A Dissertation Submitted to the PUNJABI UNIVERSITY, PATIALA in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER of PHILOSOPHY in HISTORY 1988

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A Dissertation Submitted to THE PUNJABI UNIVERSITY, PATIALA in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF PHILOSOPHY in HISTORY 1988

J Supervised by : Submitted by : DR. KIRPAL SINGH BIMLA DEVI Prof. (Retd.)

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4 MASTER TARA SINGH : A POLITICAL PROFILE

A Dissertation Submitted to THE PUNJABI UNIVERSITY, p ATI ALA in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF PHILOSOPHY in HISTORY 1988

Supervised by : Submitted by OR, KIRPAL SINGH BIMLA DfcV! Proi (Retd.)

DEPARTMENT Ob HISTORY PUNJAB! UNIVERSITY, PATIALA. MASTER TARA SINGH : A POLITICAL PROFILE

A Dissertation Submitted to THE PUNJABI UNIVERSITY, PATIALA in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF PHILOSOPHY in HISTORY 1988

Supervised by : Submitted by DR. KIRPAL SINGH BIMLA DEVI Prof. (Retd.)

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY PUNJABI UNIVERSITY, PATIALA. This is to certify that Shximati Bimla Devi has written her dissertation entitled "Master Tara Singh : A Political Profile" under my supervision. It is her bonafide research work based largely on original and contemporary sources. The dissertation is fit for evaluation for the degree of Master of Philosophy.

Formerly Professor 8. Head Department of Punjab Historical Studies, Punjabi University,Patiala.

I CONTENTS

CHAPTE R PAGE PREFACE (i) I EARLY LIFE (1885-1920) 1 II HISTORICAL MILIEU 18 III ROLE OF MASTER TARA SINGH IN 25 GURDWARA REFORM MOVEMENT (1921-25) IV MASTER TARA SINGH'S RELATION WITH 52 INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS (1925-1940) V MASTER TARA SINGH AND PARTITION OF 72 PUNJAB(1940-1947) VI MASTER TARA SINGH AND STRUGGLE FOR 88 PUNJABI SUBA (1947-1966) CONCLUSIONS 114 BIBLIOGRAPHY 120

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PREFACE

Master Tara Singh enjoys a great reputation among the Sikhs and he has contributed a lot in shaping the historyof the land of five rivers. He was my childhood ideal. I was, therefore, attracted towards his life and wanted to write my dissertation about his life. Incidently my Supervisor, Dr Kirpal Singh also suggested me this to p ic . In the preparation of this thesis many primary sources such as autobiography of late Master Tara Singh, his private papers, Government Gazettes, files lying in the National Archives of India, volumes of Transfer of Power. Indian Annual Register and Encyclopaedia of Conrress, files of The Tribune. Akali/Akali Patrika. etc. have been consulted. For collecting the relevant material I had to visit many places such as New Delhi, Amritsar, Chandigarh etc. and had to consult many libraries such as of National Archives of India; State Archives at Patiala; Pan jab University, Chandigarh; Punjabi University, Patiala; Central State Library, Patiala etc. y I am deeply indebted to Dr Kirpal Singh, my esteemed supervisor, for his ungrudging help and guidance in the preparation of present work. He took ( i i ) great pains in giving me highly useful suggestions and comments. He has gone through the whole of an thoroughly. It was due to his ever ready guidance that this work could be completed. I am also grateful to Dr A.C. Arora and Dr Y.P. Bajaj. They always encouraged and goaded me to complete my dissertation. I feel pleasure in acknowledging the help and encouragement which I received from my family members especially my husband Dr. Tarlok Singh Anand. In the end I owe my gratitude to all of those who directly or indirectly encouraged, guided and helped me in the completion of this work.

(BIMLA ANAND) CHAPTER -I EARLY LIFE ( 1885 - 1920)

Master Tara Singh has played a major role in shaping the destiny of Punjab and especially the Sikhs in twentieth century. His contribution to the politics and religion is widely recognized. Keeping this thing in mind a contemporary of him says, "The honour and glory that has come to the lot of Master Tara Singh, can be claimed by very few in the country." ^ Master Tara Singh was bom on June 24, 1885 in village Hariyal, 2 Tehsil Gujjarkhan (now a District), District Rawalpindi (now in Pakistan). It was basically a village of Brahminjds, though there were a few households of other castes also. The name of his father was Gopi Chand, a 3 Malhotra Khatri. The great grandfather of Gopi Chand, a long time ago, shifted from the village Murid, District Rawalpindi and settled in Hariyal. At the time of the birth of Tara Singh, there were about 15 households belonging to this family. The name of the mother of Tara Singh was Moolan Devi and she was from the Sehgal family.4 1. Durlab Singh, The Valiant Fighter (A Biographical Study of Master Tara Singh (Lahore, 1942J, p. 14. 2. Niranjan Singh, Jeevan Yatra Master Tara Singh (Punjabi) (Amritsar, n.d.)7 pT $ . 3. Ib id . . p, 10. 4. Ibid., p. li. 2

Gopi Chand was a patwari by profession. He and his family members were popularly known as Bakshi. Gopi Chand was known as elder or truthful Bakshi. He was a God-fearing pexson and he never uttered a lie. So much so that if any body had a dispute even with Gopi Chand's younger brother, the person concerned would gladly accept Gopi Chand as a mediator and would also accept the decision given by Gopi Chand as there was no possibility of him deliberately favouring his own brother. 2 His mother was also a very simple and pious lady. Though she was totally illiterate yet she had learnt by heart the whole of Japji, Kirtan Sohila and many other verses from the Holy Granth, the Sikh S crip tu re•3 The family of Gopi Chand was a Hindu family. Therefore they named their new bom son as Nanak Chand.* Though the father highly revered and worshipped the Sikh Gurus and Guru Granth Sahib yet he was not in favour of himself or his sons becoming Sikhs. On the other hand in those days in 6 Dhan-Puthohar villages Sikh religion, its mode of worship, 1. Ibid., p. 10. 2 . Idem * 3. Ibid., p, 11. 4. k Chand w la te r on amed ingh 5. ab Singh, cit., p. lb. 6 . Phan means the area of Tehsil Chakwal, district Jhelum now in Pakistan) and Puthohar means the area between river Jhelum and river Sindh, the most of it lying in district Rawalpindi (now in Pakistan) Collectively Dhan-Puthoha^is the area from Jhelum to Attock. See Bhai Kahan S (Patiala, 1981),ingh, Gur JU"Shabad --J Ratnakar (Mahan K-oshX Punj 3 the sweet voice of its religious psalms sung in congregation by men, women and children together has attracted many non-Sikh families towards its sublime idealsIn those days a well known Sikh preacher, Sant Attar Singh,^ was giving his discourses in Dhan-Puthohar area* The religious climate* generated by this great saint, later on, to some extent, became one of the causes of Nanak Chand* s conversion to Sikhism. Nanak Chand was admitted to the school in a nearby village Hamal (about li miles from Hariyal) as there was no school in his native village* After he got his primary school education, his father sensing his intelligence sent A him to Mission School, Rawalpindi for further studies. Once during holidays when Nanak Chand came to his village he used to listen to the Katha (an explainatory discourse) of Panth Parkasn very attentively^ The tales of sacrifice and fighting spirit of Sikh warriors, deeply influenced Nanak Chand and he decided in his mind that he would become a Sikh. 7 But his father did not appreciate this idea and 1. Durlab Singh, op. cit.. p. 16. 2. Sant Attar Singh (1866—1936) was born in village Cheema of earstwhile Patiala State, he served in army for sometime but later on resigned and took to religious preaching. He baptised thousands of people and brought them to the fold of Sikhism. 3. Gyani Gurcharan Singh, Ankhl Soorma (Punjabi) (Delhi,n.d.), p . 24 • 4. Prithipal Singh Kapoor, Jeewan Master Tara Singh (Itihasak Pakh Ton) (Punja i) (AmrTtsar, n.d.TTp. §. r 5. A well known book about history of Sikhs writtenW Sardar Rattan Singh. ' 7.6. Tara Ibid., Singh, p. 18. Meri_Yaad (Punjabi) (Amritsar, 1945), p. 17. 4 with the help of a Brahmin teacher he discouraged him (Nanak Chand) to do so. On the other hand Nanak Chand, from his very childhood, was of very strong mind and what ever he thought was proper he would do that. So when once he decided to become a Sikh, nothing could deter him. Sant Attar Singh had a dominating personality and his saintly mode of living got him love and honour that was akin to worship. 2 When Sant Attar Singh was in Dera Khalsa, Tehsil Kahuta, District Rawalpindi (now in Pakistan) many people used to go for his darshan. One day in the year 1900 when Nanak Chand was going to Rawalpindi from his village he met some young men who were going to Dera Khalsa for seeing Sant Attar Singh. He also accompanied them and was baptised by Sant Attar Singh. While giving amrit to Nanak Chand, Santji made a prophetic utterance which influenced and guided him throughout his life. The holy saint said, "Young man, you are no more Nanak Chand; you axe now Tara Singh. You will shine like a star; 3 henceforth, may God help you in finding salvation for yourself and your community."^ These words of a noble soul had a lasting effect on the course of life of Tara Singh. 1. Prithipal Singh Kapoor, op. cit.. p. 10. 2. Durlab Singh, op. cit., p. 19. 3. ’Tara' litexally means a ’star’. 4. Durlab Singh, op. cit., pp. 20-21. 9

when ingh came oacjt to his village, a klrpan (sword), his father and his elder brother, Ganga Ram became annoyed on seeing him and persuaded him not to become a Sikh. His father even threatened him by saying that if he persisted with the idea he would have to leave the house. But Tara Singh was a man and defied all the opposition. He left his home penniless and started walking towards Mandra railway station. At this stage his mother intervened and persuaded her eldest son, Ganga Ram, to bring back Tara Singh. It required quite an effort on the part of Ganga Ram in persuading Tara Singh not to leave home. 2 But according iranjan Singh a younger brother of Master Tara Singh, it was immaterial for his Chand if his son was a Hindu or a Sikh an annoyance was due to this fact that an seek permission of the family before becoming a Sikh. 3 At that time no one knew that conversion of one youncman, Nanak Chand, would change the course of history. Gradually not only his whole family but many near and distinct relations also embraced Sikhism.4 When Tara Singh was a student of ninth class he lost his father. Now his elder brother, Ganga Singh (previously known Ganga started to look after the familv 1. Prithipal Singh Kapoor, op. cit.. p. 11. 2. Idem. 3. Niranjan Singh, op. cit., p. 14. 4. Idem. (Prominent among those were his brothers: Ganga STngh, Sant Singh and Niranjan Singh; their families and their in-laws). 6 employed in a office at lpindi and was getting a meagre salary of thirty rupees per month. 1 Though he had to look after quite a big family, yet he loved his younger brothers very much and wanted that they should get good education. Tara Singh passed his matriculation examination in 1903 getting an enviable position in his school. He also got a scholarship for his college education. Ganga Singh wanted (Tara Singh) to become a doctor. Tara Singh after appearing in Enterance examination tried his luck for adm in Medical College, Lahore but he was not selected th e re . 2 Besides, he did not fair well in the Enterance Examination and was unable to get any scholarship. On the other hand, on recommendation of Bhai Ram Rakha Singh and Sunder sanctioned him a scholarship of rupees eight per month for continuing his studies at K.halsa College, Amritsar. 3 So he joined Khalsa College, Amrit for hicher studies and remained there for four years till he passed his Bachelor of Arts examination in 1907. During his stay at K-halsa College, he stood first in his college in Faculty of Arts examination and got college 4 scholarship. 1. Tara Singh, cit., pp. 32-33# 2 . Ibid., p. 34 3. Idem. 4. Jaswant Singh (ed.), Master Tara Singh: Jeevan Sanaarsh Te Udesh (Punjabi) vAmritsar, 7

He was not only good at his studies but was also a very good player of hockey and football. The elements of fearlessness and determination in his character were further developed in the play-fields of Khalsa College, Amritsar. He was not afraid of any type of injury during the game and it was not easy to beat him. He was like a stone-wall in defence. Therefore, he was nicknamed 'Pathar' (stone) by his fellow students. During his earlier days in college, he was pro-British because in his childhood he heard from his father about the bravery and good deeds of General Nicholson. 2 According to Tara Singh, every Sikh student till the year 1906, was pro-British but the situation changed in 1907. At the end of 1906 and in the beginning of year 1907, there was a big agitation in Bengal about the partition of Bengal which gradually turned into a movement in favour of using indigenous things. This agitation gathered momentum and under its influence many students broke down their lanterns and started studying in the dim-light of earthen lamps in Lahore.^

2. General John Nickolson (1822—57) was bom in Ireland. He joined British Army in 1839 and fought in Second Anglo— Sikh War and showed examplary courage. He was much impressed by Sikh soldiers. He prayed at Akal Bunga, Golden Temple, Amritsar. He was popularly known as ’Nikal Singh among the Sikhs. He died in Delhi while fighting against rebels in 1857. In Delhi, near Kashmiri Cate there was a park named after him and there was also a statute of him in this park. 3. Tara Singh, op. cit. . p. 26. 8

Another agitation which made the Sikh students anti-British was against the new law regarding the lands in the district of Layalpur. Land Alienation Act of 1901 was designed to protect the agriculturists from the clutches of the money-lenders. The Act succeeded in safeguarding the interests of cultivators though it did not solve the problem of rural indebtedness, 2 but the immediate cause of agitation was the introduction of a Bill affecting the newly colonised lands opened by the Chenab Canals. The Bill was passed on the assumption that land was the property of the government and the farmer was mere a tenant. This was contrary to prevailing notions of peasant proprietorship. Provisions which caused the most heart-burning were those which restricted the rights of colonisers to make wills and denied them the right to cut trees on their land.3 A distressed peasantry made the province a fertile soil for the seeds of revolution. Protest meetings were organised. The National press also supported the cause. By March 1907, the atmosphere in the cities and affected colonies had become tense. A song ’Pagri Sambhal Jatta* (Peasant, guard thine turban) was on the lips of every body. Students

1. Khuswant Singh, A History of the Sikhs, Vol. II (Princeton, 1966), pp. 154-55. 2. Ibid.. p. 156. 3. Ibid., pp. 156-57. 9 of Khalsa College, Amritsar staged a hostile demonstration at the farewell visit of the outgoing Lieutenant Governor, Sir Charles hivaz. Tara Singh, as a student leader, was one of the organisers of this demonstration. This agitation was led by Sardar Ajit Singh (an uncle of Shaheed-e-Azam Bhagat Singh) and Lala Lajpat Rai. Though with the arrest and deportation to Burma of Ajit Singh and Lajpat Rai this movement was also suppressed by the government yet it produced some important results. Firstly, the controversial bill was vetoed by the Governor General, Lord Minto; 2 secondly it boosted the morale of the people and they began to realise that it was not difficult to succeed in the struggle for their rights. It moulded the mind of young Sikh students like Tara Singh. Another cause which initiated Tara Singh into politics and made him anti-Government was the case of the building of Khalsa College, Amritsar. Though the foundation stone of K.halsa College Amritsar was laid down by Sir Jam Broadwood Lyall, the Lieutenent Governor of Punjab on March 3, 1892, yet the foundation stone of its main building was laid by Sir Charles Montgomery Rivaz on November 17, 1904. 4 Sardar Dharam

1. Bakhshish Singh Nijjar, Panlab Lhder the British Rule, (1849-1947), Vol. II (New'Delhi, 1W)", pp. 19-20.----- 2. Khuswant Singh, op. clt., p. 159. 3. Ganda Singh, History of Khalsa Colleae, Amritsar (Amritsar, 1949), p .20. 4. I bid., p. 60. 10

Singh of Gharjakh, district Gujranwala was appointed .its engineer. He used to work for the college without accepting any salary or honorarium from the college management But *Vir. H ill, an English member of the managing committee of Khalsa College, Amritsar, objected to this selfless work of Engineer Dharam Singh and said that he had no faith in the labour of love. Every Sikh, including Sardar Sunder Singh Majithia. felt it but the management of Khalsa College was in the hands of the Government. So the man entrusted th is work to an Englishman. When the new engineer came to the college on 10th February, 1907, some students behaved rudely towards him. Under leadership of Inder Singh some students threw stones at him. 1 All members of student*s body wore black-badges and held a fast. Tara Singh was the President of this student body which showed its strong resentment and indignation against the interference of the English officials in the management of the Sikh institution. 2 According to Prithipal Singh Kapoorf Tara Singh, with the help of his fellow-students did not allow the English Engin to enter the college premises. The Principal, at first threatened Tara Singh and then tried to persuade him with love, vain. The matter took such a turn MaharaJ of Nabha had to come Amrits He assured Tara Singh

1. Niranjan Singh, op. cit. , p. 27 2. Durlab Singh, op. cit., p. 27. 11 that Mr. Hill had no intention to criticise the labour of love of Sardar Dharam Singh. This agitation had a negative effect. Commissioner and Deputy Commissioner of Lahore were made President and Vice-President of college management committee and services of Bhai Jodh Singh and Headmaster Narain Singh were terminated but this action of Government hardened the attitude of Tara Singh against the British Government.2 Tara Singh was married to Tej Kaur, daughter of Mangal Singh of village Dhamial of Rawalpindi district in 1904 3 At the time An an (marriage ceremony of S ikhs), ira Singh in j Kaurjbeing an Amritdhari (baptised) or not and on knowing that she was not, he refused to get married. Therefore, Punj (Five Beloved) were summoned from Rawalpindi, Tej Kaur was baptised by them and then the marriage performed 4 In those days under the influence Raj a prominent Arya Samajist, young Arya-Samjis were becoming 5 t Jeewan-Sewaks (Life-volunteers),’ and were pledging their 1. Prithipal Singh Kapoor, op. cit.. p. 14. 2. Tara Singh, op. cit.. p. 29. 3. Jaswant Singh (ed.). Master Tara Singh: Jeewan Sanqharash Te Udesh (Punjabi) (Amritsar, 1972j , p.’43. 4. Ibid., p. 44. 5. Niranj an S ingh, op. cit., p. 2b. 0

12 life for the cause of Arya Samaj. Tara Singh was a practical man with a ready and decisive kind of intelligence. He thought that if Arya Samajis could do like that then why could not he. So he decided that he would also dedicate his life for the betterment of the Sikhs. Therefore, he decided to impart education to Sikh masses and keeping this aim in mind he, after graduating from Khalsa College, Amritsar in 1907, joined Central Training College, Lahore for doing S.A.V. So even before passing his examination, he in consultation with Bishan Singh and Sunder Singh planned to start a Khalsa School because at that time besides Khalsa College School, Amritsar there was pnly one other Khalsa School at Gujranwala. So all of them wrote to Khalsa Diwan Bar othfct they were willing to work l on a meagre salary of rupees fifteen per month for one year if a Khalsa School was opened in this area. This scheme worked and a school- was started in Layallpur. Tara Singh passed his S.A.V. examination in 1908^and as trained Sikh-graduates were not easily available in those days, Tara Singh, a fresher, was appointed as headmaster of the school on May 15, 1908.^ Tara Singh along with his other

1. Tara Singh, op. cit.. p. 41. 2* literally means jungle. The area around Nankana Sahib, birth place of Guru Nanak Dev, was also known as Bar. The British Government persuaded people to cultivate this area and thus inhabited it. 3. Niranjan Singh, op. cit.. p. 27. 4. Gyani Gurcharan Singh, op, cit.. p. 31. 13

colleagues worked very hard and in few years it became one of the best institutions in the district. This was a successful venture. Therefore every Khalsa School which was opened in this district was opened initially as a branch of this school.^ Due to his hard work and dedication, Tara Singh enjoyed a great respect from the elite of the district and personalities like Sardar Harchand Singh, Sardar Bishan Singh Singhpuria, Bhai But a Singh, Sardar Teja Singh Samundri, Sardar Maghar Singh, Babu Tripat Singh, Jamadar Sadhu Singh Bahminwala, Sardar Hari Singh Chak 41, Master Sunder Singh Layallpur, etc. came veryclose to him. 2 This nearness resulted in formation of a group which was popularly known as Lyallpuri group and which later on, guided the nation in starting a daily newspaper Aka 1i Akhbar and in managing the affairs of Akali Party which was formed subsequently. Gradually Tara Singh’s influence grew so much in this district that British Government, which was already suspicious of him, began to consider him as anti-British. His working as headmaster of Khalsa School, Lyallpur was also not to the liking of the government. It was a common practice in those days that once a week every public servant and every headmaster

1. Niranjan Singh, op. clt.> p. 42. 2. Jaswant Singh (ed.), op. clt.. p. 26. 3. Niranjan Singh, op. cit., p. 36. 14 of a school had to go to Deputy Commissioner of the district and has to submit his report to him about his (headmaster's) work. But Tara Singh never went to see him. Therefore, the Deputy Commissioner of Lyallour, Mr. Kitchen, was deadly against him. He was also afraid of Tara Singh's growing popularity. 2 As a result Khalsa School, Lyallpur was not granted the government's grant which was given to every private school of the district Comrai was of this opinion that as long as Tara Sinrh was headmaster, the school would not get any grant. 3 This put the managing committee of the school in a predicament because it was not possible Commissioner or to request Tara Singh to leave the institution. Meanwhile struction of a new building of secretariat started after the shifting of the capital of India from Calcutta to New Delhi in 1911. This site was near Gurdwara Rakabganj. A The residence of Viceroy was also very near from this new building. Government was worried about the security of Viceroy of India. Therefore in 1914 Government started demolishing the outer-wall of Gurdwara Rakabganj and also passed the order that no visitor could stay 1. Niranjan Singh, op. clt., p. 36. 2. Ibid.. pp. 36-37. 3. Ibid., p. 37. 4. This gurdwara was built at a place where Lubana Sikhs performed last rites of headless body of Guru Tegh Bahadur. in the gurdwara without the prior permission of police. In those days Sardar Sunder Singh Majithia was considered to be the sole leader of Sikhs. Government did take his consent before starting the work of demolishing but Sardar Harchand Singh Lyallpur and Bhai Randhir Singh, a well known Sikh saint, opposed this move and started an agitation against this action of the Government. A weekly newspaper Khalsa was started, only for this purpose. 2 Government tried to hush up this agitation through Chief K.halsa Diwan. It also stated that it did not want to demolish the wall but wanted only to build a new beautiful boundry wall of the gurdwara. It even announced to give 30 muraba 3 land to the gurdwara but all these efforts of the Government could not stop agitation by Sardar Harchand Singh. 4 Government thought that he was not alone and Tara Singh alongwith his Lyallpuri group was at his back. 5 Its suspicion was not unfounded. Therefore after this incident the atttitude of British Government towards Tara Singh hardened. It also tightened the position

1. Niranjan Singh, op. cit., p. 37. 2. Ibid.. p. 38. 3. Muraba was a measure of land. In some areas it was of £6 acres while at other places it was of 25 acres. 4. Niranjan Singh, op. cit., p. 38. 5. Idem. 6. Idem. 16 of the management of Khalsa School, Lyallpur because it was quite a difficult task to invite the wrabh of Government. After giving a deep thought to the whole of situation Tara Singh was lowed to resign as headmaster of the school and was persuaded to go to England as a Secretary of a gurdwara in London.

i . Niranjan Singh, cit., p. 38 2 . ibid.. pp. 38-39 3. Ibid .. p. 59. 4. Ibid., p. 60. 17 shop properly* As a result of it, he said goodbye to business and Joined a school at Chak 41, district Lyallpur as headmaster. 2 After sometime he again shifted to Khalsa School, Lyallpur. 3 These small stints as headmaster of two/three schools attributed a suffix or a surname 'Master* to Tara Singh and throughout his life he was known as Master Tara Singh or Masterji. His experience during his college days and during his service as a headmaster moulded his bent of mind quite a bit. This early life made him more determined and he resolved to fight for the betterment of the country and especially of the Sikhs.

1. Nlranjan Singh, op. cit., p. 60. 2• Idem• 3. x-bld *. p. 59. 18 CHAPTER - II HISTORICAL MILIEU

From the days of his early childhood Tara Singh possessed the qualities of leadership yet the course of his life was shaped by the circumstances also. The political and religious conditions of his times moulded his frame of mind. Therefore it is necessary to re-construct that historical milieu which provided Tara Singh with a conducive atmosphere for his political career. At the time of birth of Tara Singh (1885), Punjab was politically in fermentation. Since its annexation by the British in 1849, the province struggled for freedom. Beginning with the efforts of Bhai Maharaj Singh7 a much respected religious leader of those days, the province went through various struggles; sometimes for the freedom of Sikh shrines, at others for independence of country and still at others for the preservation of political rights such as freedom of language, religion, culture etc.

1» His real name was Nihal Singh though he was popularly known as Bhai Maharaj Singh. He was a disciple of of Baba Bir Singh of Naurangabad. Like many others he openly expressed his sympathy with Jindan, wife of Mahaiaja Ranjit Singh. He was arrested by the order of the Resident but escaped from custody. He eluded the police and addressed large meetings in Central Punjab, exhorting the people to rise and expel the Feringhee. Later on he started a full fledged guerilla war against the East India Company, but was captured by the British Army and was deported to Singapore where he was given solitary confinement in a prison till his death (July 5, 1856). 19

The first major political movement in Punjab was the emergence of the Namdhari sect* The main points of Namdhari Movement were: i) Boycott of Government service; ii) boycott of educational institutions run by British Government; iii) boycott of laws established by the British Government; iv) boycott of foreign cloth and other foreign goods; and v) disobedience of such Government orders which one’s conscience did not approve. 1 Thus the principle of boycott, Swadeshi and non cooperation which Mahatma Gandhi used so successfully in our freedom struggle later on, were expounded by Baba Ram Singh, the founder of Namdhari movement. 2 But the Namdhari movement, which could have changed the political set up of the province and country died a pre-mature death ^44441444X4 as the British Government suppressed the movement mercilessly. 3 Baba Ram Singh died in 1885 in exile. It coincided with the birth of Indian National Congress as well as Tara Singh. At that time Punjab was passing through a period of socio religious reform movements such as the Singh Sabha, the 1. Kartar Singh, Sikh Itlhas. Part II (Punjabi) (Amritsar, 1961), p. 237.““ 2. Khuswant Singh, op. cit., p. 138. 3. Fauja Singh, Who’s Who Punjab Freedom Fighters. Vol. I (Patiala, 1972), Forward p. XVl.~ 4. Report of the Civil Surgeon, Mergui, No. 99, dated November 29, 1885. Vide Home Judicial-A Progs. 252-53 of December 1885 as quoted by M.M. Ahluwalia in Kukas (Bombay, 1965), p. 169. « I iW |U\ JL S .S © cjLo - f\JL&j£ y^k. JU j^ ckW 7

Arya Samaj* the Anjuman-l-Islamia, etc. A major section of elite and affluent/political life also. It is said that these movements proved to be the nurseries for many a political leaders of the country. In 1907 a major political movement was launched in Punjab against the curbs on peasantry. 1 The movement proved successful as the controversial bill was vetoed by the Governor General, Lord Minto. 2 It also boosted the morale of the people and they began to realise that it was not # difficult to succeed in the struggle for their rights. O Between 1907 and 1914, Punjab was a ground for activities of the revolutionaries. One of the major happenings of this period was the murderous attack on the Viceroy Lord Hardinge on December 23, 1912. In 1913, Indians settled in United States of America whom were mostly Punjabis, formed the Ghadr Party with Baba Sohan Singh Bhakna (1870-1968) as its founder President and Lala Hardyal (1884-1939) as its Genexal Secretary. 4 It started its anti-British propaganda

1. Supra, pp. S'l 2 . 5.C. Mittal. Freedom Movement in Punjab (1905-29) (Delhi, 1976),"p, 53. 3. Jagdish Saran Sharma, India Since the Advent of the British ( A Descriptive Chronology), (Del&i , 1970), p. 177. 4. Sohan Singh Josh, 3aba Sohan Sinch Bhakhna: Life the Founder of the Ghadr Party (few Delhi, 1970), p. 21 through its organ Ghadr which was published in Punjabi, Urdu, Hindi and G ujrati It called upon the Indian people to fight for freedom against foreign rule. It tried to create rebellion in India and started sending its members to India. This movement was violently yet it awakened in Punjab a spirit of nationalism. fo suppress this movement British Government enacted Acts like Defence of Realm Act 2 which forced these people to retire to villages and in hiding they carried on their revolutionary work. They also gave an impetus to Sikh resurgance. In 1914, the Komagata Maiu incident took place. It was all about the hardships and humiliations suffered by about 500 Indian workers (mainly Punjabis) who had unsuccessfully 3 tried to get immigration in Canada. The Government of Canada refused them permissior to land in Canada and when these workers reached India, they were fired upon and those who survived were 4 taken prisoners. The brutal Komagata Maiu incident though unconnected with Chadr movement yet it had a lasting effect on the minds of Ghadrites. Therefore it was decided to send revolutionaries to India so that a revolt could be 1 Fauja Singh (ed.), p. XX. 2 It was passed in 1914 with a view to rendering recourse to martial law unnecessary. It empowered the executive to exercise all such restraints and all such interference with common law rights as might be deemed advisable in the interest of the state. Brendon, A Dictionaxv of British H istory (Delhi, 1983), p. 159. ------3 Harbans Singh, Heritage p. 262. the Sikhs (New Delhi, 1982), 4. KhuswantL Singh, opr. cit., p. 181. 22 organised in Indian Army. Their plan was leaked.2 Therefore they had to suffer heavily. The rebellion was mercilessly put down but the attempt of the Ghadrites impressed upon the Sikhs that the authority of the Government could be challenged. 3 Meanwhile the First World Wax broke out in 1914. Punjabi soldiers fought on all the fronts of war.4 Due to their contribution in men and material to the war; Pwjabis expected to be specially rewarded for their services after the war but contrary to it they were ill treated by the authorities. They were treated as coijmion rustics and not as her^oes. Restrictive measures adopted during the war were not withdrawn. Some other factors also added to their miseries! such as: i) The summer monsoon failed; ii) The cost of living rose higher than ever before; iii) The rabi harvest was extremely meagre; iv) Urban population was hit by the imposition of a special income-tax; and v) An epidemic of influenza took a heavy toll of life and by the end of 1918 over 1,00,000 Punjabis had succumbed to this disease. 5 On the other hand Government 'rewarded' Indians by 6 passing Rowlatt Act which intended to combat revolutionary 1 1. Harbans Singh, op. clt.. p. 204. 2. Khuswant Singh, op. clt.. p. 184. 3. K.L.D Tuteja, Sikh Politics (Kurukshetra, 1984), p. 14. 4. Khuswant Singh, > p» 160. 5. Ibid.« pp. 163-64. 6. The Bill became a law in March 1919. spirit. The drastic changes proposed in the bill were summed up in the slogan *na dalll, na vakil, na apeal 1 (no argument, no lawyer, no appeal). Protest rallies against this law were held in various cities Punjab General Fi.E.H. Dyer was sent to Amritsar to curb the dissent. He proclaimed a state of emergency and declared all the meetings illegal. Meanwhile a meeting had already been announced at Jallianwala Bagh on Baisakhi day. On the Baisakhi day a large number of people gathered in Jallianwala Bagh. Without giving any to the people to disperse, General_ I Dyer opened fire and thus killed hundreds of people. 1 People throughout the state became restless. As a result of U curfew was f ir s t Amritsar and then in Lahore, Gujranwala, Lyallpur and Gujrat. 2 Strikes and black-flag demonstrations took place at various places. Bridges, churches, post-offices etc. were burnt. Government property was damaged and white men were assaulted. Ultimately army took over. Under the military rule atrocities were committed on the people and nearly twelve hundred persons were killed 3 during the martial law. While the country was busy in condemning this most brutal action, Arur Singh, the Government-appointed Sarbrah (Manager) of the Golden Temple,

1. Khuswant Singh, . cit.. p. 164 2. Idem. 3. Ibid., p. 166. 24 Amritsar, honoured the General Dyer by giving a Saropa (Kobe of honour). The uneasy calm which prevailed after this massacre gave birth to a religious movement. It was a struggle for reform in Sikh shrines under the control of a central agency. On October 12,1920 a meeting was called by the teachers and students of K,halsa College, Amritsar under the auspices of Khal Baradari in Jallianwala Bagh. 2 Thus the public of Amritsar was roused from its political slumber. The representatives of the Sikhs, who suffered at Jallianwala Bagh were also present in this meeting. The anguish of Sikhs Government channelised in the form of a reform movement about Sikh shrines and gurdwaras. In this meeting speeches were made for liberating the gurdwaras from the clutches of the Mahants. Thus gurdwara reform movement was started. Master Tara Singh also Joined this agitation. Initially he took six months leave from his school and then left his Job and devoted his whole time for Gurdwara Reform Movement.3

1. Ian Colvin, Life of General Dyer (London, 1931). 2. Surinder Singh Johar, The Heritage of Amritsar (Delhi, 1978), p. 104. 3. His role in Curdwara Reform Movement w ill be discussed In the Chapter H I. 25 CHAPTER - III

ROLE OF MASTER TARA SINGH IN GURDWARA REFORM MOVEMENT t 1921-25.)

Soon after the Jallianwala Bagh massacre, a religious movement in Punjab was started by Sikhs in 1920 which is known as Gurdwara Reform Movement. As we have mentioned earlier, Master Tara Singh took an active part in this movement. But before we discuss the role played by him in the this movement it will be desirable to discuss the background. A Gurdwara (Sikh place of worship) is an integral part of religious, political and social life of the Sikhs because a gurdwara is more than Just a place of worship. It is also a school, a meeting place and a rest house. Therefore the proper maintenance of gurdwaras is essential for the Sikhs. Historically speaking there has been a continuous quest in the Sikh panth that the places of their worship should remain in the hands of those who are answerable to the Sikh s an gat (congregation) as a whole. During the rule of Maharaja Ran jit Singh, the gurdwaras were managed by Mahants who were usually 2 Udasis and who were under the control of local congregations. 1. Gyani Partap Singh, Gurdwara Sudhar Arthat Akali Lehar (Punjabi) (Arritsar, 1951), p. 24. "* 2. ’Udasi’ is a Sikh missionary order. It was founded by Baba Sri Chand, a son of Guru Nanak Dev. 3. Kailash Chander Gulati, Akalis Past and Present (New Delhi, 1982), p. 24. 26

After the death of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, the administration of gurdwaras disjointed and gradually Mahants became independent of the control of sanqat. During the 18th and 19th centuries as more and more lands and Jaqirs were attached with most of the important gurdwaras , the office of the priest was converted into a family affair and the institution of the hereditary mahantship had come to stay. 2 Gradually some of these priests started Hindu forms of worship in gurdwaras; idols of Hindu gods were installed in them and the priests did not strictly observed the Sikh 3 symbols. Even complaints of debauchery, corruption and extravagance against some of these mahants became common. Moreover after the annexation of Punjab in 1849, in order to increase its influence over the Sikhs, British Government took over the administration of their four major gurdwaras (known as Takhts) at Amritsar, Anandpur Sahib, 5 Patna and Nander. At a meeting held on December 22, 1859 under the chairmanship of Deputy Commissioner, Amritsar, it was decided to entrust the management of the Golden Temple to a committee of nine members. This committee was dropped 1. Bakhshish Singh Nijjar, op. clt.. p. 48. 2. M.L. Ahluwalia (ed»). Select Documents; Gurdwara Reform Movement: 1919-1925 (New Delhi, 19857T 3. Kailash Chander Gulati, op. clt.. p. 24. 4. G.R. Sethi, Sikh Struggle for Gurdwara Reform (Amritsar, 19^7), p. 4. Kailash Chander cit., p. 24. Khuswantk Singh, clt., 195. • +

in 1881 and instead* a manager was appointed by the Deputy Commissioner, Amritsar, who became the sole authority.'*- But there was no proper control manage As a result he became irresponsible and began indulging in immoral acts. Therefore the sacred place of worship was soon converted into a den of Vice and sin. The condition of many other important gurdwaras was not much different. The Singh Sabha movement and western education brought to the Sikhs the new awakening and they started a gurdwara reform movement. There were a number of reasons to start such a movement. First was the congregational character of the Sikhs. an is supreme. Therefore the control of gurdwaras by individuals (mahants) was not acceptable to Sikhs. Secondly, the bad character of mahants compelled the Sikhs to liberate their holy places from the clutches of such vice men. Thirdly, gurdwaras are an essential part of daily life of Sikhs. The control of mahants deprived the Sikhs from taking the full benefit of gurdwaras in their day to day life. Fourthly, political awakening brought by western education of the Sikhs also encouraged them to take control of their holy places.

1. Surinder Singh Johar, op. cit. , p. 102 28

It not only made them know about their rights but also showed them the way to achieve them. Fifthly, Sikhism is a c&teless religion but the mahants prevented schedule castes from entering and worshipping in gurdwaras. The common Sikhs also did not like this attitude of the priests. It was also thought that if the gurdwaras came under the control of Sikhs, then the income of gurdwaras could be used for religious, educational and economic uplift of the Sikh masses. Besides these general causes there were also some immediate reasons which were as under: i) Conflict of Gurdwara FiakabganJ , A ii) conflict of Hansli (A canal) which provided water for the sacred sarovar (tank) of Golden Temple. Instead of providing water to the sarovar from the Hansli built by Mahatma Santokh Dass and Pritam Dass long before the establishment of British Government, the Deputy Commissioner of Amritsar, Mr. King, decided in August, 1914 to provide water to the sarovar through a tube-well. The Sikhs were agitated aqainst th is; iii) The condition of Sikh prisoners in Jails was deplorable. They were not allowed kangha (comb) inside the Jail and weri also forced to wear caps instead of turbans. This was against the Sikh principles; and iv) Though sword is a religious symbol of the Sikhs yet they were not allowed to wear a sword. A Sikh was imprisoned due to his wearing of sword in August 1914.

1. Gyani Partap Singh, op. clt.. pp. 18-27. 2. For details, see supra, pp. m-is 29

Chief Khalsa Diwan and Sikh Sangat fought his case and won it but there was not any clear-cut policy of the Government in this regard. After much agitation Home Department (Judicial) of Indian Government issued a notification No. 950 on June 25, 1914. 1 In those days Bhai Fateh Singh, Manager, Khalsa School, Chak Dana, district Lyallpur went to Burma for raising funds for the school. He was arrested for wearing a sword and was fined rupees twenty by a lower court. Sikhs of Burma demanded freedom in wearing of a sword. Indian Government conceded this demand vide its notification No. 2248 dated October 27, 1914. Sikhs ©continued their struggle and demanded that Sikhs would be allowed to wear a sword through out India. In the end the Indian Government vide its notification No. 242 dated May 11, 1917 allowed the Sikhs to wear sword in all of Britain, India and Burma. 2 Though Government 1. This Notification was as under? "In exercise of the powers conferred by Section 27 of the Indian Arms Act 1878 (XI of 1878), the Governor General in Council is pleased to direct that the following amendment shall be made in Indian Arms Rules, 1909 namely: In schedule II after the entry relating to the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh the following shall be inserted, namely: The Punjab (Kirpans possessed or carried by Sikhs) all. 2. This Notification was as under: In exercise of the powers conferred by Section 27 of the Indian Arms Act, 1878, the Governor General in Council is pleased to direct that the following Amendment shall be made in Schedule II of the Indian Arms Rule 1909, as subsequently amended to, namely: (i) In item No. 1 (Area British India) the following shall be added in columns (2) and (3) respectively as entry no. (xi) Kirpan possessed or carried by Sikhs. (ii) The entries referring to Kirpans in item No. 9,10, 11 and 16 Arms,U.P.,Pun jab, Burma ,N.w«F.P. and Delhi Province respectively shall be deleted. 30 has issued notification regaiding the freedom to carry sword yet in some places Sikh Army men were not allowed to wear swords and many of them were awarded rigorous imprisonment. This vague policy of Government, even after issuing a notification, was of much concern to Sikhs and it served as a cause of Gurdwara Reform Movement; Government started interfering in the management of the premier educational institution of the Sikhs i.e. Khalsa College, Amritsar, It was not platable for the Sikhs. In their heart of heart wanted Government control over the college. 1 As a result of the combination of above mentioned various first decade of twentieth century about a great religious an awakening among the Sikhs and a passion for reform. Initiative for reform was taken by the Sikh and pro-Sikh newspapers. The prominent among those being Akali which was started by the already mentioned Lyallpuri group 3 In reality this newspaper was responsible for the starting of Gurdwara Reform Movement.4

1. Gyani Partap Singh, op. cit.. pp. 28-36. 2. Mohinder Singh, Akali Movement (Delhi: 1978), p. 15. 3. Niranjan Singh, op. cit. . pp. 64-65. 4. Ibid., p. 65. 31

Alongwith the Sikh press, the Chief Khalsa Diwan and the Singh Sabhas in different areas also made attempts to seek help from the Government in the purification of Sikh shrines. In 1906 under the pressure from the Singh Sabhas and the Sikh press, the Chief Khalsa Diwan passed a resolution king Govern that the rules governing the management of the Golden Temple be so changed as to allow the Panth the right to appoint its manager and other officials. But nothing came out even of this. On the other hand volunteers of Singh Sabhas formed a Khalsa Bradari Dal to promote Sikhism in schedule castes. This Dal organised a Diwan in Jallianwala Bagh from October 10, 1920 to October 12, 1920. Officials of Singh Sabhas, Chief Khalsa Diwan and Khalsa College, Amritsar also participated in it. 2 On October 12, persons of scheduled castes were baptised and all the participants in the Diwan went to Golden Temple to pray. But the priests of Golden Temple refused to accept the Karah Parshad offered by scheduled castes. There was a bit of tension between the two sides. In the end it was decided that matter should be referred to Guru Granth Sahib. The Holy 3ook when opened and 1

1. Niranjan Singh, op. cit.. p. 71. 2. Idem. 32 recited had a miraculous effect on the congregation* The passage stressed that ’He (God) receives the lowly into grace and puts them in the path of righteous service. 1 It pertained to the matter of dispute and the mahants left the Harmandir Sahib leaving its possession to the people assembled there. Jubilant people in a shape of victorious procession went to Akal Takht. All the mahants ran away from there, also. Then an in Temple to Sardar Teja Singh Bhuchar of Central Majha Diwan ♦ 2 A 25-member committee under the Tartar Singh also formed.3 Gradually all the gurdwaras at Amritsar came under the control of Sikh Sanqat . Then gurdwaras at Punja Sahib and at Tam Taran was also brought under the control of the Sikh Sanqat. Thus th is movement gathered a mementum. The local Sikhs started taking the possession of the gurdwaras at their respective places. After taking over the Golden Temple and a few other gurdwaras, the Sikh reformers felt a strong need of a central representative body for their management. Therefore, a Hukamnama was issued from the Akal Takht summoning a general

1. Idem. (This shabad is at page 638 of Sri Guru Granth Sahj 2. Idem. 3. Sohan Singh Josh, Akali Morchon Ka Itlhas (Hindi) (Delhi: 1974), p. 4 $ . ------33 assembly of all Sikhs to meet at Amritsar on November 15, 1920 for the purpose of electing a representative committee 4 of the Panth. 1 In the meantime, the Government became suspicious of the activities of the Sikhs, primarily due to the decision of the Central Sikh League in favour of Non-Cooperation . Movement in October, 1920. With this object in mind that Central Sikh League might be prevented from taking control over Golden Temple and other gurdwaras, the Government formed a provisional committee with the help of Maharaja of Patiala for the management of Golden Temple and other gurdwaras, Just two days before the meeting which was scheduled to be held at Akal Takht.^ Sardar Harbans Singh Attari was made its President and it consisted mainly of loyalist Sikhs But this committee was not acceptable to the Sikhs as its members were nominated by the Government without consulting the Panth. Therefore, as was already announced, a large meeting was held at Akal Takht on November 15, 1920 in which more than ten thousand Sikhs participated. A new organisation 1. File No. 203-04, Home Political, October 1920, National Archives of India (hereafter given as NAI) 2. File No. 74, Home Political, December 1920, NAI. 3. File No. 459, Home Political, February 1922, NAI. 4. Sohan Singh Josh, op. cit.. p. 51. File No. 459, Home Political, February, 1922, NAI. 34 known as Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (hereafter referred to as SGPC) was formed with the object of controlling the Sikh gurdwaras and religious institutions and to provide for their management on lines acceptable to Sikh nation. It had 175 members belonging to all shades of Sikhs and also included 36 members of the committee which was constituted by the Government. This was done, perhaps, due to two reasons. Firstly, to avoid division in Panth and secondly not to invite the wrath Government. The SGPC was purely a religious body. Under its constitution every baptized Sikh of 21 years or above was given the right to vote. 2 Its inaugural meeting was held on December 12, 1920 and Sardar Sunder Singh Majithia, Sardar Harbans Singh Attari and Sardar Sunder Singh hamgarhia were appointed its President, Vice-President and Secretary respectively. Under this pro-government and moderate leadership, government was confident thatt the Gurdwara Reform Movement would move on constitutional lines. When the reformists occupied Akal Takht, they decided to capture other gurdwaras by persuasion. For this purpose they needed volunteers. Therefore on December 20, 1920 another Sikh organisation was formed keeping this object in mind that gurdwaras would be reformed by exerting the moral pressure. 1» Narain Sinqh (ed.), Akali Morche Te Jhabbar (Punlabi). (Delhi, 1961), p. 73. 2. V.N. Datta, Amritsar: Past and Present (Amritsar, 1967), p. 89 3 File No. 459, Home Political, February, 1922, NAI. 4 # Gyani Partap Singh, op. cit., p. 103. 35

This organisation was named as Shiromani Akali Dal.1 Though it was a separate organisation yet it was understood that in the field of gurdwara reform, it would work under the instructions of SGPC.1 Infact Akalis were already working for the reforms of gurdwaras even before the inception of SGPC. They were organised in groups known as Jathas and their leaders were known as Jathedars. The first such Jatha was the Shahidi Dal, which was formed at the call of Sardul Singh Caveeshar for the restoration of the wall of Gurdwara RakabganJ. Master Tara Singh also offered himself for this Shahidi Dal. 2 Later on these Jathas were converted into Shiromani Akali Dal.^ Thus with the establishment of SGPC and Shiromani Akali Dal, the attempts for reforming the gurdwaras were accelerated. Gurdwara Reform Movement attracted Master Tara Singh. As we have seen that this movement was directly responsible for the formation of SGPC and Shiromani Akali Dal and gradually Master Tara Singh became the most powerful leader of both these institutions. 1. Shiromani Akali Dal Da Niyam Te Upnlyam (Punjabi) (Amritsar, 1939), pp. 2-4. 2. Niranjan Singh, op. clt.. pp. 17-18. 3. Idem. 36

Though Master Tara Singh offered himself for the Shahidi j_atha to be sent to Delhi in connection with the conflict born out of the destructi n of the wall of Gurdwara Rakabgan j , yet his real involvement with Gurdwara Reform Movement and his dedication to Sikh cause was brought about by the Nankana Sahib tragedy. Encouraged by the progress of Gurdwara Reform Movement Bhai Lachman Singh of Lyallpur distridt silently formed a Shahidi Jatha to liberate gurdwara Nankana Sahib, the birth place of Guru Nanak Dev. It was planned that Sikhs in small groups would reach Nankana Sahib or near by an February 19, 1921 and on February 20, 1921 they all would assemble in a shape of a Piwan at the gurdwara and would try to liberate gurdwara from the clutches of Mahant Lachman Dass. But some how or the other, the mahant got the information about this scheme and he engaged a large number of criminals and mercenaries to deal with the situation. He also befriended the Commissioner of Lahore, Mr. King and Deputy Inspector General of Police, Mr. Boring. 2 SGPC also got some information. Master Tara Singh was in Amritsar those days. He decided to go to Sheikhupura to persuade Bhai Lachhman Singh and his colleagues not to take any step in haste. But as it was pre-destined, he could not catch the 1. Mohinder Singh, The Aka11 Movement (Delhi, 1978), pp. 31-32. 2 . Niranjan Singh, op. clt., p. 74. 37 train for Sheikhpura and thus was unable to meet Bhai Lachhman Singh and other members of the Shahidi Jatha. So the Shahidi Jatha reached Nankana Sahib according to its programme and entered the gurdwara in the early hours of the morning of February 20, 1921. Aiahant ordered his hired hooligans fire and to finish all members the Jatha. One hundred and fifty Sikhs were brutally murdered by the hired goondas1 Station Master of Nankana Sahib Railway Station was a Sikh. When he came to know about this grave tragedy he sent telegrams to district officers, to Punjab Government, to SGPC and to different Singh Sabhas. 2 This sad news spread like a wild fire in the whole of India nd especially in Punjab. Sikhs from all parts of the country made a bee line to Nankana Sahib. Students of Khalsa College Amritsar reached Nankana Sahib, even on 3 foot, to pay their homage to the great martyrs who laid down their lives for a noble and common cause. Master Tara Singh also reached there. 4 There was unprecedented feeling of anguish. Sensing the mood of the people, the lieutenant- Government Punjab, Sir E. Maclagan, along with the Executive Council rushed to Nankana Sahib. 5 On February 23, 1921 Indian Annual Reqister 1 “ (hereafter referred I.A.R.) 2 . Niranjan Singh, op. cit.. p. 76. 3. I.A.R. 1922, Vol. I, p. 160. 4. Gyani Gurcharan Singh, op. cit.. p. 57. 5. Sohan Singh Josh, op. cit.. p. 82. 38 the pyres of charred bodies of those who were killed and burnt by the Mahant's men were lit. People were so much agitated that they were not willing to listen to SGPC even. Ultimately the gurdwara was handed over to the SGPC. A committee to control the gurdwara was formed and Sardar Harbans Singh Attari was made the President while Sardar Na*ain Singh Barrister was appointed as the manager of the gurdwara•2 Mahatma Gandhi also v isited Nankana Sahib on March 3, 1921 and condemning the massacre said that "the news of Nankana was so staggering that they would not believe it without confirmation."^ Addressing a meeting in Lahore, he said that "Everything I saw and heard points to a second edition of Dyerism, more barbarous, more calculated and more fiendish tljan the Dyerism of Jallianwala."4 < The Nankana tragedy and the subsequent policy of repression initiated by the Punjab Government proved a turning point in the brief history of the Akali Movement.5 Master Tara Singh was greatly perturbed by the Nankana Sahib tragedy and decided to dedicate his life for the Sikh cause.6 1. Sohan Singh Josh, op. cit.. p. 82. 2. Niranjan Singh, op. cit.. p. 77. 3. Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi. Vol. XIX, pp. 397-98. 4. Ibid.. p. 401. 5. Mohinder Singh, op. cit.. p. 42. 6. Prithipal Singh Kapoor, op. cit., p. 82. 39

He took leave for six months from his school and came to Amritsar to work for SGPC. He joined S,PC as a paid Secretary and established its office in Amritsar• Meanwhile another action of the state government agitated the Sikhs. On November 7, 1921 the District Magistrate of Amritsar suddenly snatched away the keys of the Toshakhana (Treasure House) of the Golden Temple, Amritsar from Sardax Sunder Singh Ramgarhia, the Vice-Presidentj&f SGPC.^ Now these keys became the bone of contention. The Akalis protested against this uncalled for andunwarranted interference of the government in the matter of Sikh religion. As a consequence, public meetings were held thftaghout Punjab. To suppress the hurt feelings Goverrment applied the seditions meetings Act. 4 Master Tara Singh was arrested and was sentenced to rigorous imprisonment in connection with a speech delivered Diwan held at Sri Akal Takht.^ It was for the first time that he was arrested.^ After this Master Tara Singh resigned from the headmastership of Khalsa School, Lyallpur and devoted himself wholeheartedly to the work of SGPC and Shiromani Akali Dal. 1. Niranjan Singh, op. cit., p. 77 2. Gyani Partap Singh, op. cit.. p. 131. 3. I.A.h.. 1922, Vol.I, p. 53. 4. Gyani Partap Singh, op. cit.. p. 132. 5. Ibid.. p. 136. 6. Gyani Gurcharan Singh, op. cit ., p. 56.

1 \

On January 11, 1922, government, sensing the mood of Sikhs, released all the prisoners and returned the 'keys* to the Sikhs,^- and thus Master Tara Singh was also released. But in March, 1922 another bitterness was created. This time it was due to wearing of black turbans by the Akalis In the second week of March, 1922 wholesale arrests of Akalis^ was carriedout in 13 selected districts of Punjab and in the Sikh States of Patiala and Kapurthala simultaneously. Within a fortnight about 1,700 black turbaned Sikhs were 2- arxested. Master Tara Singh was also arrested. After a brief confinement he was released but was soon rearrested and before the beginning of Guru-ka-Baah (Garden of the Guru) campaign the entire working committee of the SGPC was taken into custody.4 Guru-ka-Baqh is about thirteen miles from Amritsar. Adjacent to the shrine was a plot of land where trees were planted to provide firewood for the gurdwara lanqar (community kitchen). Sunder Dass, the Udasi mahant of the gurdwara, accepted baptism and submitted himself to the authority of 5 an elected committee. But in the first week of August, 1922, 1234

1. Gyani Gurcharan Singh, op, cit.. p p. 56-57. 2. Ibid .. p. 57. 3. Ibid.. pp. 57-58. 4. Sohan Singh Josh, op. cit.. pp. 174-75. 5. Ibid.. p. 172. 41

without any apparent cause, he lodged a complaint with the police that Akalis were cutting trees from .his land.-*' The police arrested Akalis and charged them with criminal tresspass. 2 Akali leaders held a meeting at the Guru-ka-Bagh in contravention^f the oxder under the seditious meeting Act. The police dispersed the meeting and arrested the leaders including Master Tara Singh. The SCPC took up the challenge and started an agitation. Jathas of 100 Akalis each were formed. They were administered an oath at the Akal Takht to remain non-violent under any circumstances.4 The police stopped therr at various points far removed from thafcand in dispute, ordered them to disperse and on their refusal to do so, were mercilessly beaten by the police with lathis, jack-boots and fists. 5 For nineteen days the encounter between the police and the passive Akali resistents continued. Many Indian leaders visited the site. Indian National Congress appointed a committee of enquiry. •J C.I. Andrews was deeply 1. Sohan Singh Josh, op. cit., p. 172. 2. Idem. 3. Ibid., p. 174. 4. Giani Partap Singh, op. cit., p. 162. 5. Ibid., pp. 162-63. 6. Khuswant Singh, op. cit.. p. 204. 7. This committee submitted its report in January 1924 which is known as Report of the Guru K.a Bagh Congress Enquiry Committee. Srinivas Iyangar was its President, Ruchi Ram Sahni was Secretary while J.M. Sengupta, S .E. Stokes, Muhammad Taqi and M.V. Abhyankar were its members.

‘t 42 moved by the noble Christ like behaviour of the Akalis. 1 He persuaded the Lieutenant Governor, Sir Edward Maclagan to see things himself. Sir Maclagan arrived at Guru-ka-Baoh on on September 13, 1922 and ordered the beatincs to stop. 2 Four days later the police retired from the scene. By that time 5,605 Akalis had been arrested and 930 were hospitalized. 3 The Government to save its face deviced a method. A Hindu philanthropist, Sir Ganca Ram, purchased the Guru-ka-Bagh land and handed it to the gurdwara. 4 The Indian National Congress at its annual session at Gaya in December 1921 - January 1922 passed a resolution in appreciation of Akali martyrs and workers•5 Though Guru-ka-3aqh morcha (agitation) was won by non-violence but the behaviour of police at Guru-ka-Bagh forced some people to start underground terrorist activities These terrorists were largely ex-members of Ghadr Party and retired soldiers. 6 These were known as Babbar Akalis. Sin and Master Mota Singh were the two most active members of the Babbars. Babbars 1. Benarsi Dass and others, Deen Bandhu Andrews (Hindi) (Agra, 1967), p.208. 2. Harbans Singh, op. cit.. p. 276. 3. Khuswant Singh, op. cit.. p. 204. 4. K.C. Gulati, op. cit.. p. 28. 5. A.M. and S.G. Zaidi, Xhe Encyclopaedia of the Indian National Congress. VoT. VIII 11921-24), p. 542E 6 . Khuswant Sinch, op. cit., p. 205. were not very successful as they were not secretive and also was infiltrated by C.I.D. men* Therefore, most of them were apprehended by the Government. During trial, some of them became approvers. 2 As a result, six men, including Kishan Singh Bidang, were awarded death penalty and rest were sentenced to varying terms of imprisonment. 3 The treatement metted out to Babbar Akalis hardened the attitude of Akalis. They became more unruly and forcibly occupied more gurdwaras. 4 One notable take-over was of the historic gurdwara at Muktsar which was taken over on February 17, 1923. s On the other hand Akali prisoners were treated brutally in jails.° Punjab Legislative Council passed a resolution demanding the release of Akali prisoners. 7 As a result Lieutenant Governor ordered the release of over 1,000 0 Akalis who were arrested in August and September, 1922 at Guru-ka-Baoh. though the total number of Akali prisoners was

1 Khuswant Singh, op. cit., p. 205 2 Giani Partap Singh, op . c i t .. pp 289-90. 3 Ibid., pp. 291-93 4 Khuswant Singh, ci t., p. 206 5. Gyani Partap Singh, op. clt.. p. 297- 6. Khuswant Sinch, op . c it» » P» 206. 7. I bid .. pp. 206-07. 8. Ibid., p. 207. 44

much more• Meanwhile another incident took place on July 8, 1923, Maharaja Ripudaman Singh of Nabha state was forced to abdicate and subsequently was interned at Kodai Kanal.1 It was generally believed by the Akalis that one of the major reasons of Maharaja’s abdication was his sympathetic attitude towards Sikhs/ln general and Akalis in particular.2 Therefore on July 10, 1923 Akalis decided to start an agitation against th is highhandedness of the Government. SGPC took the matter in its hand and in the first week of August, 1923 passed a resolution to get the Nabha wrongs undone by every legitimate 4 and peaceful means. The Sikhs of Nabha organised an Akhand (Non-stop recitation oly Grants} in gurdwaras. Police disrupted one Akhand at gurdwara Cangsar in village Jaito 5 (now in district Faridkot). Thus a new morcha was started. Batches of peaceful and passive resisters began arriving every day at Jaito. Government, on October 16, 1923, arrested 59 Akali leaders at Amritsar in< luding Teja Singh Samundri, Teja Singh Akarpuri, Bhagat Jaswant Singh, Master Tara Singh, ingh Singh Professor Teja Singh, Profesor Niranjan Singh, Sarmukh Singh Jhabal, Sohan Singh Josh, Gopal Singh Qaumi and Sewa Singh 1. Indian Quarterly Register (I.Q.R.) 1924, Vol.I, p. 4 2. Akali fe Pardesi (Punjabi), September 9, 1923. 3. I.Q.R.. 1924, Vol.I, p. 4. 4. Gyani Partap Singh, ., p. 312 5. Ibid., p. 305. 45

Thikriwala. On October 17, 1923 Central Sikh League's Annual session at Jalandhar was prohibited and was stopped by force.^ On October 18, 1923 SCPC was declared unlawful in Punjab.^ On October 25, 1923 the trial of Sikh leaders began at 4 On November 19, 1923 Akali Sahayak Bureau was formed at Amritsar to lead the Jaito compaign.5 While the Jaito Morcha was going on, another campaign was started at Bhai Pheru in Lahore where the mahant had gone back on his words and charged the Aka is with trespass.6 Thirty-two Aka 1 is were arrested followed by a batch of 25 Akalis every day. ■ j On January 2, 1924 Government declared 0 Akalis unlawful. Amritsar police raided the Akal Takht on January 7 and seized documents of the SGPC and arrested o another 62 men• Encouraged by the action of Punjab Government and police, the authorities of Nabha State became more harsh. The properties of Akalis were confiscated and their movement was restricted. ^ On February 21, 1924 a Shahidi Jatha 1. I.Q.R.. 1924, Vol.I, p. 5. 2. Idem. 3. Idem. 4. Idem. 5. Idem. 6. Ibid.. p. 14. 7. Gyani Partap Singh, op. cit., pp. 350-51. 8. I.Q.fi.. 1924, Vol.I, p. 14. 9. Gyani Partap Singh, o p . cit . , p. 352. 10. Sohan Singh Josh, op. cit., p. 321. 46

of 500 volunteers was fired upon by the Nabha administration resulting in a great loss of life. This aroused sympathy for the Akali cause throughout India. 2 On February 26, 1924 Golab Singh's resolution on Sikh grievances and Sardar Kartar Singh's resolution on release of 3aba K.harak Singh were passed in Provincial Assembly. 3 In House of Commons also an adjournment motion of Mr. Lansbury was movedoon March 11, 1924 concerning the massacre at Jaito. 4 Parliamentary Standing Committee on Indian Affairs was also moved in the House of Lords. 5 Meanwhile second and third Shahidi Jatha also left Amritsar for Jaito. It forced Punjab Government to authorise General Sir William Birdwood to open negotiations with the Akali leaders. 6 In the meantime Sir Malcolm Hailey succeeded Mr. Mclagan in May 1924. While continuing with the repression on one hand, on the other he started negotiating with moderate elements among the Sikhs. He encouraged to set up Sudhar (reform) Committees of the loyal Sikhs. Provincial Sikh Sudhar Committee held its first general meeting at Amrit 30, 1924 and resolved to send a loyal 8 Jatha to Jaito to complete the Akhand Path and this Jatha completed the Akhand Path at Gurdwara Gangsar on October 20, 1. 1.Q.R.. 1924, Vol.I, p. 104. 2 . Khustoant Singh, op. cit.. p. 210. 3. I.Q.R. 1924, Vol.I, p. 16. 4. Idem. I .Q.R. 1924, Vol.I, p. 16. Ibid., No. II, p. XIX. Ibid., p. 200. Ibid.. p. 201. Idem. 47

On November 25, 1924 Punjab Government authorised Mr. Emerson and Mr. Commissi to meet Sikh members of the Council to draw up a Gurdwara Bill. Through a five-member committee constituted by the Sikh members of the Legislative Council, Hailey presented a draft of a new gurdwara bill to the Akali leaders who were imprisoned in Lahore jail. 2 The bill met all the demands of the Akalis and it was passed into a law in 1925.3 Government decided to release all the Akalis in jails but also put a condition that only those would be released who recanted their, past deeds. 4 While Sardar Bahadur Mehtab Singh and his group accepted the conditional release but a large number of Akalis including Baba Kharak Singh and Master Tara Singh refused to accept any conditional rele because they thought that it was derogatory to their self respect. 5 This act of Tara Singh won him popularity in Akali ranks. Ultimately Government had to yield and they too were released. As a result Mehtab and his followers were considered as collaborators and thus lost control over 6 SGPC.

1925, Voo. II, p. 70. 3. Khulwant Singh, op. clt., p. 212 4. islative Council p. 1304. 5. ^huswant* Singh, op. clt., p. 212. 6. Ibid., p. 213. 48

When the Government, by its 1925 Gurdwara Reforms Act, put the stamp of its approval upon the SGPC as the central body to manage Sikh shrines, Master Tara Singh was elected as its Vice-President. Now the SGPC became not only a sort of parliament of the Sikhs 2 but also a government within the government.'3rt Its control became the focal point of Sikh politics. Master Tara Singh became day by day more powerful leader as for the was following four decades S.G.PC/generally under the control of the faction led by him. But before we end this chapter, it is desirable that something must be said about the feud between Maharaja of Patiala, Sardar Bhupinder Singh and Master Tara Singh. In a way this conflict was also bom out of the struggle for the reform of gurdwaras. Sardar Sewa Singh Thikriwala, an Akali leader belonging to Patiala State, was also arrested along with other Akali leaders during the Jaito agitation and was also released along with them. But when he reached Patiala, he was again arrested by the Patiala State Police. Maharaja wanted him to apologise but Sewa Singh refused to do so. On bearing the news of the arrest of Sewa Singh, Master Tara 1. Gyani Gurcharan Singh, op. cit.. 84. 2 . khuswant Singh, op. cit.. p. 214 3. Syani Gurcharan Singh, op. cit.. 87. V 4. Idem. 49

Singh along with Sardar Mangal Singh rushed to Patiala and pleaded with Maharaja to set Sewa Singh free but Maharaja was adamant that he (Sewa Singh) must apologise. It was a case of personal vendatta. On the release of Baba Kharak Singh in March, 1927. it was decided to launch an action programme for the release of Sewa Singh. It was decided o to hold a big meeting in the state but it was not allowed. On the other hand many Akalis worker and their sympathisers were arrested. 3 The Maharaja started an anti-Akali propaganda. 4 Akalis also retaliated under the leadership of Baba Kharak Singh and Master Tara Singh. Master Tara Singh convened a Panthak meeting at Akal Takht in which many speeches were made against the Maharaja and he was given a time of one month to release Sewa Singh and other Akalis, but Maharaja did not concede their demand. As a result of it Master Tara Singh wrote a number of articles in Akali Te Pardesi critically £ elaborating the misdeeds of Maharaja, which began to influence the people of the State. Maharaja tried to bribe Master Tara Singh throggh an official of the state and offered him rupees 1

1. Gyani Gurcharan Singh, op. cit. . p. 87. 2. Ibid., p. 88. 3. Idem. 4. Ibid.. p. 186. 5. Ibid., p. 89. 6. Idem. 50 three lakhs but Tara Singh refused to succumb to this temptation. On another occasion he tore apart a blank 2 cheque sent by the Maharaja. Maharaja even tried to give poison to Master Tara Singh, through S. Jaimal Singh, who was working as a clerk with Masterji.3 Ultimately Maharaja was forced to compromise with Master Tara Singh. Maharaja released all the Akali prisoners including Sewa Singh Thikriwala, 4 but after sometime he was again arrested and was put to great torture. 5 Master Tara Singh again started writing against the misdeeds of Maharaja so powerfully that state-people*s Conference initiated an inquiry against the Maharaja and he was found guilty. As a result Government of India asked Resident of Punjab States to hold an inquiry into misdeeds of Maharaja. In the meantime Master Tara Singh was arrested in Civil Disobedience Movement of the Congress3 and the Maharaja succeeded getting himself exonerated by o underhand method. Sewa Singh started a fast unto death in jail and finally died in 1935. It was a great shock to Gyani Gurcharan Singh, op. cit.. p. 90. 2 . Idem. 3. Idem. 4. Ibid., p. 91. 5. Idem. 6 . Idem. 7. Ib id ., p. 92. 8. Idem. 31

Master Tara Singh and he decided not to see the face of the Maharaja for the rest of his life and he was able to carry on his vow. Thus we played a maj in the formation of SGPC and was one of the prominent leaders of the Gurdwara Reform Movement* The Nankana tragedy made him to dedicate his life for the cause of Sikhs and he was also largely responsible for the start of Nabha agitation. His resolve not to get released after giving any undertaking, made him very popular with the Sikh masses. Gradually, he became the undisputed leader of the Sikhs and was popularly known as 'Uncrowned King' of the Sikhs.

e e e 1

1. Gyani Gurcharan Singh, op. clt., p. 92. r 52 CHAPTER - IV MASTER TARA SINCH*S RELATION WITH INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS (1925-1940)

As mentioned earlier the birth of Master Tara Singh

coincides with Indian National« Congress. And it is also a coincidence that on one hand Indian National Congress played a leading role for the freedom of India and in the other hand Master Tara Singh dominated the political life of Punjab and especially the Sikhs. In December 1919, after the massacre of Jallianwala Bagh (April 13, 1919), the annual session of All India Congress Committee was held in Amritsar. 2 Almost at the same time Central Sikh League was also established. 3 Its second session was held'in Bradley Hall, Lahore in the 4, year 1920.” It was presided over by Baba Kharak Singh. It was resolved in this session to oppose the British rule and also to follow the path of nan-cooperation. 5 Subsequently when in February 1927, Lala Lajpat Rai, the President of Indian National Congress in Punjab was arrested, Baba Kharak 1. Supra, pp.n 2. The Encyclopaedia of Indian National Congress, Vol. VII 1916-20, p. 451. 3. R.C. Majumdar (ed.), Struggle for Freedom, Vol. XI (Bombay, 1978), p. 99T5T 4. K.L. Tuteja, t P* 18. 5. File No. 74, Home Political, November 1920, NAI. Singh, a prominent Akali leader, was made its President.1 Thus initially Akali Dal was in league with the Congress as far as national interests were concerned. Congress also supported Akali struggle for the reform of gurdwaras and its success in the same was described by Mahatma Gandhi as the f irst decisive victory of the freedom struggle. 2 But these cordial relations between these two parties got a blow from the constitutional proposals of the Nehru Committee. Before we discuss these proposals it would be better to trace its background. The Punjab Legislative Council was established in 1897 and it consisted of nine members nominated by the Lieutenant Governor. 3 With the Minto—Morley reform scheme of 1909, the elective principle was introduced for the first time along with nominations for the selection of representatives for legislative bodies. 4 Muslims were given 'weightage' against Hindu majority as Muslims were conceded separate representations and weightage in the states in which they were a minority along with the representation at the centre. Chief Khalsa Diwan Baba Kharak Singh Abhinandan Cranth, p. 188.

5. Ibid., p. 136. pleaded for the similar concessions for the Sikhs. Though Lieutenant Governor of Punjab supported the demand of Chief Khalsa Diwan yet no notice was taken of it. Representatives of Muslim League and Indian National Congress met at Lucknow and an agreement was reached according to which Muslims were conceded separate electorates to seven states in which they were in a minority; they also were also given half the elected seats in central legislative (to be elected by a purely Muslim electorates). No Sikh was invited to these talkf, nor was the Sikh point O of view was given adequate consideration. To forestall any political change based on the Lucknow Pact, the Chief Khalsa Diwan addressed a memorandum to the Lieutenant Governor stating that they would not accept a constitution 'which did not guarantee to them (the Sikhs) a share in the provincial and imperial councils... consistent with their position and importance'. The Sikhs claimed one-third of all the seats. e The Montagu-Chelmsford Report of 1918 assured the Sikhs that what had been given to the Muslims could not be denied to the Sikhs. Punjab 1. Khus^ant Singh, op. cit.. p. 218. 2 . Ibid., p. 219. 3. Ibid., p. 220. 4. Idem. 55

Government suggested that Sikhs be given 5 seats out of 26 (19%) of the non-official seats. The Franchise Committee ignored this suggestion and conceded only a ’separate electoral poll and separate constituencies for the Sikhs’ and recommended that Sikhs be given 8 out of 54 (15%) non-official seats. 2 The Government of India Act of 1919 did not give the Sikhs the 33% that they had expected. In fact it gave them less in Punjab than it gave to the Muslims in those provinces in which they were in minority . 3 Later on British Government appointed Simon Commission to review the working of the Government of India Act of 1919. Indian National Congress, All India Muslim League and All India Hindu Mahasabha resolved to co-operate with the 5 Commission. Sikhs were in a dilemma. The loyalist and moderate Sikhs welcomed the appointment of the Commission as they did not expect any favour from the Congress.” They formed Central Sikh Association to represent the Sikh case 7 before the Simon Commission. Chief Khalsa Diwan also1 1. Khuswant Singh, op, clt..p . 223. 2. Chief Khalsa Diwan’s communication No. 5075 of December 26, 1919, addressed to the Chief Secretary, Punjab Government. 3. The Sikhs, who formed 12% of the Punjab population, received 18% representation while Muslims, who formed 11% of the population of Bihar and Orissa received 25% representation. 4. It was appointed on November 8, 1927. 5. K.L. Tuteja, op. cit., pp. 139-40. 6 . The T rlbune. January 27, 1928. File No. 1, Home Political (Fortnightly Report, January, 1928) NAI. submitted its memorandum and demanded a complete abolition of communal representation, but if it was not possible then the Muslims should be given only 4C$ seats and the Hindus and Sikhs should get 3QS6 each. Claim was also made for Sikh representation in Sindh, Delhi and North West Frontier Province. While the Commission was at work, the Indian National Congress tried to present the British Government with a draft constitution agreeable to all Indians. On February 12, 1928, an all party meeting was called at Delhi for this very purpose. I TheI Central | Sikh League appointed a committee consisting of Baba Kharak Singh, Mehtab Singh, Master Tara Singh, Gyani Sher Singh and Mangal Singh to participate in this conference.O Before this an all Sikh Parties meeting was arranged which unanimously decided that they (Sikhs) would oppose the communal representation as it was harmful for the country as a whole. But in case the communal representation was retained, the Sikhs must be given 1/3 share of representation in the 4 Punjab Legislative Council. All parties conference called1

1 . Statement of Sunder Singh Majithia, Indian Statutory Commission. Oral Evidence. Punjab, Vol. ll. 2. Khuswant Singh, op. cit.. p. 227. 3 . The Tribune. February 3, 1928. 4. File No. 1, Home Political (Fortnightly Report. January 28), NAI. 57

by Congress appointed a small committee under the Chairmanship of Moti Lai Nehru. Jawaharlal Nehru was its Secretary and Mangal Singh Gill was its member. Cn August 10, 1928 it submitted its puLarly known as 'Nehru Report' It recommended not be any separate communal representation in Bengal and Punjab. But in other provinces, the Muslims and non-Muslims were given separate representation in proportion to their population with the right to contest the additional seats. In All Parties Conference which was held in Lucknow on August 29, 1928 the recommendation about Ptnjab was amended as follows: There shall be no reservation of seats for any community in Punjab, and Bengal, provided that the question of communal representation will be open for reconsideration, if so desired by any community, after working the recommended system for ten years. 2 Master Tara Singh, Gyani Sher Singh and some other Akali leaders strongly opposed the Nehru Report. Master Tara Singh then Vice-President of SGPC, sent a telegram tc Moti Lai Nehru, worded: " Regret, Sikh rights have been overlooked by Nehru Report* 3 It was considered to be another such pact 4 in w h ic h interests of the Sikhs had been sacrificed. Baba K .h a ra k Singh asked Sikhs to throw the 'Nehru Report' in dustbin.5 1 . All Parties Conference: Nehru Report, p. 123. 2 . Ibid. 3. Master Tara Singh, op. cit.. p. 101. 4. Khalsa Te Khalsa Advocate, August 20, 1928. 5. In his Presidential Address to the Central Sikh League, Gujranwala Session 1928,/in fhe Tribune. Oct. 29, 1928. /

This situation also resulted in a split of Akalis. One group of the Akali Dal led by Mangal Singh favoured acceptance of the proposals (made by the Nehru Committee) for the sake of nationalism, even though they did not adequately meet the claim of the Sikhs. The other group led by Baba Kharak Singh was thoroughly against the proposals and vetoed them. Master Tara Singh took a middle position. Baba Kharak Singh wanted the Akalis to leave Congress whereas Master Tara Singh was of this opinion that resentment must be shown but there is no point in leaving the Congress ’Isince the Sikhs were a minority and there was no wisdom in standing aloof from the greatest and only country wide political organisation. Therefore he condemned the proposals made by Nehru Committee and also demanded their withdrawl. He did not go against the Congress as he was a strong supporter of the Congress, no doubt, but only upto the limit that it did not interfere with the O legitimate rights of the Sikhs. The next All Parties Conference was held at Calcutta in December 1928, alongwith the Congress session to discuss the Nehru Report. About 30 Sikh leaders attended the Conference.^ A deputation of Sikh leaders, led by Master Tara Singh, met Mahatma Gandhi but there could not be any compromise. In 1. Baldev Raj Nayar. Minority Politic* in the (Princeton, 1966; 2 . Durlab Singh, op. clt.. p. 104. 3. Ibid., p. 93. 4. Ibid., p. 94. The Tribune, August 28, 1928. 59

the Conference Mehtab Singh on behalf of Central Sikh League moved an amendment to the communal portion of the Nehru Report to the effect that 'communalism should not be made the basis of the future policy of India in any shape or form', but it was ruled out by the President of the Conference, Mr.M.A. Ansari. 1 Consequently, Sardar Harnam Singh, the Secretary of Central Sikh League, decided to withhold the Sikh support to Nehru Report and to quit the conference* 2 Even an amendment moved by an Indian Christian leader from Punjab, Rallia Ram, was | ruled, , out. 3 Gandhi, while approving the report remarked that I I personally he thought that they had not done justice to the | Sikhs.4 I On their return from Calcutta, the Sikh leaders organised I a large number of meetings against the 'Nehru Report' and I considere^t as the 'destroyer of Sikh rights'. Baba Kharak | Singh while condemning the Congress appealed to Sikhs to I boycott the next Congress session which was going to be held ■ at Lahore in December, 1929.6 But Master Tara Singh did not im see any wisdom in boycotting the national organisation, especially! 1) 1. The Proceedings of the All Party National Convention, p. 97. r 2. K.L. Tuteja, op. cit.. p. 146. | 3. I.A.R.. Vol. II, 1928, p. 134. | 4. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi. XXXVIII, p. 315. I 5. The Tribune. April 13, 1929. I 6 . Master Tara Singh, op. cit.. p. 101. 1

[I when the latter was to take major decisions like full independence at Lahore Session. He wanted to fight for the Sikh rights by remaining within the Congress! Finally! atf the annual session of the Central Sikh League in October# 1929, the question of co-operation with the Congress session was taken up. The select committee of the League decided in its favour but as there was a strong opposition from Baba Kharak sinch, Master Tara Singh adjourned the session sine die. 2 However, Master Tara Singh, took permission of Baba K.harak Singh to attend the Congress Session in his personal capacity. The threat of boycott of the Lahore session by Sikhs 3 perturbed the Congress also because it was not desirable for the Congress to lose the support of the Sikhs. Therefore, Gandhi and many other congress leaders appealed to the Sikhs not to boycott the session. 4 Consequently before the beginning of Congress session at Lahore, Gandhi, Moti Lai Nehru and Dr M.A. Ansari met Master Tara Singh, Baba Kharak Singh and other Akali leaders and heard their grievances and

1 . Durlab Sin^h, op. cit.. p. 103. 2. Master Tara Singh, op. cit., p. 102. 3 . File No. r{ Home Political (Fortnightly heport, October, 1929), NAI. 4. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi. Vol. XLI, p. 536. p-

■Jc sorted out the differences. As a result i a resolution was passed in the Lahore session of Congress which emphasised that 'this Congress assures the Sikhs, the Muslims and other minorities that no solution thereof, in any future constitution will be acceptable to the Congress that does not give full satisfaction to the parties concerned.'^ The assurance given to the Sikhs was thus a tactical move on the part of the Congress as the latter wanted to secure their support in the Civil Disobedience Movement. It was soon after on March 6 , 1930, Gandhi launched the Civil Disobedience Movement. Baba Kharak Singh was opposed to it as the saffron colour of the Sikhs was not included in the National Flag as yet but Master Tara Singh did not wan to boycott the Civil Disobedience Movement as he considered it suicidal for the Sikh community to keep itself aloof from the National Movement.3 Shiromani Akali Dal under the guidance of Master Tara Singh, resolved to support the

9l movement Und placed at the disposal of Gandhi immediate services of 5,000 Akalis. 4 Central Sikh League also decided to participate in the movement.5 Master Tara Singh was taken as a member of 'War Coun formed by the Punjab Provincial Congress Committee to co-ordinate the Civil Disobedience Movement Punjab 6 On the arrest of Dr. K.itchlu

1. TheEnc aedia of Indian National V o l. IX 2 . K.L. Tuteja, op. cit., p. 149. 3. Durlab Singh, op. cit.« p. 103 4. The Trlbune» March 14, 1930. 5. bid.. Mav 14, 1930. 6 . N..C. Gulati, op. cit.. p. 54. 62

Master Tara Singh was appointed dictator of this body. 1 While leading an Akali Jatha to help the Pathaan Satyagrahis at Peshawar, Master Tara Singh was arrested. 2 Thus a laige number of Sikhs participated in Civil bedience Movem There might be for the same but the most important of these was the news of the firing by police at Sisganj Gurdwara, Delhi which gave a new turn to the movement among the Sikhs. According to official report, while observing hartal in Delhi to protest against the arrest of Gandhi, some workers of the Congress entered Gurdwara Sisganj and started throwing brickbats on the Q police. In return police opened fire at Gurdwara. The SGPC under the guidance of Master Tara Singh immediat launched a campaign to boycott and of picketing of foreign cloth shops in protest against the firing at Sisganj Gurdwara.4 Meanwhile, the Simon Commission submitted its report on June 7, 1930. Besides other things it recommended that the representation of the Sikhs in Provincial Council cannot be certainly reduced though it would be impossible to concede them a percentage of 30 without doing injustice to the other communities in the province, 5 This report was not acceptable even to the moderate Sikhs.

2 . Master Tara Singh, op. clt.. p. 105. 3. Report on the Firing into the Gurdwara 4. File No. 119, Home Political, January 1931, NAI 5. Report the Indian Statutary Commission, Vol. II, pp. 60-63. 63 fhe Government of India sent Government in England afresh proposals for the future constitutional reforms on September 22, 1930. It even reduced the Sikh seats by one 1 The Central Sikh League, Shiromani Akali Dal and S.G.P.C. condemned these proposals. 2 Meanwhil Round opened at London on November 12 , 1930 with the object of obtaining Indian opinion for the future constitutional reforms. Central Sikh League refused to participate in it and only moderates, Ujj al Singh and Sampuran Singh represented the Sikh community* A minority committee members 3 was formed by the Conference to solve the communal problem but even after much delibration, it could not solve it and left it for the next session of the Round Table Conference.4 On March 5, 1931 Gandhi-Irwin Pact was signed and the C Congress agreed to participate in Second Round Table Conference Central Sikh League also decided to take part in the Conference. A deputation of Sikh leaders, including the moderates, led by Master Tara Singh met Gandhi and presented 1. Government of India Despatch on Proposals for Constitutional Reforms, 1930. 2. The Tribune. November 21 and 27, December 27, 1930. 3. R. Coupland, The Constitutional Problem of Indians: The India Problem (1833-1935) [Madras, 1944) , p. 120. 4. Round Table Conference, First Session Proceedings TMinorities Committee Report), PP* 315-19. 5 The Tribune. March 11, 1931. 64 him a charter of 17 demands of the Sikhs, which included a new^ demand for transfering Muslim m ajority areas to Frontier Province so that a communal balance might be produced. It was probably a reaction to Dr. Mohammed Iqbal*s scheme of a separate state comprising Punjab, N.W.F.P., Sind and Baluchistan. When Gandhi described their demands as communal Master Tara Singh replied,'The only way to fight communalism is by counter demands of the same nature/ Congress Working Committee evolved another formula which agreed to concede to the Sikhs only 13% representation in proportion to their population in the province. All Sikh Parties meeting rejected the Congress proposal.5 During the Second Round Table Conference many proposals were discussed but no agreement was reached. Therefore the matter was left to the British Government. 6 On August 16, 1932 Ramsay MacDonald announced the communal award in which the system of separate electorate was retained and Sikhs were given only 18.85% representation against 51.42% of Muslims and 27.42% of Hindus.7 1 The Tribune, March 22, 1931. 2 Ib id . 3 C.H. Phillips, The Evolution of India and Pakistan: 1858-1947. Select documents, pp. 4 Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi . Vol. LXV, p. 399 5 The Tribune. October 9, 1931. 6 Indian Round Table Conference: Second on: Minorities Committee Proceedincs. pp 7 I.A.h.. 1932, Vol. II, p. 37.

% 65

This Communal Award was strongly condemned by the Sikhs and it was decided to raise a Akali ShahidcDal of one lakh Sikhs for starting an agitation against this Award. 1 In the meantime Third Round Table Conference was convened in London. Government nominated Tara Singh (not Master), an ex-member of the Punjab Legislative Council, to represent the Sikhs as no leading Sikh leader agreed to go there . 3 Though he objected still no change was made and finally the Communal Award was included in the white paper embodying the proposals of the British Government for constitutional reform s. The Congress attitude towards the question of communal representation also did not satisfy the Sikhs. 3 The Congress in order to secure the support of the Sikhs in the national struggle, repeatedly assured them that their interests would be duly protected in future constitutional reforms^ but despite repeated requests from the Sikhs, the Congress did not completely rejected the Communal Award and thus it created discontentment in the Sikh community. 1. File No. 18, Home Political, December 1932, NAI. 2. K.L. Tuteja, op. cit.. pp. 159-60. 3. ibid., p. 161. 4. Idem. 5. Ibid*, p. 162. 66

This Award further estranged the communal relations in Punjab. The most serious Muslim-Sikh riot took place over the Shahidganj Gurdwara dispute . 1 The immediate cause of the riot was the controversy over the own the gurdwar outbreak of the riot might be the result of strained relations due to Communal Award. In the meantime, the Government of India Bill got royal assent on August 2, 1935 and the Communal Award was its main part. The Si^hs strongly criticised it, but they did not consider it reject it outrightly 3 Elections according to the new Bill were announced. Sardar Joginder Singh and Sunder Singh Majithia formed Khalsa 4 National Party to fight the elections but the Akali Dal and Khalsa Darbar formed another board. Its manifesto was to strive for replacing Communal Award by a just and national solution and also declared that this board would not join any government formed on the basis of the Award. 6 The Congre also formed a separate Congress Sikh Party for elections in Punjab which compromised with Akali Dal. 1. The dispute was that whether the building of the gurdwara was initially a mosque or not. 2. I.A.R.. 1935. Vol. II, pp. 311-321. 3. Ib id . 4. Gyani Gurcharan Singh, op. cit., p. 110. 5- The Tribune. June 16, 1936. 6 . Ibid., June 20, 1936. 67

In the elections, which were held in the beginning of 1937, the Uhionist Party got 96 out of 175 thus securing a majority. Congress got 18, Khalsa National Party 14, Akali Dal 10 and Congressite Sikhs 5. Sunder Singh Majithia also Joined the ministry formed by Sir Sikander Hayat Khan of Unionist Party. Sunder Singh Majithia and others of Khalsa National Party in close collaboration with the Unionist Party entered the fray of Gurdwara elections hoping that they would rout Akali Dal but Akalis won with over-whelming majority. 2 It was a personal victory for Master Tara Singh. Within an year of their coming into power the Unionist walked into the parlour of Muslim League. In October 1937 an agreement was reached between Sikander and Jinnah which is known as Sikandar-Jinnah Pact. Shiromani Akali Dal reacted sharply to the new development. In a meeting of its executive it was resolved that the Akali members of the Legislative Assembly should join the Congress Party to strengthen the forces of nationalism. 4 Unionist Party 5 had convened a conference of all the parties in July 1937 but 1 1. The Tribune, March 3, 1937. 2. Master Tara Singh, op. cit.. p. 3. 'The 1937 Election and Sikander-Jinnah Pact' by Khizr Hayat Khan Tiwana in The Panlab Past and Present, Vol. X, October, 1976, pp. 356- 385. “ 4. K.C. Gulati, op. cit.. p. 77. 5* Gyani Gurcharan Singh, op. cit.» P. 117. 68

mainly due to Master Tara Singh it did not take any headway andft collapsed. In November 1938, the Akalis held an All-India Akali Conference at Rawalpindi under the Presidentship of Baldev Singh. 2 Akali and Congress flags were flown side by side. He declared that he considered the Congress to be the trustee of our national honour and national self-respect. After this Congress and Akali Dal came more close. meanwhile Hitler declared war in Poland on September i, 1939 and gradually the Second World War started. Unionist Party of Muslims and Akali Party of Sikhs decided to help the O British Government during this crisis. As a result both these parties had an agreement which is known as Sikander-Baldev Singh Pact. Baldev Singh was taken as a minister in Unionist Government. In March 1940 the Muslim League held its annual session at Lahore and passed there Pakistan resolution and declared that Muslims were a separate nation and demanded that the areas where they were in majority be constituted into a sovereign Muslim State. Sikh opposition to the

Cyani Gurcharan Singh, op. cit.. p 2. K.C. Gulati, L»A.R. 1939. Vol. II, pp. 31, 33. 4 . I«A.R. 1940. Vol. II, pp. 243-45. 69 Pakistan scheme was more bitter because an overwhelming majority of the Sikh population was mostly confined to Punjab. Sunder Singh Majithia said that it would be the height of audacity for any one to imagine that the Sikhs would tolerate for a single day the undiluted communal raj of any community in Punjab which is not only their homeland but also their holy land. Master Tara Singh said that Pakistan could be only introduced in Punjab after playing with the blood of Sikhs. The land of five rivers is sacred to the Sikhs as to no body else. 2 On December 1, 1940, an anti-Pakistan Conference was convened at Lahore which was addressed by Master Tara Singh and many other leaders. It passed a resolution opposing the formation of Pakistan.3 Some ambitious Sikhs and newspapers even suggested that Sikhs should ask for a separate Sikh state in opposition to the Pakistan demand. But Master Tara Singh was against it.1

1. I.A.R.. 1940. Vol.I, p. 357. 2. The Tribune. April 18, 1940. 3. K.C. Gulati , op. cit.. p. 88. 4. The Tribune, April 14, 1940 (V.S. Bhatti put forward for a buffer state and Khalsa Sewak also preached for a separate Sikh State. He said: While opposing the Pakistan scheme some Sikhs have lost their heads and they are preaching the establishment of Sikh rule. ... Swaraj is the only solution of our country's misfortune. 1 However, the threat of Muslim rule forced the Sikhs to seek more friends. 2 They had depended upon the Congress in times of crisis. But the Congress talks with Jinnah created great suspicion amongst the Akalis as they apprehended Hindu— Muslim rapproachment at the cost of the Sikh interest .3 Therefore, Akali started enlisting persons for Akali Sena which was to oppose the proposal of Pakistan. 4 Gandhi wrote to Master Tara Singh on August 1940 about this campaign for recruitment and said: You(Master Tara Singh) have nothing in common with the Congress nor the Congress with you... that being in the Congress, you weaken your community and weaken the Congress... . 5 Master Tara Sinch and his supporters strongly resented this. As a result of it Master Tara Sinch resigned 7 from the Congress Working Committee. But he did not ask other Akalis to resign from the Congress. 1. The Tribune. April 18, 1940. 2. K.L. Tuteja, op. cit.« p. 193. 3. Jaswant Singh (ed.), o p . cit.. pp. 168-70. 4. File No. 4/1/40, Home Political, NAI. 5. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi. Vol. LXII, pp. 395-96. 6 . Jaswant Singh (ed.), op. cit., p. 171. 7« File No. 18/9/40, Home Political, NAI. 71

In spite of his relations with the Congress, Master Tara Singh conducted a campaign against Muslim League. He held a number of Akali conferences in the province and offered his serious opposition to the scheme. He was also called upon to preside over the Anti-Pakistan Conferences held at Karachi and sevexal other places. It is quite right to say that the country looked upon Master Tara Singh with the hope and confidence as a man who could offer a terrible fight against this scheme. He was joined in this venture by K.M. Munshi of the Akhand Hindustan Front. Thus ended a crucial chapter in the life of Master Tara Singh. He supported the Congress against the wishes of Baba Kharak Singh, thinking that Congress would help the Sikh cause but its stand proved contrary to his belief.

• • •

1 . D u r la b SinQb# ^P* cit*f p# 133« 72 CHAPTER V

MASTER TARA SINGH AND PART IT ICN OF PUNJAB (1940-1947)

India became free on August 15, 1947 but it had to pay a heavy price in the form of partition of the country. In the process Punjab was divided into two parts. West Punjab going to newly created independent country of an East Punjab remained with India. This partition of the Pun j is unique in the history of Indo-Pakistan sub-continent because it was followed by

unprecedented cross « mass migration of population and massacre of ^housanjds of man, women and childrenAs a * result of it East Punjab as well as West Punjab not only suffered a lot but also witnessed many socio-relious and political upheavals. Partition affected all the Punjabis but it affected the Sikhs the most because they were at the cross-roads what to do. Master Tara Singh ptovf&l made the partition of Punjab as his political objective .2 Lord Mountbatten has also

1 Kirpal Singh, 'Master Tara Singh and Partition of Punjab, 1947* Pun Journal of Politics. Vol. 10, No. 2, July-December, 1986, p.^s- 2 Ib id . 73 commented on this while answering a question in his Press Conference of 4 June 1947 he remarked: I must point out that the people who asked for the paitition were the Sikhs. The Congress took up their request and framed the resolution in the form they wanted... They wanted the Punjab to be divided into predominantly Muslim and non-Muslim areas. I have done exactly what the Sikhs requested me to do through Congress. 1 But Sikhs were not the first to demand the partition of Punjab. Lai a Lajpat Rai was the first person to talk about p artitio n of Punjab. 2 There were communal rio ts in 1923 and 1924 in Kohat. Lalaji wrote a number of articles about these riots. While suggesting remedical measures to control this menance, he gave an idea to divide Punjab into East Punjab and West Punjab and argue^L that if democracy was to work successfully and effectively under the system of communal electorates, the partition of Punjab was essential. Similarly in 1929 Dr. Sir Mohammad Iqbal advocated the exclusion of Ambala Division (a sizeable portion of Punjab) from Punjab.^ It was nothing else than the demand for partition. Afterwards Sir Geoffrey Corbett, Secretary of the Indian Delegation 1» Transfer of Power. Vol. XI, p. 117. 2. The Tribune. December 21, 1924. Speeches and Statements of Iqbal, compiled by Shamloo (Lahore, 1944), p. 13. 74 to the First Round Table Conference, London (1930) endorsed the idea put forward by Iqbal• The climax of this demand came in the Lahore resolution of Muslim League in 1940. It demanded * the Muslim State (Pakistan) to consist of geographically contiguous units, demarcated into regions with such a territorial readjustment as may be necessary. o Territorial readjustment meaning nothing else but the splitting of Punjab because the whole of the Punjab could not apparently be included in Pakistan, as it had areas where Muslims were not in a majority and some of them had no geographical contiguity with the Muslim majority areas . 3 Mr. Coupland asserts that the words 'terrfcrial readjustment’ were particularly added for the splitting of the Punjab and to exclude Ambala Division as there were not any geographical contiguity with Muslim majority areas. Master Tara Singh joined this issue quite late. In the year 1942 British Government sent Sir Cripps to India to seek agreement of leaders to a constitutional accord 1. Sir Geoffrey Corbett, The Communal Problem in Punjab', hound Table Conference. Vol. Ill, Appendix No. XI, p. 1431. 2. Khuswantu_ Singh, op, cit., p. 241. 3. Kirpalp. 7. Singh, The Partition of the Punjab (Patiala,1972), 4 . R. Coupland, ’The Future of India', The Constitutional Problem in India, 1944, Vol.II, p. 8. ------75 for India - both present and future.'*' A Sikh delegation consisting of Sardar Baldev Singh, Sardar Ujjal Singh, Master Tara Singh and Sir Jogendra Singh met Sir Cripps and presented to him a memorandum regarding the Sikh point of view. Sir Cripps in his note of March 27, 1942 wrote: After reading through the document with some explanation, they (the Sikh leaders) naturally raised immediately the question of protection of the Sikh minority and the possibility of having some redistribution of provincial power between the eastern and west Punjab in order to carve out a province in which the Sikhs would jt/i£ have the decisive voice as a large balancing party between the Hindu and Moslem. 2 Master Tara Singh dismissed this matter with Mr Ogilive, who in turn reported it to Mr. Pinnett on March 30, 1942. He wrote: He (Master Tara Singh) said that thefinly thing that would satisfy the Sikhs... was that the Punjab should be divided and that the whole area south of Sutlej plus the districts of Lahore (less Lahore city), Amritsar, Gurdaspur, Jullundur, Hoshiarpur and Kangra should be made a separate province... He was equally convinced that the Sikhs would never tolerate Muhammadan rule, open or disguise... He said that the whole question of the treatement of minorities was much too vague and would not satisfy the Sikhs.3 123

1. Percival Spear, The Oxford History of Modern India (London, 1965), p. 382. 2. Transfer of Power. Vol.I, p. 496. 3. Ibid., p. 564 W 4

But the draft declaration prepared by Cripps for discussion with Indian leaders had a gloomy effect on Sikhs. Master Tax a Singh wrote a letter to Cripps on March 31, 1942 which spelled clearly the stand of Akalis. He wrote: We have lost all hope of receiving any considerations. We shall resist, however, by all possible means separation of Punjab from an all India Uhion. 1 According to Breacher, the draft declaration implied acceptance of the demand of Pakistan by the British. Muslim League also considered it as the acceptance of the demand of Pakistan of their conception.o This greatly alarmed the Sikhs because Punjab was a Muslim majority province and it could any time secede from the Indian Union and thus acquire the status of a Uhion. In such a case Sikhs would have to live under the dominance of Muslims. So Shiromani Akali Dal lodged a vigorous protest against this and submitted a memorandum to Cripps saying that the position of the Sikhs in Punjab had been finally liquidated. 14 1. Transfer of Power. Vol.l, pp. 582-83. 2. Breacher, op. cit.. p. 278. 3. Chaudhary Khaliquzzman, Pathway to Pakistan(Lahore, 1961) p. 227. 4. Transfer of Power. Vol.l, p. 588. 77

Sikhs also suggested the following safeguards against this situation: By delimiting the present provincial boundaries of the Punjab, a new province comprising of Ambala and Jullunder Divisions with the three districts of Amritsar, Gurdaspur and Lahore be constituted* 2. The Sikh minority in the provinces be given the same weightage and measure of protection as the Muslim minority* 3. So long as communal electorates exist, provincial cabinets should be formed on a coalition basis. 4. The Sikhs should be given 5 per cent representation in the Central Legislature. 5. A Sikh should always be given a seat in the cabinet of the Central Government. 6 . A Defence Advisory Committee should be set up for advising the Indian Defence Minister and a Sikh should be given a seat on the committee. 7. The position of the Sikhs in the Defence forces of India should be maintained in keeping with their past traditions and strength in those forces. 8. The share of the Sikhs should be fixed in Provincial and All-India services on the lines it has already been provided for the Muslims. 9. Religious laws of Sikhs enacted may only be amended by the votes of majority of the Sikh members in the legislature. 10. No restrictions should be imposed by the state in the exercise of the religious rights of the Sikhs in the matters of eatables and religious performances. 11 11. The state should provide for the teaching of Punjabi in Gurmukhi script where a certain fixed number of scholarships is forthcoming. 1

1 . Transfer of Power. Vol.I, pp. 587-88. 78

In another letter of May 4, 1942 which Master Tara Singh wrote to Sir Cripps, he further elaborated his proposal for a separate province. He wrote: The only party which will object to the division of the Punjab as proposed by the Sikh representatives will be the Muslim League. If the British Government be prepared to accept this proposal of the Sikhs, there is a likelihood of the final solution of the communal problem. In that case I may be able to persuade the Congress and the Hindu Mahasabha to agree to the communal solution outlined in your ^ proposals, as amended by the Sikh proposal. But there was no visible change in the attitude of British Government. Once again Sikhs began to pin their hopes on the Congress but meanwhile Rajgopal Acharya gave a new formula in 1944 that if Muslim League would support the demand for immediate independence, a Commission would be appointed to demarcate those contigous area in the North-West

and East of India where Muslims were in an absolute m ajority.

In these areas a plebiscite would be held to determine whether 2 the people wanted a separate state or to remain in India.

Rajaji also leaked out that this was the view of Gandhi. So Sikhs did and were bound to assume 1 Congre

1. Transfer of Power. Vol. II, p. 27. 2. S.D.I.S.. Vol. II, p. 549. 79 accepted Pakistan. It dejected them. On August 2, 1944 Sir B. Glancy wrote to Field Marshall Viscount Wavell: AhAQngst Sikhs Congress advances to the Muslim League have tended to meet the general disapproval and there have been loud complaints that Gandhi in spite of his promises has ignored the Sikh community. 1 A meeting was held on August 20, 1944 of all Sikh Parties at Amritsar* in which Gyani Kartar Singh remarked: Let us give up now the practice of looking upto Gandhi for the protection of our interests. 2 Master Tara Singh was much disturbed and for the first time /^stated that Sikhs were a separate nation.O As a consequence on All Sikh Party Conference was held which empowered Master Tara Singh to organize Sikh opposition and 3rd of September, 1944 was fixed as the protest day. 4 Master Tara Singh appointed a sub-committee to create effective liasion with other Sikh groups to form a united front. Meanwhile SirTej Bahadur Sapru and Mr. Jayakar made an attempt to solve the communal issue but to no avail as Muslims refused to cooperate with the Sapru Committee. 1

1 . Transfer of Power, Vol. IV, p. 1148. 2. Civil and Military Gazette. August 21, 1944. 3. I.A.R. 1944. Vol.I, p. 298. 4 Civil and Military Gazette. August 20, 1944. 80

However, a Sikh delegation consisting^ Master Tara Singh, Sampuran Singh, Gyani Tartar Singh, Ishar Singh Majhail and Udham Singh Nagoke argued Sikh case before the Sapru Committee. i In order to make their position clear the Shiromani Akali Dal put forward Punjab scheme. 2 This was also to counteract the Muslim League demand for a sovereign Muslim State. 3 According to this scheme, a new Punjab was to be carved out after separating the m ajority It was argued it was to bej«}n ideal province with about an equal proportion lims and Sikhs, 4 In a way it was to be a Sikh homeland for the Sikhs.5 After the end of Second World War Lord Wavell, the Viceroy, invited twenty-one Indian leaders, including Master Tara Singh to meet him. Leaders met him at Simla in the last week of June 1945 but the Conference broke down on the insistence of Jinnah that only members of Muslim League should represent Indian Muslims on the Executive Council. 6

1 . Khuswant Singh, op. cit., p. 253. 2 . Master Tara Singh, Congress Te Sikh (Punjabi), pp. 3-4 3. Ganda Singh in Dictionary of Nationa , Vol. IV, p. 324. 4. Kirpal Singh, The Partition of Punjab, p. 10. 5. Justice H arnam Singh, Ihe Idea of Sikh State, pp. 27-46. 6 . Transfer of Power, Vol. V, p. 1263. 81

Jinnah*s stand convinced many Congress leaders that Muslim Leaguers would have to be given the right to secede if they so desired. But Master Tara Singh put forwarded his own opinion. He said that if Muslim demanded Pakistan, his community wanted a separate state for themselves. Pakistan was a greater danger to the Sikhs than to the other communities. 2 But the attitude of Congress meant that Punjab (and Bengal also) would have to be divided. Thus the carving knife was firmly placed on the Sikhs* Jugular. In the winter of 1945-46, the elections were held all over India. The Congress won a spectacular victory but failed to dislodge the Muslim League's hold over the Muslim masses. The League went to the poll on the issue of Pakistan and won every single Muslim seat with an overall Muslim , 4 voting of 90Po. On the other hand the Sikhs had gone to the polls to register their opposition to Pakistan and an All Parties (except the Communists) Board called the Panthic Pratinldhi Board was constituted to fight the elections1

1. The Tribune. August 30, 1945. 2. Transfer of Power. Vol. V, p. 1246. 3. Khusjwant Singh, op. clt.. p. 254. 4 . Ib id ., p. 256. * * d

The Sikhs won all their seats and the Communist the only to support the formation of Pakistan were completely eliminated. 1 All negotiations between the Muslim League, Indian National Congress and the Sikhs failed mainly on the an 2 Meanwhile Sir Khizr Hayat formed Punj the support of Congre and Panthic Pratinidhi Board. 3 In the springbf 1946, a Cabinet Mission was appointed by Attlee to visit India for gt of Indian leaders towards Pakistan. The Sikhs were represented by Master Tara Singh, Gyani Kartar Singh, Harr am and later on by Baldev Singh. This delegation of Sikhs was united in its opposition to Pakistan. 4 Master Tara Singh said that he was for a United India. But he also made it clear that if Pakistan was conceded, he was for a separate Sikh State with the right to federate an or India. 5 While Gyani Kartar Singh described it (Sikh State) as a ’province of their own where they would be in a dominant or almost dominant position*• But the way Sikhs worded their

1 . Khusjwant Singh, op. c it.. p. 256. 2. Ibid.. p. 257. 3. Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, India Wins Freedom, pp. 128-30. 4. Khus[want Singh, op. cit., p. 258. 5. Transfer of Power. Vol. VII, p. 138. 6 . Ibid., p. 139. . demand robbed it of any chance of serious consideration* They made it sound not as something inherently desirable but only as a point in an argument against Pakistan* The result being that Cabinet Mission took no notice of Sikh State, Khalistan or Azad Punjab and treated the idea as one put up by the Indian National Congress to thwart Muslim aspiration. One of the main obstacles for the Sikh leaders as well as British Government was that the Sikhs were no where in a majority, not even in a single district of Punjab.^ The proposals submitted by the Cabinet Mission was outrightly rejected by the Sikhs and they refused to be persuaded with clever manoeverings that they could hold the balance of power in Punjab. 2 Master Tara Singh sent a letter to Secretary of States, Lord PethiaX* Lawrence to India on May 25, 1946. Commenting on the Cabinet Mission proposals he wrote: Wave of dejection, resentment and indignation had run through the Sikh community. If in the considerations of their cabinet mission recommended to give protection to the Muslims why should the same consideration not to be shown to the Sikhs.3 1

1. Transfer of Power, Vol. VII, p. 138. 2 . Ibid.. p. 485. 3. Ibid., p. 6^)6 84

Baldev Singh also wrote to the Secretary of State for India who replied to him telling him that the scheme could not be altered to suit the Sikhs and they should safeguard their interests by electing their representatives to the Constituent Assembly and by collaborating in the drafting of the Constitution of India. On July 29, 1946 Council of Muslim League passed a resolution retreating its acceptance of Cabinet Mission Plan, and another calling for ’direct action’. Working Committee called upon Muslims throughout India to observe 16 August as 'Direct Action Day’. This call resulted in the outbreak of violence in different parts of the country. 2 On thepther hand, though the Congress had failed to win over Muslim League yet it was able to persuade the Sikhs to give up their idea of partition. 3 A meeting of Panthic Board was held ion August 14, sponded to the Congress appeal, but without giving up a strong reservations to the 3 Cabinet Mission proposals. The Board also advised the Sikhs to elect their representatives to the Constituent 4 Assembly. As a result of it joined as Defence Minister on September 1946 in the Interim Government.5 1 C.H. Philips and Mary Doreen Wainright (eds.), The Partition of India (Policies and Perspectives: T935-1947 P. 2 I.A.h. 1946. Vol. II, pp. 66-67 3 The Partition of India, p. 575. 4 I.A.R.. 1946, Vol. II, p. 15, 5 Ibid., p. 23. 85

The events were happening fast. So on February 29, 1947, British Prime Minister, Attlee announced in British Parliament that British Government would relinquish power in India by June 1948, but it happened much earlier and India got the freedom on August 15, 1947, 2 although paying a heavy price for it in the shape of partition. Thus establishment of Pakistan left Sikhs much disappointed, disillusioned and dejected. Sikh politicians, especially Master Tara Singh, waged a losing battle against the movement for the formation of Pakistan but the Muslims won and the Sikhs had to abandon their homes, lands and shrines and had to migrate. Before we conclude this chapter few words about Jinnah and partition of Punjab would not be out of context. It is generally believed that during those days Jinnah advised the Sikh leaders to have a state of their own within Pakistan. Even the British Government was willing to concede the demand for a separate Sikh State but the Sikh leaders and especially Master Tara Singh preferred to remain in India. But this is not true. According to Dr Rajinder Kaur, daughter of Master Tara Singh, "Mr. Jinnah neither entertained the proposition for an independent Sikh State nor did he ever advise the Sikh leaders to demand one." 3

1. tQiuswant Singh, op. clt.. p. 2. Satya M. Rai, Partition of the Punjab, p. 19.

'k* My ^ \ < \ & % 86

Although the Sikhs demanded a separate state for them "but the desire of the Sikhs could not materialise because the division of the country was done on numerical strength of the population and there were only three tehsils in British Punjab where the Sikhs were in a majority. These tehsils, Tarn Taran, Moga and Jagraon were also not contiguous." 1 But it is a fact that Jinnah tried to win over the Sikhs and therefore, he offered certain proposals, if the Sikhs decided to remain in Pakistan. One proposal was that out of the two executive heads, the Chief Minister and the Governor of the Punjab Province, one would be a Sikh. The Akalis wanted to have a balancing power in the number of M.L.As in Punjab This was not being agreed to . 2 In another proposal Jinnah agreed to concede a semi-autonomous Sikh State within the political boundaries of Pakistan whereas Akalis demanded a self determined status for a Sikh State. Mr. Jinnah was not prepared to accept this demand.3 There were two factions of Shiromani Akali Dal at that time headed by Jathedar Udham Singh and Gyani Kartar Singh respectively. Both these factions were agreeable to the proposal of Jinnah but Master Tara Singh, 1 Rajinder Kaur (Dr), ’Jinnah and Punjab Partition', The Tribune. May 9, 1988. 2 Idem.

3 . 87

the ultimate leader of the Sikhs was sceptical and was not prepared to trust the Muslim League un there was fool proof guarantee for the independent political existence of the Sikhs. He was right in not trusting Muslims because the Sikh history is full of such incidents which reflects the atrocities committed by the Muslims on the Sikhs. Even the daily Sikh prayer, Ardaas highlights such incidents. Therefore, the Sikh psyche is basically anti-Muslim. When we analyse the whole situation, we come to the conclusion that at this critical Juncture the Sikh leadership led by Master Tara Singh was put in somewhat awkward y \orV situation. It was in favour of Uhited India and it did.want the partition of India but it also decided that if the country was partitioned, then the Sikhs would remain in India. Ultimately the partition took place an a result of it the Sikhs had to migrate to India in umber and had to suffer a heavy loss of life and property. Master Tara Singh played a key role in preparing the Sikhs to resist the temptation of siding with Muslim League and thus saved a large part of Punjab from going to Pakistan. 1

1. H.V. Hodson, The Great Divide (London, 1969), p. 212. 88

CHAPTER- VI MASTER TARA SINGH AND STRUGGLE FOR PIN JAB I SUB A (1947-1966)

India became independent in 1947 after paying a heavy price in the shape of partition country* A new phase in the political career of Master Tara Singh started in free India. Before independence he almost through out his political career kept very cordial relations with Indian National Congress But after independence Congress became the master of the destiny of Indian people. Prior to independence Indian National Congress Singh, both were on the same side as were fighting for the freedom from the British but after independence their relationship became tense and they parted company mainly due to the demand creation of Punjabi S'uba, a linguistic state. Master Tara Singh was struggling for its creation but the Congress Government at the Centre was unwilling and did not concede this demand, Its reluctance to do so forced Master Tara Singh to move apart from the Congress and to start a long struggle for the creation of Punjabi Suba. But before describing the struggle for the creation of Punjabi and role Singh in this struggle, it will be desirable to briefly reconstruct the idea of redistributing India for administrative convenience in accordance with linguistic groups. The idea of the linguistic states was bom and discussed in the 1921 session of Indian 89

National Congress which was held at Ahmedabad, Mahatma Gandhi was greatly in favour of this idea that the correct basis for the demarcation of different provinces or states was the linguistic basis. Therefore, the Congress Party before 1947 had very often made a demand for redistribution of India into linguistic states primarily for the promotion of regional languages and ultimate banishment of the English language, which was considered as a symbol of slavery But the partition of India at the time of independence and the subsequent communal created more immediate problems for the Congress Government and the reorganisation of states on linguistic basis was deferred. Constituent Assembly of India Provin under the Chairmanship of Mr. S.K. Dar, Retired Judge of Court recommended postponing this step as it was not in the larger interest of the Indian It was also of this opinion that it would cause serious administrative dislocation and political and economic instability. Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of independent India, thought this to be "an thing 1 But this did not down

1. Jawaharlal Nehru, Speeches (Delhi, 1954), p. 57. 90 pace of the linguistic movement. The demand for the creation of linguistic states gained further momentum with the 58-day fast of P. Sriramula and ultimately his death, 1 for the cause of creating Andhra Pradesh. His death forced the Central Government to cede Andhra Pradesh and finally it decided to appoint a high powered commission to consider the question of re-organisation of the states on linguistic basis. This Commission was appointe^Tn 1952. In PunJ language issue assumed great importance from 1948 onwards when an extremist group of Sikh leaders voiced their demand for a linguistically homogenous Punjabi S tate. So the demand of Punjabi Suba was first made before the states Re-organisation Commission in 1953. The wanted together the Punjabi speaking areas of Punjab, PEPSU and Rajasthan. 2 It also added that language of an area correspond to a special culture and this cultural manifestation must have an opportunity for growth through a linguistic state of its own. 1

1 , Times of India» January 1 , 1953. 2. B.R. Nayar, o p . clt. . p. 32. 91

Akali Dal also was of this firm belief that all Punjabis have common mother tongue and therefore they must have their own state. Shiromani Akali Dal was also in favour of retaining Gurmukhi as the only script for Punjabi language and not Devnagri. 2 Akali Dal disagreed with this notion that demand for Punjabi Suba is comrrunal. It stated that it would be a part of India and in this state Hindus would be enjoying a 5S& majority. 3 Akali Dal also listed benefits of creating such a state, such as: i) Elimination of Language Controversy. ii) Contented Sikh community for the country; i i i ) Harmony in the border state. Thus Akali*s argued before the States Reorganisation Commission that demand Punjabi not communal and its basis was language^ but on the other hand they said that the demarcation of what is called Punjabi Suba seemed to be the only way to preserve the language, culture and religion of the Sikhs.4 They could not disassociate themselves from Sikh demands. It is also clear from the resolution which i Hukam Singh, A Plea for Pun abi kina State (Amritsar, 1951) . o. i-2 .’ 2 , pp. 9-10 3 Ib id .. pp. 26-27. 4. The Spokesman. September 7, 1950 92

they adopted in 1950. It read: The callous and unsympathetic treatment of government has made respectable life impossible for them (the Sikhs), they therefore strongly feel the utter necessity of the speedy creation of the Punjabi speaking province for the protection and preservation of this culture, language, self respect, particularly when the solution is universally recognised as democratic and to which even the Indian National Congress stands pledged. 1 Similarly the Akali manifesto of 1951-52 general elections while making a demand for a state on the linguistic basis, also emphasized on the Sikh needs saying that "the Shiromani Akali Dal has reasons to believe that Punjabi speaking area may give the Sikhs the needful security. 2 The demand for Punjabi Suba was opposed by the majority of Hindu community. Hindu political organisations like Jan Sangh, Hindu Mahasabha, All Party Maha Punjab Samiti, etc. were against this demand. Punjab Jan Sangh submitted a memorandum to the government. 3 All the parties opposing the Akalis joined hands to form Maha Punjab Samiti which submitted a memorandum to States Reorganisation Commission stressing for the creation of Maha Punjab by reorganising Punjab, PEPSU

1. The Spokesman. February 20, 1956, p. 3. 2 . Ibid.. August 29, 1951. 3. It was named'Why Maha Punjab and it was published by Uttarhat Publications, ABibala Cantt. 93

and Himachal Pradesh. The Samiti also stressed that in reality this demand is nothing short of a Sikh State as Akali demand would turn 3C% Sikh minority into 53% Sikh majority.^ Hindus generally disowned even Punjabi language and considered imposition of Punjabi in Gurmukhi script as establishing Sikh dominance over them. They argued that one could have a mother ton^but not mother script. O As a result, during the census of 1957, Hindus delibrately declared Hindi as their mother tongue. Thus the Punj turned to be a bone of contention between Hindus and Sikhs. Shiromani Akali Dal also submitted its memorandum to the aforesaid Commission demanding Punjabi speaking are and also giving reasons for the creation of such a state. 3 Meanwhile elections SGPC held in early 1955. Akali Dal fought these elections on Punjabi Suba issue. Shiromani Akali Dal contested 112 seats in all and won all of them. On the other hand Congress sponsored Khalsa Dal was badly demolished as it contested 132 seats but could win 4 only three. Frustrated the Punj on April 6,1955 banned the slogan of Punjabi Suba. Akali Dal took it as an r : B.R. Nayar, * P 42 2 Sher Singh, The of (Rohtak, in Pun 3 Ajit Singh Sarhadi, Punjabi Suba (The Story of the f) (Delhi, 1970 ), p 4 . Ibid., p. 239. 94 insult and decided to launch a peaceful satyaoraha if this ban was not lifted and accordingly Master Tara Singh along with ten others courted arrest on May 10, 1955 by raising the banned slogan. As a result of it a morcha was started. Volunteers started offering themselves for arrest. Despite the repressive measures adopted by the state government the morcha continued. In desperation Government sent police to Darbar Sahib to arrest Akali leaders. This resulted in adding fuel to the fire. Morcha was intensified. Some 12,000 Akali workers were arrested. Finally in a concilliatory gesture Bhim Sain Sachar, Chief Minister of Punjab, was forced to lift the ban imposed on the slogan of ’Punjabi Suba Zindabad* and for face saving it was linked by the State Government with the returning home of Jawaharlal Nehru after a successful foreign tour. o It was expected that after liftingpf this ban, government would release Master Tara Singh, but he was not released till the acceptance of an appeal against his conviction|on Septemberg 1955. After his release from Jail Master Tara Singh declared on September 20, 1955 that until the Punjab Government made amends for theJuly 4 incident, when police had violated 1

1. Ajit Singh Sarhadi, op. clt.. p. 240. 2 . Ibid., p. 246. 3. Ibid., p. 247. $ 95

the religious places, the Sikhs would not rest. Ultimately Chief Minister Bhim Sen Sachar came to Akal Takht and in an open gathering apologized on behalf of the government. Meanwhile in October 1955 States Reorganisation Commission in his report rejected the demand for Punjabi Suba and recommended the merger of Punjab, PEPSU and Himachal Pradesh. It was a terrible shock for the Sikhs and Master Taxa Singh called it a ’decree of Sikh annihilation'.^ Hukam Singh also called it as another deadly blow and threatened that Akalis would launch an agitation if peaceful 3 negotiations failed. Therefore, negotiations were started between the Central Government and Akali leaders. Master Tara Singh led a deputation comprising Bhai Jodh Singh (as representative of Chief Khalsa Diwan), Gian Singh Rarewala, Gyani Kartar Singh and Hukam Singh to meet the Prime Minister on October 24, 1955 as it was already arranged. Maulana Abdul Kalam Azad and Pandit Gobind Vallabh Pant were also present. 1

1. Ajit Singh Sarhadi, op. cit.. p. 249. 2. The Spokesman. October 19, 1955. 3. Ibid.. October 12 , 1955. 4. Ajit Singh Sarhadi, op. cit. . p. 258. 96

After few months of talks, the 'Regional Formula'^ was evolved. Akali Dal, after much delibration, accepted it though there was strong opposition to it from many groups of Akalis as well as Hindu community. Akali spokesmen soon began to say that it was only the first towards the final goal Punjabi 2 Regional Formula was basically a political settlement and Akalis Joined Congress Party except Master Tara Singh.3 But when the names of the candidates for the forthcoming elections were finalized, there was a shock for Akalis as they TU_ were given only 20 seats. Master Tara Singh was. first to oppose it. He reorganised the Akali Dal as an opposition party to enter the arena with renewed vigour and demanded

1. According to Regional Formula members ofthe Punjab Legislature was divided into two groups : one comprising those who were elected from the Ptanjabi speaking region and th^ 6ther from the Hindi speaking region. It was also provided in this formula that any measure affecting a particular region would first be considered by members of that region before coming up for plenary consideration. The Sachar Formula was to continue, and in addition to it was agreed that the official language of each region at the district level and below would be the language of the region. The Punjab was declared a bilingual state recognizing both Punjabi (in Gurmukhi script) and Hindi (in Devnagri script) as the official languages of the State. Departments of Punjabi and Hindi were set up; provision was also made for the establishment of a Punjabi University (opened in 1962 at Patiala). 2. Hindustan Times. March 12, 1956. 3. K..C. Gulati, opjcit., p. 165. 97

Punjabi Suba. With the help of All India Sikh Students Federation, he pressed even more stridendly for Punjabi Suba and also started a campaign against alleged government interference in the gurdwaras. Actually the amalgamation of PEPSU with Punjab necessiated an amendment of the Punjab Gurdwara Act of 1925. It was interpreted by the Akalis as an attempt of the government to send its nominees to the SGPC. Master Tara Singh met Nehru but he refused to intervene. So Master Tara Singh gave a call for the observance of March 15, 1959 as a protest day in Delhi and declared that a silent procession would also be taken at that time. He was taken into custody on the eve of his departure for Delhi. Orders were also Issued to cancel all special trains and permits of all hired buses were impounded because as. these werej/to carry Sikhs for joining the procession in Delhi. Several arrests were made. Still a large procession was taken out in Delhi. In All India Dharmic Conference at Rakab Ganj Gurdwara, a resolution was passed condemning the arrest of Master Tara Singh. Master Tara Singh was released from the jail on March 2 1 , 1959. Nehru again refused to intervene in gurdwara affairs. Master Tara Singh suggested in a press statement that members of legislature be debarred from contesting elections of S.G.P.C. 2 but Gy^ni Kartar Singh was opposed to 1

1. Ajit Singh Sarhadi, op. clt.. p. 314. 2. Idem. 98 impose such restrictions. Master Tara Singh announced that he would go on fast unto death on April 16, 1959. On the intervention of some friends, BNehru invited Master Tara Singh at tea on April 11* 1959. An agreement was reached about the formation of four member committee consisting of two nominees of government and two of Master Tara Singh to consider all types of allegations against Sikh minority in the state. After this meeting Master Tara Singh declared that he would continue his fight for Punjabi Suba and would fight on this issue the elections of SGPC going to be held in January 1960. 2 Congress Sikhs took it as a challenge and formed Sadh Sangat Board.O Meanwhile Congress High Command on December 23, 1959 decided to bifurcate Bombay state into two states namely Mahrashtra and Gujrat. It affected Sikh psyche and Sikh masses began to believe that Punjab was the only state which was being delibrately left bilingual. On the other hand Master Tara Singh secured 132 seats out of 139 seats of SGPC and government sponsored Sadh Sangat Board could get only four. After this mammoth landslide victory Master 1» Ajit Singh Sarhadi, op, cit. . p. 314. 2. K.C. Gulati, op. cit.. p. 168. 3. Ibid. . p. 169. 4. Ajit Singh Sarhadi, op. cit.. p. 217. 3. Ibid.. p. 318. 99

Tara Singh, on January 24, i960, called upon the Congress High Command and Government of India to see the writing on the wall and to concede the demand of Punjabi Suba failing which, he announced, an agitation would be started which would initially be confined to constitutional means. Moreover 132 elected members of SCPC, belonging to Akali Dal, took pledge at Akal Takht to sacrifice their Tan .Man ,Dhan^ for the achievement of Punjabi Suba. Master Tara Singh was first to take this pledge. The bugle had been blown but the beginning of the battle was left to government choosing. It had been the technique of Master Tara Singh, during his political leadership that he prepared the ground for agitation, enthused the masses and then waited for the government to take some wrong step. He never missed an opportunity for a possible compromise but carried the fight to^its logical end, if the conditions and circumstances permitted. 15

1. Ajit Singh Sarhadi, op. cit.. p. 318. 2. Body, Soul and Money. 3. Ajit Singh Sarhadi, op. cit♦ . p. 319. 4. Idem. 5. Idem. 100

Master Ji was unanimously elected President of SGPC in a general body meeting on March 7, 1960 and this meeting also decided to boycott the 26 member committee appointed by the State Government to consider language issue.^ It passed a resolution that the only solution of the linguistic trouble of the Punjab is to bifurcate the Punjab on the basis of Punjabi and Hindi. 2 This was followed by the directive issued by Shiromani Akali Dal to its members who had Joined Congress party in 1956 or after and others persons to forthwith resign from the Congress party and all its committees. Five out of 3 24 Akali M.L.A's resigned. Master Tara Singh resigned the Presidentship of SGPC on April 30, 1960 to devote his entire time and energy to the agitation for the creation of 4 Punjabi Suba. Master Tara Singh said in Amritsar on May 10, 1960 that'we are determined to obtain Punjabi Suba, we shall either win or die, we shall not be defeated. He called a convention for this purpose on May 22, 1960 1

1. K..C. Gulati, op. cit., p. 169. 2. AJit Singh Sarhadl, op. cit.. p. 320. 3. Ibid .. p. 322. 4. Idem. 5. Ibid., p. 323. 101 at Amritsar which was attended by among others, Pandit Sunder Lai, Dr. Saifuddin Kitchlu and Harbhajan Singh, Chairman Punjab Unit of Paraja Socialist Party. Through a resolution the convention urged the Government of India not to further delay the reorganisation of Punjab on Language basis. On this Mr. Darbara Singh, the President of Punjab Pradesh Congress Committee alleged that Master Tara Singh was in league with Pakistan to create tension in Punjab.2 But it was a baseless allegation and Congress only wanted to divert the public attention. Master Tara Singh in consultation with the Working Committee of Shiromani Akali Dal announced his march from Amritsar on May 29,1960 on his way to Delhi where he said that he would take out a political procession to demonstrate the Sikh support to the demand of Punjabi Suba. On the other hand Punjab Government arrested Master Tara Singh, five M.L.A’s and about 200 other Akali workers and leaders. Akali newspapers - Parbhat (Urdu) and Akali (Punjabi) _ were suppressed and their publication were stopped, and all members of their staff were arrested .4 A reign of terror was created through out the state. Inspite of this 1. K.C. Gulati, op. clt.« p. 169. 2. Ajit Singh Sarhadi, op. cit.. p. 324. 3. &«G« Gulati, oj2-j__ci>t., p. 168. 4. Ajit Singh Sarhadi, op. cit.. p. 325. 102 the Shiromani Akali Dal sent a Jatha of 11 persons to Dekhi on May 20, 1960 which was arrested about 3 miles from Amritsar* Many sympathisers, who had come to see off the Jatha, were also arrested. This led to another movement and every day a Jatha of 11 Akalis courted arrest outside Darbar Sahib. Thus the second battle for Punjabi Suba had begun. This situation had been brought about by the government by unnecessarily arresting Master Tara Singh and other Akalis. Master Tara Singh, before going to Jail, had appointed Sant Fateh Singh as the dictator of the morcha. 3 The movement gained momentum and by July 25, 1960 total number of persons arrested in Amritsar alone rose to 17,821.4 Meanwhile a deputation of prominent Congressites and Arya Samajists met the Prime Minister on June 16, 1960 and assured them that the Hindus would give full co-operation to the government in the maintenance of the law and order. 5 Prime Minister on August 15, 1960 described Punjabi Suba movement' a stage tamasha going on in Delhi and Punjab... there would be no bifurcation of Punjab'.® 1. Aj.it Singh Sarhadi, op. clt.. p. 326. 2 . Idem. 3. Niranjan Singh, op. cit.. p. 180. 4. Ajit Singh Sarhadi, op. clt.. p. 329. 5. Ibid.. pp. 330-31. 6 . Ibid., p. 331. 103

However, the movement had an Impact on the government and the Governor of Punjab issued an ordinance declaring Punjabi as the official language at the district level from October 2, 1960. This ordinance was construed as a feather in the turban of Master Tara Singh. Prime Minister in his monthly press conference at Delhi on October 10, I960 declared that "we shall not have any Punjabi Suba. It is a communal demand and would be strongly resisted" .2 On the other hand the arrest of very large number of persons created a problem of accommodation in the jails for the Punjab Government. M.S. Golwalkar, Chief of Rashtriya Swamya Sewak Sangh, visited Punjab and advised Punjabi Hindus to accept Punjabi as their mother-tongue and was of the opinion that if linguistic states were to be created as had been created in other parts of country, then there was no justification for denying the Punjabi Suba to the Punjabi speaking people. 3 But this sound advice was not relished by the Hindus of Punjab. By that time more than 40,000 Sikhs had been arrested. Sant Fateh Singh approached Prime Minister but with no result. 123

1. Ajit Singh Sarhadi, op. clt. , p. 332. 2. Idem. 3. The Tribune, November 3, 1960. 104

After consultations with some prominent leaders he (Sant Fateh Singh) announced that he would go on fast from December 18, I960. Jay Prakash Narayan tried to mediate but Nehru said " He (Sant Fateh Singh) can go on fast" 2 So Fateh Singh started his fast at 9.00 a.m. on December 18, 1960. He was still willingto negotiate with Prime Minister, but Minister of Punjab, Mr. Part Singh Kairon was not in its favour. Prime Minister on December 23, while addressing a public meeting invited Sant Fateh Singh for talks at Delhi. Kairon a shrewd p o litician He we that Master Tara Singh wanted a smaller Punjabi speaking state with Sikh majority. Therefore, he ordered the release of Master Tara Singh ore the Prime Minister's/Gffer of December 23,1960 could be made the basis of any future 4 talks. And it happened as ^-visualized. fhe pro-whole Punjab unilingual state Akalis were silenced. 5 A long meeting of A*ali Dal was held on January 5, 1961 in which Nehru*s reply was considered and the matter was left to Sant Fateh Singh and Master Tara Singh.6 Ultimately Sant 1. K.C. Gulati, » clt.. p. 171. 2 . Ajit Singh, Sarhadi, » p. 336 3. Ibid., p. 337. 4. Jaswant Singh (ed.), clt.. pp. 313-14 5. Ajit Singh Sarhadi, op.clt.. p. 340. 6 . Ibid., p. 341. 105

refused to accept the offer of the Prime as he wanted that the demand Punj accepted in principal 1 Akali leaders decided to send Master Tara Singh to Bhavnagar where the Prime Minister was, as a Congres session was being held there. He had a two-hour Prime on January 7, 1961. Sant said that he could not break his fast until he was directed by Master Tara Singh. Nehru made a public delcaration on Januaxy 8, 1961 in which he referred to his talk with Master Singh& in principal that whole of the be lingual 2 Master Tara Singh was at Delhi at that time. He sent a telegram to Sant, saying, I am satisfied with today's speech of Prime Minister at Sardar Nagar. Request to break fast. It fulfills the 3 requirements of vow." He reached Amritsar the same day and said that he had gone to Bhavnagar to request Prime Minister to declare : (i) that it was not in account&f any descriminatic against or distrust inquistic principal was not being applied for Punjab, but for other reasons, which can be discussed and considered by mutual discussions and(b) that any other matter arising out of Punjabi Suba would be discussed between the government and Akali Dal.4 1. Ajit Singh Sarhadi, op. cit.. p. 341 2 . K.C. Gulati, op. cit • • p. 172. 3. Ibid., p. 173. 4 . 106

He also declared that Prime Minister's speech at Sardar Nagar confirmed it, therefore, Sant was requested to break his fast immediately. Panj Pyaras also commanded Sant to break his fast. Thus he ended his 22 day fast at 8.20 a.m. on January 9, 1961. As a result of it Punjab Government lifted all restrictions on Akalis and all the prisoners were released. Professor Sher Singh, Chairman of the Action Committee ofthe Arya Samaj and General Secretary of Vishal Haryana Pradesh Party told a Press Conference at Delhi on February 6, 1961 that people of Haryana area would resist any agreement declaring Punjab as unilingual state because it meant that Punjabi would be imposed on Haryana at all levels and people ofriHaryana would not submit to this condition. n On the other hand Master Tara Singh declared in a press conference that the battle for the attainment of Punjabi Suba would continue. The suspension of struggle is only a truce or ceasefire to create a good atmosphere for talks. 3 This statement of him gave this impression to the Sikh masses that the battle for the Punjabi Suba had been lost, and the pledge of Sant Fateh Singh for it had been broken at the 1. Ajit Singh Sarhadi, op. cit., p. 2. Ibid., p. 345. 3. Idem. 107

Instance of Master Tara Singh. Therefore, he was hooted in a Diwan at Manji Sahib on June 11, 1961. Again a Sikh gathering at Muktsar refused to hear him. He had to end his speech abruptly on January 12, 1961 due to disturbances. Thus his influence as a leader was on the wane But when the meeting of Shiromani Akali Dal was held on January 16, 1961 at Amritsar, confidence was reposed in Master Tara Singh and he was appreciated for his wisdom in having the fast broken. 2 The expected meeting between Sant and Prime Minister was arranged on February 8, 1961 but nothing concrete came out 3 of it. On March 11, 1961 Master Tara Singh was re-elected as President of Shiromani Akali Dal and he reiterated the demand for Punjabi Suba in following words: The fact remains that the present Punjab contains some aieas which are not Punjabi speaking. The Shiromani Akali Dal, therefore demands that non-Punjabi speaking areas, should be£ut off to create a unilingual Punjab.1 23 Sant Fateh Singh tried to soften it in a c®nference at Sangrur on March 28, 1961 saying that he wanted that the areas where Punjabi language was sptoken by the majority of the people should be Punjabi with Gurmukhi 1. Ajit Singh Sarhadi, op. clt.. p. 346. 2. Idem. 3. KiC. Gulati, op. cit., p. 174. 108

script should be Its state language. 1

•Partap V ^Singh •• * Kairon chargedw • * VA A ^5 ^ toaster W A 4 Tara OA U V Singh IM with hatching a conspiracy with the help of Pakistan. 2 Master Singh said that this statement was insinuated by the Prime Minister.3 Next round of talks between Prime Minister and Sant Fateh Singh fixed for May 12, 1961.L, On May 11, 1961 Master Tara Singh said that Prime Minister had no confidence in him (Master Tara Singh) therefore he offered to retire from public life and to leave his beloved country for ef ever5* Prime Minister told Sant that it was a considered opinion of the Government of India that the formation of Punjabi Suba was neither in the interest of Punjab nor in the interest of the country.” and this finally turned down the demand of Punjabi Suba. Consequently a wave of despondency and dejection was bxought over the Sikh masses, particulaxly over the youth and they began to discuss new steps. Now Master Tara Singh decided to undertake fast unto death to force the government and he also accused the government that it was discriminating against the Sikhs 4123567 Punj 1. Ajit Singh Sarhadi, op. clt. . p. 347. 2. Idem. 3. Idem. 4. Idem. 5. K.C. Gulati, op. clt.. p. 174. 6. Jaswant Singh (ed.), op. clt. . p. 323. 7. Ajit Singh Sarhadi, op. cit., p. 348. 109

A meeting of Working Committee of Akali Dal was called on May 28, 1961, a day before the session of the general body of Shiromani Akali Dal to consider Master Tara Singh's offer, which he claimed was the last struggle and would not end un the demand was achieved. 1 An eight members committee was formed to consider the situation and to advise the general body. The meeting of the general body was more like a convention in whom Dr Saifudin Kitchlu, Mr. Kali Charan Sharma, Mr. Sunder Lai, President of the All Harcharan Singh minister of PEPSU, Seth Ram Nath, former Chairman of Punjabi Regional Committee; Udham Singh Nagoke, President of Punjab Swat antra Party, Harbhajan Singh, leader of Punjab Paraja Socialist Party and Mr. K.G. Jodh, General Secretary of the All India Linguistic State Conference and many other prominent pe participated. 2 It passed a resolution in which, besides other things, Master Tara Singh,allowedW ciS to go ahead with his plan to go on unto death.3 Master Singh stand said, " I do not want to die but while living I do not want to see the Sikh Panth insulted and the Sikhs treated as inferior

1. Jaswant Singh (ed.), op. cit.. p. 323 2 . Ajit Singh Sarhadi, op. cit.. p. 350. 3 . Idem. 110

to other communities. I shall begin my fast unto death.1 Other Akali leaders vowed that if he died others would follow him until PunJ So showing his sense c history Master Tara Singh started his fast unto death on August 15, 1961. He had chosen Independence Day to drive home his charge that the Sikhs were being discriminated against in free India. 2 He took an oath at Golden Temple that he would not break his fast until Nehru accepted the demand for Punjabi Suba but Nehru stood adamant while making significant concessions to Akali Dal. He agreed (a) to constitute a high level inquiry into charges of discrimination against the Sikh community, (b) to examine methods by which the Regional Committee would become effective, and (c) to grant, if necessary, more powers to the regional committees.3 At the same time he warned Akalis that their proposals to the partition of Punjab again was harmful for the country,0 for the Punjab and especially for the Sikhs Akalis were not satisfied with these concessions. Master Tara 1234

1. Jaswant Singh (ed.), op. cit.. p. 323. 2. K.C. Gulati, op. cit.. p. 134. 3. Ajit Singh Sarhadi, op. cit.. pp. 354-57. 4. Ibid. , p. 357. I ll

Singh while giving interview to the foreign Journalists on September 2, 1961 said that (a) either Great Britain or some other nation should promise to raise the question of Punjabi Suba in U.N.O. and (b) the British Governor of the Punjab at the time of partition or erstwhile British Deputy Commissioner of Amritsar be made an arbitrator of the issue* He also issued a statement to the press that he suggested names of Rajaji, Ajay Ghosh and Ashok Mehta as axbitrators but were not acceptable to the Government. He also suggested the name of Jay Prakash Narayan for arbitration. 2 Meanwhile Akali leaders threatened the government that violence would break out if Master Tara Singh died.3 However, the adamant policy of the government and Matron's effective maintenance of law and order convinced Akalis that they were on the wrong side of the fence. Therefore finally they agreed to the appointment of a High Powered Inquiry Commission on the government 's terms. 4 Actually Hardit Singh Malik and Maharaja Vadvinder Singh of Patiala on October 1, 1961 met1 23

1. Jaswant Singh (ed.), op. clt.« p. 327. 2. Idem. 3. Ajit Singh Sarhadi, op. cit.. p. 260. 4. Ibid.. p. 362. 112

Home Minister Lala Bahadur Shastri and on 7 p.m. the same day Master Tara Singh broke his 48 days old fa#t. Working Committee of the Akali Dal took 90 minutes to confirm the decision before Master Tara Singh broke his f ast Soon after breaking his fast. Master Tara Singh, in a press statement visualised a political settlement with the government even before the Sikh grievances, including the question of Punjabi Suba, were referred to the High Powered 3 Commission. But the extremist wing of Akali Dal rejected this compromise as according to them, nothing had been gained. Though Master Tara Singh tried to pacify them but it was on the breaking of the fast by him that a revolt ensured within Akali Dal. It was decided to refer the matter to Panj Pvaras and they after a detailed inquiry found both Sant Fateh Singh and Master Tara Singh guilty of having broken their pledge. So both were sentenced to do penance. But strangely enough, a day after the same Master Tara Singh was re-elected as President of SGPC, though in this meeting only 74 members out of 160 had participated. Sant Fateh Singh established a rival Akali Dal in 1962.1 1. Ajit Singh Sarhadi, op. clt. . p. 362. 2. Ibid.. pp. 364-65. 3. Idem. 113

In fact by breaking the fast, Master Tara Singh committed his political suicide and it was an unprecedented loss of prestige for him. It was the most irrepairable blow to the leadership of Master Tara Singh. And with this ended the glorious era of Sikh politics which was completely dominated by Master Tara Singh. Master Tara Singh struggled hard to achieve Punjabi Suba and carried his agitation successfully for more than a decade. He prepared the masses to make sacrifices for the cause of Punjabi Suba and thus paved the way for its acceptance. Somehow or other the central government did not want to encourage Master Tara Singh by accepting his demand but it was convinced of the force behind this demand. Punjabi Suba was finally conceded, soon after, when Master Tara Singh became unpopular in the Sikh masses. But the credit must go to Master Tara Singh for making ground and for struggling hard for it. Punjabi Suba came into existence on November 1» 1966 and Master Tara Singh breathed his last on November 22» 1967. 114 CONCLUSIONS

Master Tara Singh whose original name was Nanak Chand embraced Sikhism in 1900 and was baptised by Sant Attar Singh, a well known and highly revered Sikh saint. This was a turning point not only in the life-course of Master Tara Singh and his family but it effected deeply the destiny of Sikhs in twentieth century. During his college days Master Tara Singh had devloped anti-British feelings and he was one of the leaders of the students when a hostile demonstration was staged against Sir Charles Riva£, the Lieutenant Governor of Punjab. He was completely dedicated to the uplift of Sikh community. Therefore, after doing his teacher's training course (S.A.V.) he joined as founder Headmaster of Khalsa School, Lyallpur on a meagre salary of rupees fifteen per month. He worked there with full dedication. In 1913, a deputation of Indian emigrants visited Punjab to seek the help of Indian Government for their claims for equal rights with the other British subjects residing in Canada. Master Tara Singh invited them to Lyallpur and also organised meetings in their support. This made the Government of India look upon him with 115 suspicion* In the Gurdwara Rakabganj agitation of 1914 Master Tara Singh offered to join a volunteers* Jatha to Delhi. Along with these causes, the Namdhari Movement, Agrarian Unrest of 1907, the Kamagata Maru incident of 1914, the atrocities committed under Rowlatt Act, the brutal massacre of innocent Punjabis in Jallianwala Bagh, etc. made him more determined to fight against the British rule. Finally the Nankana Sahib tragedy shook, his innerself and he vowed to serve his country and community. In 1920 a Gurdwara Reform Movement was started in Punjab by Akalis to liberate the famous Sikh shrines from the clutches of Mahants who had become corrupt. During this movement Master Tara Singh was sentenced to jail for several times. Ultimately Gurdwara Bill was passed in 1925 but it also divided the Akali Dal and its leadership. Master Tara Singh was against conditional release of Akalis. This uncompromising stand of him resulted in the soaring of his popularity and he emerged as a top class leader of Sikhs. After this he played a significant role in Sikh politics for more than four decades. He was imprisoned many times in connection with different movements. 116

Master Tara Singh had very cordial relations with the All India National Congress and was of the opinion that a provincial party like Shiromani Akali Dal could only succeed in collaboration with a National Party like Congress* Therefore, he worked for the sucess of the various movements started by Congress. Under his leadership Sikhs participated in a large number in Civil Disobedience Movement. During this movement the people of the North West Frontier Province had to undergo great sufferings at the hands of police and army. This moved Master Tara Singh and he set out from Amritsar for the N .W.F ,P. with a 1atha of 100 volunteers. However, he was not allowed to proceed further than Lahore where he was arrested. Master Tara Singh's cordial relations% with Congress were strained after the August 16, 1932 Communal Award of Sir Ramsay MacDonald which apparently sowed seeds of communal disunity in the country. Master Tara Singh opposed it tooth and nail. But even before this the report submitted by Nehru Committee regarding communal representation was unable to satisfy Master Tara Singh. His persuation based on arguments was of .no avail. Therefore he was disillusioned with the Congress. 117

Sir Stafford Cripps proposals of 1942 were another blow to Sikh aspirations of J from British Government. Master Tara Singh outrightly rejected the proposals of Cripps as they seemed to provide for the partition of the country. Raj Gopal Acharya put forward a proposal for a separate Muslim State. Master Tara Singh criticised it and rejected it. He was basically for a United India. He stressed that if this was not possible then a separate Sikh State should also be established. So Master Tara Singh and his associates announced the demand Pun j the river Chenab on orth-west and the Jamuna on the south-east as its boundaries. This proved only ounterblast demand for the incl of the entire Punj Pakistan * Even in the Simla Conference, which was called by Lord Wavell after the war and which broke down on the insistence of the Muslim League that it should be recognised as the sole representative of Muslims, Master Tara Singh declared emphatically that he stood for a united India, but if Pakistan was to be conceded, he was for a separate Sikh State with a right to federate either with India or with Pakistan. Jinnah enticed him with certain proposals but he stood to his ground. Thus it was through his timely 118 agitation and successful negotiations that East Punjab was saved from being included in Pakistan. Though the Sikhs suffered a lot due to partition and migration yet Master Tara Singh was successful in persuading the Sikhs to opt for India. Master Tara Singh’s life of struggle did not end after independence. Now another phase of his struggleful life started. Now it was for a Punjabi speaking State. He wanted that a Punjabi speaking state —Punjabi Suba should be established as unilingual states were established in other parts of the country. But this demand was not conceded by the Congress Government at the Centre. Master Tara Singh started an agitation for the same. Many thousand Sikhs went to jail for this cause but without fruitful result. After consulting Master Tara Singh, Sant Fateh Singh started hunger strike till death or the acceptance of the demand. Nehru accepted the demand in principal and Fateh Singh broke his 22 days old fast. When Master Tara Singh realised that no progress was being made regarding their demand for a Punjabi speaking state he himself started fast unto death on August 15, 1961. Hardit Singh Malik and Maharaja Yadvindra Singh of Patiala persuaded Tara Singh to break his fast after 119 they had a talk with Lai Bahadur Shastri. Master obliged them. This started the downfall of Master Tara Singh because the Sikh masses thought that he had broken his vow without achieving anything worthwhile. Shiromani Akali Dal split iinto two. Master Tara Singh’s reputation suffered a lot and it hastened the end of his political career and his own confident Sant Fateh Singh supplanted him. Forlorn and frustrated. Master Tara Singh died on November 27, 1967 ironically, approximately an year after the establishment of a Punjabi speaking State. In the end we can say that Master Tara Singh was a great son of India. He dominated Sikh and Punjab politics for more than four decades. Though he was a staunch Sikh yet he never compromised with the forces who were against the sovereignity and security of India. He was against the formation of Pakistan and tried his level best to resist its formation. His impact on Punjab politics was remarkable. He was rightly called the 'uncrowned king* of Sikh masses.

• • e 120

BIBLIOGRAPHY

I. PRIMARY SOURCES

(A) Unpublished Records Proceedings of the Government of India (available at the National Archives of India, New Delhi) under the following heads: File No. 203-04, Home Political, October, 1920. File No. 74, Home Political, November, 1920. File No. 74, Home Political, December, 1920. File No. 459, Home Political, February, 1922. File No. 1, Home Political, October 1929. File No. 17, Home Political, October 1929. File No. 119, Home Political, January, 1931. File No. 18, Home Politics1, January, 1932. File No. 4, Home Political, January, 1940. File No. 18, Home Political, September, 1940. (B) Contemporary Reports. Newspapers and Journals (i) Official Government of India, Despatch on Proposals for Constitutional Reforms. London, 1934. Indian Round Tablej Conference Proceedings, (12 November, 1930 19 January, 1931), London, 1932. Indian Round Table Conference Proceedings, (17 November, 1932 - 24 December, 1932\ London, 1933. Indian Round Table Conference Proceedings, Vol.III, London, 1934. 121

Indian Statuary Commission. Oral Evidence, Vol.II# London, 1930. Mont ague "Chelmsford Report (Indian Constitutional Reforms heport), London, 1934, Punjab Legislative Council Debate (Proceedings), July 9, 1925.

(ii) Non»of f icial : Akall le Pardesi (Punjabi), September 9, 1923. Hindustan Times, March, 12, 1956. Khalsa Te Khalsa Advocate (Punjabi), August 20, 1928. Spokesman. Delhi September 7, 1950 August 29, 1951 October 12, 1955 October 19, 1955 February 20, 1956. The Tribune, Lahore/Ambkla/Chandigarh December 21, 1924 February 3,1928 October 29, 1928 April 13, 1929 March 14, 1930 May 6, 1930 May 14, 1930 November 21, 1930 November 27, 1930 December 27, 1930 March 22, 1931 May 11, 1931 October 9, 1931 June 16, 1936 June 20, 1936 March 3, 1937 April 14, 1940 April 18, 1940 July 20, 1942 November 3, 1960 Civil and Military Gazette, Lahore August 20, 1944 August 21, 1944 The Indian Annual Register, Calcutta 1922, Vol. I 1928, Vol. II 1932, Vol. II 1935, Vol. II 1939, Vol. II 1940, Vol. I 4 II 1944, Vol. I 1946, Vol. II The Indian Quarterly Register, Calcutt 1924, Vol. I 1925, Vol. II 123

The Panjab Past and Present. Patiala Vol. X, October 1976. All Parties Conference: Nehru Reportf Allahabad, 1928.

(C) iled Works eches and Documents: The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi. New Delhi Vol. XIX Vol. XLI Vol. LXX Vol. XLLII. Jawaharlal Nehru, Speeches. Delhi, 1954. Speeches and Documents on Indian Constitution by S ir Maurice Gwyer and A. Appadorai. Sfie and Statements (Compiled by Shamloo), Lahore, 1944. The encyclopaedia of the Indian National Congress (edited by A.M. and S.G. Zaidi) Vol. VII, Vol. XIII, Vol. IX. fransfei of Power. Vols. I, IV, V, VII, XI. (D) Autobiography etc. Tara Singh, Master, Merl Yaad (Punjabi), Amritsar, 1945 Books in English /

Ahluwalia, M.L. (ed.), Select Documents: Gurdwara Reform Movement. 1919-25» New Delhi, 1985. Ahluwalia, M.M., Kukas. Bombay, 1965. Azad, Abul Kalam, Maulvi, India Wins Freedom. Calcutta, 1959. Bajwa, Harcharan Singh, Fifty Years of Punjab Politics, Chandigarh, 1979. Breacher, Michael, Nehru, A Political Biography, London, 1959 Chaudhary, Khaliquzzman, Pathway to Pakistan, Lahore, 1961. Colvin Ian, Life of General Dyer, London, 1931.

Coupland, R., The Constitutional Problem of India (1833-1935) $ Madras, 1944. Datta, V.N., Amritsar: Past and Present. Amritsar, 1967. Durlab Singh, The Valiant Fighter (A Biographical Study of Master Tara Singh), Lahore, 1942. Ganda Singh, Historv£f khalsa College Amritsar. Amritsar, 1949. Gulati, Kailash Chander, Akalls: Past and Present. New Delhi, 1974. Haxbans Singh, The Heritage of the Sikhs. New Delhi, 1982.

H arnam Singh, Justice, The Idea of Sikh State. Hodson, H.V., The Great Divide. London, 1969. 125 Hukam Singh, A Plea for the S ta te , Amritsar, 1955. Johar, Surinder Singh, The Heritage of Amritsar, Delhi, 1978. Josh, Sohan Singh, Baba Sohan Singh Bhakhna* Life of the Founder of Ghadr Party, New Delhi, 1970. KhuswantL Singh, A Histor Sikhs. Vol. II, Princeton, 1966 t^ixpal Singh, The Partition Punjab. Patiala, 1972. Majumdar, A.C. (ed«), St or Freedom, Vol. XI, Bombay, M ittal, S.C., Freedom Movement in Punjab (1905-29), Delhi, 1978. Nayar, Baldev Raj , Minority Politics in the Punjab, Princeton, 1966. Nijjar, Bakhshish Singh, Punjab Under the British Rule (1849-1947), Vol. II, New Delhi, 1974. Phil1ips, The Evolution of India and Pakistan: 1858-1947, Select Documents, Lo-nelsw ' . Phillips C.H. and Mary Dorean Wainright (eds.), The Paftitlon of India (Policies and Perspectives: 1933-1947). \ __ \_^

Rai, Satya M., Partition of the 0 />-n j Sarhadi, Ajit Singh, Story6f Struggle) Delhi, 1970. Sethi, G.R., Sikh Stru for Gurdwara Reform, Amritsar, 1927 Sharma, Jagdish Saran, India Since the Advent of the British A Descri Chronology)* Delhi, 1970. Sher Singh, of Har in Punjab, Rohtak, 1962. 126

Spear, Percival, The Oxford History of Modern India. London, 1965. Tuteja, K.L., Sikh Politics. Kurukshetra, 1984.

(B) Reference Books: Brendon, J.A., A Dictionary of British History, Delhi, 1983. Dictionary of National Biography, Vo1. Fauja Singh, Who's Who (Punjab Freedom Fighters), Vol.I Patiala, 1972.

(C) Books abi: Gurcharan Singh, Gyani, Annkhi Soorma. Delhi, n.d. Gur Shabad Ratnakar (Mahan Kosh). Patiala, 1981. Jaswant Singh (ed.), Master Tara ewan Sanqharsh Te Udesh, Amritsar, 1972.

Kapoor, Prithipal Singh, Jeewan Master Tara Singh ( I t i h a s a k Pakh Ton), Amritsar, n.d. Kartar Singh, Sikh Itlhas. Part II, Amritsar, 1961. Kharak Singh Abhinandan Granth. New Delhi, 1953. Narain Singh (ed.), Akall Morche Te Jhabbar, Delhi, 1961 Niranjan Singh, Jeevan Yatra Master Tara Singh, Amritsar, n.d Partap Singh, Gyani, Gurdwara Sudhar Arthaat Akali Lehar, Amritsar, 1951. 127

Shiromani Akall Dal De Niyam Te Upnlyam. Amritsar, 1939. Tara Singh, Master, Congress Te Sikh, Amritsar. 1945.

(D) Books in Hindi: Benarsi Dass and others, Ceen Bandhu Andrews. Agra, 1967. Josh, Sohan Singh, Akali Morchon ka Itihas. Delhi, 1974.

(E) Artlcles/Research Papers : t^irpal Singh, " Master Tara Singh and Partition of Punjab 1947", Punjab Journal of Politics, July-December, 1986, Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar. Rajinder K-aur, MJinnah and Punjab Partition", The Tribune, May 9, 1988.

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