York, Charles Engagements with Judaism (Harrisburg, Trinity Scribner’s Sons, 1988). Press International, 1999). Cohen, H., Reason and Hope: Selections from the Davis, J. D., Finding the God of Noah: The Spiritual Jewish Writings of Hermann Cohen,trans. Journey of a Baptist Minister from Christianity Jospe, E. (Cincinnati, Hebrew Union College to the Laws of Noah (Hoboken, NJ, Ktav Press, 1993). Publishing House, 1996). Religion of Reason out of the Sources of Judaism, Dawe, Donald, G., and Fule, Aurelia T. (eds), trans. with an introduction by Kaplan, S. Christians and Jews Together: Voices from the (Atlanta, Scholars Press, 1995). Conversation (Louisville, Theology and Cohen, Martin and Croner, Helga (eds), Christian Worship Ministry Unit, Presbyterian Church Mission – Jewish Mission (New York, Paulist USA, 1991). Press, 1982). Delooz, Pierre, ‘The Social Function of the Collins, J. J. (ed.), Apocalypse: The Morphology of a Canonization of Saints’, in Duquoc, Christian Genre (Semeia 14) (Chico, CA, Scholars Press, and Floristan,´ Casiano (eds), Models of Holiness 1979). (New York, The Seabury Press, 1979).

464 Bibliography

Di Sante, Carmine, Jewish Prayer: The Origins of the To Mend the World: Foundations of Future Jewish Christian Liturgy (New York, Paulist Press, Thought (Bloomington, Indiana University 1991). Press, 1994). Dohmen, Christoph and Zenger, Erich, Der neue Feiler, Bruce, Abraham: A Journey to the Heart of Bund im alten: Studien zur Bundestheologie der Three Faiths (New York, W. Morrow, 2002). beiden Testamente (Herder Verlag, Freiburg, Fiensy, David, Prayers Alleged to be Jewish: An 1993). Examination of the Constitutiones Dorff, Elliot N. and Newman, Louis E. (eds), Apostolorum (Chico, CA, Scholars Press, Contemporary Jewish Ethics and Morality (New 1985). York, Oxford University Press, 1995). Fink, Peter, Anointing of the Sick. Vol. 7: Alternative Duhaime, J. and Gignac, A. (eds.), Juifs et chretiens´ , Futures for Worship (Collegeville, MN, L’avenir du dialogue theologique´ ,vol. 11 Liturgical Press, 1987). (Montreal,´ Universited´ eMontreal,´ 2003). Finkel, Asher and Frizzell, Lawrence, Standing before Eckardt, A. Roy, Christianity and the Children of Israel God (New York, Ktav, 1981). (New York, King’s Crown Press, 1948). Fisher, Eugene J., Faith without Prejudice: Rebuilding Collecting Myself: A Writer’s Retrospective (Atlanta, Christian Attitudes Toward Judaism (New York, Scholars Press, 1993). Paulist Press, 1977; revised and expanded edn, Elder and Younger Brothers: The Encounter of Jews NewYork, Crossroad; Philadelphia, The and Christians (New York, Scribner’s, 1967; American Interfaith Institute, 1993). reprinted Schocken, 1973). Interwoven Destinies: Jews and Christians through Reclaiming the Jesus of History: Christology Today the Ages (New York, Paulist Press, 1993). (Minneapolis, Fortress Press, 1992). The Jewish Roots of Christian Liturgy (New York, Your People, My People: The Meeting of Jews and Paulist Press, 1990). Christians (New York, Quadrangle, 1974). Fisher, Eugene J. (ed.), Visions of the Other: Jewish and Eckardt, A. Roy and Alice L., Encounter with Israel: A Christian Theologians Assess the Dialogue (New Challenge to Conscience (New York, Association York,Paulist Press, 1994). Press, 1970). Fisher, Eugene and Klenicki, Leon, John Paul II on Long Night’s Journey into Day: A Revised Jews and Judaism 1979–1986 (New York, US Retrospective on the Holocaust (Detroit, Wayne Catholic Conference and Anti-Defamation State University Press; London, Pergamon League of B’nai B’rith, 1987). Press, 1988). Fleischner, E., Judaism in German Christian Theology Elbogen, Ismar, Jewish Liturgy: A Comprehensive since 1945: Christianity and Israel Considered in History,trans. Scheindlin, Raymond P. Terms of Mission (Metuchen, NJ, Scarecrow (Philadelphia, Jewish Publication Society, Press, 1975). Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 1993). Flannery, Edward H., The Anguish of the Jews: Erickson, Millard J., Christian Theology (Basingstoke, Twenty-Three Centuries of Anti-Semitism (New Marshall Pickering, 1983). York,Macmillan, 1965; Mahwah, NJ, Paulist Eskenazi, J. C. et al., The Sabbath in Jewish and Press, 1985). ChristianTradition(NewYork,Crossroad,1991). Flusser, David, Pelikan, Jaroslav, Lang, Justin (eds), Evers, G., ‘Die “anonymen Christen” und der Dialog Mary:Images of the Mother of Jesus in Jewish mit den Juden’, in Vorgrimler, H. (ed.), Wagnis and Christian Perspective (Philadelphia, Theologie: Erfahrungen mit der Theologie Karl Fortress Press, 1986). Rahners (Freiburg, Herder Verlag, 1979), Friedman, F.G. and Rahner, K., ‘Unbefangenheit und 524–36. Anspruch: Ein Briefwechsel zum Fackenheim, E. L., The Jewish Bible after the Holocaust judisch-christlichen¨ Gesprach’,¨ Stimmen der (Manchester, Manchester University Press, Zeit 177 (1966), 81–97. 1988). Fry, H. P.(ed.), Christian–Jewish Dialogue: A Reader The Jewish Return into History: Reflections in the (Exeter, University of Exeter, 1996). Age of Auschwitz and a New Jerusalem (New Fry, Helen, Montagu, Rachel and Scholefield, Lynne York, Schocken Books, 1978). (eds), Women’s Voices: New Perspectives for the

465 Bibliography

Christian–Jewish Dialogue (London, SCM Harrelson, Walter and Falk, Randall M., Jews and Press, 2005). Christians: A Troubled Family (Nashville, Frymer-Kensky, Tikva, Novak, David, Ochs, Peter, Abingdon Press, 1990). Sandmel, David Fox and Signer, Michael A. Harries, Richard, After the Evil – Christianity and (eds), Christianity in Jewish Terms (Boulder, Judaism in the Shadow of the Holocaust CO,Westview Press, 2000). (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2003). Gale, R., On the Nature and Existence of God Hartman, D., ALiving Covenant: The Innovative Spirit (Cambridge,CambridgeUniversityPress,1991). in Traditional Judaism (New York, Free Press, Galvin, John (ed.), Faith and the Future: Studies in 1985). Christian Eschatology (New York, Paulist Press, Hauerwas, S., Sanctify Them in the Truth: Holiness 1994). Exemplified (Edinburgh, T&T Clark, 1998). Garber, Z. (ed.), MelGibson’s Passion: The Film, the Haynes, S. R., Prospects for Post-Holocaust Theology Controversy and its Implications (Purdue (American Academy of Religion Academy University Press, 2005). Series 77) (Atlanta, Scholars Press, 1991). Gillet, Lev, Communion in the Messiah: Studies in the Haynes, Stephen R., and Roth, John K. (eds), The Relationship between Judaism and Christianity Death of God Movement and the Holocaust: (London, Lutterworth Press, 1942). Radical Theology Encounters the Shoah Gillman, Neil, The Death of Death: Resurrection and (Westport, CT, Greenwood Press, 1999). Immortality in Jewish Thought (Woodstock, VT, Hays, Richard B., The Faith of Jesus Christ (Chico, CA, Jewish Lights Publishing, 1997). Society of Biblical Literature, 1983). Green, Ronald, ‘Jewish and Christian Ethics: What Hecht, N. S., Jackson, B. S., Passamaneck, S. M., CanweLearn from One Another?’, Annual Piattelli, D. and Rabello, A. M. (eds), An Society of Christian Ethics (1999), 1–16. Introduction to the History and Sources of Greenberg, I., For the Sake of Heaven and Earth: The Jewish Law (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1996). NewEncounter between Judaism and Hellholm, D. (ed.), Apocalypticism in the Christianity (Philadelphia, The Jewish Mediterranean World and the Near East: Publication Society, 2004). Proceedings of the International Colloquium on Living in the Image of God: Jewish Teachings to Apocalypticism Uppsala, August 12–17, 1979 Perfect the World (Northvale, NJ, Jason (Tubingen,¨ J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1983). Aronson, 1998). Heschel, Abraham Joshua, God inSearch of Man: A Greenspahn, Frederick E. (ed.), The Human Condition Philosophy of Judaism (New York, Noonday in the Jewish and Christian Traditions Press, 1976). (Hoboken, NJ, Ktav, 1986). ManIsNot Alone: A Philosophy of Religion (New Griffin, D. R., God, Power and Evil: A Process Theodicy York,Farrar, Straus and Young, 1951). (Philadelphia, Westminster Press, 1976). Man’s Quest for God: Studies in Prayer and Griffiths, J. G., The Divine Verdict: A Study of Divine Symbolism (New York, Charles Scribner’s Sons, Judgement in the Ancient Religions (Leiden, 1954). Brill, 1991). The Sabbath: Its Meaning for Modern Man (New Hall, D. D. (ed.), The Antinomian Controversy, York,Farrar, Straus, and Young, 1951). 1636–1638 (Middletown, CT, Wesleyan Hick, J., Evil and the God of Love (New York, Harper & University Press, 1968). Row, rev. edn, 1978). Hall, Douglas John, Imaging God: Dominion as Philosophy of Religion (Englewood Cliffs, NJ, Stewardship (Grand Rapids, Eerdmans, 1986). Prentice–Hall, 1963). The Stewardship of Life in the Kingdom of Death Hilton, Michael, The Christian Effect on Jewish Life (Grand Rapids, Eerdmans, 1988). (London, SCM Press, 1994). Hanson, Paul D., The Dawn of Apocalyptic Hoeckman, R., ‘The Teaching on Jews and Judaism in (Philadelphia, Fortress Press, 1975). Catholic Education’, Seminarium 2 (1992), Happel, Stephen, Conversion and Discipleship: A 346–59. Christian Foundation for Ethics and Doctrine Holm, Jean and Bowker, John (eds), Attitudes to (Philadelphia, Fortress Press, 1986). Nature (London, Pinter Publishers, 1994).

466 Bibliography

Myth and History (London, Pinter Publishers, Kellner, Menahem M., Dogma in Medieval Jewish 1994). Thought: from Maimonides to Abravanel Holwerda, David E., Jesus and Israel: One Covenant or (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1986). Two? (Grand Rapids, Eerdmans, 1995). ‘Heresy and the Nature of Faith in Medieval Jewish Isaac, Jules, Jesus and Israel (New York, Holt, Rinehart Philosophy’, Jewish Quarterly Review,77 &Winston, 1971). (1987). The Teaching of Contempt: Christian Roots of Kessler, E., Pawlikowski, J. T. and Banki, J. (eds), Jews Anti-Semitism (New York, Holt, Rinehart & and Christians in Conversation: Crossing Winston, 1964). Cultures and Generations (Cambridge, Orchard Jackson, G., ‘Jesus as a First-Century Feminist: Academic Press, 2002). Christian Anti-Judaism?’, Feminist Theology 19 Kessler, E., and Wright, M. (eds), Themes in (1998), 85–98. Jewish–Christian Relations (Cambridge, Jacobs,Louis,Faith(London,ValentineMitchell,1968). Orchard Academic Press, 2004). Holy Living: Saints and Saintliness in Judaism Kieckhefer, Richard and Bond, George D. (eds), (London, Jason Aronson, 1990). Sainthood: Its Manifestations in World Religions Jewish Law (New York, Behrman House, 1968). (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1988). Principles of the Jewish Faith (London, Kuperard, Kimelman, Reuven, ‘The Literary Structure of the 1995). Amidah and the Rhetoric of Redemption’, in ATreeofLife: Diversity, Flexibility, and Creativity in Dever, William G. and Wright, J. Edward (eds), Jewish Law (London, The Littman Library of The Echoes of Many Texts: Reflection on Jewish Jewish Civilization, 2nd edn, 2000). and Christian Traditions, Essays in Honor of Jasper, R. C. D. and Cuming, G. J. (eds), Prayers of the Lou H. Silberman (Brown Judaic Studies 313) Eucharist Early and Reformed (New York, (Atlanta, Scholars Press, 1997). Pueblo Publishing, 1987). Kinzig, Wolfram and Kuck,¨ Cornelia (eds), Judentum Jenson, Robert, Systematic Theology I, The Truine God und Christentum zwischen Konfrontation und (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1997). Faszination: Ansatze¨ zu einer neuen Johnson, Elizabeth A., Friends of God and Prophets: A Beschreibung judisch-christlicher¨ Beziehungen Feminist Theological Reading of the (Judentum und Christentum 11) (Stuttgart, Communion of Saints (London, SCM Press, Kohlhammer, 2002). 1998). Klein, Charlotte, Anti-Judaism in Christian Theology, SheWho Is: The Mystery of God in Feminist trans. Quinn, Edward (London, SPCK, 1978). Theological Discourse (New York, Crossroad, Klenicki, L. (ed.), Toward a Theological Encounter: 1992). Jewish Understandings of Christianity Truly Our Sister: A Theology of Mary in the (Mahwah, NJ, Paulist Press, 1991). Communion of the Saints (New York, Klenicki, Leon and Huck, Gabe, Spirituality and Continuum, 2003). Prayer (New York, Paulist Stimulus, 1983). Jones, Cheslyn, Wainwright, Geoffrey and Yarnold, Korn,E.B.and Pawlikowski, J. T. (eds), TwoFaiths, Edward (eds), The Study of Liturgy (London, OneCovenant? Jewish and Christian Identity in SPCK;NewYork,OxfordUniversityPress, 1978). the Presence of the Other (Lanham, MD, Jones, David H., MoralResponsibility in the Rowman & Littlefield, 2004). Holocaust: A Study in the Ethics of Character Kraemer, Ross Shepard, and D’Angelo, Mary Rose (Lanham, MD, Rowman & Littlefield, 1999). (eds), Women and Christian Origins (New York, Kappeli,¨ Silvia (ed.), Lesarten des judisch-christlichen¨ Oxford University Press, 1999). Dialoges (Bern, Peter Lang, 2002). Krieg, Robert A., Catholic Theologians in Nazi Katz, S. T., Post-Holocaust Dialogues: Critical Studies Germany (New York, Continuum, 2004). in Modern Jewish Thought (New York, New York Kung, Hans and Kasper, Walter, Christians and Jews University Press, 1985). (New York, Seabury Press, 1975). Kee, H. C. and Borowsky, I. J. (eds), Removing Kuschel, Karl-Joseph, Abraham: Sign of Hope for Jews, Anti-Judaism from the Pulpit (New York, Christians, and Muslims (New York, Continuum, 1996). Continuum, 1995).

467 Bibliography

Lamm, Norman, The Condition of Jewish Belief Nazi Antisemitism and the Holocaust (New (London, Macmillan, 1988). York,Peter Lang, 2001). The Shema: Spirituality and Law in Judaism as Littell, F.H., The Crucifixion of the Jews: The Failure of Exemplified in the Shema, the Most Important Christians to Understand the Jewish Experience Passage in the Torah (Philadelphia, Jewish (Macon, Mercer University Press, 1986). Publication Society, 1998). Locke, Hubert G., The Black Anti-Semitism Lane, Dermot, Keeping Hope Alive: Stirrings in Controversy: Protestant Views and Perspectives ChristianTheology(NewYork,PaulistPress, (Selingsgrove, PA, Susquehanna University 1996). Press, 1994). Langer, Ruth, ‘Early Rabbinic Liturgy in its Palestinian Learning from History: A Black Christian’s Milieu: Did Non-Rabbis Know the “Amidah?’”, Perspective on the Holocaust (London, in Harrington, Daniel, Avery-Peck, Alan J. and Greenwood Press, 2000). Neusner, Jacob (eds), When Judaism and Searching for God in Godforsaken Times and Christianity Began: Essays in Memory of Places: Reflections on the Holocaust, Racism, Anthony J. Saldarini (Leiden, E. J. Brill, and Death (Grand Rapids, Eerdmans, 2003). 2004). Lodahl, Michael E., Shekhinah / Spirit: Divine Lapide, P.and Moltmann, J., Jewish Monotheism and Presence in Jewish and Christian Religion (New Christian Trinitarian Doctrine,trans. Leonard York,Paulist Press, 1992). Swidler (Philadelphia, Fortress Press, 1981). Loewe, R., ‘“Salvation” is not of the Jews’, Journal of Lapide, P., Auferstehung: Ein judisches¨ Theological Studies 32 (1981), 341–68. Glaubenserlebnis (Stuttgart, Calwer Verlag; Maduro, Otto (ed.), Judaism, Christianity and Munich, Kosel¨ Verlag, 3rd edn, 1980). Liberation (Maryknoll, NY, Orbis, 1991). Lapide, P.and Rahner, K., Encountering Jesus – Magonet, Jonathan, Talking to the Other: A Jewish Encountering Judaism (New York, Crossroad, Interfaith Dialogue with Christains and 1987). Muslims (London, I.B. Taurus, 2003). Leaman, Oliver, Evil and Suffering in Jewish Maguire, Daniel C., The Moral Core of Judaism and Philosophy (Cambridge, Cambridge University Christianity (Minneapolis, Fortress Press, Press, 1995). 1993). Leibniz, Gottfried W., Theodicy: Essays on the Mamorstein, Arthur, The Doctrine of Merits in Old Goodness of God, the Freedom of Man and the Rabbinical Literature (New York, Ktav, 1968). Origin of Evil (Open Court, 1988). Markschies, Christoph, Alta Trinita Beata: Levack, B. (ed.), NewPerspectives on Witchcraft, Magic Gesammelte Studien zur altkirchlichen and Demonology,6vols. (London, Routledge, Trinitatstheologie¨ (Tubingen,¨ Mohr, 2000). 2002). Marquardt, F.-W., VonElend und Heimsuchung der Levinas, Emmanuel, Entre nous: On Thinking-of- Theologie: Prologomena zur Dogmatik the-Other,trans. Smith, Michael B. and (Munich, Chr. Kaiser, 1988). Harshav, Barbara (New York, Columbia Mascall, Eric, Existence and Analogy (London, University Press, 1998). Darton, Longman & Todd, 1966). Otherwise than Being or Beyond Essence,trans. Maybaum, Ignaz, Trialogue between Jew, Christian Lingis, A. (The Hague, Kluwer Academic and Muslim (London, Routledge & Kegan Paul, Publishers, 1981). 1973). Levine, L. (ed.), Jerusalem: Its Sanctity and Centrality McGarry, Michael, Christology after Auschwitz (New to Judaism, Christianity and Islam (New York, York,Paulist Press, 1977). Continuum, 1999). McGrath, Alister, Iustitia Dei: A History of the Levi-Strauss,´ Claude, Myth and Meaning (London, Christian Doctrine of Justification (Cambridge, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1978). Cambridge University Press, 1986). Lichtenstein, A., The Seven Laws of Noah (New York, McKay,H.,SabbathandSynagogue(Leiden,Brill,1994). The Rabbi Jacob Joseph School Press, 1981). Merkle, John C. (ed.), Faith Transformed: Christian Lindsay, M. R., Covenanted Solidarity: The Encounters with Jews and Judaism (Collegeville, Theological Basis of Karl Barth’s Opposition to MN, The Liturgical Press, 2003).

468 Bibliography

Metz, J.-B., The Emergent Church (London, SCM Nickelsburg, George W. E., Resurrection, Immortality, Press, 1981). and Eternal Life in Intertestamental Judaism ‘Facing the Jews: Christian Theology after (Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press, Auschwitz’, in Schussler¨ Fiorenza, E. and Tracy, 1972). D. (eds), The Holocaust as Interruption Novak, D. The Image of the Non-Jew in Judaism: A (Concilium 175) (Edinbugh, T&T Clark, 1984), Constructive Study of the Noahide Laws (New 26–33. York,Edwin Mellen Press, 1983). Metz, J.-B. and Moltmann, J., Faith in the Future: Novak, David, Jewish–Christian Dialogue: A Jewish Essays on Theology, Solidarity, and Modernity Justification (Oxford, Oxford University Press, (Concilium Series) (Maryknoll, NY, Orbis 1989). Books, 1995). O’Hare, Padraic, The Enduring Covenant: The Mitchem, Stephanie Y., Introducing Womanist Education of Christians and the End of Theology (New York, Orbis Books, 2002). Antisemitism (Valley Forge, PA, Trinity Press Moltmann, J., The Crucified God: The Cross of International, 1997). Christ as the Foundation and Criticism of Ochs, Carol, An Ascent to Joy: Transforming Deadness Christian Theology (London, SCM Press, of Spirit (Notre Dame, University of Notre 1974). Dame Press, 1986). Theology of Hope: On the Ground and Implications Oesterreicher, John M. (ed.), The Bridge: A Yearbook of of a Christian Eschatology (New York, Harper & Judaeo-Christian Studies,Vol. I–IV (New York, Row, 1967). Pantheon Books, 1955, 1956, 1958, 1962) The Way of Jesus Christ: Christology in Messianic Vol. V (New York, Herder and Herder, Dimensions (London, SCM Press, 1990). 1970). Moran, Gabriel, Religious Education Development GodatAuschwitz (South Orange, NJ, Seton Hall (Minneapolis, Winston, 1983). University, 1993). Morgan, M. L. (ed.), The Jewish Thought of Emil The Israel of God (Englewood Cliffs, NJ, Fackenheim: A Reader (Detroit, Wayne State Prentice–Hall, 1963). University Press, 1987). Racisme, antisemitisme,´ antichristianisme (Paris, Murphy, Madonna (ed.), Faith, Moral Reasoning and Editions du Cerf, 1939). Contemporary American Life (Brighton, MA, Olson, Bernhard E., Faith and Prejudice: Intergroup Cambridge Center for the Study of Faith and Problems in Protestant Curricula (New Haven, Culture, 1995), 14–27. Yale University Press, 1963). Murray, R., The Cosmic Covenant (London, Sheed & Papademetriou, George C., Essays on Orthodox Ward, 1992). Christian–Jewish Relations (Bristol, IN, Mussner, Franz, Tractate on the Jews: The Significance Wyndham Hall Press, 1990). of Judaism for Christian Faith (Philadephia, Parker, K., The English Sabbath (Cambridge, Fortress Press, 1984). Cambridge University Press, 1988). Neiman, Susan, Evil in Modern Thought: An Parkes, J., Voyage of Discoveries (London, Gollancz, Alternative History of Philosophy (Princeton, 1969). NJ, Princeton University Press, 2003). Pawlikowski, John T., Catechetics and Prejudice: How Neufeld, Vernon H., The Earliest Christian Confessions Catholic Teaching Materials View Jews, (Grand Rapids, Eerdmans, 1963). Protestants, and Racial Minorities (New York, Neuhaus, David, ‘Kehilla, Church and the Jewish Paulist Press, 1973). People’, Mishkan 36 (2002), 78–86. The Challenge of the Holocaust for Christian Neusner, Jacob, Messiah in Context: Israel’s History Theology (New York, Anti-Defamation League, and Destiny in Formative Judaism (The 1978). Foundations of Judaism: Method, Teleology, Christ in Light of the Christian–Jewish Dialogue Doctrine Part Two: Teleology) (Philadelphia, (New York, Wipf & Stock Publishers, 1982). Fortress Press, 1984). ‘Christology after the Holocaust’, in Merrigan, T. Nicholls, William, Christian Antisemitism: A History of and Haers, J. (eds), The Myriad Christ: Plurality Hate (Northvale, NJ, Jason Aronson, 1993). and the Quest for Unity in Contemporary

469 Bibliography

Christology (Leuven, Leuven University Press, Procter-Smith, Marjorie, In her Own Rite: 2000). Constructing Feminist Liturgical Tradition Jesus and the Theology of Israel (Collegeville, MN, (Nashville, Abingdon Press, 1990). Liturgical Press, 1989). Rahner, K., ‘Bekenntnis zu Jesus Christus’, in Schulz, Sinai and Calvary: A Meeting of Two Peoples H.-J. (ed), Juden Christen Deutsche (Stuttgart, (Beverly Hills, Benziger, 1976). Kreuz Verlag, 1961), 151–8. Pawlikowski, John T. and Perelmutter, Hayim Goren Race, Alan, Christians and Religious Pluralism: (eds), Reinterpreting Revelation and Tradition: Patterns in the Christian Theology of Religions Jews and Christians in Conversation (Franklin, (New York, Orbis, 1982). WI, Sheed & Ward, 2000). Rahner, Karl, On the Theology of Death (New York, Pawlikowski, John and Wilde, James, ‘Advent: Seabury Press, 1973). Rethinking the Fulfillment Theme’, in When Rahner, K. and Lapide, P., Heil von den Juden? Ein Catholics Speak about Jews (Chicago, Liturgy Gesprach¨ (Mainz, Matthias-Grunewald-Verlag,¨ Training Publications, 1975). 1983). Pecherskaya, Natalia (ed.), Theology after Auschwitz Rankin, O. S., The Origins of the Festival of Hanukkah and its Correlation with Theology after the (Edinburgh, T&T Clark, 1930). Gulag (Saint Petersburg, School of Religion and Ratzinger, Joseph, Eschatology: Death and Eternal Life Philosophy). (Washington, DC, Catholic University Press, Peck, Abraham, J. (ed.), Jews and Christians after the 1988). Holocaust (Philadelphia, Fortress Press, 1982). Reif, Stefan C., Judaism and Hebrew Prayer: New Pelikan, Jaroslav and Hotchkins, Valerie (eds), Creeds Perspectives on Jewish Liturgical History and Professions of Faith in the Christian (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, Tradition (New Haven, Yale University Press, 1993). 2003). Reimer, Jack (ed.), Jewish Reflections on Death (New Pelikan, Jaroslav, Credo: Historical and Theological York, Schocken Books, 1974). Guide to Creeds and Confessions of Faith in the Rengstorf, K. H. and Kortzfleisch, S. von (eds), Kirche Christian Tradition (New Haven, Yale und Synagoge: Handbuch zur Geschichte von University Press, 2003). Christen und Juden I (Stuttgart, Ernst Klett, Perham, Michael, The Communion of Saints (London, 1968). SPCK, 1980). Reumann, John H. P., Righteousness in the New Peterson, Michael, God and Evil: An Introduction to Testament: Justification in the Lutheran– the Issues (Boulder, CO, Westview Press, 1998). Catholic Dialogue (Philadelphia, Fortress Press, Pirani, A. (ed.), The Absent Mother: Restoring the 1982). Goddess to Judaism and Christianity (London, Ricoeur, Paul, The Conflict of Interpretation: Essays in Mandala, 1991). Hermeneutics (Evanston, IL, Northwestern Plaskow, Judith, ‘Feminist Anti-Judaism and the University Press, 1976). Christian God,’ Journal of Feminist Studies in Romain, Jonathan A., Till Faith us Do Part (London, Religion 7/2 (Fall 1991), 99–108. HarperCollins, 1996). Standing Again at Sinai: Judaism from a Feminist Rose, Martin, ‘Names of God in the OT’, Anchor Bible Perspective (New York, HarperCollins, 1991). Dictionary (New York, Doubleday, 1992), IV, Plaskow, Judith and Christ, Carol, Weaving the 1001–11. Visions: New Patterns in Feminist Spirituality Rosenbloom, Joseph R., Conversion to Judaism: From (San Francisco, Harper Collins, 1989). the Biblical Period to the Present (Cincinnati, Poorthuis, Marcel and Schwartz, Joshua (eds), Saints Hebrew Union College Press, 1978). and Role Models in Judaism and Christianity Rosenzweig, Franz, Die‘Gritli’-Briefe: Briefe an (Leiden, Brill, 2004). Margrit Rosenstock-Huessy,Ruehle, Inken and Porter, Stanley E. and Pearson, Brook W. R. (eds), Mayer, Reinhold (eds) (Tubingen,¨ Bilam Verlag, Christian–Jewish Relations through the 2002). Centuries (Sheffield, Sheffield Academic Press, The Star of Redemption,trans. William Hallo (Notre 2000). Dame, University of Notre Dame Press, 1985).

470 Bibliography

Roth, John K. (ed.), Ethics after the Holocaust: The Meaning and End of Religion: A New Approach Perspectives, Critique, and Responses (St Paul, to the Religious Traditions of Mankind MN, Paragon House, 1999). (New York, Macmillan, 1963). Rousmaniere, John, ABridge to Dialogue: The Story of Towards a World Theology (Basingstoke, Jewish–Christian Relations (Mahwah, NJ, Macmillan; Philadelphia, Westminster Press, Paulist Press, 1991). 1981). Rubenstein, Richard L., After Auschwitz: History, Solle,¨ D., Suffering (London, Darton, Longman & Theology, and Contemporary Judaism Todd, 1975). (Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, Solomon, Norman, Judaism and World Religion 2nd edn, 1992). (Basingstoke, Macmillan; New York, St Martin’s Ruether, Rosemary Radford, Women and Redemption: Press, 1991). A Theological History (Minneapolis, Fortress Soulen, R. Kendall, The God of Israel and Christian Press, 1998). Theology (Minneapolis, Fortress Press, 1996). Women-Church: Theology and Practice (New York, ‘Hallowed be Thy name! The Tetragrammaton and Harper & Row, 1985). the Name of the Trinity’, in Braaten, C. and Sacks, J., The Dignity of Difference: How to Avoid the Wilken, R. (eds), Jews and Christians, People of Clash of Civilisations (London, Continuum, God (Grand Rapids, Eerdmans, 2003). 2002). Stendahl, Krister, Holy Week Preaching (Minneapolis, Salkin, Jeffrey K., Putting God on the Guest List Fortress Press, 1985). (Woodstock, VT, Jewish Lights, 1993). Stravinska, Peter and Klenicki, Leon, ACatholic Jewish Sandmel, David, Catalano, Rosann M. and Leighton, Encounter (Huntingdon, Indiana, Our Sunday Christopher M., Irreconciliable Differences? Visitor, 1994). (Boulder, CO, Westview Press, 2001). Strober, Gerald S., Portrait of the Elder Brother: Jews Saperstein, Marc (ed.), Essential Papers on Messianic and Judaism in Protestant Teaching Materials Movements and Personalities in Jewish History (New York, American Jewish Committee, 1972). (New York, New York University Press, 1992). Stylianopoulos, Theodore, ‘Faithfulness to the Roots Scholem, G., Major Trends in Jewish Mysticism (New and Commitment toward the Future: An York, Schocken, 1961). Orthodox View’, in Lowe, Malcolm (ed.), The Messianic Idea in Judaism and Other Essays on Orthodox Christians and Jews on Continuity Jewish Spirituality (New York, Schocken, 1971). and Renewal: The Third Academic Meeting Schwartz, H., Evil: A Historical and Theological between Orthodoxy and Judaism, Emmanuel Perspective,trans. Worthing, M. (Minneapolis, 26/27 (1994), 142–59. Fortress Press, 1995). Swidler, L. (ed.), Muslims in Dialogue: The Evolution Schwartz, Richard, Judaism and Vegetarianism of a Dialogue (Lewiston, NY, Edwin Mellen (Marblehead, MA, Micah Publications, 1982). Press, 1992). Senn, Frank C., Christian Liturgy: Catholic and Thoma, C., A Christian Theology of Judaism (New Evangelical (Minneapolis, Fortress Press, York,Paulist Press, 1980). 1997). Die theologischen Beziehungen zwischen Shermis, Michael and Zannoni, Arthur E. (eds), Christentum und Judentum (Darmstadt, Introduction to Jewish–Christian Relations Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1982). (New York, Paulist Press, 1991). Talley, Thomas, The Origins of the Liturgical Year Shokek, Shimon, Repentance in Jewish Ethics, (Collegeville, MN, The Liturgical Press, 1991). Philosophy and Mysticism (Lewiston, NJ, Edwin Tanenbaum, Marc, Marvin, Wilson and Rudin, James, Mellen Press, 1995). Evangelicals and Jews in Conversation (Grand Signer, Michael, A. (ed.), Memory and History in Rapids, Eerdmans, 1978). Christianity and Judaism (Notre Dame, Thornton, T. G. C., ‘The Crucifixion of Haman and the University of Notre Dame Press, 2001). Scandal of the Cross’, Journal of Theological Smith, Wilfred Cantwell, The Faith of Other Men Studies 37 (1986), 419–26. (republished as Patterns of Faith around the Thrower, J., AShort History of Western Atheism World) (Oxford, Oneworld, 1998). (London, Pemberton Publishing, 1971).

471 History

Trevett, C., Montanism: Gender, Authority and the Wischermann, C. (ed.), Die Legitimitat¨ der New Prophecy (Cambridge, Cambridge Erinnerung (Studien zur Geschichte des Alltags University Press, 1996). 15) (Stuttgart, Franz Steiner Verlag, 1996). Unterman, Alan, Jews: Their Religious Beliefs and Wohlmuth, Josef, Im Geheimnis einander nahe: Practice (London, Routledge, 1981). Theologische Aufsatze¨ zum Verhaltnis¨ von van Buren, P., A Theology of the Jewish–Christian Judentum und Christentum (Paderborn, Reality, Part I: Discerning the Way (New York, Ferdinand Schoningh¨ Verlag, 1996). Harper & Row, 1980). Wybrew, Hugh, The Orthodox Liturgy: The A Theology of the Jewish–Christian Reality, Part II: Development of the Eucharistic Liturgy in the A Christian Theology of the People of Israel Byzantine Rite (Crestwood, NY, St Vladimir’s (San Francisco, Harper & Row, 1983). Seminary Press, 1990). A Theology of the Jewish-Christian Reality, Part III: Wyschogrod, E., Saints and Postmodernism: Christ in Context (San Francisco, Harper & Row, Revisioning Moral Philosophy (Chicago, 1987). Chicago University Press, 1990). von der Osten-Sacken, Peter, Christian–Jewish Wyschogrod, Michael, Abraham’s Promise: Judaism Dialogue: Theological Foundations,trans. and Jewish–Christian Relations (ed. with an Kohl, M. (Philadelphia, Fortress Press, introduction by Kendall Soulen) (Grand Rapids, 1986). Eerdmans, 2004). VonKellenbach, Katharina, Anti-Judaism in Feminist The Body of Faith: God in the People of Israel (San Christian Writings (Atlanta, Scholars Press, Francisco, Harper & Row, 1989). 1994). ‘A Jewish Perspective on Karl Barth’, in How Karl Wainwright, Geoffrey, Eucharist and Eschatology Barth Changed my Mind, ed. McKim, Donald (Peterborough, Epworth Press, 2003). (Grand Rapids, Eerdmans, 1986). Weinryb, Bernard D., ‘Intergroup Content in Jewish Yoder, John Howard, The Jewish–Christian Schism Textbooks’, Religious Education 55/2 Revisited (London, SCM Press, 2002). (March–April, 1960), 109–16. Zannoni, Arthur (ed.), Jews and Christians Speak of Werblowsky, R. J. Z., The Meaning of Jerusalem to Jesus (Minneapolis, Fortress Press, 1994). Jews, Christians and Muslims (Jerusalem, Israel Zvi Werblowsky, R. J., ‘Peace’, Oxford Dictionary of the Universities’ Study Group for Middle Eastern Jewish Religion (Oxford, Oxford University Affairs, rev. edn, 1978). Press, 1997), 522–3. Werblowsky, R. J. Z., ‘Africa and Judaism: Retrospect, Problems and Prospects’, in Olupona, Jacob K. History and Nyang, Sulayman S. (eds), Religious The formative period of Judaism and Christianity – Plurality in Africa (Berlin, Mouton de Gruyter, the first 500 years 1993). Aitken, J. K., ‘The Language of the Septuagint: Recent Willebrands, Johannes, Church and Jewish People: Theories, Future Prospects’, Bulletin of New Considerations (Mahwah, NJ, Paulist Press, Judaeo-Greek Studies 24 (1999), 24–33. 1992). Alexander, P.S., ‘The Parting of the Ways from the Williams, A. Lukyn, Adversus Judaeos: A Bird’s-Eye Perspective of Rabbinic Judaism’, in Dunn, J. D. View of Christian Apology until the Renaissance G. (ed.), Jews and Christians: The Parting of the (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, Ways: AD 70–135 (Grand Rapids, Eerdmans, 1935). 1989), 1–25. Williamson, Clark, AGuest in the House of Israel ‘“A Sixtieth Part of Prophecy”: The Problem of (Louisville, Westminister John Knox Press, Continuing Revelation in Judaism’, in Davies, J., 1993). Harvey, G. and Watson, W. G. E. (eds), Words HasGod Rejected his People? (Nashville, Abingdon Remembered, Texts Renewed: Essays in Honour Press, 1982). of John F.A. Sawyer (Sheffield, JSOT Press, Williamson, Clark, AMutual Witness: Towards Critical 1995), 414–33. Solidarity between Jews and Christians Aptowitzer, V., Kain und Abel in der Agada, den (St Louis, Chalice Press, 1992). Apokryphen, der hellenistischen, christlichen

472 History

und muhammedanischen Literatur (Vienna, R. (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, Lowit,¨ 1922). 1998), 228–38. Attridge, Harold W., Eusebius, Christianity, and Beckwith, R. T., Calendar and Chronology, Jewish and Judaism (Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1992). Christian (Leiden, Brill, 1996). Aune, D. E., ‘On the Origins of the “Council of Yavneh” Benoit A., Philonenko, M. and Vogel, C. (eds.), Myth’, Journal of Biblical Literature 110 (1991), Paganisme, Juda¨ısme, Christianisme (Paris, 491–3. E. de Boccard, 1978). Prophecy in Early Christianity and the Ancient Bilde, P., Flavius Josephus between Jerusalem and Mediterranean World (Grand Rapids, Rome (Sheffield, JSOT Press, 1988). Eerdmans, 1991). Blanchetiere,` F., ‘Julien, Philhellene,` philosemite,´ Avi-Yonah, M., The Jews of Palestine: A Political antichretien.´ L’affaire du Temple de Jerusalem´ History from the Bar Kokhba War to the Arab (363)’, Journal of Jewish Studies 31 (1980), Conquest (Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1976). 61–81. Bamberger, B. J., Proselytism in the Talmudic Period Blumenkranz, B., ‘Kirche und Synagoge: Die (Cincinnati, Hebrew Union College Press, Entwicklung im Westen zwischen 200 und 1939). 1200’, in Bori, P.C., ‘The Church’s Attitude Barclay, John and Sweet, John (eds), Early Christian Towards the Jews: An Analysis of Augustine’s Thought in its Jewish Context (Cambridge, “Adversos Judaeos”’, in Miscellanea Historiae Cambridge University Press, 1996). Ecclesiasticae VI,1(Bibliotheque de la Revue Bardy, G., ‘Le souvenir de Josephe` chez les Peres’,` d’Histoire Ecclesiastique 67) (Brussels, 1983), Revue de l’Histoire Ecclesiastique´ 43 (1948), 301–11. 179–91. Bockmuehl, Markus, Jewish Law in Gentile Barnes, T. D., Athanasius and Constantius: Theology Churches: Halakhah and the Beginning of and Politics in the Constantinian Empire Christian Public Ethics (Edinburgh, T&T Clark, (Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press, 2000). 1993). Revelation and Mystery in Ancient Judaism and Barnes, Michael R. and Williams, Daniel H. (eds), Pauline Christianity (Wissenschaftlich Arianism after Arius: Essays on the Development Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 36) of the Fourth Century Trinitarian Conflict (Grand Rapids, Eerdmans, 1990). (Edinburgh, T&T Clark, 1993). Bowersock, G. W., Hellenism in Late Antiquity: Barnes, Timothy David, Constantine and Eusebius Thomas Spencer Jerome Lectures (Cambridge, (Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press, Cambridge University Press, 1990). 1981). Julian the Apostate (London, Duckworth, 1978). Barthelemy,´ Dominique, Les devanciers d’Aquila Boyarin, Daniel, Dying for God: Martyrdom and the (Supplements to VT 10) (Leiden, Brill, 1963). Making of Christianity and Judaism (Stanford, Bartlett, John R., 1Maccabees (Sheffield, Sheffield CA, Stanford University Press, 1999). Academic Press, 1998). Brennecke, Hanns Christof, Hilarius von Poitiers und Barton, J., Oracles of God: Perceptions of Ancient die Bischofsopposition gegen Konstantius II: Prophecy in Israel after the Exile (London, Untersuchungen zur dritten Phase des Darton, Longman and Todd, 1986). arianischen Streites (337–361) (Patristische Baskin, J. R. ‘Rabbinic–Patristic Exegetical Contacts in Texte und Studien 26) (Berlin, de Gruyter, Late Antiquity: A Bibliographical Reappraisal’, 1984). in Green, W. S. (ed.), Approaches to Ancient Brock, S. P., ‘A Letter Attributed to Cyril of Jerusalem Judaism,V(Atlanta, SBL, 1985), 53–80. on the Rebuilding of the Temple’, in Syriac Bauckman, Richard, ‘Jews and Jewish Christians in Perspectives on Late Antiquity (London, the Land of Israel at the Time of the Bar Variorum Reprints, 1984). Kochba War, with Special Reference to the The Luminous Eye: The Spiritual World Vision of Apocalypse of Peter’, in Stanton, Graham N. and Saint Ephrem (Rome, Center for Indian and Stroumsa, Gug G. (eds), Tolerance and Inter-Religious Studies, 1985; Kalamazoo, Intolerance in Early Judaism and Christianity Cistercian Publications, 1992).

473 History

Bronner, L. L., From Eve to Esther: Rabbinic Christian Antiquity 18) (Washington, DC, The Reconstructions of Biblical Women (London, Catholic University of America Press, 1978). Faber & Faber 1967). The Origins of the Christian Doctrine of Sacrifice Brown, Peter, The Rise of Western Christendom: (London, Darton, Longman & Todd, 1978). Triumph and Diversity 200–1000 AD (The Danby, H., The Mishnah (Oxford, Clarendon Press, Making of Europe) (Cambridge, MA, Blackwell, 1933). 1996). Danielou,´ J., Origen (New York, Sheed & Ward, 1955). Bruns, J., ‘Philo Christianus, the Debris of a Legend’, The Origins of Latin Christianity: A History of Early Harvard Theological Review 66 (1973), 141–5. Christian Doctrine before the Council of Nicaea Carleton Paget, James, ‘Jewish Christianity’, in III (London, Darton, Longman & Todd, 1977). Horbury, W., Davies, W. D., Sturdy, John (eds), de Jonge, M., Outside the Old Testament (Cambridge, The Cambridge History of Judaism, III Cambridge University Press, 1985). (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, Davies, Alan (ed), Antisemitism and the Foundations 1999), 731–75. of Christianity (New York, Paulist Press, 1979). Carroll, James, Constantine’s Sword: The Church and De Lange, N. R. M., Origen and the Jews – Studies in the Jews (Boston, Houghton Mifflin, 2001). Jewish-Christian Relations in Third-Century Chadwick, H., The Church in Ancient Society: From Palestine (Cambridge, Cambridge University Galilee to Gregory the Great (Oxford History of Press, 1976). the Christian Church) (Oxford, Oxford Dimant, Devorah, ‘Noah in Early Jewish Literature’, in University Press, 2001). Biblical Figures outside the Bible (Valley Forge, ‘Florilegia’, Reallexikon fur¨ Antike und PA,Trinity Press International, 1998), 123–50. Christentum 7, 1131–60. Doniach, N. S., Purim, or The Feast of Esther: An ‘Philo’, in Armstrong, A. H. (ed.), The Cambridge Historical Study (Philadelphia, Jewish History of Later Greek and Early Medieval Publication Society of America, 1933). Philosophy (Cambridge, Cambridge University Doskocil, Walter, Der Bann in der Urkirche (Munich, Press, 1967), 137–57. Zink, 1958). Charlesworth, James H., The Messiah: Developments Drijvers, J. W. and Watt, J. W. (eds), Portraits of in Earliest Judaism and Christianity Spiritual Authority: Religious Power in Early (Minneapolis, Fortress Press, 1992). Christianity, Byzantium and the Christian Charlesworth, James H. (ed.), Jesus and the Dead Sea Orient (Leiden, Brill, 1999). Scrolls (New York, Doubleday, 1992). Dugmore, C. W., The Influence of the Synagogue upon Chilton, Bruce and Neusner, Jacob, Types of Authority theDivineOffice(Oxford,ClarendonPress,1944). in Formative Christianity and Judaism Dunn, J. D. G., Jews and Christians. The Partings of the (London, Routledge, 1999). Ways: between Christianity and Judaism, and Cohen, S. J. D, ‘The Significance of Yavneh: Pharisees, their significance for the character of Rabbis, and the End of Jewish Sectarianism’, Christianity (London, SCM Press, 1992). Hebrew Union College Annual 55 (1984), Dunn, J. D. G. (ed.), Jews and Christians: A Parting of 27–53. the Ways: A.D. 70 to 135 (The Second Collins, J. J., Between Athens and Jerusalem: Jewish Durham-Tubingen¨ Research Symposium on Identity in the Hellenistic Diaspora (New York, Earliest Christianity and Judaism) (Grand Crossroad, 1983). Rapids, Eerdmans, 1989). The Scepter and the Star: The Messiahs of the Dead Ehrman, Bart D., The Apostolic Fathers (London, Loeb Sea Scrolls and Other Ancient Literature (New Classical Library, 2003). York, Doubleday, 1995). Eisenmann, R., James the Brother of Jesus (Penguin, Corwin, Virginia, St Ignatius and Christianity in Harmondsworth, 1998). Antioch (New Haven, CT, Yale University Press, Emmel, S., ‘The Recently Published Gospel of the 1960). Saviour: Righting the Order of Page and Events’, Daly, Robert J., Christian Sacrifice: The Harvard Theological Review 95.1 (2002), 45–72. Judaeo-Christian Background before Origen Fahey, M. A., Cyprian and the Bible: A Study in Third (The Catholic University of America Studies in Century Exegesis (Tubingen,¨ Mohr, 1971).

474 History

Feldman, Louis, Jew and Gentile in the Ancient World Christianorum orientalium 567/Subs 95) (Princeton, NJ, Princeton University Press, (Leuven, Leuven University Press, 1997). 1993). Goldberg, Arnold, ‘Der Heilige und die Heiligen: Feldman, L. and Hata, G. (eds), Josephus, Judaism and Voruberlegungen¨ zur Theologie des Heiligen Christianity (Detroit, Wayne State University Menschen im rabbinischen Judentum’, Press, 1987). Frankfurter Judaistische Beitrage¨ 4 (1976), 1–25. Feldman, L. and Levenson, J. (eds), Josephus’ Contra Goodman, Martin, Mission and Conversion (Oxford, Apionem (Leiden, Brill, 1996). Clarendon Press, 1994). Fiensy, David, Prayers Alleged to be Jewish: An ‘Palestinian Rabbis and the Conversion of Examination of the Constitutiones Apostolorum Constantine to Christianity’, in Schafer,¨ P.and (Chico, CA, Scholars Press, 1985). Hezser, C. (eds), The Talmud Yerushalmi and Fine, Steven (ed.), Jews, Christians, and Polytheists in Graeco-Roman Culture,vol.2(Tubingen,¨ the Ancient Synagogue (London, Routledge, Mohr-Siebeck, 2000), 1–9. 1999). ‘Sadducees and Essenes after 70 CE’, in Porter, S. Finkel, Asher, ‘Yavneh Liturgy and Early Christianity’, E., Joyce, P., and Orton, D. E. (eds), Crossing the Journal of Ecumenical Studies 18 (1981), Boundaries: Essays in Biblical Interpretation in 231–50. Honour of Michael D. Goulder (Leiden, Brill, Flusser, David, Judaism and the Origins of 1994), 347–56. Christianity (Jerusalem, Magnes, 1988). Gorday, P., Principles of Patristic Exegesis: Romans Forkman, G., The Limits of the Religious Community: 9–11 in Origen, John Chrysostom, and Augustine Expulsion from the Religious Community (New York, Edwin Mellen Press, 1983). within the Qumran Sect, within Rabbinic Grabbe, L. L., ‘Aquila’s Translation and Rabbinic Judaism and within Primitive Christianity Exegesis’, in Journal of Jewish Studies 33 (1982), (Lund, Gleerup, 1972). 527–36. Frankfurter, David, Religion in Roman Egypt: Grant, Robert M., Irenaeus of Lyons (London, Assimilation and Resistance (Princeton, NJ, Routledge, 1997). Princeton University Press, 1998). Green, William Scott, ‘Palestinian Holy Men: Fredrikson, P., ‘Excaecati Occulta Justitia Dei: Charismatic Leadership and Rabbinic Augustine on Jews and Judaism’, Journal Tradition’, Aufstieg und Niedergang der of Early Christian Studies 3.3 (1995), Romischen¨ Welt (Berlin, de Gruyter, 1972–3). 299–334. Gutmann, Joseph, ‘The Dura Europos Synagogue Frend, W. H. C., The Early Church from the Beginnings Paintings: The State of Research’, in Levine, Lee to 461 (London, SCM Press, 3rd edn, 1991). I. (ed.), The Synagogue in Late Antiquity ‘Jews and Christians in Third Century North (Philadelphia, American School of Oriental Africa’, in Benoit, A., Philonenko, M. and Vogel, Research, 1987). C. (eds), Paganisme, Juda¨ısme, Christianisme ‘Early Synagogue Art and Jewish Catacomb Art and (Paris, E. de Boccard, 1978), 185–94. its Relation to Christian Art’, Aufstieg und The Rise of Christianity (Philadelphia, Fortress Niedergang der Romischen¨ Welt 11/21.2, Press, 1991). 1313–42. Gager, John G., The Origins of Anti-Semitism: Haas, Christopher, Alexandria in Late Antiquity: Attitudes toward Judaism in Pagan and Topography and Social Conflict (Baltimore Christian Antiquity (Oxford, Oxford University Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997). Press, 1983). Hall, Stuart G., Melito of Sardis On Pascha and ‘Proselytism and Exclusivity in Early Christianity’, Fragments (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1979). in Marty, Martin and Greenspahn, Frederick Halpern-Amaru, B., ‘Portraits of Biblical Women in (eds), Pushing the Faith: Proselytism and Josephus’ Antiquities’, Journal of Jewish Studies Civility in a Pluralistic World (New York, 39 (1988), 143–70. Crossroad, 1988). Hanson, Richard P.C., The Search for the Christian Glenthøj, J. B., Cain and Abel in Syriac and Greek Doctrine of God: The Arian Controversy Writers (4th–6th Centuries) (Corpus Scriptorum (Edinburgh, T&T Clark, 1988).

475 History

Harland, Philip A., Associations, Synagogues, and Hurtado, Larry, W., One God, One Lord: Early Congregations: Claiming a Place in Ancient Christian Devotion and Ancient Jewish Mediterranean Society (Minneapolis, Fortress Monotheism (Edinburgh, T&T Clark, 1988). Press, 2003). Instone-Brewer, David, ‘The Eighteen Benedictions Harrington, Daniel, Avery-Peck, Alan J. and Neusner, and the Minim before 70 CE’, Journal of Jacob (eds), When Judaism and Christianity Theological Studies 54 (2003), 25–44. Began: Essays in Memory of Anthony J. Janowitz, Naomi, Magic in the Roman World: Pagans, Saldarini (Leiden, E. J. Brill, 2003). Jews and Christians (London, Routledge, 2001). Harris, J. R., Testimonies (Cambridge, Cambridge Jones, F.S., An Ancient Jewish Christian Source on the University Press, vol. I, 1916, vol. II, 1920). History of Christianity: Pseudo Clementine Hauschild, Wolf-Dieter, Lehrbuch der Kirchen- und Recognitions 1.27–71 (SBL Texts and Dogmengeschichte, vol. I: Alte Kirche und Translations 37) (Atlanta, Scholars Press, 1995). Mittelalter (Gutersloh,¨ Chr. Kaiser, 2nd edn, ‘The Pseudo Clementines: A History of Research’, 2000). The Second Century 2 (1982), 1–33, 63–96. Hayward, C. T. R., The Jewish Temple: A Non-Biblical Juster, J., Les juifs dans l’empire romain (2 vols., Paris, Sourcebook (London, Routledge, 1996). Geuthner, 1914). Saint Jerome’s Hebrew Questions on Genesis Kalimi, Isaac, Early Jewish Exegesis and Theological (Oxford Early Christian Studies) (Oxford, Controversy: Studies in Scriptures in the Shadow Clarendon Press, 1995). of Internal and External Controversies (Assen, Hazlett, Ian, (ed.), Early Christianity: Origins and Royal Van Gorcum, 2002). Evolution to AD 600. In Honour of W. H. C. Kamesar, A., Jerome, Greek Scholarship, and the Frend (London, SPCK, 1991). Hebrew Bible: A Study of the Quaestiones Heither, T., Translatio Religionis: Die Paulusdeutung Hebraicae in Genesim (Oxford Classical des Origenes in seinem Kommentar zum Monographs)(NewYork,ClarendonPress,1993). Romerbrief¨ (Cologne, Bohlau,¨ 1990). Kimelman, R., ‘Birkat Ha-Minim and the Lack of Hengel, Martin, Judaism and Hellenism: Studies in Evidence for an Anti-Christian Jewish Prayer’, their Encounter in Palestine during the Early in Sanders, E. P., Baumgarten, A. I. and Hellenistic Period,2vols. (ET, London, SCM Mendelson, A. (eds), Jewish and Christian Press, 1974 (1969)). Self-Definition,vol. 2 (Aspects of Judaism in the Herford, Travers, Christianity in Talmud and Midrash Graeco-Roman Period) (Philadelphia, Fortress (London, Williams and Norgate, 1903). Press; London, SCM Press, 1981), 226–44. Hirshman, M., A Rivalry of Genius (New York, SUNY ‘The Literary Structure of the Amidah and the Press, 1996). Rhetoric of Redemption’, in Dever, William G. Hodgson, R., ‘The Testimony Hypothesis’, Journal of and Wright, J. Edward (eds), The Echoes of Biblical Literature 98 (1979), 361–78. Many Texts: Reflection on Jewish and Christian Horbury, William, Jews and Christians in Contact Traditions, Essays in Honor of Lou H. Silberman and Controversy (Edinburgh, T&T Clark, (Brown Judaic Studies 313) (Atlanta, Scholars 1998). Press, 1997). Horbury, William, Davies, W. D. and Sturdy, John, Klappert, Bertold, ‘Die Trinitatslehre¨ als Auslegung Judaism. Vol 3 The Early Roman Period des NAMENs des Gottes Israels. Die Bedeutung (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, des Alten Testaments und des Judentums fur¨ 1999). die Trinitatslehre’,¨ Evangelische Theologie 62 Horner, Timothy J., Listening to Trypho: Justin (2002), 54–72. Martyr’s Dialogue Reconsidered (Leuven, Klauck, Hans-Joachim, Apocryphe Evangelien Peeters, 2001). (Stuttgart, Katholisches Bibelwek, 2002). Horsley, Richard and Tiller, Patrick, ‘Ben Sira and the Klijn, A. F.J. and Reinink, G. J., Patristic Evidence for Sociology of the Second Temple’, in Davies, Jewish–Christian Relations (Leiden, Brill, 1973). Philip and Halligan, John (eds), Second Temple Kofsky, Aryeh, Eusebius of Caesarea against Paganism Studies III (Sheffield, Sheffield Academic Press, (Jewish and Christian Perspectives Series 3) 2002). (Leiden, Brill, 2000).

476 History

Krauss, S. and Horbury, W., The Jewish–Christian Lorenz, Rudolf, Arius Judaizans? Untersuchungen zur Controversy from the Earliest Times to 1789. dogmengeschichtlichen Einordnung des Arius Volume 1 History (Tubingen,¨ J. C. B. Mohr (Paul (Forschungen zur Kirchen- und Siebeck), 1996). Dogmengeschichte 31) (Gottingen,¨ Kugel, James and Greer, Rowen, Early Biblical Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1980). Interpretation (Philadelphia, Westminster Lucas, L., ZurGeschichte der Juden im vierten Press, 1986). Jahrhundert (Berlin, Mayer & Muller, 1910; Lander, Gerhart B., The Idea of Reform: Its Impact on repr. Hildesheim, Olms, 1985). English trans. Christian Thought and Action in the Age of the The Conflict between Judaism and Christianity: Fathers (New York, Harper and Row, 1967). A Contribution to the History of the Jews in the Langer, Ruth, ‘Early Rabbinic Liturgy in its Palestinian Fourth Century (Warminster, Aris & Phillips, Milieu: Did Non-Rabbis Know the ‘Amidah?’ in 1993). Harrington, Daniel, Avery-Peck, Alan J. and Ludemann,¨ G., Opposition to Paul in Jewish Neusner, Jacob (eds), When Judaism and Christianity (Minneapolis, Fortress Press 1989). Christianity Began: Essays in Memory of MacLennan, Robert S., Early Christian Texts on Jews Anthony J. Saldarini (Leiden, E. J. Brill, 2003). and Judaism (Atlanta, Scholars Press, 1990). Lash, Archimandrite, Ephrem, St Romanos the Maier, J., Jesus von Nazareth in der talmudischen Melodist: Kontakia on the Life of Christ Uberlieferung¨ (Darmstadt, Wissenschaftliche (London, Harper Collins, 1995). Buchgesellschaft, 1978). Levine, Lee I. and Weiss, Zeev (eds), From Dura to Martin, Vincent, AHouse Divided: The Parting of the Sepphoris: Studies in Jewish Art and Society in Ways between Synagogue and Church (New Late Antiquity (Portsmouth, RI, Journal of York,Paulist Press, 1995). Roman Archaeology, 2000). Mason, S., Josephus and the New Testament (Peabody, Lewis, J. P., ‘What Do we Mean by Jabneh?’, Journal of MA, Hendrickson, 1992). Bible and Religion 32 (1964), 125–32. McDonough, Sean M., YHWH at Patmos: Rev. 1:4 in its Lichtenberger, H., Lange, A. and Romheld,¨ K. F.D. Hellenistic and Early Jewish Setting (eds), Die Damonen/Demons:¨ Die Damonologie¨ (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum der israelitisch-judischen¨ und fruhchristlichen¨ Neuen Testament 107) (Tubingen,¨ Mohr Literatur im Kontext ihrer Umwelt/The Siebeck, 1999). Demonology of Israelite-Jewish and Early McGowan, Andrew, Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Christian Literature in Context of their Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals (Oxford, Environment (Tubingen,¨ Mohr Siebeck 2003). Oxford University Press, 1999). Lieu, J., Image and Reality: The Jews and the World of McGuckin, John A., St Cyril of Alexandria: The Christianity in the Second Century (Edinburgh, Christological Controversy, its History, Theology, T&T Clark, 1996). and Texts (Leiden, Brill, 1994). Lieu, J., North, J. and Rajak, T. (eds.), The Jews among McKinnon, J., Music in Early Christian Literature Pagans and Christians in the Roman Empire (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, (London, Routledge, 1992). 1987). Lim, Timothy H., Holy Scripture in the Qumran McVey, Kathleen, Ephrem the Syrian: Hymns (New Commentaries and Pauline Letters (Oxford, York,Paulist Press, 1989). Clarendon Press, 1997). Meeks, R. A. and Wilken, R. L., Jews and Christians in Limor, Ora and Stroumsa, Guy G., Contra Iudaeos: Antioch in the First Four Centuries of the Ancient and Medieval Polemics between Common Era (Missoula, MT, Scholars Press, Christians and Jews (Texts and Studies in 1978). Medieval and Early Modern Judaism 10) Mendels, Doron, ‘The Relationship of Christians and (Tubingen,¨ Mohr, 1996). Jews during the Years 300–450: A Preliminary Linder, A., The Jews in Roman Imperial Legislation Report of the Christian Point of View’, in Kinzig, (Detroit, Wayne State University Press; Wolfram and Kuck,¨ Cornelia (eds), Judentum Jerusalem, Israel Academy of Sciences and und Christentum zwischen Konfrontation und Humanities, 1987). Faszination: Ansatze¨ zu einer neuen

477 History

Beschreibung judisch-christlicher¨ Beziehungen Transformational Vision of the Macarian (Judentum und Christentum 11) (Stuttgart, Homilies’, Vigiliae Christianae 55 (2001), Kohlhammer, 2002), 45–54. 281–98. Mimouni, Claude, Le judeo-christianisme´ ancien: Orton, David, The Understanding Scribe (Sheffield, Essais historiques (Paris, Cerf, 1998). JSOT Press, 1989). Minns, Denis, Irenaeus (London, Geoffrey Chapman, Parkes, James W., Conflict of the Church and 1994). Synagogue (New York, Hermon Press, reprint Momigliano, A. (ed.), The Conflict between Paganism 1974 (1934)). and Christianity in the Fourth Century (Oxford, Parmentier, Martin, ‘Greek Church Fathers on Oxford University Press, 1963). Romans 9’, Bijdragen 50 (1989), 139–54; 51 Murphy-O’Connor, Jerome and Charlesworth, James (1990), 2–30. H., Paul and the Dead Sea Scrolls (New York, Patout Burns Jr, J., Cyprian the Bishop (London, Crossroad, 1990). Routledge, 2001). Negev, A., ‘The Inscription of the Emperor Julian at Pearson, Birger, Gnosticism, Judaism, and Egyptian Ma‘ayan Barukh’, Israel Exploration Journal 19 Christianity (Minneapolis, Fortress Press, (1969), 170–3. 1990). Neufeld, Vernon H., The Earliest Christian Confessions Petersen, William L., ‘Eusebius and the Paschal (Grand Rapids, Eerdmans, 1963). Controversy’, in Attridge, H. and Hata, G. (eds), Neuhaus, Dietrich, ‘Ist das trinitarische und Eusebius, Christianity, and Judaism (Detroit, christologische Dogma in der alten Kirche Wayne State university Press, 1992), 311–25. antijudaistisch?’, in Mertin, Jorg¨ (ed.), ‘Mit Petrement, Simone, ASeparate God: The Christian unserer Macht ist nichts getan . . .’: Festschrift Origins of Gnosticism,trans. Harrison, Carol fur¨ Dieter Schellong zum 65. Geburtstag (San Francisco, HarperSanFrancisco, 1984). (Arnoldshainer Texte 80) (Frankfurt am Main, Pietri,´ Charles and Pietri,´ Luce (eds), Histoire du Haag und Herchen, 1993), 257–72. christianisme: Des origines a` nos jours, vol. II: Neusner, J., Aphrahat and Judaism: The Naissance d’une chretient´ e´ (250–430) (Paris, Christian–Jewish Argument in Fourth-Century Desclee-Fayard,´ 1995); revised German trans., Iran (StudiaPost-Biblica19)(Leiden,Brill,1971). DasEntstehen der einen Christenheit (250–430) Jews and Christians: The Myth of a Common (Die Geschichte des Christentums I) (Freiburg, Tradition (London, SCM Press, 1991). Herder, 1996). Judaism and Christianity in the Age of Constantine Pietri,´ Luce (ed.), Des origines a` nos jours, vol. I: Le (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1987). nouveau peuple (des origines a` 250)(Histoire du The Rabbinic Traditions about the Pharisees before christianisme) (Paris, Desclee-Fayard,´ 2000). 70, vol I: The Masters (Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1971). Pilhofer, P., Presbyteron kreitton (Tubingen,¨ Mohr, Niederwimmer, Kurt, The Didache (Minneapolis, 1990). Fortress Press, 1998). Plotkin, Albert, Sacred Roots: Commonalities Nock, A. D., Conversion (Oxford, Oxford University Expressed by the Early Church and Synagogue Press, 1961). (Phoenix, Fogfree, 2002). Noethlichs, Karl Leo, DieJuden im christlichen Pouderon, B. and Dore,´ J. (eds), Les apologistes Imperium Romanum (4.–6. Jahrhundert) chretiens´ et la culture grecque (Paris, (Studienbucher¨ Geschichte und Kultur der Beauchesne Editeur, 1998). Alten Welt) (Berlin, Akademie-Verlag, 2001). Prigent, Pierre, Les testimonia dans le christianisme Nordstrom,¨ Carl-Otto, ‘Rabbinic Features in primitif (Paris, Gabalda, 1961). Byzantine and Catalan Art’, Cahiers Pritz, Ray A., Nazarene Jewish Christianity (Leiden, archeologiques´ 15 (1965), 179–205. Brill, 1988). Oegema, Gerben S., The Anointed and his People: Rajak, T., ‘Jews and Greeks: The Invention and Messianic Expectations from the Maccabees to Exploitation of Polarities in the Nineteenth BarKochba (Sheffield, JSOT Press, 1998). Century’, in Biddiss, M. and Wyke, M. (eds), The Orlov, Andrei, and Golitzin, Alexander, ‘“Many Lamps Uses and Abuses of Antiquity (Bern, P.Lang, are Lightened from the One”: Paradigms of the 1999).

478 History

Josephus: The Historian and his Society (London, Sanders, E. P.,Baumgarten, A. I., and Mendelson, A. Duckworth, 2nd edn, 2002). (eds), Jewish and Christian Self-Definition,3 Reif, Stefan C., Judaism and Hebrew Prayer: New vols. (Philadelphia, Fortress Press; London, Perspectives on Jewish Liturgical History SCM Press, 1980–2). (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, Sandmel, S., Philo of Alexandria: An Introduction 1993). (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1979). Reitemeyer, Michael, Weisheitslehre als Gotteslob: Sandt, Huub van de and Flusser, David, The Didache: Psalmentheologie im Buch Jesus Sirach (Berlin, ItsJewish Sources and its Place in Early Judaism Philo, 2000). and Christianity (Assen, Royal Van Gorcum, Reynolds, Joyce and Tannenbaum, Robert, Jews and 2002). God-Fearers at Aphrodisias: Greek Inscriptions Schafer,¨ Peter, Judeophobia: Attitudes toward the Jews with Commentary: Texts from the Excavations in the Ancient World (Cambridge, MA, Harvard at Aphrodisias (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1997). Philological Society, 1987). Mirror of his Beauty: Feminine Images of God from Ritter, Adolf Martin, ‘Trinitat,¨ I. Alte Kirche’, in the Bible to the Early Kabbalah (Princeton, NJ, Theologische Realenzyklopadie¨ 34 (2002), Princeton University Press, 2002). 91–99. Schiffman, L. H., Reclaiming the Dead Sea Scrolls Rives J. B., Religion and Authority in Roman Carthage (Philadelphia, JPS, 1994). (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1995). Schreckenberg, Heinz, Die christlichen Rokeah, D., Jews, Pagans and Christians in Conflict Adversus-Judaeos-Texte und ihr literarisches (Leiden, Brill, 1982). und historisches Umfeld (1.–11. Jh.) Rubenstein, Jeffrey L., The History of Sukkot in the (Europaische¨ Hochschulschriften 23/172) Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (Atlanta, (Frankfurt am Main, Peter Land, 4th edn, 1999). Scholars Press, 1995). DieFlavius-Josephus-Tradition in Antike und Rubenstein, Richard E., When Jesus Became God: The Mittelalter (Leiden, Brill, 1972). Epic Fight over Christ’s Divinity in the Last Days ‘Josephus und die christliche Wirkungsgeschichte of Rome (New York, Harcourt Brace & seines Bellum Judaicum’, Aufstieg und Company, 1999). Niedergang der Romischen¨ Welt 2.21.2 (1984), Rudolph, Kurt, Gnosis: The Nature and History of 1106–217. Gnosticsim,trans. Wilson, R. (Edinburgh, T&T Schreckenberg, Heinz and Schubert, Kurt, Jewish Clark, 1983). Historiography and Iconography in Early and Ruether, Rosemary, Faith and Fratricide: The Medieval Christianity (Minneapolis, Fortress Theological Roots of Anti-Semiticism Press, 1992). (Minneapolis, Seabury, 1974; New York, Search Schurer,¨ E., The History of the Jewish People in the Age Press, 1975). of Jesus Christ (175 B.C.–A. D. 135),revised and ‘Judaism and Christianity: Two Fourth Century edited by Vermes, G., Millar, F.G. B. (with Black, Religions’, Sciences Religieuses/Studies in M. (vols. I–II) and Goodman, M. (vols. III.1–2)), Religion 2 (1972), 1–10. 4vols. (Edinburgh, T&T Clark, 1973–87). Runia, D. T., Philo in Early Christian Literature: A Schwartz, Seth, Imperialism and Jewish Society, 200 Survey (Assen, Van Gorcum; Minneapolis, B.C.E. to 640 C.E. (Jews, Christians, and Fortress Press, 1993). Muslims from the Ancient to the Modern World) Russell, Norman, Cyril of Alexandria (London, (Princeton,NJ,PrincetonUniversityPress,2001). Routledge, 2000). Segal, Alan, Rebecca’s Children: Judaism and Sacchi, Paolo, ‘From Righteousness to Justifiation in Christianity in the Roman World (Cambridge, the period of Hellenistic Judaism’, Henoch 23 MA, Harvard University Press, 1986). (2002), 77–85. Setzer, Claudia, Jewish Responses to Early Christians Sanders, E. P., Jewish Law from Jesus to the Mishnah (Minneapolis, Fortress Press, 1994). (London, SCM Press, 1990). Sevenster, J. N., Do you Know Greek? How Much Greek Judaism: Practice and Belief, 63 BCE–66 CE Could the First Jewish Christians Have Known? (London, SCM Press, 1992). (Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1968).

479 History

Sharf, Andrew, Byzantine Jewry: From Justinian to the Staats, Reinhart, DasGlaubensbekenntnis von Fourteenth Century (London, Routledge and Nizaa-Konstantinopel:¨ Historische und Kegan Paul, 1971). theologische Grundlagen (Darmstadt, Shanks, H. (ed.), Christianity and Rabbinic Judaism: A Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2nd edn, Parallel History of their Origins and Early 1999). Development (London, SPCK, 1993). Stanton, Graham N. and Stroumsa, Guy G. (eds), Shavit, Yaacov, Athens in Jerusalem: Classical Tolerance and Intolerance in Early Judaism and Antiquity and Hellenism in the Making of the Christianity (Cambridge, Cambridge University Modern Secular Jew (London, Littman Library Press, 1998). of Jewish Civilization, 1997). Stemberger, Gunter,¨ Juden und Christen im Heiligen Shaw, Frank, ‘The Earliest Non-mystical Jewish Use of Land: Palastina¨ unter Konstantin und Iαω’(Dissertation, University of Cincinnati, Theodosius (Munich, Beck, 1987); English 2002). trans., Jews and Christians in the Holy Land: Simmons, M. B., ‘Julian the Apostate’, in Esler, P.F. Palestine in the Fourth Century (Edinburgh, (ed.), The Early Christian World,II(London, T&T Clark, 2000). Routledge, 2000), 1251–72. ‘Judenchristen’, in Reallexikon fur¨ Antike und Simon, M., Verus Israel: A Study of the Relations Christentam 19 (1999), 228–45. between Christians and Jews in the Roman Stern, S., Calendar and Community: A History of the Empire (AD 135–425) (The Littman Library of Jewish Calendar, 2nd cent. BCE – 10th cent. CE Jewish Civilization) (Oxford, Oxford University (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2001). Press, 1986). Stokl¨ Ben Ezra, D., The Impact of Yom Kippur on Early Sivan, H., ‘Building Marital Boundaries in the Law: Christianity (Tubingen,¨ Mohr Siebeck, 2003). Rabbis, Bishops and Emperor on Stone, Michael E. (ed.), Jewish Writings of the Second Jewish–Christian Marriage in Late Antiquity’, in Temple Period (Assen, Van Gorcum, Mathisen, R. W. and Sivan, H. (eds), Shifting Minneapolis, Fortress Press, 1996). Frontiers in Late Antiquity (Aldershot, Strecker, G., DasJudenchristentum in den Variorum, 1996), vol. 2. Pseudoklementinen (Texte und Skarasaune, Oskar, In the Shadow of the Temple Untersuchungen 70) (Berlin, Akademie Verla, (Downers Grove, IL, Intervarsity Press, 2003). 2nd rev. edn, 1981). Smith, J. A., ‘First-Century Christian Singing and its Strecker, G., and Irmscher, J., ‘The Relationship to Contemporary Jewish Song’, Pseudo-Clementines’, in Schneemelcher, W. Music and Letters 75/1 (1994). (ed., trans. Wilson, R. McL.), NewTestament Smith, R., Julian’s Gods: Religion and Philosophy in Apocrypha,II(Cambridge, James Clark & Co.; the Thought and Action of Julian the Apostate Louisville, KY, Westminster John Knox Press, (London, Routledge, 1995). 1992), 483–541. Smolar, L. and Aberbach, M., ‘The Golden Calf Stylianopoulos, Theodore, G., Justin Martyr and the Episode in Postbiblical Literature’, Hebrew Mosaic Law (Missoula, MT, Society of Biblical Union College Annual 39 (1968), 91–116. Litertaure and Scholars Press 1975). Snaith, J., ‘Aphrahat and the Jews’, in Emerton, J. A. Sullivan, J. E., The Image of God: The Doctrine of St and Reif, S. C. (eds), Interpreting the Hebrew Augustine and its Influence (Dubuque, The Bible: Essays in Honour of E. I. J. Rosenthal Priory, 1963). (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, Taylor, Joan E., Christians and the Holy Places: The 1982). Myth of Jewish Christian Origins (Oxford, Sparks, H. F.D., ‘Jerome as Biblical Scholar’, in Clarendon Press, 1993). Ackroyd, P.R. and Evans, C. F., The Cambridge Taylor, Miriam, Anti-Judaism and Early Christian History of the Bible, volume 1: From the Identity: A Critique of the Scholarly Consensus Beginnings to Jerome (Cambridge, Cambridge (Leiden, Brill, 1995). University Press, 1970). Thornton, T. C. G., ‘Problematic Passovers – Sparks, H. F.D. (ed.), The Apocryphal Old Testament Difficulties for Diaspora Jews and Early (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1984). Christians in Determining Passover Dates

480 History

during the First Three Centuries AD’, in Vernet, F., ‘Juifs (Controverses avec les)’, in Livingstone, E. A. (ed), Studia Patristica,20 Dictionnaire de Theologie´ Catholique (Paris, (Leuven, Leuven University Press, 1989), 402–8. 1925), vol. 82, col. 1870–914. Treu, K., ‘Die Bedeutung des Griechischen fur¨ die Visotzky, B. L., ‘Prolegomenon to the Study of Jewish Juden im romischen¨ Reich’, Kairos 15 (1973), Christianities in Rabbinic Literature’, in 123–44. Association for Jewish Studies Review 14 (1989), Ullendorff, E., ‘Hebraic-Jewish elements in 47–70. Abyssinian (Monophysite) Christianity’, Journal Wainwright, P., ‘The Authenticity of the Recently of Semitic Studies 1 (1956), 216–56. Discovered Letter Attributed to Cyril of Ethiopia and the Bible (London, Oxford University Jerusalem’, Vigiliae Christianae 40 (1986), Press, 1968). 286–93. Ulrich, Jorg,¨ Euseb von Caesarea und die Juden: Walker, P.W. L., Holy City, Holy Places? Christian Studien zur Rolle der Juden in der Theologie des Attitudes to Jerusalem and the Holy Land in the Eusebius von Caesarea (Patristische Texte und Fourth Century (Oxford Early Christian Studies) Studien 49) (Berlin, de Gruyter, 1999). (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1990). Urbach, Ephraim E., The Sages: Their Concepts and Wegner, J. R., ‘Philo’s Portrayal of Women – Hebraic or Beliefs (Jerusalem, Magnes Press, 1975; reprint, Hellenic?’, in Levine, A.-J. (ed.), ‘Women Like Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press, This’: New Perspectives on Jewish Women in the 2001). Greco-Roman World (Atlanta, Scholars Press, Urbainczyk, Theresa, Theodoret of Cyrrhus: The 1991), 41–66. Bishop and the Holy Man (Ann Arbor, Weitzmann, Kurt, Studies in Classical and Byzantine University of Michigan Press, 1997). Manuscript Illumination, ed. Kessler, H. Vaggione, Richard Paul, Eunomius of Cyzicus and the (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1971). Nicene Revolution (Oxford Early Christian Weitzmann, Kurt and Kessler, Herbert, The Frescoes of Studies) (Oxford, Oxford University Press, the Dura Synagogue and Christian Art 2000). (Washington, DC, Dumbarton Oaks, 1990). van Damme, D., Pseudo Cyprian Adversus Iudaeos, Werner, Eric, ‘Melito of Sardis: The First Poet of gegen die Judenchristen: Die alteste¨ lateinische Deicide’, Hebrew Union College Annual 37 Predigt, Paradosis 22 (Freiburg, (1966), 191–210. Universitatsverlag,¨ 1969). The Sacred Bridge: The Interdependence of Liturgy Van der Horst, P.W. (ed.), Hellenism – Judaism – and Music in Synagogue and Church during the Christianity: Essays on their Interaction First Millennium (London, Dennis Dobson; (Kampen, Kok Pharos, 1994). NewYork, Columbia University Press, 1959). vanHenten, Jan Willem, The Maccabean Martyrs as Westra, Liuwe H., The Apostles’ Creed: Origin, History, Saviours of the Jewish People: A Study of 2 and 4 and Some Early Commentaries (Instrumenta Maccabees (Leiden, Brill, 1997). patristica et mediaevalia 43) (Turnhout, VanderKam, James C. and Adler, William (eds), The Brepols, 2002). Jewish Apocalyptic Heritage in Early Whealey, A., Josephus on Jesus: The Testimonium Christianity (Assen, Van Gorcum; Minneapolis, Flavianum Controversy from Late Antiquity to Fortress Press, 1996). Modern Times (Frankfurt, Peter Lang, 2003). VanderKam, James and Flint, Peter, The Meaning of White, L. Michael, Building God’s House in the Roman the Dead Sea Scrolls (San Francisco, World: Architectural Adaptation among Pagans, HarperCollins, 2002). Jews, and Christians (Baltimore, The Johns Veltri, G., Eine Tora fur¨ den Konig¨ Talmai: Hopkins University Press, 1990). Untersuchungen zum Ubersetzungsverst¨ andnis¨ White, S. A., ‘Esther: A Feminine Model for Jewish in der judisch-hellenistischen¨ und rabbinischen Diaspora’, in Day, P.L. (ed.), Gender and Literatur (Texte und Studien zum antiken Difference in Ancient Israel (Minneapolis, Judentum 41, (Tubingen,¨ Mohr, 1994). Fortress Press, 1989), 161–77. Vermes, G., An Introduction to the Complete Dead Sea Wilde, R., The Treatment of the Jews in the Greek Scrolls (London, SCM Press, 1999). Christian Writers of the First Three Centuries

481 History

(Washington, DC, Catholic University of Zeller, Dieter (ed.), Christentum I: Von den Anfangen¨ America Press, 1949). bis zur Konstantinischen Wende (Die Wiles, Maurice, The Archetypal Heresy: Arianism Religionen der Menschheit 28) (Stuttgart, through the Centuries (Oxford, Clarendon Kohlhammer, 2002). Press, 1996). Medieval, early modern and Enlightenment Wilken, R. L., The Christians as the Romans Saw Them Abrahams, Israel, Jewish Life in the Middle Ages (New Haven, Yale University Press, 1984). (London, Macmillan, 1896). John Chrysostom and the Jews: Rhetoric and Reality Abulafia, Anna Sapir, Jews and Christians in in the Late Fourth Century (Berkeley, CA, Twelfth-Century Renaissance (London, University of California Press, 1983). Routledge, 1995). Judaism and the Early Christian Mind (New Abulafia, Anna Sapir (ed.), Religious Violence between Haven, Yale University Press, 1971). Christians and Jews: Medieval Roots, Modern Wilken, Robert L. and Wayne Meeks (eds), Jews and Perspectives (Basingstoke, Palgrave, 2002). Christians in Antioch (Missoula, MT, Scholars Adler, I., ‘Les chants synagogaux notes´ au XIIe siecle` Press, 1978). (ca 1103–1150) par Abdias, le proselyte´ Williams, Rowan, Arius: Heresy and Tradition normand’, Revue de musicologie 51/1 (1965), (London, SCM Press, 2nd edn, 2001). 19–51. Wills, Lawrence, ‘Scribal Methods in Matthew and Altmann, Alexander, Moses Mendelssohn: A Mishnah Abot’, Catholic Biblical Quarterly 63 Biographical Study (University, The University (2001), 241–57. of Alabama Press, 1973). Wilson, Robert R., Genealogy and History in the Anderson, George W., The Legend of the Wandering Ancient World (New Haven, Yale University Jew (Providence, RI, Brown University Press, Press, 1977). 1965). Wilson, Stephen G., Related Strangers: Jews and Bacharach, Bernard, Early Medieval Jewish Policy in Christians 70–170 CE (Minneapolis, Fortress Western Europe (Minneapolis, University of Press, 1995). Minnesota Press, 1977). Wilson, Stephen G. (ed.), Anti-Judaism in Early Baron, Salo W., ‘John Calvin and the Jews’, in Christianity, vol. II: Separation and Polemic Lieberman, Saul, Spiegel, Shalum et al. (eds), (Studies in Christianity and Judaism 2) Harry A. Wolfson Jubilee Volume (Jerusalem; (Waterloo, Ontario, Wilfrid Laurier University American Academy for Jewish Research, 1965); Press, 1986). repr. in Cohen, Jeremy (ed.), Essential Papers on Winkelmann, Friedhelm, Euseb von Kaisareia: Der Judaism and Christianity in Conflict (New York, Vater der Kirchengeschichte (Biographien zur NewYork University Press, 1991). Kirchengeschichte) (Berlin, Verlags-Anstalt Beck, James, ‘The Anabaptists and the Jews: The Union, 1991). Case of Hatzer,¨ Denck and the Worms Winston, D., Philo of Alexandria: The Contemplative Prophets’, The Mennonite Quarterly Review 75 Life, the Giants and Selections (Ramsey, NJ, (2001), 407–28. Paulist Press, 1981). Becker, Adam H. and Reed, Annette Y. (eds), The Ways Wood, Diana (ed.), Christianity and Judaism (Studies that Never Parted: Jews and Christians in Late in Church History 29) (Oxford, Blackwell, 1992). Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages (Text and Yadin, Y., Bar-Kokhba: The Rediscovery of the Studies in Ancient Judaism 95) (Tubingen¨ Legendary Hero of the Second Jewish Revolt Mohr Siebeck, 2003). against Rome (New York, Random House 1971). Ben-Sasson, Haim Hillel, ‘Jewish–Christian Yarnold, E. (ed.), Cyril of Jerusalem (Early Church Disputation in the Setting of Humanism and Fathers Series) (London, Routledge, 2000). Reformation in the German Empire’, Harvard Young, Frances, Biblical Exegesis and the Formation of Theological Review 59 (1966), 369–90. Christian Culture (Cambridge, Cambridge ‘The Reformation in Contemporary Jewish University Press, 1997). Eyes’, Proceedings of the Israel Academy of The Making of the Creeds (London, SCM Press, Sciences and Humanities 4(Jerusalem, 1971), repr. 2002 (1991)). 241–326.

482 History

Berger, David, ‘The Attitude of St Bernard of Clairvaux the Reformation (New York, New York towards the Jews’, Proceedings of the American University Press, 1991). Academy of Jewish Research 40 (1972), 89–108. Cohn, Samuel K., The Black Death Transformed: The Jewish–Christian Debate in the High Middle Disease and Culture in Early Renaissance Ages: A Critical Edition of the Nizzahon Vetus Europe (London, Arnold, 2002). (Philadelphia, Jewish Publication Society, Cooper, Wilmer A., ALiving Faith: An Historical Study 1979). of Quaker Beliefs (Richmond, IN, Friends Blumenkranz, B., Le juif medi´ eval´ au miroir de l’art United Press, 1990). chretien´ (Paris, Etudes Augustiennes, 1966). Cooperman, Bernard Dov (ed.), Jewish Thought in the Juifs et chretiens´ dans le monde occidental, Sixteenth Century (Cambridge, MA, Harvard 430–1096 (Paris, Mouton, 1960). University Press, 1983). Bolton, Brenda, Innocent III: Studies on Papal Dahan, Gilbert, The Christian Polemic against the Authority and Pastoral Care (Aldershot, Ashgate Jews in the Middle Ages (Notre Dame, Variorum, 1995). University of Notre Dame Press, 1998). Bonfil, Robert, Rabbis and Jewish Communities in Dan, Joseph (ed.), The Christian Kabbalah: Jewish Rennaisance Italy (The Littman Library of Mystical Books and their Christian Interpreters Jewish Civilization) (Oxford, Oxford University (Cambridge MA, Harvard College Library, Press, 1990). 1997). Brod, M., Johannes Reuchlin und sein Kampf: Eine de Lange, Nicholas R. M. (ed.), Hebrew Scholarship historische Monographie (Stuttgart, and the Medieval World (Cambridge, Kohlhammer, 1965). Cambridge University Press, 2001). Brown, Peter, The Cult of the Saints: Its Rise and Dick, John A. R. and Richardson, Anne (eds), William Function in Latin Christianity (London, SCM Tyndale and the Law (Sixteenth Century Essays Press, 1983). and Studies 25) (Missouri, Sixteenth Century Burnett, S. G., From Christian Hebraism to Jewish Journal Publishers, 1994). Studies (Leiden, Brill, 1996). Douie, Decima L., and Farmer, David H., (eds), Magna Burrell, David B., Knowing the Unknowable God: Ibn Vita Sancti Huganis: The Life of St Hugh of Sina, Maimonides, Aquinas (Notre Dame, Lincoln,2vols. (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1985). University of Notre Dame Press, 1986). Dundes, Alan (ed.), The Blood Libel Legend: A Chazan, Robert, Barcelona and beyond: The Casebook in Anti-Semitic Folklore (Madison, Disputation of 1263 and its Aftermath University of Wisconsin Press, 1991). (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1992). Echevarria, Ana, The Fortress of Faith: The Attitude European Jewry and the First Crusade (Berkeley, toward Muslims in Fifteenth Century Spain University of California Press, 1996). (Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1999). In the Year 1096: The First Crusade and the Jews Eckardt, Alice L., ‘The Reformation and the Jews’, in (Philadelphia, Jewish Publication Society, Fisher, Eugene J. (ed.), Interwoven Destinies: 1997). Jews and Christians through the Ages (Mahwah, Medieval Jewry in Northern France (Baltimore, NJ, Paulist Press, 1993). MD, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1973). Edwards, Mark U., Jr, ‘Martin Luther and the Jews: Is Chazan, Robert and Neal Kozodoy (eds), Church, There a Holocaust Connection?’, Shofar 1 State and Jew in the Middle Ages (New York, (1983); and Face to Face 10 (1983). Behrman House, 1996). Feldman, Egal, Dual Destinies (Urbana, University of Cohen, Jeremy, The Friars and the Jews: The Evolution Illinois Press, 1990). of Medieval Anti-Judaism (Ithaca, NY, Cornell Friedman, J., The Most Ancient Testimony: Christian University Press, 1982). Hebraica in the Age of Renaissance Nostalgia Living Letters of the Law. Ideas of the Jew in (Athens, Ohio University Press 1983). Medieval Christianity (Berkeley, University of Friedman, Jerome, ‘Alienated Cousins: Jews and California Press, 1999). Unitarians in Sixteenth-Century Europe’, Cohen, Jeremy (ed.), Essential Papers on Judaism and Transactions of the Unitarian Historical Society Christianity in Conflict: From Late Antiquity to 22/1 (1990–1), 63–76.

483 History

Friedman, Yvonne, ‘An Anatomy of Antisemitism: ‘The Papal Bull “Sicut Judeis”’, in Cohen, Jeremy Peter the Venerable’s Letter to Louis VII, King of (ed.), Essential Papers on Judaism and France (1146)’, in Artzi, P.(ed.), Bar-Ilan Studies Christianity in Conflict: From Late Antiquity to in History (Ramat-Gan, Bar-Ilan University the Reformation (New York, New York Press, 1978), 87−102. University Press, 1991). Funkenstein, Amos, ‘Basic Types of Anti-Jewish Green, Arthur, ‘The Shekinah, the Virgin Mary, and Polemics in the Later Middle Ages’, Viator 2 the Song of Songs’, Association for Jewish (1971), 373–82. Studies Review 26 (2002), 1–52. Gaon, Solomon, The Influence of the Catholic Gregg, J. Y., Devils, Women, and Jews: Reflections of the Theologian Alfonso on the Pentateuch Other in Medieval Sermons Stories (Albany, Commentary of Isaac Abravanel (Hoboken, NJ, SUNY Press, 1997). Ktav, 1993). Gruenwald, Ithamar, Apocalyptic and Merkavah Garrett, Don (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Mysticism (Leiden, Brill, 1980). Spinoza (Cambridge, Cambridge University Gude,¨ Wilhelm, Dierechtliche Stellung der Juden in Press, 1996). den Schriften deutscher Juristen des 16. und 17. Gemeinhardt, Peter, DieFilioque-Kontroverse Jahrhunderts (Sigmaringen, Jan Thorbecke zwischen Ost- und Westkirche im Verlag, 1981). Fruhmittelalter¨ (Arbeiten zur Gutmann, Joseph, Hebrew Manuscript Illumination Kirchengeschichte 82) (Berlin, de Gruyter, (New York, George Braziller, 1978). 2002). Gutteridge, Richard, ‘Luther and the Jews’, Appendix Gerber, Jane S., The Jews of Spain: A History of the I, Open Thy Mouth for the Dumb! (Oxford, Basil Sephardic Experience (New York, Macmillan, Blackwell, 1976). 1992). Hall, D. D. (ed.), The Antinomian Controversy, Gilchrist, John, ‘The Perception of the Jews in Canon 1636–1638 (Middletown, CT, Wesleyan Law in the Period of the First Two Crusades’, University Press, 1968). Jewish History 3 (1988), 9–24. Harran,´ D., Salamone Rossi: Jewish Musician in Late Ginio, Alisa Meyuhan, De bello iudaeorum: Fray Renaissance Mantua (Oxford, Oxford Alonso de Espina y su Fortalitium fidei (Fontes University Press, 1999). Iudaeorum Regni Castellae 8) (Salamanca, Hasan-Rokem, Galit and Dundes, Alan (eds), The Universidad Pontificia, 1998). Wandering Jew: Essays in the Interpretation of a La forteresse de la foi: La vision du monde d’Alonso Christian Legend (Bloomington, Indiana de Espina, moine espagnol (?–1466) (Collection University Press, 1986). Histoires-Judaisme) (Paris, Cerf, 1998). Haverkamp, Alfred (ed.), Juden und Christen zur Zeit Glaser, Edward, ‘Invitation to Intolerance: A Study of der Kreuzzuge¨ (Sigmaringen, Jan Thorbecke the Portuguese Sermons Preached at Verlag, 1999). Autos-da-fe’,´ Hebrew Union College Annual Heffernan, T. J., Sacred Biography: Saints and their 27 (1956). Biographies in the Middle Ages (New York, Goitein, S. D., AMediterranean Society: An Oxford University Press, 1988). Abridgement (Berkeley, University of California, Heilperin, Herman, Rashi and the Christian Scholars 1999). (Pittsburgh, University of Pittsburgh Press, Goodman, M. and S., Johann Reuchlin: On the 1963). Artofthe Kabbalah (ET, New York, Abaris, Hertzberg, Arthur, The French Enlightenment and the 1983). Jews (New York, Columbia University Press, Goshen-Gottstein, M. and Jardine, L., From 1990). Humanism to the Humanities: Education and Hood, John Y. B., Aquinas and the Jews (Philadelphia, the Liberal Arts in Fifteenth- and University of Philadelphia Press, 1995). Sixteenth-Century Europe (Cambridge, MA, Horowitz, Elliot, ‘Jewish Life in the Middle Ages and Harvard University Press, 1986). the Jewish Life of Israel Abrahams’, in Myers, D. Grayzel, S., The Church and the Jews in the XIIIth and Ruderman, D. (eds), The Jewish Past Century (New York, Hermon, 1966). Revisited: Reflections on Modern Jewish

484 History

Historians (New Haven, Yale University Press, Kristeller, P.O., Renaissance Thought and its Sources 1998). (New York, Columbia University Press 1979). Hsia, R. Po-Chia, The Myth of Ritual Murder: Jews and Lambert, Phyllis (ed.), Fortifications and the Magic in Reformation Germany (New Haven, Synagogue (London, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, Yale University Press, 1988). 1994). Idel, Moshe, ‘Reflections on Kabbalah in Spain and Laver, Mary Sweetland, Calvin, Jews and Christian Kabbalah’, Hispanica Judaica 2 Intra-Christian Polemic (Ann Arbor, University (1999). Microfilms International, 1987). Iogna-Prat, Dominique, Order and Exclusion: Cluny Leigh, John, The Search for Enlightenment: An and Christendom Face Heresy, Judaism, and Introduction to Eighteenth-Century French Islam 1000–1150 (Ithaca, NY, Cornell University Writing (London, Duckworth, 1999). Press, 2002), 275−322. Liebes, Yehuda, Studies in the Zohar (Albany, SUNY Jedin, Herbert, AHistory of the Council of Trent (New Press, 1993). York,Herder, 1957–61). LloydJones, G., The Discovery of Hebrew in Tudor Kaplan, Yosef, From Christianity to Judaism: The Story England: A Third Language (Manchester, of Isaac Orobio der Castro (London, Littman Manchester University Press, 1983). Library of Jewish Civilization, 1989). LloydJones, G. (ed.), Robert Wakefield: On the Three Kaplan, Yosef, Mechoulan,´ Henry and Popkin, Languages [1524] (Mediaeval and Renaissance Richard (eds), Menasseh ben Israel and his Texts and Studies 68, Renaissance Texts Series World (Leiden, Brill, 1989). 13), (Binghamton, NY State University 1989). Katz, J., Exclusiveness and Tolerance: Studies in Lubac, Henri de, The Drama of Atheist Humanism Jewish–Gentile Relations in Medieval and (London, Sheed and Ward, 1949). Modern Times (London, Oxford University Maccoby, Hyam (ed.), Judaism on Trial: Press, 1961). Jewish–Christian Disputations in the Middle Outofthe Ghetto (Cambridge, MA, Harvard Ages (London, Littman Library of Jewish University Press, 1973). Civilization, 1993). Kedar, B. Z., ‘Canon Law and the Burning of the Manuel, F., The Broken Staff: Judaism through Talmud’, Bulletin of Medieval Canon Law 9 Christian Eyes (Cambridge, MA, Harvard (1979), 79–82. University Press, 1992). Kellner, Menahem M., Dogma in Medieval Jewish Marcus, Ivan G., Rituals of Childhood Jewish Thought: From Maimonides to Abravanel Acculturation in Medieval Europe (New Haven, (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1986). Yale University Press, 1996). Kisch, Guido, Forschungen zur Rechts und Marcus, Jacob, R., The Jew in the Medieval World: A Sozialgeschichte der Juden in Deutschland Source Book 315–1791 (New York, Atheneum, wahrend¨ des Mittelalter (Stuttgart, 1981). Kohlhammer, 1955). Marissen, Michael, ‘The Character and Sources of the Jewry-Law in Medieval Germany: Laws and Court Anti-Judaism in Bach’s Cantata 46’, Harvard Decisions Concerning the Jews (New York, Theological Review 96/1 (2003), 63–99. American Academy for Jewish Research, 1949). Lutheranism, Anti-Judaism, and Bach’s St John ‘The Yellow Badge in History’, Historia Judaica 4 Passion (New York, Oxford University Press, (1942), 95–144. 1998). Kleiner, John W., The Attitudes of the Strasbourg Mason, Haydn, Voltaire: A Biography (London, Reformers toward Jews and Judaism (Ann Arbor, Granada Publishing, 1981). University Microfilms International, 1978). McAuliffe, J. D., Walfish, B. D. and Goering, J. W. (eds), Klenicki, Leon, Passion Plays and Judaism (New York, With Reverence for the Word: Medieval ADL, 1996). Scriptural Exegesis in Judaism, Christianity, Krauss, S. and Horbury, W., The Jewish–Christian and Islam (Oxford, Oxford University Press, Controversy from the Earliest Times to 1789: 2002). Volume 1 History (Tubingen,¨ J. C. B. Mohr (Paul McCulloh, John M., ‘Jewish Ritual Murder: William of Siebeck), 1996). Norwich, Thomas of Monmouth, and the Early

485 History

Dissemination of the Myth’, Speculum 72 Noonan, John T., Jr, The Scholastic Analysis of Usury (1997), 698–740. (Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press, McGinn, Bernard, ‘Cabalists and Christians: 1957). Reflections on Cabala in Medieval and Oberdorfer, Bernd, Filioque: Geschichte und Renaissance Thought’, in Popkin, R. H. and Theologie eines okumenischen¨ Problems Weiner, G. M. (eds), Jewish Christians and (Forschungen zur systematischen und Christian Jews (Dordrecht, Kluwer, 1994). okumenischen¨ Theologie 96) (Gottingen,¨ McKane, William (ed.), Selected Christian Hebraists Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2001). (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, Oberman, Heiko A., The Roots of Antisemitism: In the 1989). Age of Renaissance and Reformation, trans. McMichael, Steven J., WasJesus of Nazareth the Porter, James I. (Philadelphia, Fortress Press, Messiah? Alphonso de Espina’s Argument 1984). against the Jews in the ‘Fortalitium Fidei’ ‘Three Sixteenth Century Attitudes to Judaism: (c.1464) (Atlanta, Scholars Press, 1994). Reuchlin, Erasmus, and Luther’, in Cooperman, McNeill, John T., The History and Character of Bernard Dov (ed.), Jewish Thought in the Calvinism (New York, Oxford University Press, Sixteenth Century (Cambridge, MA, Harvard 1954). University Press, 1983). Mellinkoff, B., ‘Cain and the Jews’, Journal of Jewish Overfield, T. M., Humanism and Scholasticism in Late Art 6 (1979), 16–38. Mediaeval Germany (Princeton, NJ, Princeton Mellinkoff, Ruth, Antisemetic Hate Signs in Hebrew University Press, 1984). Illuminated Manuscripts from Medieval Pakter, Walter, Medieval Canon Law and the Jews Germany (Jerusalem, Hebrew University, 1999). (Ebelsbach, Verlag Rolf Gremer, 1988). The Horned Moses in Medieval Art and Thought Pauck, Wilhelm, The Heritage of the Reformation (Berkeley, CA, University of California Press, (Glencoe, The Free Press, 1961). 1970). Pelikan, Jaroslav, Bach among the Theologians Outcasts: Signs of Otherness in Northern European (Philadelphia, Fortress Press, 1986). Artofthe Late Middle Ages (Berkeley, University Popkin, Richard H. and Singer, Michael A. (eds), of California Press, 1970). Spinoza’s Earliest Publication?: The Hebrew Milfull, Inge, The Hymns of the Anglo-Saxon Church Translation of Margaret Fell’s ‘A Loving (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, Salutation to the Seed of Abraham among the 1996). Jews, Wherever they are Scattered up and down Momigliano, Arnaldo, ‘A Medieval Jewish upon the Face of the Earth’ (Assen, Van Autobiography’, in Lloyd-Jones, Hugh, Pearl, Gorcum, 1987). Valerie and Worden, Blair (eds), History and Popper, W., The Censorship of Hebrew Books (New Imagination: Essays in Honour of H. R. York, Knickerbocker Press, 1899). Trevor-Roper (London, Duckworth, 1981), Rack, Henry D., Reasonable Enthusiast: John Wesley 30–36. and the Rise of Methodism (London, Epworth Mormando, Franco, The Preacher’s Demons: Press, 1992). Bernardino of Siena and the Social Underworld Reichardt, Klaus Dieter, ‘Die Judengesetzgebung im of Early Renaissance Italy (Chicago, University Codex Theodosianus’, Kairos 20 (1978), 16–39. of Chicago Press, 1999). Reif, Stefan C., AJewish Archive from Old Cairo Morray-Jones, C. R. A., ‘Transformational Mysticism (Richmond, Surrey, Curzon, 2000). in the Apocalyptic-Merkabah Tradition’, Reites, James, ‘St Ignatius of Loyola and the Jews’, Journal of Jewish Studies 43 (1992), 1–31. Studies in the Spirituality of Jesuits 13/4 Murry, William. R., ‘Religious Humanism’, in The (1981). Journal of Liberal Religion: An Online Rice, E. F., Jr, Saint Jerome in the Renaissance Theological Journal Devoted to the Study of (Baltimore, MD, Johns Hopkins University Liberal Religion, 1/2 (Spring 2000). Press, 1985). Nadler, Steven, M. Spinoza: A Life (Cambridge, Riley-Smith, Jonathan, The First Crusade and the Idea Cambridge University Press, 1999). of Crusading (London, Athlone Press, 1986).

486 History

Robinson, Jack Hughes, John Calvin and the Jews Shapiro, James, Shakespeare and the Jews (Columbia, (Ann Arbor, University Microfilms Columbia University Press, 1996). International, 1991). Shatzmiller, Joseph, Shylock Re-considered: Jews, Roth, Cecil, ALife of Menasseh ben Israel Moneylending and Medieval Society (Berkeley, (Philadelphia, Jewish Publication Society, University of California Press, 1990). 1934). Sherman, Franklin, Luther and the Jews: A Fateful Roth, Norman, Conversos, Inquisition and the Legacy (Allentown, PA, IJCU; Baltimore, ICJS, Expulsion of the Jews from Spain (Madison, The 1995). University of Wisconsin Press, 2002). Sherman, J., The Jewish Pope: Myth, Diaspora and Rubin, Miri, Gentile Tales: The Narrative Assault on Yiddish Literature (Oxford, European Late Medieval Jews (New Haven, CT, Yale Humanities Research Centre, 2003). University Press, 1999). Signer, Michael and Van Engen, John, Jews and Rupp, Gordon, ‘Martin Luther and the Jews’ (London, Christians in 12th Century Europe (Notre Council of Christians and Jews (pamphlet), Dame, University of Notre Dame Press). 1972). Simonsohn, S., The Apostolic See and the Jews,8vols Saperstein, Marc, ‘Christianity, Christians, and “New (Toronto, Pontifical Institute of Medieval Christians” in the Sermons of Saul Levi Studies, 1988–91). Morteira’, Hebrew Union College Annual 70–71 Smalley, Beryl, The Study of the Bible in the Middle (1999–2000), 329–84. Ages (New York, Philosophical Library, 1952; Moments of Crisis in Jewish–Christian Relations Notre Dame, University of Notre Dame Press, (London, SCM Press; Philadelphia, Trinity 1964). Press, 1989). Sonne, I., Expurgation of Hebrew Books – the Work of Decoding the Rabbis: A Thirteenth Century Jewish Scholars: A Contribution to the History of Commentary on the Aggadah (Cambridge, MA, Hebrew Books in Italy in the Sixteenth Century Harvard University Press, 1980). (New York, New York Public Library, 1943). Jewish Preaching 1200–1800 (New Haven, Yale Southern, R. W., Saint Anselm: A Portrait in a University Press, 1989). Landscape (Cambridge, Cambridge University Scholem, Gershom, Major Trends in Jewish Mysticism Press, 1991). (London, Thames & Hudson, 1955). Steinmetz, David C., Reformers in the Wings On the Mystical Shape of the Godhead: Basic (Philadelphia, Fortress Press, 1971). Concepts in Kabbalah (New York, Shocken, Stow,Kenneth R., Alienated Minority: The Jews of 1991). Medieval Latin Europe (Cambridge, MA, Schoot, Henk J. M. (ed.), Tibi soli peccavi: Thomas Harvard University Press, 1992). Aquinas on Guilt and Forgiveness (Leuven, Catholic Thought and Papal Jewry Policy, Peeters, 1996). 1555–1593 (New York, Jewish Theological Schreckenberg, H., Die christlichen Seminary of America, 1977). Adversus-Judaeos-Texte und ihr literarisches Synan, Edward A., The Popes and the Jews in the und historisches Umfeld (1.–11,Jh.) (Frankfurt Middle Ages (New York, Macmillan, 1965). am Main, Peter Lang, reprinted with Addenda Tabraham, B., The Making of Methodism (London, and Corrigenda, 1990 (1982)). Epworth Press, 1996). The Jews in Christian Art: An Illustrated History Taitz, Emily, ‘Jewish–Christian Relations in the Middle (New York, Continuum, 1996). Ages: The Underside of a Shared Culture’, in Secret, F., Les kabbalistes chretiens´ de la renaissance Ginor, Zvia (ed.), Yakar Le’Mordecai: Jubilee (Paris, Dunod, 1964). Volume in Honour of Rabbi Mordecai Waxman Seiferth, Wolfgang, Synagogue and Church in the (Hoboken, NJ, Ktav, 1998), 189–201. Middle Ages: Two Symbols in Art and Literature Talmage, Frank, David Kimhi: The Man and the (New York, Frederick Ungar, 1970). Commentaries (Cambridge, MA, Harvard Shapiro, James, Oberammergau: The Troubling Story University Press, 1975). of the World’s Most Famous Passion Play (New ‘R.David Kimhi as Polemicist’, Hebrew Union York,Pantheon Books, 2000). College Annual 38 (1967), 213–35.

487 History

Talmage, Frank (ed.), From Disputation to Dialogue Andrews, James F.(ed.), Paul VI: Critical Appraisals (New York, Ktav, 1975). (New York, Bruce Publishing Company, 1970). Tierney, Brian, Origins of Papal Infallibility, Arkush, Allan, Moses Mendelssohn and the 1150–1350: A Study of the Concepts of Enlightenment (Albany, SUNY Press, 1994). Infallibility, Sovereignty and Tradition in the Aronsfeld, C. C., ‘Jews and Christians in England’, Middle Ages (Leiden, Brill, 1997). Midstream 39.8 (November 1993), 16–18. Toaff, Ariel, Love, Work and Death: Jewish Life in Avineri, Shlomo, The Making of Modern Zionism: The Medieval Umbria (London, Littman Library of Intellectual Origins of the Jewish State (New Jewish Civilization, 1998). York,Basic Books, 1981). Trachtenberg, Joshua, The Devil and the Jews (New Baldwin, James, ‘Negroes Are Anti-Semitic because Haven, Yale University Press, 1943). they are Anti-White’, in The Price of the Ticket: Ware, K., ‘Christian Theology in the East 600–1453’, Collected Non-Fiction, 1948–1985 (New York, St in Cunliffe-Jones, H. (ed.), History of Martins, 1985). Christian Doctrine (Edinburgh, T&T Clark, Balthasar, Hans Urs von, Einsame Zwiesprache: 1978). Martin Buber und das Christentum Watts, Michael R., The Dissenters,2vols (Oxford, (Koln-Olten,¨ Verlag Jakob Hegner, 1958; Clarendon Press, 1978 and 1995). Einsiedeln, Johannesverlag, 1993). Weinberg, J., ‘The Quest for Philo in Banki, Judith Hershcopf, ‘The Church and the Jews: Sixteenth-Century Jewish Historiography’, in The Struggle at Vatican Council II’, in Fine, M. Rapaport-Albert, A. and Zipperstein, Steven J. and Himmelfarb, M. (eds), American Jewish (eds), Jewish History: Essays in Honour of Yearbook (New York, Jewish Publication Chimen Abramsky (London, P.Halban, 1988), Society, 1966). 163–87. Bar, Haviva and Eady, Elias (eds), Interaction between Williams, L., Adversus Judaeos: A Bird’s-Eye View of Catholics and Protestants from Northern Christian Apology until the Renaissance Ireland at Neve Shalom (Jerusalem, Israel (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, Institute of Applied Social Research, 1987). 1935). Barkun, Michael, ‘From British-Israelism to Christian Wirszubski, Chaim, Pico della Mirandola’s Encounter Identity: The Evolution of White Supremacist with Jewish Mysticism (Cambridge, MA, Doctrine’, Syzygy: Journal of Alternative Harvard University Press, 1989). Religion and Culture 1 (1992), 55–61. Wolfson, Elliot R., ‘The Tree that Is All: Barnett, Victoria J., Bystanders: Conscience and Jewish–Christian Roots of a Kabbalistic Symbol Complicity during the Holocaust (Westport, CT, in Sefer ha-Bahir’, Jewish Thought and Praeger Publishers, 1999). Philosophy 3 (1993), 31–76. Bartoszewski, W. T., The Convent at Auschwitz Modern (London, The Bowerdean Press, 1989). Adenauer, K., Memoirs: 1945–1953,trans. von Oppen, Bartov, O., Murder in our Midst: The Holocaust, Beate Ruhm (London, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, Industrial Killing, and Representation (Oxford, 1966). Oxford University Press, 1996). Aitken, James K. and Kessler, Edward (eds), Bar-Yosef, Hamutal, ‘Jewish–Christian Relations in ‘Christianity in Jewish Terms: Dabru Emet and Modern Hebrew and Yiddish Literature: A its Significance’, in Challenges in Preliminary Sketch’, in Kessler, E. and Wright, Jewish–Christian Relations (New York, Paulist M. (eds), Themes in Jewish–Christian Relations Press, 2006). (Cambridge, Orchard Academic, 2004), 109–50. Alberigo, Giuseppe (ed.), History of Vatican II,vol. 3 ‘The Jewish Reception of Vladimir Solov’ev’,¨ in van (English version ed. Komonchak, Joseph A.) den Bercken, Vil, de Courten, Manon and van (Maryknoll, NY, Orbis, 2000). der Zweerde, Evert (eds), Vladimir Solov’ev:¨ Almond, Gabriel A., Appleby, R. Scott and Sivan, Reconciler and Polemicist (Leuven, Peeters, Emmanuel, Strong Religion: The Rise of 2000). Fundamentalism around the World (Chicago, ‘Sophiology and the Concept of Femininity in The University of Chicago Press, 2003). Russian Symbolism and in modern Hebrew

488 History

Poetry’, Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 2/1 Bockenf¨ orde,¨ Ernts-Wolfgang and Shils, Edward, Jews (2003), 59–78. and Christians in a Pluralistic World (London, Bauer, Yehudah (ed.), Remembering for the Future, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1991). 3vols (Oxford, Pergamon Press, 1989). Boys, Mary C., ‘The Sisters of Sion: From a Bauman, Zygmunt, Modernity and the Holocaust Conversionist Stance to a Dialogical Way of (Cambridge, Polity Press, 1991). Life’, Journal of Ecumenical Studies 31/1–2 Bea, Augustin, The Church and the Jewish People: A (1994), 27–48. Commentary on the Second Vatican Council’s Bradshaw, Paul, F.and Hoffman, Lawrence, The Declaration on the Relation of the Church to Changing Face of Jewish and Christian Worship Non-Christian Religions (London, Geoffrey in North America (Notre Dame, University of Chapman, 1966). Notre Dame Press, 1991). Begin, Menachem, The Revolt (London, W. H. Allen, Braybrooke, M., Children of One God: A History of the 1979). Council of Christians and Jews (London, Bell, G. K. A., Christianity and World Order Vallentine, Mitchell, 1991). (Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1940). ‘The Impact of the Holocaust on the Church of Beller, Steven, Vienna and the Jews 1867–1938: A England’, in Roth, John K and Maxwell, Cultural History (Cambridge, Cambridge Elisabeth (eds), Remembering for the Future, University Press, 1989). The Holocaust in an Age of Genocide Bentley, J., Secrets of Mount Sinai: The Story of the (Basingstoke, Palgrave, 2001), vol. 2, 544–60. Finding of the World’s Oldest Bible – Codex Brenner, R. F., Writing as Resistance: Four Women Sinaiticus (London, Orbis, 1985). Confronting the Holocaust. Edith Stein, Simone Berdyaev, Nicholas, Christianity and Anti-Semitism, Weil, Anne Frank, Etty Hillesum (University trans. Spears, A. A. and Kanter, V. B. (New York, Park,Pennsylvania State University Press, 1997). Philosophical Library, 1954). Brenton Betts, R., Christians in the Arab East (Athens, Berenbaum, Michael (ed.), Witness to the Holocaust Lycabettus Press, 1978). (New York, HarperCollins, 1997). Brockway, Allan, van Buren, Paul, Rendtorff, Rolf and Bergen, Doris L., Twisted Cross: The German Christian Schoon, Simon, The Theology of the Churches Movement in the Third Reich (Chapel Hill, and the Jewish People: Statements by the World University of North Carolina Press, 1996). Council of Churches and its Member Churches Berman, Paul (ed.), Blacks and Jews: Alliances and (Geneva, WCC, 1988). Arguments (New York, Delacorte Press, 1994). Brodkin, Karen, HowJewsBecame White Folks and Berry, Donald L., Mutuality: The Vision of Martin What that Says about Race in America (New Buber (Albany, State University of New York Brunswick, Rutgers University Press, 1998). Press, 1985). Burns, M., Dreyfus: A Family Affair 1789–1945 (New Bethge, Eberhard, Dietrich Bonhoeffer: A Biography, York,Harper Collins, 1991). (Minneapolis, Fortress Press, rev. edn, 2000). Busch, E., Unter dem Bogen des einen Bundes: Karl Birnbaum, P.and Katznelson, I. (eds), Paths of Barth und die Juden 1933–1945 Emancipation: Jews, States and Citizenship (Neukirchen-Vluyn,NeukirchenerVerlag,1996). (Princeton,NJ,PrincetonUniversityPress,1995). Cahm, Eric, The Dreyfus Affair in French Society and Biser, Eugen, Buber fur¨ Christen: Eine Politics (London, Longman, 1994). Herausforderung (Freiburg, Herder Verlag, Cargas, H. J. (ed.), The Unnecessary Problem of Edith 1988). Stein (Studies in the Shoah 4) (Lanham, MD, Blaich, Roland, ‘Selling Nazi Germany Abroad: The University Press of America, 1994). Case of Hulda Jost’, Journal of Church and State Carmelle, M., NDS, Alphonse Ratisbonne (Rome, 35/4 (Autumn 1993), 807–30. Pontifical Gregorian University, 1984). Bleich, J. D., Contemporary Halakhic Problems,vol. 1 Theodore Ratisbonne (Ars, St Julien Monastic (New York, Ktav, 1977). Press, 1984). Blet, Pierre, Pius XII and the Second World War Cesarani, David, ‘Seizing the Day: Why Britain Will According to the Archives of the Vatican Benefit from Holocaust Memorial Day’, (Mahwah, NJ, Paulist Press, 1999). Patterns of Prejudice 34/4 (October 2000), 61–6.

489 Chapman, G., The Dreyfus Trials (London, Batsford, Dietrich, Donald, J., God and Humanity at Auschwtiz: 1972). Jewish–Christian Relations and Sanctioned Cheyette, Bryan, Constructions of ‘the Jew’ in English Murder (New Brunswick, NJ, Transaction Literature and Society: Racial Representations, Publishers, 1995). 1875–1945 (Cambridge, Cambridge University Ditmanson, Harold H. (ed.), Stepping Stones to Press, 1993). Further Jewish–Lutheran Relationships: Key Cheyette, Bryan and Marcus, Laura (eds), Modernity, Lutheran Statements (Minneapolis, Augsburg, Culture and ‘The Jew’ (Cambridge, Polity Press, 1990). 1998). Doosry, Y. (ed.), Representations of Auschwitz: 50 Cohen, Derek, ‘Shylock and the Idea of the Jew’, in years of Photographs, Paintings and Graphics Cohen, D. and Heller, D. (eds), Jewish Presences (Oswie´ ¸cim, Auschwitz-Birkenau State Museum in English Literature (Montreal, McGill-Queen’s [for] Department of European Studies, University Press, 1990), 25–39. Jagellonian University, Krakow,´ 1995). Cohen, Derek and Heller, Deborah (eds), Jewish Dov Kulka, Otto and Mendes-Flohr, Paul R. (eds), Presences in English Literature (Montreal, Judaism and Christianity under the Impact of McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1990). National Socialism (Jerusalem, The Historical Cohen, Naomi (ed.), Essential Papers on Society of Israel and the Zalman Shuzar Center Jewish–Christian Relations in the United States: for Jewish History, 1987). Imagery and Reality (New York, New York Eaglestone, Robert, Postmodernism and Holocaust University Press, 1990). Denial (Cambridge, Icon Books, 2001). Cooke, S., ‘Beth Shalom: Re-thinking History and Edelstein, Alan, An Unacknowledged Harmony: Memory’, Journal of Holocaust Education 8/1 Philo-Semitism and the Survival of European (1999), 21–41. Jewry (Contributions in Ethnic Studies 4) Cornwell, John, Hitler’s Pope: The Secret History of (Westport, CT, Greenwood Press, 1982). Pius XII (New York, Viking, 1999). Ellis, Marc H., Unholy Alliance: Religion and Atrocity Croner, Helga (ed.), More Stepping Stones to in our Time (London, SCM Press, 1997). Jewish–Christian Relations: An Unabridged Endelman, Todd M. and Kushner, Tony (eds), Collection of Christian Documents 1975–1983 Disraeli’s Jewishness (London, Vallentine (Mahwah, NJ, Paulist Press, 1985). Mitchell, 2002). Stepping Stones to Further Jewish–Christian Erb, Reiner and Schmidt, Michael (eds), Relations: An Unabridged Collection of Antisemitimus und judische Geschichte (Berlin, Christian Documents [1948–1975] (London, Wissenschaftlicher Autorenverlag 1987). Stimulus Books, 1977). Ericksen, Robert P., Theologians under Hitler: Gerhard Cunningham, Philip A., Education for Shalom: Kittel, Paul Althaus and Emanuel Hirsch (New Religion Textbooks and the Enhancement of the Haven, Yale University Press, 1988). Catholic and Jewish Relationship (Collegeville, Ericksen, R. P.and Heschel, S. (eds), Betrayal: German MN, The Liturgical Press, 1995). Churches and the Holocaust (Minneapolis, Davies, Alan and Nevsky, Marilyn, HowSilent Were Augsburg Fortress Press, 1999). the Churches? Canadian Protestantism and the Everett, R. A., Christianity without Antisemitism: Jewish Plight during the Nazi Era (Waterloo, James Parkes and the Jewish–Christian Ontario, Wilfred Laurier University Press, 1997). Encounter (Oxford, Pergamon, 1993). Davies, A. T. (ed.), Anti-Semitism and the Christian Feuerverger, Grace, Oasis of Dreams (New York, Mind: The Crisis of Conscience after Auschwitz Routledge Falmer, 2001). (New York, Herder and Herder, 1969). Fisch, Harold, The Dual Image: A Study of the Jew in De Costa, Denise, Anne Frank and Etty Hillesum: English Literature (London, World Jewish Inscribing Spirituality and Sexuality (New Library, 1959). Brunswick, NJ, Rutgers University Press, 1998). Fisher, Eugene and Klenicki, Leon (eds), In our Time: de Lubac, Henri, Christian Resistance to The Flowering of Catholic–Jewish Dialogue Anti-Semitism: Memories from 1940–1944 (San (Mahwah, NJ, Paulist Press, Stimulus Books, Francisco, Ignatius Press, 1990). 1990).

490 Bibliography

Spiritual Pilgrimage: Pope John Paul II on Jews and Greenberg, G., ‘Wartime Orthodox Jewish Thought Judaism 1979–1995 (New York, Crossroad, about the Holocaust: Christian Implications’, 1995). Journal of Ecumenical Studies 35/3–4 (1998), Fisher, Eugene J. et al. (eds), Twenty Years of 483–95. Jewish–Catholic Relations, 1965–1985 Greenberg, I., ‘Cloud of Smoke, Pillar of Fire: Judaism, (Mahwah, NJ, Paulist Press, 1987). Christianity, and Modernity after the Flannery, Austin (ed.), Vatican Council II: The Holocaust’, in Fleischner, E. (ed.), Auschwitz: Conciliar and Post Conciliar Documents Beginning of a New Era? Reflections on the (Northport, NY, Costello Publishing, 1975; Holocaust (New York, Ktav, 1977), 7–55. Study Edition, 1987). ‘Judaism, Christianity, and Partnership after the Fleischner, Eva and Phayer, Michael (eds), Cries in the Twentieth Century’, in Frymer-Kensky, T. et al. Night: Women who Challenged the Holocaust (eds), Christianity in Jewish Terms (Boulder, (Kansas City, Sheed & Ward, 1997). CO,Westview Press, 2000). Frank, Anne, Frank, Otto and Pressler, Mirjam (eds); ‘The Third Great Cycle in Jewish History’, in trans. Massotty, Susan, The Diary of a Young Perspectives 1(NewYork, National Jewish Girl (London, Viking, 1997). Resource Center, 1981). Fredricksen, P.(ed.), Perspectives on the Passion of the Gruber, R. E., Virtually Jewish: Reinventing Jewish Christ (New York, Miramax, 2004). Culture in Europe (Berkeley, University of Friedlander,¨ Saul, Nazi Germany and the Jews: The California Press, 2002). Years of Persecution, 1933–1939 (New York, Grumme,¨ B., ‘Ein schwieriges Verhaltnis:¨ Karl Rahner HarperCollins, 1997). und die Juden’, Zeitschrift fur¨ katholische Friedman, Maurice, Martin Buber’s Life and Work,3 Theologie 119 (1997), 265–83. vols (New York, E. P.Dutton, 1981–3). Gushee, David P., The Righteous Gentiles of the Fuchs, Gotthard and Henrix, Hans Hermann (eds.), Holocaust (Minneapolis, Fortress Press, 1994). Zeitgewinn: Messianisches Denken nach Franz Gutierres, Gustavo, The Theology of Liberation Rosenzweig (Frankfurt, Verlag Josef Knecht, (Maryknoll, NY, Orbis, 1973). 1987). Gutman, Y. and Berenbaum, M. (eds), Anatomy of the Gannon, Thomas M. (ed.), WorldCatholicism in Auschwitz Death Camp (Bloomington, Indiana Transition (New York, MacMillan, 1988). University Press published in association with Ganz, D., ‘Sholem Asch and the Jewish–Christian the United States Holocaust Memorial Idea’, Mosaic 17 (1995), 38–48. Museum, Washington, DC, 1994). Gardiner, H. C., Catholic Viewpoint on Censorship Haberman, Joshua O., Philosopher of Revelation: The (Garden City, NY, Hanover House, 1958; rev. Life and Thought of S. L. Steinheim 1961). (Philadelphia,JewishPublicationSociety,1989). Gavron, Daniel, The Kibbutz: Awakening from Hadda, Janet, ‘Christian Imagery amd Dramatic Utopia (Lanham, MD, Rowman & Littlefield, Impulse in the Poetry of Itsik Manger’, 2000). Michigan Germanic Studies 3/2 (1977), 1–12. Gilbert, Arthur, The Vatican Council and the Jews Hallie, Philip, Lest Innocent Blood Be Shed: The Story (Cleveland, The World Publishing Co., 1968). of the Village of Le Chambon and How Glock, Charles, Y. and Stark, Rodney, Christian Beliefs Goodness Happened there (New York, and Anti-Semitism (New York, Harper, 1966). HarperPerennial, new edn, 1994). Gopin, Marc, Holy War, Holy Peace: How Religion Can Halperin,´ Jean, ‘Vladimir Soloviev Listens to Israel: Bring Peace to the Middle East (New York, The Christian Question’, Immanuel 26–7 Oxford University Press, 2002). (1994), 198–210. Gordon, Haim and Bloch, Jochanan (eds), Martin Halperin,´ Jean and Ucko, Hans, Worlds of Memory Buber: A Century Volume (New York, Ktav, and Wisdom: Encounters of Jews and African 1984). Christians (Geneva, WCC, 2005). Gordon, Robert S. C., Primo Levi’s Ordinary Virtues: Hamant, Y., Alexander Men: A Witness for From Testimony to Ethics (Oxford, Oxford Contemporary Russia,trans. Bingham, S. University Press, 2001). (Torrance, CA, Oakwood Publications, 1995).

491 Bibliography

Harder, G. and Niemoller,¨ W. (eds), DieStunde der Huck, Gabe (ed.), ABlessing to Each Other: Cardinal Versuchung: Gemeinden im Kirchenkampf Joseph Bernardin and Jewish–Catholic Dialogue (Munich, Chr. Kaiser, 1963). (Chicago, Liturgy Training Publications, 1996). Hastings, Adrian (ed.), Modern Catholicism: Vatican II Hundert, G. D. (ed.), Essential Papers on Hasidism: and After (Oxford, Oxford University Press, Origins to the Present (New York, New York 1991). University Press, 1991). Haynes, Stephen B., Holocaust Education and the Hussar, Bruno, When the Cloud Lifted,trans.Megroz, Church-Related Colleges: Restoring Ruptured A. (Dublin, Veritas Press, 1989). Traditions (Westport, CT, Greenwood Press, In Pursuit of Justice: Examining the Evidence of the 1997). Holocaust (Washington, DC, United States Reluctant Witnesses: Jews and the Christian Holocaust Memorial Museum, 1997). Imagination (Louisville, KY, Westminster John Irwin, Jane, George Eliot’s Daniel Deronda Notebooks Knox Press, 1995). (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, Hebblethwaite, Peter, Paul VI: The First Modern Pope 1996). (New York, Paulist Press, 1993). Jacob, Walter, Christianity through Jewish Eyes: The Heilman, S., Defenders of the Faith: Inside Quest for Common Ground (New York, Hebrew Ultra-Orthodox Jewry (New York, Schocken Union College Press, 1974). Books, 1992). Jasper, R. C. D., George Bell: Bishop of Chichester Heller, Celia S., On the Edge of Destruction: Jews of (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1967). Poland between the Two World Wars (New York, Jelinek, Y. A. and Blasius, R. A., ‘Ben-Gurion and Schocken Books, 1980). Adenauer im Waldorf-Astoria: Henderson, J. Frank, Liturgies of Lament (Chicago, Gesprachsaufzeichnungen¨ vom Liturgy Training Publications, 1994). israelisch-deutschen Gipfeltreffen in New York Henrix, Hans Hermann and Kraus, Wolfgang (eds.), am 14. Marz¨ 1960’, Vierteljahreshefte fur¨ DieKirchen und das Judentum, vol. 2: Zeitgeschichte 45 (1997), 309–44. Dokumente von 1986–2000 (Paderborn, Johnson, Frank J. and Leffler, William J., Jews and Bonifatius Verlag; Gutersloh,¨ Gutersloher¨ Mormons: Two Houses of Israel (Hoboken, NJ, Verlagshaus, 2001). Ktav, 2000). Herbstrith, W. (ed), NeverForget: Christian and Jewish Jones, S., Kushner, T. and Pearce, S. (eds), Cultures of Perspectives on Edith Stein,trans.Batzdorff, Ambivalence and Contempt: Studies in Suzanne) (Washington, DC, ICS Publications, Jewish–non-Jewish Relations: Essays in Honour 1998). of the Centenary of the Birth of James Parkes Herberg, Will, Protestant-Catholic-Jew (New York, (London, Vallentine Mitchell, 1998). Anchor Books, 1960). Katz, J., Exclusiveness and Tolerance: Studies in Herzl, Theodor, The Jewish State (New York, American Jewish–Gentile Relations in Medieval and Zionist Emergency Council, 1946). Modern Times (London, Oxford University Heschel, Susannah, Abraham Geiger and the Jewish Press, 1961). Jesus (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, Katz, S. T. (ed.), Interpreters of Judaism in the Late 1998). Twentieth Century (Washington, DC, B’nai ‘The Challenge of Modernity and Postmodernity’, B’rith Books, 1993). in Bayfield, T., Brichto, S. and Fisher, E. (eds), Kedourie, Elie, Nationalism (London, Hutchinson He Kissed him and they Wept (London, SCM University Library, 3rd edn, 1966). Press, 2001). Kennedy, Eugene C., Cardinal Bernardin: Easing Hoffman, Mathew, ‘Us and the Cross: Russian-Jewish Conflict – and Battling for the Soul of American Intellectuals Take a Stand on the Crucifix Catholicism (Chicago, Bonus Books, 1989). Question’, Journal of Jewish Studies 53/2 My Brother Joseph: The Spirit of a Cardinal and the (Autumn 2000), 354–70. Story of a Friendship (New York, St Martin’s Homolka, W., Jewish Identity in Modern Times: Leo Press, 1997). Baeck and German Protestantism (Oxford, Kenny, Anthony, Catholics, Jews and the State of Israel Berghahn Books, 1995). (Mahwah, NJ, Paulist Press, 1993).

492 Bibliography

Keogh, Dermot, Jews in Twentieth-Century Ireland: Christen: Die Auseinandersetzung um die Refugees, Anti-Semitism and the Holocaust Erganzung¨ des Grundartikels der (Cork, Cork University Press, 1998). Kirchenordnung der Evangelischen Kirche im Kepel, Gilles, La revanche de Dieu: Chretiens,´ juifs et Rheinland (Neukirchen-Vluyn, Neukirchener muselmans al` areconqueteˆ du monde (Paris, Verlag, 1998). Editions du Seuil, 1991). Krondorfer, B., Remembrance and Reconciliation: Kepnes, Steven, Ochs, Peter and Gibbs, Robert (eds), Encounters between Young Jews and Germans Reasoning after Revelation: Dialogues in (New Haven, CT, Yale University Press, 1995). Postmodern Jewish Philosophy (Boulder, CO, Kulka, O. D. and Mendes-Flohr, P.R. (eds), Judaism Westview Press, 1998). and Christianity under the Impact of National Kertzer, David I., The Kidnapping of Edgardo Mortara Socialism (Jerusalem, The Historical Society of (New York, Vintage Books, 1997, 1998). Israel/The Zalman Shazar Center for Jewish Unholy War: The Vatican’s Role in the Rise of History, 1987). Modern Anti-Semitism (New York, Alfred A. Landau, D., Piety and Power: The World of Jewish Knopf, 2001; London, Macmillan, 2002). Fundamentalism (London, Secker & Warburg, Kessler, E., An English Jew: The Life and Writings of 1993). Claude Montefiore (London, Vallentine Langmuir, Gavin, Toward a Definition of Anti- Mitchell, 1989). Semitism (Berkeley, University of California Kessler, E. and Goldberg, D. (eds), Aspects of Liberal Press, 1990). Judaism: Essays in Honour of John D. Rayner Langton, D., The Life and Thought of Claude (London: Vallentine Mitchell, 2004). Montefiore (London, Vallentine Mitchell, King, Christine E., The Nazi State and the New 2001). Religions: Five Case Studies in Non-Conformity Lapide, P., ‘“Wieviel wir einander zu geben haben”: (New York, Edwin Mellen Press, 1982). Karl Rahner zum judisch-christlichen¨ Dialog’, King, Martin Luther, Jr, ACall to Conscience: The KNA Okumenische¨ Information 15 (1984), Landmark Speeches of Dr Martin Luther King, 12–13. Jr, ed. Carson, Clayborne, et al.(NewYork: IPM Lapide, Pinchas E., Three Popes and the Jews (New in association with Warner Books, 2001). York,Hawthorne Books, 1967). Klappert, B., Israel und die Kirche: Erwagungen¨ zur Larsen, Timothy, Friends of Religious Equality: Israellehre Karl Barths (Theologische Existenz Nonconfirmist Politics in Mid-Victorian heute 207) (Munich, Chr. Kaiser, 1980). England (Woodbridge, Boydell Press, 1999). Klappert, Bertold and Starck, Helmut (eds), Umkehr Laurentin, Rene,´ L’eglise´ et les juifs aV` atican II (Paris, und Erneuerung: Erlauterungen¨ zum Editions Casterman, 1967). Synodalbeschluß der Rheinischen Landessynode Lavender, Abraham D., French Huguenots: From 1980 ‘Zur Erneuerung des Verhaltnisses¨ von Mediterranean Catholics to White Anglo-Saxon Christen und Juden’ (Neukirchen-Vluyn, Protestants (New York, Peter Lang, 1990). Neukirchener Verlag, 1980). Lederhendler, E., Jewish Responses to Modernity (New Klein, E., The Battle for Auschwitz: Catholic–Jewish York,New York University Press, 1994). Relations under Strain (London, Vallentine Lerner, Michael, Jews and Blacks: Let the Healing Mitchell, 2001). Begin (New York, G. P.Putnam’s Sons, 1995). Kling, S., Joseph Klausner (New York, Yoseloff, 1970). Lerner, Michael and West, Cornel, Jews and Blacks: A Kornblatt Deutsch, Judith, ‘Vladimir Solov’ev on Dialogue on Race, Religion and Culture in Spiritual Nationhood, Russia and the Jews’, America (New York, Plume, 1995). Russian Review 56 (April 1997), 157–77. Levine, Deborah J., Teaching Christian Children about ‘Solovyov’s Androgynous Sophia and the Jewish Judaism (Chicago, Liturgy Training Kabbalah’, Slavic Review 50/3 (1991), 489–96. Publications, 1995). Krajewski, S., Poland and the Jews: Reflections of a Librett, Jeffrey S., The Rhetoric of Cultural Dialogue: Polish Polish [sic] Jew (Krakow,´ Austeria, 2005). Jews and Germans from Moses Mendelssohn to Kriener, Katja and Schmidt, Johann Michael (eds), Richard Wagner and Beyond (Stanford, CA, Gottes Treue – Hoffnung von Juden und University of Stanford Press, 2000).

493 Bibliography

Liedtke, R. and Wendehorst, S. (eds), The Mej`ıa, Jorge Mar`ıa, ‘An Appreciation of Cardinal Emancipation of Catholics, Jews and Willebrands’ Involvement in Catholic–Jewish Protestants: Minorities and the Nation State in Relations’, Information Service (The Pontifical Nineteenth Century Europe (Manchester, Council for Promoting Christian Unity) 101 Manchester University Press, 1999). (1999). Lipman, V. D., SirMoses Montefiore: A Symposium Melber, J., Hermann Cohen’s Philosophy of Judaism (Oxford, Oxford Centre for Postgraduate (New York, J. David, 1968). Hebrew Studies, 1982). Mendelssohn, Ezra, On Modern Jewish Politics (New Lipstadt, Deborah, Denying the Holocaust: The York, Oxford University Press, 1993). Growing Assault on Truth and Memory (New Mendes-Flohr, Paul, Divided Passions: Jewish York, The Free Press, 1993). Intellectuals and the Experience of Modernity Littell, F.H. and Locke, H. G. (eds), The German (Detroit, Wayne State University Press, 1991). Church Struggle and the Holocaust (Detroit, Mendes-Flohr, Paul, and Reinharz, Jehuda (eds.), The Wayne State University Press, 1974). Jewinthe Modern World (New York, Oxford Littell, Marcia Sachs and Gutman, Sharon Weissman University Press, 1980). (eds), Liturgies on the Holocaust: An Interfaith Merkley, Paul C., The Politics of Christian Zionism Anthology (Valley Forge, PA, Trinity Press 1891–1948 (London, Frank Cass, 1998). International, new and rev. edn, 1996). Meyer, Michael, Response to Modernity: A History of Loewe, Louis (ed.), Diaries of Sir Moses and Lady the Reform Movement in Judaism (Oxford, Montefiore (London, Jewish Historical Society Oxford University Press, 1988). of England, 1983). Morgenstern, Julian, ‘The Foreskin of the Heart; Loewenstein, Andrea Freud, Loathsome Jews and Ecumenism in Sholem Asch’s Christian Engulfing Women: Metaphors of Projection in Trilogy’, Prooftexts 8/2 (1988), 205–36. the Works of Wyndham Lewis, Charles Williams Morgan, Michael L., Dilemmas in Modern Jewish and Graham Greene (New York, New York Thought: The Dialectics of Revelation and University Press, 1993). History (Indianapolis, Indiana University Press, Luz, Ehud, Parallels Meet: Religion and Nationalism 1992). in the Early Zionist Movement, 1882–1904, Morley, John, Vatican Diplomacy and the Jews during trans. Schramm, Lenn (Philadelphia, Jewish the Holocaust 1939–1943 (New York, Ktav, Publication Society, 1988). 1980). Manemann, J., ‘Weil es nicht nur Geschichte ist’: Die Myers, David N., Re-inventing the Jewish Past: Begrundung¨ der Notwendigkeit einer European Jewish Intellectuals and the Zionist fragmentarischen Historiographies des Return to History (Oxford, Oxford University Nationalsozialismus aus politisch-theologischer Press, 1995). Sicht, Religion – Geschichte – Gesellschaft Myers, David N. and Ruderman, D. B., The Jewish Past (Fundamentaltheologische Studien 2) Revisited: Reflections on Modern Jewish (Munster,¨ Lit. Verlag, 1995). Historians (New Haven, CT, Yale University Marquardt, F.-W., DieEntdeckung des Judentums fur¨ Press, 1998). die christliche Theologie: Israel im Denken Karl Naman, Ann Aresty, The Jew in the Victorian Novel: Barths (Abhandlungen zum Some Relationships between Prejudice and Art christlich-judischen¨ Dialog 1) (Munich, Chr. (New York, AMS Press, 1980). Kaiser, 1967). Nespoli, Isabella (ed.), Gerhart M. Riegner (Brussels, Marrus, Michael, The Holocaust in History (London, World Jewish Congress, 2001). Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1987). Neudecker, Reinhard, ‘The Catholic Church and the The Nuremberg War Crimes Trial 1945–46: A Jewish People’, in Latourelle, Rene´ (ed.), Documentary History (Boston, Bedford/St Vatican II: Assessment and Perspectives: Martin’s, 1997). Twenty-five Years After (1962–1987),vol.3(New Meister, P.(ed.), German Literature between Faiths: York,Paulist Press, 1989), 282–323. Jew and Christian at Odds and in Harmony Niemoller,¨ M., From U-Boat to Pulpit (London, W. (Frankfurt, Peter Lang, 2004). Hodge, 1936).

494 Bibliography

Niemoller,¨ Wilhelm, Wort und Tat im Kirchenkampf: Pulzer, P., The Rise of Political Anti-Semitism in Beitrage¨ zur neuesten Kirchengeschichte Germany and Austria (London, Peter Halban, (Theologische Bucherei¨ 40) (Munich, Chr. 1988). Kaiser, 1969). Rajak, T., ‘Jews and Greeks: The Invention and O’Brien, Darcy, The Hidden Pope: The Personal Exploitation of Polarities in the Nineteenth Journey of John Paul II and Jerzy Kluger (New Century’, in Biddiss, M. and Wyke, M. (eds), The York,Daybreak Books, 1998). Uses and Abuses of Antiquity (Bern, P.Lang, Oesterreicher, John M., Auschwitz, the Christian and 1999). the Council (Montreal, Palm Publisher, 1965). Ramati, Alexander, The Assisi Underground: Priests The New Encounter between Christians and Jews who Rescued Jews (New York, Stein and Day, (New York, Philosophical Library, 1986). 1978). The Unfinished Dialogue: Martin Buber and the Rapaport, L., Jews in Germany after the Holocaust: Christian Way (New York, Philosophical Memory, Identity and Jewish–German Relations Library, 1986). (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1997). Opsahl, Paul D. and Tanenbaum, Marc H., Speaking of Reinharz, Jehuda, Chaim Weizmann: The Making of a GodToday: Jews and Lutherans in Conversation Zionist Leader (Oxford, Oxford University Press, (Philadelphia, Fortress Press, 1974). 1985). Oved, Yaacov, Distant Brothers: History of the Reinharz, Jehuda and Shapira, Anita (eds), Essential Relations between the Bruderhof and the Papers on Zionism (London, Cassell, 1996). Kibbutz (Ramat Efal, Yad Tabenkin, 1993). Rendtorff, Rolf and Henrix, Hans Hermann (eds), Die Patruno, Nicholas, Understanding Primo Levi Kirchen und das Judentum, vol. 1: Dokumente (Columbia, University of South Carolina Press, von 1945–1985 (Paderborn, Bonifatius Verlag; 1995). Gutersloh,¨ Gutersloher¨ Verlagshaus, 2001). Pelt, R. J. van and Dwork, D., Auschwitz: 1270 to the Rhodes, Anthony, The Vatican in the Age of the Present (New York, W. W. Norton, 1996). Dictators 1922–1945 (New York, Holt, Rinehart, Perlemutter, Amos, The Life and Times of Menachem Winston, 1973). Begin (New York, Doubleday, 1987). Riegner, Gerhart M., Ne jamais desesp´ erer´ (Paris, Cerf, Perry, M. and Schweitzer F.(eds), Jewish–Christian 1998). Encounters over the Centuries: Symbiosis, Ritter, Immanuel, History of the Jewish Reformation Prejudice, Holocaust, Dialogue (New York, Peter (4 volumes, Berlin, 1858). Lang, 1994). Rittner, C. and Roth, J. K. (eds), Memory Offended: The Petrie, J., ‘The Secular Word HOLOCAUST: Scholarly Auschwitz Convent Controversy (New York, Myths, History, and 20th Century Meanings’, Praeger Publishers, 1991). Journal of Genocide Research 2/1 (2000), 31–63. Pope Pius XII and the Holocaust (London, Phayer, Michael, The Catholic Church and the Continuum, 2002). Holocaust, 1930–1965 (Bloomington, Indiana Rittner, C., Smith, S., and Steinfeldt, I., The Holocaust University Press, 2000). and the Christian World (London, Kuperard, Pierard, Richard V., ‘The Contribution of 2000). British-Israelism to Antisemitism within Roffey, J. W. (ed.), When Jews and Christians Meet: Conservative Protestantism’, in Locke, Hubert Australian Essays Commemorating Twenty G. and Littell, Marcia Sachs (eds), Holocaust Years of Nostra Aetate (Melbourne, Victorian and Church Struggle: Religion, Power and the Council of Churches, 1985). Politics of Resistance (Lanham, MD, University Rosenstock-Huessy, Eugen (ed.), Judaism despite Press of America, 1996), 45–68. Christianity: The ‘Letters on Christianity and Poliakov, L., The History of Anti-Semitism (London, Judaism’ between Eugen Rosenstock-Huessy and Elek Books, 1965, 1966; London, Routledge & Franz Rosenzweig (University, University of Kegan Paul, 1974–5). Alabama Press, 1969). Prior, M. and Taylor, W. (eds), Christians in the Holy Roth, John K. and Berenbaum, Michael (eds), Land (London, World of Islam Festival Trust, Holocaust: Religious and Philosophical 1994). Implications (New York, Paragon House, 1989).

495 Bibliography

Rothschild, F.(ed.), Jewish Perspectives on Christianity Schoon, S. and Kremers, H., Nes Ammim, ein (New York, Crossroad, 1990). christliches Experiment (Neukirchen-Vluyn, Rosmovitz, Linda, Shakespeare and the Politics of Neukirchener Verlag, 1978). Culture in Late Victorian England (Baltimore, Schultz, Tad, Pope John Paul II: The Biography (New MD, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998). York, Scribner, 1995). Rubenstein, Richard L. and Roth, John K., Approaches Schulz, Winfried, Das neue Selig- und to Auschwitz: The Holocaust and its Legacy Heiligsprechungsverfahren (Paderborn, (Louisville, Westminster John Knox Press, rev. Bonifatius Verlag, 1988). edn, 2003). Schwarz, H.-P., Adenauer – Der Aufstieg: 1876–1952 Rubinstein, William D. and Hilary L., Philosemitism, (Stuttgart, Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, 1986). Admiration and Support in the Schwarzfuchs, Simon, Napoleon, the Jews and the English-Speaking World for Jews 1840–1939 Sanhedrin (Oxford, Oxford University Press, (London, Macmillan, 1999). 1984). Rudin, A. James, Israel for Christians: Understanding Shalvi, Alice (ed.), Daniel Deronda: A Centenary Modern Israel (Philadelphia, Fortress Press, Symposium (Jerusalem, Jerusalem Academic 1983). Press, 1976). Ruether, Rosemary Radford and Ruether, Herman, Sherwin, Byron L. and Kasimow, Harold K. (eds), John The Wrath of Jonah: The Crisis of Religious Paul II and Interreligious Dialogue (New York, Nationalism in the Israeli–Palestinian Orbis Books, 1999). Conflict (Minneapolis, Fortress Press, Shimoni, Gideon, The Zionist Ideology (Hanover, MA, 2002). Brandeis University Press, 1995). Rychlak, Ronald, Hitler, the War and the Pope Siegele-Wenschkewitz, L., ‘Auseinandersetzungen mit (Columbus, MS, 2000). einem Stereotyp: Die Judenfrage im Leben Rynne, Xavier [Francis X. Murphy], Vatican Council II Martin Niemollers’,¨ in Buttner,¨ U. (ed.), Die (Maryknoll, NY, Orbis Books, 1999). Deutschen und die Judenverfolgung im Dritten Salamon, H., The Hyena People: Ethiopian Jews in Reich, Festschrift fur¨ Werner Jochmann zum 70. Christian Ethiopia (Berkeley, University of Geburtstag (Hamburger Beitrage¨ zur California Press, 1999). Sozialgeschichte 29) (Hamburg, Christians, Sanchez,´ JoseM.,´ Pius XII and the Holocaust: 1992), 239–319. Understanding the Controversy (Washington, Simpson, W. W. and Weyl, R., The Story of the DC, Catholic University of America Press, International Council of Christians and Jews 2002). (Heppenheim, ICCJ, 3rd edn, 1995). Schilpp, Paul Arthur and Friedman, Maurice (eds), Smith, S. D., Making Memory: Creating Britain’s The Philosophy of Martin Buber (La Salle, IL, First Holocaust Centre (Newark, Quill Press, Open Court, 1967). 1999). Schmidt, Stjepan, Augustin Bea: Cardinal of Unity Snyder, L., The Dreyfus Case (New Brunswick, NJ, (New York, New City Press, 1992). Rutgers University Press, 1973). Augustin Cardinal Bea: Spiritual Profile: Notes Solomon, Norman, ‘Zionism and Religion: The from the Cardinal’s Diary with a Commentary Transformation of an Idea’, in Annual of (Dublin, Geoffrey Chapman, 1971). Rabbinic Judaism 3 (2000), 145–74. Schmied-Kowarzik, Wolfdietrich (ed.), DerPhilosoph Sonderegger, K., That Jesus Christ Was Born a Jew: Franz Rosenzweig (1886–1929),vols.1und 2 Karl Barth’s ‘Doctrine of Israel’ (University (Freiburg, Verlag Karl Alber, 1988). Park,Pennsylvania State University Press, Schneier, Marc, Shared Dreams: Martin Luther King, 1992). Jr and the Jewish Community (Woodstock, VT, Sorkin, David, Moses Mendelssohn and the Religious Jewish Light Publishing, 2003). Enlightenment (London, Peter Halban, 1996). Scholder, K., ARequiem for Hitler and Other New Steigmann-Gall, Richard, The Holy Reich: Nazi Perspectives on the German Church Struggle Conceptions of Christianity, 1919–1945 (London, SCM Press; Philadelphia, Trinity Press (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, International, 1989). 2003).

496 Bibliography

Stillman, Norman A., Sephardi Religious Responses to Wasserstein, Bernard, Divided Jerusalem: The Struggle Modernity (London, Harwood Academic for the Holy City (London, Profile Books, 2001). Publishers, 1995). Watts, Michael R., The Dissenters,2vols (Oxford, Stone, Dan, ‘Day of Remembrance or Day of Clarendon Press, 1978 and 1995). Forgetting? Or, Why Britain Does not Need a Weigel, George, Witness to Hope: The Biography of Holocaust Memorial Day’, Patterns of Prejudice Pope John Paul II (New York, HarperCollins, 34/4 (October 2000), 53–9. 1999). Tal, U., Christians and Jews in Germany: Religion, Weitzman, Mark, ‘“The internet is our sword”: Politics and Ideology in the Second Reich, Aspects of Online Anti-Semitism’, in Roth, J. K. 1870–1914 (Ithaca, NY, Cornell University and Maxwell, E. (eds), Remembering for the Press, 1975). Future: The Holocaust in an Age of Genocide, ‘On the Study of the Holocaust and Genocide’, in volume 1 History (London, Palgrave, 2001). Marrus, M. R. (ed.), The Nazi Holocaust: West, Cornel, Prophesy Deliverance!: An Historical Articles on the Destruction of Afro-American Revolutionary Christianity European Jewry, Volume 1. Perspectives on the (Louisville, KY, Westminster John Knox Press, Holocaust (Westport, CT, Meckler, 1989), 2002). 179–224. Wigoder, Geoffrey, Jewish–Christian Relations since Telford, William R., ‘“His blood be upon us, and our the Second World War (Sherman Studies of children”: The Treatment of Jews and Judaism Judaism in Modern Times) (Manchester, in the Christ Film’, in Christianson, Eric S., Manchester Univesity Press, 1988). Francis, Peter and Telford, William R. Willebrands, Johannes, Church and Jewish People: (eds), Cinema´ Divinite:´ More Explorations New Considerations (Mahwah, NJ, Paulist Press, in Theology and Film (London, SCM, 1992). 2005). Wistrich, Robert S. Antisemitism: The Longest Hatred Temkin, Sefton, Creating American Reform Judaism: (London, Thames Methuen; New York, The Life and Times of Isaac Mayer Wise Schocken Books, 1991). (London, The Litman Library of Jewish Wollaston, I., ‘Auschwitz and the Politics of Civilisation, 1998). Commemoration’, Holocaust Educational Trust Ucko, Hans, People of God, Peoples of God, a Research Papers 1/5 (1999–2000). Jewish–Christian Conversation in Asia (Geneva, Wright, Melanie J., ‘“Don’t Touch My Holocaust”: WCC Publications, 1996). Responding to Life is Beautiful’, The Journal of The People and the People of God, Minjung and Holocaust Education 9.1 (2000), 19–32. Dalit Theology in Interaction with ‘The Nature and Significance of Relations between Jewish–Christian Dialogue (Munster,¨ Historic Peace Churches and Jews during and LIT-Verlag, 2002). after the Shoah’, in Porter, Stanley E. and Unsworth, Tim, Iamyour Brother Joseph: Cardinal Pearson, Brook W. R. (eds), Christian Jewish Bernardin of Chicago (New York, Relations through the Centuries (Sheffield, Crossroad/Herder & Herder, 1997). Sheffield Academic Press, 2000), 400–25. VanElderen, Marlin, Introducing the World Council Yoder, John Howard, The Jewish–Christian Schism of Churches (Geneva, WCC Publications, Revisited (London, SCM Press, 2002). 1990). Young, J. E., The Texture of Memory: Holocaust Vital, David, APeople Apart: The Jews in Europe, Memorials and Meaning (New Haven, Yale 1789–1939 (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1999). University Press, 1993). Wagner, Richard, Judaism in Music and Other Writing and Rewriting the Holocaust: Narrative Essays, (trans. Ashton Ellis, William) and the Consequences of Interpretation (Lincoln, University of Nebraska Press, (Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 1995). 1988). Waldman, N., ‘Glimpses of Jesus in Yiddish and Zola, E., The Dreyfus Affair: J’accuse and Other Hebrew Literature’, Jewish Book Annual 50 Writings, ed. Pages,` Alain (New Haven, Yale (1992), 223–39. University Press, 1996).

497 Institutional documents

Zucotti, Susan, The Italians and the Holocaust (New Anglican Communion, Jews, Christians and Muslims: York,Basic Books, 1987). The Way of Dialogue (Diennial Lambeth Under his Very Windows: The Vatican and the Conference, 1988). Holocaust in Italy (New Haven, Yale University Central Board of the Swiss Protestant Church Press, 2000). Federation, Reflections on the Problem of ‘Church-Israel’ (1977). Institutional documents on Jewish–Christian Christian Scholars Group on Christian–Jewish relations Relations, A Sacred Obligation: Rethinking Collections Christian Faith in Relation to Judaism and the Abbot, Walter M. (ed.), The Documents of Vatican II Jewish People (2002). (New York, Guild Press, 1966). Church of England, Inter Faith Consultative Group of Acta et Documenta Concilio Oecumenico Vaticano II the Archbishops’ Council, Sharing One Hope? Apparando,vols 1 and 2 (Rome, Vatican The Church of England and Christian Jewish Polyglot Press, 1961). Relations. A Contribution to a Continuing Brockway, Allan, van Buren, Paul, Rendtorff, Rolf and Debate (London, Church House Publishing, Schoon, Simon, The Theology of the Churches 2001). and the Jewish People: Statements by the World Churches’ Commission for Inter-Faith Relations of Council of Churches and its Member Churches the Council of Churches for Britain and Ireland, (Geneva, WCC, 1988). Christians and Jews: A New Way of Thinking Croner, Helga (ed.), More Stepping Stones to (1994). Jewish–Christian Relations: An Unabridged Congregation for Sacred Doctrine, Catechism of the Collection of Christian Documents Catholic Church (1992). 1975–1983 (Mahwah, NJ, Paulist Press, Consultation of the National Council of Synagogues 1985). and the Bishops Committee for Ecumenical Stepping Stones to Further Jewish–Christian and Interreligious Affairs, Reflections on Relations: An Unabridged Collection of Covenant and Mission (2002). Christian Documents [1948–1975] (London, Church of Sweden, The Ways of God: Judaism and Stimulus Books, 1977). Christianity (2001). Ditmanson, Harold H. (ed.), Stepping Stones to Episcopal Church (USA), Christian–Jewish Dialogue Further Jewish–Lutheran Relationships: Key (1979). Lutheran Statements (Minneapolis, Augsburg, European Lutheran Commission on the Church and 1990). the Jewish People, Statement on Antisemitism Flannery, Austin (ed.), Vatican Council II: The (2004). Conciliar and Post Conciliar Documents European Lutheran Commission on the Church and (Northport, NY, Costello Publishing, 1975; the Jewish People, Recommendations for the Study Edition, 1987). Liturgy (2003). Henrix, Hans Hermann and Kraus, Wolfgang (eds), Evangelical Church (Augsburg and Helvetian DieKirchen und das Judentum, vol. 2: Confessions) in Austria, Time to Turn: The Dokumente von 1986–2000 (Paderborn, Evangelical Churches in Austria and the Jews Bonifatius Verlag; Gutersloh,¨ Gutersloher¨ (1998). Verlagshaus, 2001). Evangelical Church in Germany, Christians and Jews: Rendtorff, Rolf and Henrix, Hans Hermann (eds), AManifesto 50 Years after the Weissensee DieKirchen und das Judentum, vol. 1: Declaration (2000). Dokumente von 1945–1985 (Paderborn, Evangelical Church in Germany, Council of the, Bonifatius Verlag; Gutersloh,¨ Gutersloher¨ Christians and Jews (1975). Verlagshaus, 2001). Evangelical Lutheran Church in America, Guidelines Major institutional statements since 1945 for Lutheran–Jewish Relations (1998). Alliance of Baptists, Statement on Jewish–Christian International Catholic–Jewish Liaison Committee, Relations (1995, revised 2003). Recommendation on Education in Catholic and

498 Institutional documents

Jewish Seminaries and Schools of Theology Relations, The Faithfulness of the Lord Endures (2001). for Ever: Guidelines for Catholic–Jewish International Catholic–Jewish Historical Relations (1992). Commission, The Vatican and the Holocaust: A Roman Catholic Bishops of France, Declaration of Preliminary Report (2000). Repentance (1997). International Council of Christians and Jews, An Roman Catholic Bishops of Germany, Statement on Address to the Churches, Seelisberg the 50th Anniversary of the Liberation of the (Switzerland):The10PointsofSeelisburg(1947). Extermination Camp of Auschwitz 27 January John Paul II, Universal Prayer: Confession of Sins and 1945 (1995). Asking for Forgiveness (2000). Roman Catholic Bishops of the Netherlands, Joint Commission of the Chief Rabbinate of Israel’s Supported by One Root: Our Relationship to Delegation for Relations with the Catholic Judaism (1995). Church and the Holy See’s Commission for Roman Catholic Bishops of Poland, The Victims of Religious Relations with the Jews, Declaration Nazi Ideology (1995). (2003). Roman Catholic Bishops of the United States, Leuenberg Church Fellowship, Church and Israel: A Bishops’ Committee for Ecumenical and Contribution from the Reformation Churches in Interreligious Affairs, Criteria for the Evaluation Europe to the Relationship between Christians of Dramatizations of the Passion (1988). and Jews (2001). Roman Catholic Bishops of the United States, Lutheran Church of Bavaria, Christians and Jews Bishops’ Committee for Ecumenical and (1998). Interreligious Affairs, Guidelines for Lutheran World Federation, Antisemitism and Catholic–Jewish Relations (1967, revised 1985). Anti-Judaism Today (2001). Roman Catholic Bishops of the United States, National Jewish Scholars Project, Dabru Emet – A Bishops’ Committee on the Liturgy, God’s Mercy Jewish Statement on Christians and Christianity Endures Forever: Guidelines on the Presentation (2000). of Jews and Judaism in Catholic Preaching Netherlands Reformed Church, Israel: People, Land (Washington, DC, National Conference of and State (1970). Catholic Bishops, 1988). Pontifical Biblical Commission, The Jewish People and Southern Baptist Convention, Resolution on Jewish their Sacred Scriptures in the Christian Bible Evangelism (1996). (2001). Synod of the Evangelical Church of the Rhineland, Pontifical Commission for Religious Relations with Germany, Statement on the Jewish Question the Jews, Guidelines and Suggestions for (1950). Implementing the Conciliar Declaration Nostra Synod of the Evangelical Church of the Rhineland, Aetate (n. 4) (1975). Germany, Towards Renovation of the Pontifical Commission for Religious Relations with Relationship of Christians and Jews (1980). the Jews, Notes on the Correct Way to Present the Texas Conferences of Churches, Dialogue: A Jews and Judaism in Preaching and Catechesis Contemporary Alternative to Proselytisation (1985). (1982). Pontifical Commission for Religious Relations with United Church of Canada, Bearing Faithful Witness: the Jews, We Remember: A Reflection on the Statement on United Church–Jewish Relations Shoah (1998). Today (2003). Presbyterian Church (USA), A Theological United Methodist Church (USA), Building New Understanding of the Relationship between Bridges in Hope (1996). Christians and Jews (1987). United Synagogue of Conservative Judaism, Emet Religious Leaders of the Holy Land, Alexandria ve-Emunah (Truth and Faith) (1988). Declaration (2002). Vatican II, Declaration on the Relation of the Church Roman Catholic Bishops of Australia, Bishops’ to Non-Christian Religions, Nostra Aetate Committee for Ecumenical and Interfaith (1965).

499 Journals

World Council of Churches (WCC), Ecumenical Journals Considerations on Jewish–Christian Dialogue Christian Jewish Relations (London, Institute of (1979). Jewish Affairs, 1980–91). World Council of Churches (WCC), Ecumenical Current Dialogue (WCC) Considerations for Dialogue and Relations with Service International de Documentation People of Other Religions: Taking Stock of 30 Judeo-Chr´ etienne´ (SIDIC) Years of Dialogue and Revisiting the 1979 Studies in Jewish–Christian Relations (Center for Guidelines (2004). Christian–Jewish Learning at Boston College) World Council of Churches, Commission on Faith and Order of the, The Church and the Jewish people Dictionaries (1967). Cohn-Sherbok, Dan, ADictionary of Judaism and World Council of Churches, First Assembly of the, The Christianity (London, SPCK, 1991). Christian Approach to the Jews (1948). Klenicki, Leon and Wigoder, Geoffrey (eds), A World Council of Churches, Fifth Assembly of the, The Dictionary of the Jewish–Christian Dialogue Middle East and Jerusalem (1975). (Expanded Edition) (Mahwah, NJ, Paulist Press, World Council of Churches Sub-Committee: The 1984). Consultation on the Church and the Jewish Petuchowski, J. J. and Thoma, C., Lexicon der People, The Churches and the Jewish People: judisch-christlichen¨ Begegnung (Freiburg, Towards a New Understanding (1988). Herder, 1989).

500 Index of name

This index of persons named in the Dictionary excludes biblical authors and characters.

Abbahu, Rabbi, 416, 417 Andrew of Crete, 15 Barth, Karl, 23, 86, 103, 137, 167, 179, 184, Abelard, Peter, 1–2, 11 Andrew of St Victor, 15, 57, 58, 152, 184, 234, 251, 384 Abner of Burgos, 2 439 Bartholomaios I, Patriarch, 232 Abrahams, Israel, 4 Annas, 70, 428, 429 Basil I, Emperor, 69 Abramowitz, Max, 33 Anselm of Canterbury, 11, 17, 113, 128, Basil of Caesarea, 134, 242, 301 Abravanel, Isaac, 102, 108, 109, 433 Bassani, Giorgio, 221 295 Antiochus IV Epiphanes, 18, 63, 99, 282, Bassevi, Jacob, 156 Abulafia, Abraham, 4–5, 343 419 Bauckham, Richard, 114 Abulafia, Hezekiah David, 432 Antoninus Pius, Emperor, 249 Bauer, Yehuda, 68 Abulafia, Samuel, 108 Antony of Egypt, 108 Baum, Gregory, 20, 86, 88, 321 Adam of Bristol, 445 Aphrahat, 24, 53, 309, 340, 415 Bauman, Zygmunt, 300 Adenauer, Konrad, 6 Apollinarius of Laodicea, 343 Baxter, Michael, 349 Adler, Hermann, 353 Appelfeld, Aharon, 270 Bayle, Pierre, 425 Afonso V of Portugal, 348 Appolinarius of Hieropolis, 196 Bea, Augustin, 49, 86, 228, 232, 241, 321, Agnon, Shmuel Yosef, 269, 270 Aquila, 29, 53, 76, 95, 186, 226, 250, 322, 382, 444 Agobard of Lyons, 9, 20, 128, 159, 171, 245, 323, 399 Begin, Menachem, 50 278, 353 Aquinas, Thomas, 4, 17, 18, 29, 40, 130, Beilis, Mendel, 271, 386, 387 Agresti, Alejandro, 98 162, 167, 208, 284, 331, 395, 451 Bell, George, 50 Agricola, Johann, 21 Arafat, Yasser, 382 Bellow, Saul, 264 Agrippa, Marcus Vipsanius, 425 Ariarajah, S. Wesley, 39 Belov, Vasili Ivanovich, 272 Aguilar, Grace, 266 Aristobulos, 276 Belyj, Andrey, 271 Ahad Ha’am ( Asher Zvi Ginsberg), 452 Aristotle, 29 Bemisch, Abraham, 54 Aharoni, Yohanan, 179 Arius, 34 BenBag-Bag, Rabbi, 57 Ahasuerus of Persia, 145 Arnold, Matthew, 182 Ben Chorin, Scholem, 187 Akiba, 9, 29, 48, 53, 148, 252, 291, 293, Asch, Scholem, 38, 272 BenGershom, Levi, 102 318 Aschkenasy, Yehuda, 378 Ben Gurion, David, 334 Al-Assal, Riah Abu, 328 Astafiev, Viktor Petrovich, 272 Ben Sira, 18, 25 Alan of Lille, 128 Ateek, Naim, 218, 235, 262, 328 Ben-Yehudah, Eliezer, 263 Albertus Magnus, 18, 20, 130 Athanasius of Alexandria, 10, 34, 39–40, 71, Benamozegh, Elia, 90 Albo, Joseph, 44, 128, 418 108, 276 Benedict XIII, anti-pope, 418 Alcalad´ eHenares, 418 Attridge, Harold W., 63 Benedict XV, Pope, 284 Aleichem, Sholem, 272 Augustine of Canterbury, Benedict of Nursia, 301 Alexander I of Russia, 387 Augustine of Hippo, 5, 7, 41, 42, 50, 54, Benjamin of Tudela, 69 Alexander II of Russia, 328, 434 56–7, 71, 94, 101, 106, 115, 123, 134, Ber-Levinson, Itzhak, 387 Alexander II, Pope, 10 150, 151, 162, 173, 174, 178, 184, Berdyaev, Nikolai Aleksandrovich, 50 Alexander III, Pope, 10 207, 225, 244, 248, 259, 323, 351–2, Berdychevsky, Micha Yosef, 269 Alexander the Great, 10, 172 368, 375, 378, 380, 384, 401, 417, Berenbaum, Michael, 146 Alexander Janneus, 340 430, 439, 449 Berger, David, 44, 91, 119 Alexander, Patriarch of Alexandria, 34, 39 Averroes, 29, 112 Berggrav, Eivind, 280 Alexandra Jannaea, 340 Avicebron see Ibn Gabirol, Bergson, Henri, 331 Alfonsi, Peter, 11, 128, 417 Avicenna, 37 Berkovits, Eliezer, 91, 93, 194 Alfonso XI of Castile, 2 Berlin, Irving, 307 Alfonso of Aragon, 11 Babel, Isaac Emmanuilovich, 272 Bernard of Clairvaux, 14, 50, 116, 169, 278, Allenby, Edmund, 452 Bacchiocchi, Samuele, 390 339, 380 Alonso de Espina, 12, 160, 208 Bach, Johann Sebastian, 45, 283, 306 Bernardin, Joseph, 19, 50–1 Alphonse of Poitiers, 12 Bacon, Roger, 181 Bernardino di Siena, 161 Altizer, Thomas, 123 Baeck, Leo, 45, 91, 176, 184 Bernardino da Feltre, 161 Ambrose of Milan, 70, 77, 94, 106, 134, 150, Baer, Seligmann, 325 Bernstein, Leonard, 307 174, 242, 309 Bagatti, Bellarmino, 209 Berryman, John, 264 Ambrosius, 81 Bagritsky, Eduard Georgiyevich, 272 Berthold of Freiburg, 130 Ammianus Marcellinus, 248 Bahr, Hermann, 44 Berthold of Regensburg, Anacletus II, Pope, 14, 50 Baldwin, James, 264 Bettini, Antonio, 352 Anan ben David, 251 Balfour, Arthur James, 46, 373, 402 Bevel, James, 60 Ananus, 396 Balthasar, Hans Urs von, 67, 86 Bialik, Hayyim Nachman, 51, 269 Anatoli, Jacob, 352 Bammel, Ernst, 247 Bienek, Horst, 269 Andersch, Alfred, 268 BarKokhba, 26, 31, 48, 89, 114, 203, 218, Billerbeck, Paul, 412 Anderson, Gary A., 5 224, 291, 293 Biser, Eugen, 67 Andreas of Rinn, 275 Bar Salibi, 421 Bishop, Claire Huchet, 422 Andreev, Leonid Nikolayevich, 271 Barclay, Robert, 364 Bistritski, Natan, 270

501 Index of name

Bitov, Andrey Georgievich, 272 Chacour, Elias, 328 Dante Alighieri, 201, 257 Blackstone, William, 453 Chadwick, Henry, 342 Darwin, Charles, 434 Blastus, 196 Chagall, Marc, 37–8, 82 David, Francis, 432 Blenkinsopp, Joseph, 58 Charenton, Enguerrand, 68 Davies, Eliza, 127 Bloch, Ernest, 307 Charlemagne, Emperor, 278 Davies, Stevie, 267 Borne,¨ Ludwig, 268 Charles I of England, 389 Davies, W(illiam) D(avid), 87, 129, 218, Bobrowski, Johannes, 268–9 Charles II of England, 433 336, 392 Bockmuehl, Markus, 63 Charles V, Emperor, 300, 301 Dawson, Selwyn, 318 Bodo, deacon of Louis I, 278 Charles the Bald, 278 De Lange, Nicholas, 113 Boehme, Jacob, 310 Charlesworth, James P., 87, 362 de Lestrange, Gisele,` 80 Boff, Leonardo, 261 Chaucer, Geoffrey, 198, 265 de Lubac, Henri, 199 Bomberg, Daniel, 418 Chekhov, Anton, 271 de Mille, Cecil B., 97, 303 Bonaventure, 108 Chesterton, G(ilbert) K(eith), 266 de Mousseaux, Gougenot, 261 Bonhoeffer, Dietrich, 23, 63–4, 103, 104, Cheyette, Bryan, 266 de Torquemada, Tomas, 131 280 Chirikov, Evegnij Nikolaevich, 271 De Valera, Eamon, 213 Borochov, Ber, 452 Christ, Carol, 263 de Zamora, Alfonso, 418 Bousset, Wilhelm, 301 Christine de Pizan, 151 Decius, Emperor, 117, 385 Bouyer, Louis, 273 Chrysippus, 276 Defoe, Daniel, 265 Bownde, Nicholas, 389 Chrysostom, John, 7, 8, 20, 21, 22, 72, Defois, Monsignor, 133 Boyarin, Daniel, 88, 318 92–3, 95, 121, 123, 134, 150, 178, Delgado, Isaac, 54 Boys, Mary, 88, 114, 236 224, 243, 244, 248, 283, 297, 324, Delitzsch, Franz, 124 Braybrooke, Marcus, 230 351, 378, 380, 384, 424 della Marca, Giacomo, 221 Bregman, Marc, 196 Claudius, Emperor, 371 Denk, Hans, 13 Brenner, Joseph Chaim, 64–5, 269 Clement III, Pope, 173 Derrida, Jacques, 349 Briel, Judah, 19 Clement IV, Pope, 160, 337 Derzhavin, Gavrila Romanovich, 271 Brightman, Thomas, 343 Clement VI, Pope, 61, 171, 300 Descartes, Rene,´ 410 Brill, Angel, 409 Clement of Alexandria, 10, 19, 76, 94, 95, Deutsch, Emanuel, 140 Bristow, Anna, 265 139, 331, 342, 431 Dibelius, Otto, 235 Brock, Sebastian P., 117 Clement of Rome, 94, 296, 320, 362 Dickens, Charles, 37, 126–7, 265, 266, 291 Brockes, Barthold Heinrich, 45 Cohen, Arthur A., 311 Dilthey, Wilhelm, 45, 184 Broughton, Hugh, 177 Cohen, Hermann, 45, 91, 100, 169, 184, Diocletian, Emperor, 149, 253 Brown, Raymond, 19, 294 251, 386, 394 Disraeli, Benjamin, 128–9, 266 Brown, Schuyler, 297 Cohen, Jonathan, 296 Dix, Gregory, 147–8 Bruch, Max, 307 Cohn-Sherbok, Dan, 261, 394 Doctorow, E(dgar) L(awrence), 264 Brueggemann, Walter, 59, 218, 392 Coleman, John, 100 Dodd, C(harles) H(arold), 377, 421 Buchner,¨ Georg, 268 Coleridge, Samuel Taylor, 443 Dohm, Christian Wilhelm von, 142, 242, Buber, Martin, 13, 50, 66–7, 91, 124–5, 128, Collins, John J., 24 267 165, 179, 183, 184, 185, 187, 210, Collinson, Patrick, 391 Dominic, 130 236, 251, 300, 318, 369–70, 386 Commodian, 259, 368 Donatus, 225 Buber, Solomon, 66 Constantine, Emperor, 34, 77, 91, 93, 94, Donin, Nicholas, 131, 160, 173, 417, 422 Bucer, Martin, 370 105–6, 114, 134, 184, 202, 218, 226, Dostoevsky, Fyodor Mikhaylovich, 271 Budny, Szymon, 432 245, 295, 296, 297–8, 344, 366, 367, Dovlatov, Sergey Donatovich, 272 Bugaev, Boris Nikolaevich (Andrey Belyj), 371, 385 Dreyfus, Alfred, 132–3, 228 271 Constantius II, Emperor, 117 Droysen, Johann Gustav, 182 Bulgakov, Sergei, 67 Cook, Captain James, 318 Drumont, Edouard, 132, 261 Bullinger, Heinrich, 110, 370 Costa-Gavras, Constantin, 98 Dubnov, Simon, 407 Bultmann, Rudolf, 87, 184, 235, 301, 359 Coughlin, Charles, 435 Dubois, Marcel, 88, 393 Bunin, Ivan Alekseyevich, 271 Creagh, John, 213 Dubois, Sherman, 88 Burchard of Worms, 10 Crescas, Hasdai, 2, 104, 112 Dulles, Avery, 299 Burrell, David, 236 Crispin, Gilbert, 113, 128, 433 Dunn, James, 89 Busleiden, Jerome, 374 Cromwell, Oliver, 46, 73, 113, 183, 290, Duns Scotus, 112, 161 Byron, George Gordon, Lord, 142 433 Durand, William, 240 Crosland, Alan, 308 Dylan, Bob, 307 Cabral, Pedro Alvares, 409 Cruikshank, George, 98 Cahan, Abraham, 263 Culpepper, R. Alan, 188 Eban, Abba, 338 Caiaphas, 62, 70, 97, 428, 429 Cunningham, Philip A., 236, 423, 439 Eckardt, A. Roy, 88, 123, 146, 169, 191, 194, Caird, George Baird, 17 Cyprian, 6, 7, 117, 170, 421 235, 350, 369, 375, 436 Caligula, Gaius, Emperor, 10, 341 CyrilofAlexandria, 7, 11, 108, 117, 135, Eckardt, Alice, 88, 169, 191, 194, 219, 235, Callixtus II, Pope, 72, 404 139 350, 436 Calvin, John, 5, 72–3, 110, 198, 245, 298, Cyril of Jerusalem, 64, 117, 247 Edward I of England, 138–9, 198, 433 358, 369, 370, 384 CyrusofPersia, 126 Efroymson, David, 19 Cameron, William, 65 Egeria, 344 Capito, Wolfgang, 370 Daw¯ ud¯ ibn Marwan¯ al-Muqammas, 18 Egidio of Viterbo, 373 Caraffa, Cardinal Giovanni Pietro ( = Paul da Gama, Gaspar, 409 Ehrenberg, Hans, 386 IV), 131 Dalman, Gustav, 419 Ehrenberg, Rudolf, 386 Carey, George, 97 Damaskinos (Papandreou), Archbishop, Eichmann, Adolf, 33, 78 Casper, Bernard, 386 325 Eisenmenger, Johann, 139 Cassidy, Edward, 41–2, 79–80, 232 Damaskinos (Papandreou), Metropolitan, El’azar bar Rabbi Shim’on, 345 Cassiodorus, Flavius Magnus Aurelius, 170 109, 232, 325 Elazar ben Pedat, 403 Cather, Willa, 264 Damasus I, Pope, 225, 442 Eleazar ben Azariah, 224 Catherine II of Russia, 271, 387 Dan, Joseph, 124 Eliezer, Rabbi, 29, 416 Celan, Paul, 80–1 Danby, Herbert, 16, 119–20, 184 Eliot, George, 140, 263, 266, 291, 410, 452 Celsus, 8, 10, 14, 18, 26, 35, 81, 115, 323 D’Angelo, Mary Rose, 155 Eliot, T(homas) S(tearns), 264 Cerinthus, 343 Danielou,´ Jean, 86 Elkhanan (legendary Jewish pope), 348

502 Index of name

Ellis, Marc, 137, 191, 235, 262, 328 Gaon, Saadiah, 19, 30, 128, 295, 412, 429 Harnack, Adolf von, 7, 45, 95, 175–6, 229, Emden, Jacob, 141 Gaon of Vilna, 141 360, 375, 414 Ephrem, 53, 95, 143, 170, 248, 284, 309, Gaudentius, 331 Harold of Gloucester, 445 340, 345, 383, 415 Geiger, Abraham, 91, 142, 164, 187, 355, Harrelson, Walter, 236 Epiphanius of Salamis, 60, 72, 95, 289, 447 Harries, Richard, 255 296, 322 Georgi, Dieter, 297 Harrington, Daniel, 87 Eppel, Asar Isaevich, 272 Gerber, Jane S., 285 Harris, J. Rendel, 421 Epstein, Jacob, 38 Gershom ben Judah of Mainz, 174, 285 Harrison, Wallace K., 33 Erenburg, Ilya Grigor’evich, 272 Getz, Feivl, 406 Hartman, David, 111, 349 Ervig, King of the Visigoths, 440 al-Ghazzali, Abu Hamid Muhammad, 112 Hauerwas, Stanley, 14, 349 Eudes (Odo) of Chateauroux, 417 Gibson, Margaret, 71 Hazaz, Hayyim, 269, 270 Eusebius of Caesarea, 19, 20, 48, 72, 86, Gibson, Mel, 21, 98–9, 288 Hecateus, 139 94, 145, 149, 186, 196, 218, 224, 237, Giddens, Anthony, 300 Hechler, William, 185, 453 245, 289, 296, 316, 323, 342, 343, Gillman, Harvey, 364 Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich, 142, 181, 365, 421 Ginsberg, Allen, 264 182, 239, 267, 375, 410 Eusebius of Emesa, 53 Ginsberg, Asher Zvi, 452 Hegesippus, 224 Evans, Arise, 343 Ginsburg, David, 359 Heidegger, Martin, 184, 349, 350 Evtushenko, Evgenii, 272 Ginzberg, Louis, 95, 296 Heidenheim, Wolf, 325 Glagolev, Aleksii, 432 Heine, Heinrich (Harry), 90, 142, 165, 181, Fabricius, Johann Albert, 361 Gluckel¨ of Hameln, 267 182, 263, 268, 410 Fackenheim, Emil, 191, 194, 210, 235 Gluckman, Ann, 318 Heinemann, Joseph, 277 Falcini, Mariano, 33 Gnessin, Uri Nissan, 269 Helena, Empress-Mother, 114, 217, 218, Falk, Randall M., 236 Godfrey of Bouillon, 339 344 Falwell, Jerry, 219 Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von, 267 Hellwig, Monika, 87 Farrakan, Louis, 60 Gogol, Nikolay, 271 Hengel, Martin, 183, 293 Fassbinder, Rainer Werner, 268 Goldman, Nahum, 49 Henry I of England, 11 Faustus, 42 Goodman, Allegra, 265 Henry III of England, 131, 139, 183 Feldman, Louis, 297 Goodman, Martin, 297 Henry IV, Emperor, 116, 183, 258 Fell, Margaret, 364 Gorky, Maxim, 51, 271 Henry VIII of England, 306, 433 Ferdinand II, Emperor, 156 Goshen-Gottstein, Moshe, 179 Heraclitus, 249, 276 Ferdinand the Catholic, 108, 131, 156 Gourion, Jean-Baptiste, 393 Herakleos, Emperor, 69 Ferrer, Vicente, 130–1, 352, 353 Graetz, Heinrich, 45, 142, 224 Herbert, George, 183 Feuerbach, Ludwig, 140, 267 Graham, Billy, 150 Herbert of Bosham, 102 Fichte, Johann Gottlieb, 239 Grant, Linda, 267 Herder, Johann Gottfried von, 182, 267 Ficino, Marsilio, 343 Grass, Gunter,¨ 268 Herford, Robert Travers, 129, 184, 230, 367, Finaly, Fritz, 156 Gratian, 10 432 Firkowicz, Abraham, 251 Graubard, Baruch, 277 Hermannus quondam Judaeus, 48–9 Fisch, Harold, 265–6 Graz, John, 400 Hermas, 374 Fisher, Eugene J., 369, 422–3 Green, Arthur, 309 Herod, 26, 31, 185, 332, 340, 400, 429 Fisher, John, 400 Green, Ronald, 349 Herod Agrippa I, 185 Fitzgerald, F.Scott, 264 Greenberg, Gershon, 175 Herod Antipas, 185 Flannery, Edward, 123, 194, 234, 436, Greenberg, Irving, 111, 146, 151, 235, 349 Hertz, Joseph Herman, 102, 419 452 Greenberg, Uri Zvi, 269, 270, 273 Hertzberg, Arthur, 442 Fleming, Victor, 98 Gregorovius, Ferdinand, 166 Herzl, Theodor, 43, 132, 160, 185, 382, Flusser, David, 187, 247, 318 Gregory I (‘the Great’), Pope, 10, 20, 35, 50, 452 Forster,¨ Ludwig von, 33 77, 106, 173, 245, 298, 404 Herzog, Isaac Halevy, 213 Fontane, Theodor, 268 Gregory VII, Pope, 183 Heschel, Abraham Joshua, 60, 122, 146, Ford, David, 349 Gregory IX, Pope, 77, 115, 130, 131, 160, 185–6, 189, 196, 338, 377, 424 Foucault, Michel, 349 173, 278, 417, 422 Hesychius, 53 Fox, George, 364 Gregory XVI, Pope, 261 Heynlin, Peter, 389 Fraenkel, Zecharias, 355, 447 Gregory Nazianzen, 134, 225, 248 Hick, John, 377 Francis of Assisi, 108, 160, 190 Gregory of Nyssa, 7, 117, 134, 242, 244, Hieronymous (fourth century), 217 Frank, Anne, 161 421 Higgins, George C., 436 Frank, Jacob, 21, 126, 161, 402 Grelot, Pierre, 413 Hilary of Poitiers, 424 Franklin, Benjamin, 263 Griffith, D(avid) W(ark), 98 Hilberg, Raul, 77 Frederick II, Emperor, 18, 63, 216, 221 Grimm, Jacob, 267–8 Hildegard of Bingen, 137, 151, 339 Frederick II of Babenberg, 117, 161–2 Grinfield, Edward W., 400 Hillel II, 247 Fredriksen, Paula, 187, 318 Grintz, Yehoshua, 206 Hillel (the Elder), 1, 56, 171, 185, 279, Frei, Hans, 349 Grosseteste, Robert, 181 341, 396, 427 Freud, Sigmund, 43, 162, 197, 401 Grossman, Vasili Semenovich (Iosif Hillel, Simon, 396 Freytag, Gustav, 268 Solomonovich), 272 Hilton, Michael, 236 Friedlander,¨ Saul, 314 Gruber,¨ H., 104 Himmler, Heinrich, 42 Friedlander, Albert, 97 Gruber, Ruth, 304 Hippolytus of Rome, 117 Fromm, Erich, 204 Gutierrez, Gustavo, 261 Hirsch, Samson R., 91, 140, 141, 223, 326 Frumentius, Bishop of Ethiopia, 147 Hitler, Adolf, 13, 44, 63, 77, 91, 186, Frymer-Kensky, Tikva, 58 Hatzer,¨ Ludwig, 13 187–8, 213, 235, 298, 299, 313, 314, Haas, Peter, 146 350, 443 Gadamer, Hans-Georg, 184 Hadrian, Emperor, 26, 29, 48, 69 Hochenau, Ernst Christoph Hochmann Gager, John G., 297 Hahn, Ferdinand, 297 von, 343 Gajowniczek, Franciszek, 254 Halevy,´ Fromental, 306, 308 Hochhuth, Rolf, 98, 345 Galen, Christoph Bernard von, 15, 109 Hall, Douglas John, 122 Hoffman, Larry, 172 Galili, Jose, 185 Halperin, Leivik, 273 Hoffman, Yoel, 270 Gamaliel I, Rabban, 164, 396, 416 Hamilton, William, 123 Hoffmann, David, 326, 447 Gamaliel II, Rabban, 12, 60, 164, 224 Harlan, Veit, 97 Holdheim, Samuel, 189, 355

503 Index of name

Holmes, John Haynes, 353 John of Damascus, 94, 174 Klenicki, Leon, 233 Holwerda, David, 85 John Hyrcanus, 340 Klepfisz, Irewna, 264 Holz, Arno, 268 John Paul II, Pope, 23–4, 44, 57–8, 67, 79, Klepinin, Dimitrii, 50 Hooft, Wilhelm Visser’t, 232 80, 85, 190, 191, 219–20, 221, 227, Kmetko, Karol, 124 Horbury, William, 8 239–40, 246, 254, 275, 338, 344, 346, Knox, John, 389, 433 Horsley, Richard A, 293 375, 382–3, 405, 409, 452 Koester, Helmut, 87 Horthy,Miklos´ Nagybanai,´ 200 Johnson, Luke Timothy, 347 Koestler, Arthur, 252 Hugh of Lincoln, 198, 265 Jonas, Hans, 288 Kolbe, Maximilian, 254 Hugh, Little Saint, 198 Jonas, Justus, 370 Kook, Abraham Isaac, 91, 140, 407 Hugh of St Victor, 15, 57, 181, 439 Josel ofRosheim, 90, 241 Kraft-Ebbing, Richard, 197 Humbert of Romans, 10 Joseph II, Emperor, 43, 242, 425 Krauss, Karl, 268 Humboldt, Wilhelm von, 267 Joseph (seventh century), 95 Krauss, Samuel, 95 Hussar, Bruno, 315, 393 Joseph ben Nathan Official, 319 Krochmal, Nachman, 447 Hutchinson, Anne Marbury, 21 Joseph ben Simeon Kara, 15 Kronish, Ronald, 423 Joseph ibn Pollegar (Pulgar), 2 Kugel, James, 242 IbnEzra, Abraham, 57, 201, 214, 367, 374, Josephus, 26, 38, 45, 63, 70, 75, 81, 94, Kuiper, Frits, 13 380, 412 106, 115, 139, 140, 170, 172, 175, Kuprin, Aleksandr Ivanovich, 271 IbnGabirol, Solomon ben 185, 206, 224, 237, 240, 242–3, 282, Kvam, Kristen, 150 Judah ( = Avicebron), 29, 201 297, 334, 340, 341, 343, 361, 392, Idel, Moshe, 5 393, 396, 450 la Peyrere,` Isaac, 343 Ignatius of Antioch, 21, 26, 27, 28, 38, 71, Joshua ben Hananiah, Rabbi, 29, 426 Lamdan, Yitshak, 269 204, 332, 343, 424 Joshua ben Perahyah, Rabbi, 416 Lamm, Norman, 377 Ignatius of Loyola, 228 Journet, Charles, 384 Landau, Yehezkel, 236 Ilarion, Bishop, 270 Jowett, Benjamin, 301 Landauer, Gustav, 13 Immanuel ben Solomon ben Jekuthiel, 257 Joyce, James, 198, 266–7 Langmuir, Gavin, 424 Immanuel of Rome, 82 Jud, Leo, 374 Langton, Stephen, 255 Innocent II, Pope, 14, 50 Judah ben David Hayyuj, 181 Lapide, Pinchas, 230, 236 Innocent III, Pope, 77, 115, 171, 207–8, Judah ha-Levi, 90, 104, 130, 243, 252, Laud, William, 389 245, 256, 322, 380 386, 429 Lauterbach, Jacob, 184 Innocent IV, Pope, 63, 173, 208, 417 Judas the Galilean, 291 Lavater, Johann Kaspar, 90, 128, 165, 290 Irenaeus of Lyons, 19, 86, 167, 213–14, 223, Judas Maccabaeus, 413, 419 Lazarus, Emma, 263 237, 292, 413, 427 Judith, wife of Emperor Louis I, 278 Lean, David, 98 Isaac ben Abarham Troki, 251 Julian (‘the Apostate’), Emperor, 7, 14, 22, Lebrecht, Norman, 267 Isaac ben Samuel, 303 69, 117, 217, 245, 247–8, 423 Leeser, Isaac, 54 Isaac the Jew (fourth century), 95 Julius Africanus, 94 Leivik, H. (Leivik Halperin), 273 Isaac, Jules, 14, 49, 123, 160, 188, 194, 214, Julius Caesar, 77 Leo III, Emperor, 15, 69, 201 234, 241, 246, 382 Jung-Stilling, Johann Heinrich, 271 Leo XIII, Pope, 29, 381 Isabella of Castile, 108, 131, 156 Juster, Jean, 8, 95 Leo I (the Great), Pope, 171, 437 Ishmael, Rabbi, 89, 185 Justin I, Emperor, 249 Leon of Modena, 259–60, 353 Isidore of Seville, 70, 94, 174, 215 Justin Martyr, 7, 8, 14, 19–20, 26, 28, 38, Leontius of Neapolis, 260 IvoofChartres, 10 48, 53, 54, 56, 75–6, 81, 84, 114, Leopold I, Emperor, 139 128, 173, 206, 210, 223, 237, 249, Lermontov, Mikhail, 271 Jabotinsky, Vladimir, 452 259, 282, 294, 320, 332, 356, 375, Leskov, Nikolay Semyonovich, 271 Jackson, Jesse, 60 392, 399, 412 Lessing, Gotthold, 165, 169, 239, 260, 267 Jacob ben Reuben, 19, 128 Justinian I, Emperor, 69, 249–50, 296, Lessing, Theodor, 268 Jacob of Sikhnin, 416 383, 385, 399 Levi-Strauss,´ Claude, 310 Jacobs, Jacob, 307 Levinas, Emmanuel, 66, 125, 167, 182, 251, Jacobs, Louis, 174–5, 367 Kabak, Aharon, 270 349, 386 Jakobovits, Immanuel, 210 Kafity, Samir, 255 Levine, Amy-Jill, 155, 318, 367 James I of Aragon-Catalonia, 223, 286, 312, Kafka, Franz, 268 Levine, Philip, 264 337, 410, 417, 418 Kahanovitch, Pinkhas, 272 Levy, Amy, 266 James I of England, 389 Kalimi, Isaac, 179 Levy, Solomon, 318 James, Henry, 264 Kamen, Henry, 107 Lewis, Agnes, 71 Jameson, Fredric, 300 Kant, Immanuel, 100, 142, 251, 267, 414 Lewis, Jack P., 320 JanIIKazmierz of Poland, 346 Kaplan, Mordecai, 103 Libanius of Antioch, 22, 92, 248 Jannai, Rabbi, 222 Karo,Joseph, 152 Lichtenberg, Bernard, 379 Jason (second century), 95 Kasemann,¨ Ernst, 87 Liebes, Yehuda, 309 Jaubert, Annie, 334 Kasper, Walter, 88, 232, 233, 391 Lifshitz, A., 270 Jehiel of Paris, 128, 131, 417 Katz, Jacob, 109 Lightfoot, John, 176 Jenson, Robert, 350, 430 Kaufmann, Yehezkel, 95, 178 Lilje, Hans, 280 Jeremias, Joachim, 235 Kedourie, Elie, 313 Lindbeck, George, 349, 350 Jerome, 1, 15, 25, 29, 53, 60, 75, 94, 95, Keeler, William, 436 Lipstadt, Deborah, 350 101, 134, 152, 174, 176, 178, 215, Kellenbach, Katharina von, 155, 191, 235 Liszt, Franz, 283 223, 225–6, 238, 244, 250, 296, 323, Kennedy, John F., 436 Littell, Franklin H., 14, 123, 194, 234, 350, 342, 344, 374, 399, 400, 418, 426, Khoury, Gerries, 328 436 439, 442 Khoury, Rafiq, 328 Littell, Marcia, 193 Jessey, Henry, 389 Kierkegaard, Søren, 406 Lloyd-George, David, 46, 275, 402, 444 Joachim of Fiore, 25, 238–9, 309, 330 Kimhi, David, 19, 57, 253, 361, 367, 374, Llull, Ramon, 130, 275–6, 309, 353 Johanan ben Zakkai, Rabbi, 89, 90, 224 412 Locke, Hubert, 60–1 John II of Navarre and Aragon, 156 Kimhi, Joseph, 19, 128, 380 Locke, John, 300, 425 John XXIII, Pope, 49, 77, 171, 214, 239, King, Martin Luther, 60, 146, 186, 338, 431 Loewenstein, Andrea Freud, 266 240–1, 246, 275, 337, 382, 422, 439 Kittel, Gerhard, 23, 254, 359 Longley, Clifford, 287 John of Capistrano, 161 Klappert, Berthold, 350 Lopez, Roderigo, 291 John of the Cross, 17 Klausner, Joseph, 120, 187, 229, 254, 446 Louis I (the Pious) of France, 9, 258, 278

504 Index of name

Louis VII of France, 10, 278, 340 Melito of Sardis, 19, 38, 59, 76, 92, 123, 145, Nister, Der (Pinkhas Kahanovitch), 272 Louis IX of France, 12, 131, 278, 312, 337 218, 229, 244, 289, 297, 316, 322, Nock, A(rthur) D(arby), 297 Lovell, John A., 65 331, 332, 351, 362, 375, 397, 399, 421 Norton, Edward, 98 Ludemann,¨ Gerd, 229 Melville, Herman, 263 Noth, Martin, 23, 234 Lucas, Leopold, 95 Men’, Aleksandr Vladimirovich, 290 Novak, David, 146, 236 Lucian of Antioch, 53 Menahem ibn Saruq, 181 Novatian, 7 Luckner, Gertrude, 379 Menasseh ben Israel, 73, 113, 290, 343, Lueger, Karl, 44 389, 425 Obadiah the Norman Proselyte, 305 Luther, Martin, 7, 9, 21, 22, 25, 45, 48, 51, Mendelssohn, Felix, 306 Ochs, Peter, 179, 349 63, 77, 90, 102, 114, 123, 126, 145, Mendelssohn, Moses, 90, 128, 130, 141, O’Connor, John, 33 150, 151, 165, 176, 181, 184, 198, 142, 165, 169, 260, 267, 290, 319, Odo ofSully, 322 229, 241, 244, 245, 248, 254, 267, 325, 425 Odo ofTournai, 440 279–80, 285, 298, 322, 334, 358, 363, Mercier, Auguste, 132 Oesterreicher, John M., 86, 231, 277, 321, 368, 370, 378, 380, 384, 430, 440, 442 Metz, Johann-Baptist, 87 322, 436 Luzzatto, Samuel David, 419, 447 Meyerbeer, Giacomo, 306 Offenbach, Jacques, 306 Lyotard, Jean Franc¸ois, 349 Meyers,Joel, 233 Olsen, Tillie, 264 Lyra,Nicholas of, 57, 102, 160, 176, 181, Michelangelo Buonarroti, 37, 54, 303 Olson, Bernard, 422 184, 281, 285, 368, 418 Micheli, Vincenzo, 33 Omar II, Caliph, 131 Mieszko I of Poland, 346 Onkelos the Proselyte, 180, 322–3 Macho, Alexandre D´ıez, 419 Milgrom, Jeremy, 328 Origen, 6, 10, 12, 14, 18, 19, 22, 26, 29, 34, Mahler, Gustav, 43, 306 Miller, Arthur, 264 35, 45, 53, 56, 59, 75, 76, 81, 86, 94, Mailer, Norman, 264 Miller, Betty, 266 95, 101, 108, 115, 134, 139, 149, 151, Maimonides, Moses ben Maimon, 2, 17, Miller, William, 400 180, 184, 186, 209, 223, 226, 240, 29, 37, 40, 44, 90, 104, 112, 126, 130, Mirabeau, Honore,´ Comte de, 142 245, 247, 282, 296, 309, 323, 331, 144, 168, 179, 180, 283–4, 288, 292, Mitrani, Michel, 98 342, 384, 412, 431, 440 295, 312, 319, 371, 375, 412, 426, Molcho, Solomon, 300–1 Oseander, Andreas, 370 429 Moltmann, Jurgen,¨ 88, 146, 234 Osman I, 327 Malamud, Bernard, 264 Monis, Judah, 263 Otto, Rudolf, 395, 406 Malkiel, Theresa, 263 Montefiore, Claude, 125, 229, 301–2, 318, Oz, Amos, 270 Malle, Louis, 98 354, 359, 434 Ozick, Cynthia, 264 Mandelstam, Osip, 271 Montefiore, Moses, 302, 433 Manetti, Giannozzo, 373 Moore, George Foot, 230, 337 Pablo Christiani see Paul the Christian, Manger, Itsik, 273 Moore, James, 88 Packer, James, 377 Mann, Thomas, 268 Morey, Charles Rufus, 36 Pagninus, Sanctes, 176, 374 Manuel I of Portugal, 348 Morgentaler, Goldie, 266 Palestrina, Giovanni Pierluigi de, 283 Marcel, Gabriel, 66 Mortara, Edgardo, 302, 344 Paley, Grace, 264 Marcion, 76, 143, 167, 176, 177, 284, 316, Morteira, Saul Levi, 352 Papias, 28, 332 317, 336 Mossenzon, Yigal, 270 Papiscus (second century), 95 Marcus Aurelius, Emperor, 289 Motyer, Stephen, 188 Paris, Matthew, 443 Marcus, Ivan G., 49 Muller,¨ Max, 400 Parkes, James, 14, 16, 24, 84, 86, 91, 96, 125, Maritain, Jacques, 436 Muntzer,¨ Thomas, 25, 176, 374 194, 234, 299, 329, 350, 367, 434 Mark the Monk (fifth century), 289 Muelhausen, Yom Tov Lippman, 319 Pascal, Blaise, 331 Marks, David Woolf, 353 Muhammad, 30, 215, 216, 429 Pasternak, Boris, 271, 272, 334 Markus, Robert, 430 Murnau, F(riedrich) W(ilhelm), 99 Paul the Christian, 130, 223, 285, 312, 337, Marlowe, Christopher, 265, 291 Murry, William, 199 410, 417, 418 Marmorstein, Arthur, 78 Mussner, Franz, 88, 234, 375 Paul IV, Pope ( = Cardinal Caraffa), 131, Marquardt, Friedrich-Wilhelm, 111, 191, Myers, Carol, 151 166, 244, 245–6, 381 369, 375 Paul VI, Pope, 227, 232, 239, 254, 275, Marr, Wilhelm, 141 Nabokov, Vladimir, 271 337–8, 382, 409, 418 Marshak, Samuil, 272 Nahmanides, 102, 128, 130, 190, 222, 223, Paula, 225 Marshall, Gordian, 236 285, 292, 312, 337, 410, 417, 418 Pawlikowski, John, 88, 110, 146, 236, 261, Mart´ınez, Ferrant, 352 Napoleon III of France, 302, 360 299, 333, 369, 422 Martini, Carlo, 87 Napoleon Bonaparte, 132, 160, 165, 312, Peace, David, 267 Martini, Raymond, 2, 7, 130, 170, 223, 396, 449 Pedro the Cruel, 108 285–6, 418 Nathan of Gaza, 402 Peirce, Charles, 430 Marty, Martin E., 311 Neale, John Mason, 227 Pelagius, 384 Martyn, J. Louis, 188 Neher, Andre,´ 424 Penyafort, Ramon de, 130, 223, 337 Marx, Karl, 181, 268, 349 Nekrasov, Nikolay Alekseyevich, 271 Perara, Victor, 265 Maxentius, Emperor, 105 Nekrasov, Viktor Platonovich, 272 Perelmuter, Hayim, 88 Maximilian, Emperor, 376 Nero,Emperor, 18 Peter the Hermit, 50 Maximus the Confessor, 69 Nestorius, 21 Peter the Venerable, 11, 50, 128, 278, 340, Mazar, Benjamin, 179 Netanel ibn Fayyumi, 429 417 McDonough, Sean, 422 Netanyahu, Benzion, 107 Petersen, William L., 158 McGowan, Andrew, 157 Neusner, Jacob, 178, 291, 311, 341, 354 Petrus Serrarius, 343 McKay, Heather, 390 Newman, John Henry, 130, 428 Petuchowski, Jakob, 277, 278 Mede, Joseph, 343 Newman, Selig, 54 Pfefferkorn, Johannes, 131 Meir ben Barukh, Rabbi, 35–6 Nicholas I of Russia, 328 Phan Van Loi, Peter, 39 Meir, Golda, 338 Nicholas II of Russia, 360 Philip Augustus of France, 10, 159 Meir, Rabbi, 61 Nicholas III, Pope, 5, 245 Philo of Alexandria, 3, 26, 45, 70, 94, 99, Me’iri, Avigdor, 269–70 Nicholas IV, Pope, 160 101, 111, 130, 139, 150, 151, 157, Meiri, Menahem ben Solomon, 44, 90, 169, Niebuhr, H. Richard, 436 170, 172, 174, 177, 206, 253, 276, 288–9 Niebuhr, Reinhold, 370, 436, 452 295, 297, 309, 334, 341–2, 343, 392, Melikhov, Aleksandr Motel’evich, 272 Niemoller,¨ Martin, 103, 319 399, 421, 426, 431, 446, 450 Nietzsche, Friedrich, 270, 349, 350 Phocas, Emperor, 22

505 Index of name

Photius of Constantinople, 342 Renan, Joseph Ernest, 182, 229 Schelling, Friedrich Wilhem Joseph von, Pico della Mirandola, Giovanni, 5, 112, 152, Rendtorff, Rolf, 58 239 176, 221, 309, 343, 373, 374, 376 Reuchlin, Johannes, 176, 309, 373, 374, Schiller, Friedrich, 267 Pilate, Pontius, 26, 62, 70, 89, 244, 332, 333, 376–7, 417 Schleiermacher, Friedrich, 109, 184, 375, 340, 343–4, 428 Reuveni, David, 300, 301 410, 414 Pisemsky, Aleksey Feofilaktovich, 271 Reynolds, Joyce M., 209 Schmidt, Karl Ludwig, 67, 128 Pius IX, Pope, 77, 142, 166, 232, 261, 302, Rhoads, David M., 293 Schneerson, Menachem Mendel, 292, 293, 344–5, 382 Rich, Adrienne, 264 295 Pius X, Pope, 227, 381, 382, 452 Richard I of England, 116 Schneider, Peter, 16, 96 Pius XI, Pope, 240, 381 Richard of St Victor, 439 Schneiders, Sandra M., 189 Pius XII, Pope, 49, 55, 188, 191, 232, 234, Ricoeur, Paul, 184, 189 Schnitzler, Arthur, 268 321, 337, 345, 381, 382 Ridiger, Aleksii, 388 Schoenberg, Arnold, 307 Plaskow, Judith, 154, 230, 262 Riegner, Gerhart M., 232 Schoeps, Hans Joachim, 165 Plato, 184 Robert of Bury, 445 Scholem, Gershom, 5, 25, 402 Platonov (Klimentov), Andrey Platonovich, Robertson, Pat, 98, 219 Scholz, Hans, 268 272 Roger of Sicily, 14 Schreckenberg, Heinz, 7 Pliny the Elder, 282 Roger of Wendover, 443 Schurer,¨ Emil, 359, 426 Pliny the Younger, 14, 371, Rohling, August, 124 Schussler¨ Fiorenza, Elisabeth, 155 385 Rokeah, David, 7 Schubert, Franz, 305 Poe, Edgar Allan, 264 Roland, George, 443 Schwartz, Delmore, 264 Poliakov, Leon,´ 348 Romanos I Lekapenos, Emperor, 69 Schweiker, William, 199 Pollefeyt, Didier, 146 Romanos Melodos, 59, 345, 383 Schweitzer, Albert, 187 Polly, Stuart, 423 Rose, Martin, 421 Scott, Walter, 266 Polycarp, 26, 28, 38 Rosen, Moishe, 238 Scroggs, Robin, 87 Polycrates of Ephesus, 365 Rosenfeld, Isaac, 264 Secunda, Sholem, 307 Polyhistor, Alexander, 94 Rosenstock-Huessy, Eugen, 66, 385–6 Segal, Alan, 88, 297, 318 Pope, Marvin, 197 Rosenzweig, Franz, 66, 67, 84, 91, 100, Segal, Lore, 264 Porphyry Malchus, 14 125, 141, 165, 167, 172, 179, 184, Sen, Amartya, 288 Postel, Guillaume, 310 185, 210, 230, 231, 236, 300, 385, Serrarius, Peter, 402 Potok, Chaim, 82, 265 386, 411, 430 Servetus, Michael, 432 Pound, Ezra, 264 Rossi, Azariah ben Moses dei, 25, 82, 257, Severus, Bishop of Menorca, 135 Pˇremysl Otakar II, 117 341–2 Shababo, Shoshana, 270 Prokhanov, Aleksandr Andreevich, 272 Rossi, Salamone, 306 Shabbetai Zvi, 21, 25, 218, 293, 295, 301, Prudentius, Aurelius Clemens, 11, 94 Roth, Henry, 264 402, 410 Pseudo-Aristeas, 157 Roth, John, 146 Shaftesbury, Anthony Ashley Cooper, 7th Pseudo-Cyprian, 7, 72, 117, 362 Roth, Joseph, 268 Earl of, 402 Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, 15 Roth, Philip, 265 Shakespeare, William, 37, 126, 290, 291, Pseudo-Hecataeus, 14 Roth, Samuel, 342 402–3 Pseudo-Philo, 45, 295, 450 Rothschild, Lionel de, 433 Shapiro, James, 403 Pseudo-Tertullian, 196 Rothschild, Walter, 2nd Baron, 46 Shapiro, Karl, 264 Puech, Emile,´ 206 Rotta, Angelo, 240 Shapiro, Lamed, 272 Pugin, Augustus Welby Northmore, 33 Rousseau, Jean Jacques, 331 Shapur II of Persia, 24, 143 Pushkin, Aleksandr, 271 Rozanov, Vasily Vasilyevich, 271, 386 Shaw, Frank, 422 Rozhdestvenskii, Platon, 387 Shelemay, Kay Kaufman, 306 Quirinius, governor of Syria, 185 Rubenstein, Richard, 123, 191, 194, Shelley, Percy Bysshe, 443 Quintilian, Marcus Fabius, 115 235 Sheptytsk’kyi, Andrii, 379, 432 Quisling, Vidkun, 398 Rudiger of Speyer, 258 Sherman, Franklin, 88, 146 Quodvultdeus of Carthage, 171 Rudin, James, 233 Shlonsky, Avraham, 269 Rudolph II, Emperor, 118 Shneur Zalman of Liady, 141 Raabe, Wilhelm, 268 Ruether, Rosemary (Radford), 7, 19, 86, Shoufani, Emile, 30 Rabinowitz, Joseph, 180 169, 177–8, 191, 194, 230, 234, 235, Shvili, Binyamin, 270 Race, Alan, 394 350, 375, 452 Silman, K. Y., 270 Ragussis, Michael, 266 Rufeisen, Daniel, 65–6 Silver, Micklin, 98 Raheb, Mitri, 328 Rufinus, Tyrannius, 225, 248 Simeon ben Azzai, 81 Rahner, Karl, 210, 236, 437 Rukeyser, Muriel, 264 Simeon, Charles, 96 Raiser, Konrad, 233 Rylaarsdam, J. Coert, 88 Simlai, Rabbi, 101 Rand, Howard, 65 Simon, Marcel, 8, 350, 366 Raphael, Melissa, 191 Sa’d ibn Mansur ibn Kammuna, 19 Simon, Richard, 178, 181 Rapoport, Solomon Judah, 447 Sabbah, Michel, 30, 328 Simon of Trent, 275 Rashi, Solomen ben Isaac, 15, 57, 102, Sacks, Jonathan, 82, 100, 184, 326 Simpson, William W., 125, 293, 399 128, 151, 159, 160, 181, 184, 281, Sadeh, Pinchas, 270 Singer, Isaac Bashevis, 38, 264–5, 273 367, 368, 374, 412, 418, 439 Sadler, John, 65 Singer, Israel, 233 Rasputin, Valentin Grigor’evich, 272 Saldarini, Anthony, 87, 94 Sinyavsky, Andrey Donatovich, 272 Ratisbonne, Alphonse, 368 Samuel ben Meir, Rabbi (Rashbam), 15 Sinzheim, David, 325 Ratisbonne, Theodore, 368, 405 Sanders, E(d) P(arish), 230, 234, 258, Sisebut, King of the Visigoths, 215, 440 Rauschenbusch, Walter, 446 336–7, 341, 380, 412 Sixtus IV, Pope, 208 Ravel, Maurice, 307 Sanders, James A., 179 Skobtsova, Maria, 50 Rawls, John, 288 Sandmel, Samuel, 187, 278, 318, 354 Smith, Alfred E., 435 Recared, King of the Visigoths, 440 Sanger, Hermann, 43 Smith, Gerald L. K., 65 Reccesuinth, King of the Visigoths, 440 Sartre,Jean-Paul, 160 Smith, Joseph, Jr, 257 Reinach, Theodore, 14 Schafer,¨ Peter, 309 Smith, William Cantwell, 125–6 Reinhartz, Adele, 188, 318 Schechter, Solomon, 71, 102, 178, 301, Snychev, Ioann, 324, 388 Rembrandt Harmenszoon van Rijn, 37, 444 Sobrino, Jon, 261 314 Scheler, Max, 406 Socha, Leopold, 432

506 Index of name

Socrates, 249 Theophilus, Patriarch of Alexandria, 92 Walton, Brian, 418 Socrates Scholasticus, 72, 117, 248, 365 Theophrastus, 14 Wassermann, Jakob, 268 Sofer, Hatam, 406 Theudas, 291 Waxman, Mordecai, 436 Sola Pool, David de, 277, 278 Thibaut de Sezanne, 130 Weber, Max, 186 Solomon ben Samson, 258 Thoma, Clemens, 87, 414 Weidner, John, 400 Solomon, Norman, 255, 261 Thomas aK` empis, 190, 331–2 Weinryb, Bernard D., 422 Soloveitchik, Joseph B., 326, 406 Thomas of Monmouth, 445 Weitzmann, Kurt, 36 Solovyov, Vladimir, 271, 387, 406–7 Tillich, Paul, 452 Weizmann, Chaim, 46, 275, 444 Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr, 272 Tiso, Jozef, 191 Wellhausen, Julius, 55, 178, 278, 326, 360, Sonnenfels, Joseph, 242 Titus, Emperor, 242, 419 426, 444 Soulen, Kendall, Toland, John, 142 Werblowsky, Zvi, 338 Sozomen, Salaminius Hermas, 248, Tolstoy, Leo, 271 Wesley, Charles, 444 365 Tomson, Peter J., 157 Wesley, John, 190, 293, 444 Spiegelman, Art, 264 Tostado, Alfonso, 102 West, Nathaniel, 264 Spielberg, Steven, 98, 192 Tov, Emanuel, 179 Westcott, B(rooke) F(oss), 430 Spinoza, Barukh, 13, 82, 112, 140, 142, Trajan, Emperor, 371 Wharton, Edith, 264 143, 152, 178, 184, 201, 224, 314, Traske, John, 389 White, Ellen G., 400 364, 410 Treitschke, Heinrich von, 342 Whitehead, A(lfred) N(orth), 18 Stalin, Joseph, 388 Tremellius, Immanuel, 176, 374 Wiesel, Elie, 193 Stasov, Vladimir, 202 Treves, Marco, 33 Wilberforce, William, 96 Stein, Edith, 77, 232, 239, 382, 411–12 Trible, Phylis, 397 Wilhelm, Jacob, 267–8 Stein, Rosa, 411 Tribonium, 69, 249 Wilken, Robert, 19, 378 Steinberg, Y., 269 Trocme,´ Andre,´ 379 Wilkinson, John, 373 Stendahl, Krister, 220, 234, 249, 295, 378, Trollope, Anthony, 266 Willebrands, Johannes, 232, 444–5 398, 421 Truman, Harry S., 444 William I of England, 433 Stollman, Aryeh Lev, 265 Tsvetaeva, Marina Ivanovna, 271 William X Duke of Aquitaine, 14 Stowers, Stanley, 378 Tuckett, C(hristopher) M(ark), 63 William of Champeaux, 439 Strack, Hermann, 412 Turgenev, Ivan, 271 William of Norwich, 63, 380, 433, Straube, Karl, 307 Turkow,Jonas, 98 445 Strauss, David Friedrich, 140, 142, 310 Twain, Mark, 264 William of Ockham, 112 Strober, Gerald S., 422 Tyndale, William, 430–1 Williamson, Clark M., 88, 235, 299, Strygowsky, J., 36 369 Sturt, Godwin, 445 Ucko, Hans, 233 Wilson, John, 65 Stylbarianopoulos, Theodore, 84 Umansky, Ellen, 397 Wilson, Woodrow, 402 Suetonius Tranquillus, Gaius, 371 Unterman, Alan, 394 Winckelmann, Johann Joachim, 182 Sukenik, Eliezer L., 179, 209 Urban II, Pope, 115, 253 Wine, Sherwin T., 199 Sulzer, Salomon, 305 Wirszubski, Chaim, 343 Surminski, Arno, 269 Vadkovskii, Antonii, 387 Wise, Isaac Mayer, 354, 355 Symmachus, 53, 76, 95, 186, 226, 323, Valentinus I, Emperor, 167 Wise, Stephen, 91, 353, 445 399 Valerian, Emperor, 117 Wohlmuth, Josef, 66 Synesius of Cyrene, 95 van Buren, Paul, 84–5, 87, 110–11, 123, 179, Wolfson, Elliot, 89, 309, 430 194, 235–6, 350, 369, 375 Wollach, Yonah, 270 Tacitus, Cornelius, 14 Varnhagen, Rahel, 267 Woolf, Leonard, 266 Talmon, Shemaryahu, 179 Varus, governor of Syria, 115 Wordsworth, William, 443 Tanenbaum, Marc, 233 Vaughan, Henry, 183 Wren, Christopher, 32 Tannenbaum, Robert, 209 Vermes, Geza, 187, 230, 233, 318, Wycliffe, John, 184 Tatian, 206 367 Wyschogrod, Michael, 89, 220 Taylor, Charles, 184 Vespasian, Emperor, 224, 242 Tchernikhovsky, Sh., 269 Victor I, Pope, 256 Yadin, Yigael, 179 Telemann, Georg Philipp, 283 Victoria, Queen, 302 Yannai, 346 Temple, William, 96, 419 Victorinus, 225 Yeshurun, Avot, 270 Teresa of Avila, 411 Vladimir, Prince, 93, 112, 252 Yoder, John Howard, 13–14 Tertullian of Carthage, 6, 7, 8, 19, 56, 63, 86, Vogel, David, 269 Younan, Munib, 30, 328 114, 117, 150, 240, 259, 284, 292, Voinovich, Vladimir Nikolaevich, 272 316, 344, 371, 374, 375, 385, 412, Voltaire, 142, 300, 441–2 Zangwill, Israel, 266 413, 420, 430, 440 Vranitsky, Franz, 44 Zeffirelli, Franco, 97–8 Terz,Abram (Andrey Donatovich Zenger, Erich, 110 Sinyavsky), 272 Wagner, Richard, 306, 443 Zeno, 276 Theodora, Empress, 249 Wahlde, Urban C. von, 188 Ziorov, Nikolai, 387, 388 Theodore of Mopsuestia, 22 Wainwright, Philip, 117 Zola, Emile, 132, 160 Theodoret of Cyrrhus, 423 Wakefield, Robert, 374 Zunz, Leopold, 447 Theodosius I, Emperor, 69, 77, 99 Waldheim, Kurt, 44, 232, 239, 382 Zweig, Arnold, 268 Theodosius II, Emperor, 69, 324, 423 Walker, Alice, 154 Zweig, Stefan, 268 Theodotion, 53, 95, 186, 226, 323, 399 Wallenberg, Raoul, 240 Zwingli, Huldreich, 370

507

REVELATION