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M.A. (POLITICAL SCIENCE) PART-II PAPER-VII (OPTION-II) ( POLITICS)

LESSON NO. 1.2 AUTHOR : DR.

Reorganisation of Punjab in 1966- Its Background and Impact on State Politics Indian sub-continent was divided in 1947 in two parts, and , to propitate the communal demigods. The whole of non-Muslim population had to migrate to the Indian side of the border. Similarly, a large majority of the Muslims in East Punjab chose to opt for Pakistan as their fatherland. The whole-sale loot carnage and plunder perpetrated by the communities against each other in their communal frenzy is a sad proof of the devil in man and what havoc can it play if left unchained. The partition of the country solved no problem but created many. The unfulfilled aspirations of the a minority community in the preparation and partitioned Punjab, was one of the political problems which the leadership of India had to confront with. The partition had created a new situation. The communal parties of pre- partitioned days continued to have their sway in the Punjab after the independence of India except that three pronged communal politics changed into two pronged Hindu Sikh politics. The rehabilitation of the refugees in the areas upto Ghaggar resulted in a Sikh majority in certain tehsils of East Punjab where as in the Princely States, Sikhs constituted a majority of the population. According to 1951 Census, there were 63.3 per cent an 33.4 per cent Sikhs is Pepsu. The Sikh and Hindu percentage in the population was 49.3 and 48.8 percentage of 62.3 and the Sikhs 35. Soon after independence, the Sikhs under the leadership of Shiromani started demanding reorganisation of Punjab in which Sikhs could have a majority. This gave rise to a movement for the creation of Punjabi Suba. Baldev Raj Nayar in his book, "Minority politics in the Punjab", mentions four major factors that provided the basic impulse for the aspirations to political power by the Akali Dal on behalf of the Sikh community through the medium of a Punjabi Suba. These factors were : 1. The nature of the Sikh community as interpreted by leaders, intellectuals and sympathisers of the Akali Dal. 2. The momentum of separatist claims before the . 3. The fear about the possible disintegration of the Sikh community resulting from religious unorthodoxy; and 4. A sense of grievance these alleged discrimination against the Sikh community. A brief explanation of these factors is given in relation to their relevance for 7 M.A.(Political Science) Part-II 8 PAPER-VII (OPTION-II) the demand of Punjabi Suba. (1) The Nature of Sikh Community The basic doctrine of Sikh faith as understood by the Akali leadership, has been that in , religion and politics are not separated. Sikh does not advocate indifference to the political problems. Rather, it exports the Sikhs to fight against the injustice and political tyranny. In "the political status of the Golden ." Mr. has written that (1) "there is no ultimate dichotomy in the Sikh doctrine between this world and the next, the secular and the religious, the political and the spiritual (2) the metalegal constitution of the Sikhs prescribes that "they must be approached and dealt with at the state level as a collective group and entity and not by atomising them into individual citizens." Mr. Nayar asserts that such a belief of the Akali leadership provided ideological moorings for the demand of a Punjabi Suba. He feared that with the creation of Punjabi Suba there was a possibility of "the imposition of its (Sikh community) rule, as a religious-cum-political community, over other religious communites.1 Such a fear was based on the author's view of the nature of the demand for Punjabi Suba. To him the demand was purely communal on the doctrine of the separate entity of the Sikhs. (2) Pre-Independence Legacy of Akali Dal According to Nayar the demand for Punjabi Suba flowed out the pre- Independence pattern of political demands made by the Akali Dal on behalf of the Sikh community. He believes that the demand was only an updated version of the pleas for Azad Punjab and a Sikh state before independence. According to him, "the intensity of passion with which Akali leaders have pursued the demand for Punjabi Suba is under standable in the light of the events before independence. Akali leaders and a part of the Sikh community had committed themselves so intensely to the idea of the sovereign Sikh state that they felt compelled later in independent India to search for a substitute arrangement giving the Sikhs political power in some region." (3) The Threat of Religious Unorthodoxy The third main factor which formed the main motive (but not the argument for the demand of Punjabi Suba) was the fear of growth of religious unoorthodoxy among the Sikhs Master , says Mr. Nayar, made no secret of his motives in asking for a Punjabi Suba. The Sikhs as a distinctive community, he emphasised, must be preserved and they could be preserved only in a homeland of their own. Left in their present position..... the Sikhs would be gradually absorbed by the majority community.....2 Prem Bhati wrote thus, "The Sikhs with their exterior symbols of distinction of the symbols."3

1. Baldev Raj Nayar, "Minority Politics in Punjab." 2. Nayar, op.cit., pp.107-8. M.A.(Political Science) Part-II 9 PAPER-VII (OPTION-II)

(4) Sense of Grievance about Discrimination The Sikh leadership was spurred to demand a separate such were Sikhs will be in a majority due to the complaints of discrimination against the Sikhs in free India. They felt that only in such a state in which the Sikhs are in an influential political position, can an end be put to this discrimination, and justice assured for the Sikh community. in his "A History of the Sikhs" (Vol.II) has also portrayed the woes and fears of the Sikhs after partition which in turn led to the demand for an autonomous state. According to him, the government showed little imagination in dealing with the Sikhs. Sikhs cultivators were piqued by administrative delays in granting of rehabilitation loans. Sikh trading classes of Western Punjab were more severely hit. Transport of goods by road over which the Sikhs had virtually a monopoly, was nationalised in U.P.,H.P., and , Sikh settlers were regarded with the suspicion natural towards more virile and strangers. In Calcutta their control over the taxi and bus services had to be ended to provide employment for Hindu refugees coming from East Pakistan.4 The Chief cause of Sikh uneasiness in free India was the resurgence of Hindu revivalism which threatened to engulf the minorities. Renascent manifested itself in a phenomenal increase in Hindu religious organisations, the revival of Sanskrit and the ardent championing of Hindu. The were more aggressive than the Hindus of other provinces. Organisation, notably those connected with the Arya Samaj and its political counterpart, the Jan Sangh, started a campaign to persuade Punjabi speaking Hindus to disown their mother-tongue and adopt instead.5 Opposition the Punjabi Suba Below are given the different points of view and factor regarding the origin and nature of the demand for Punjabi Suba. The majority to the Punjabi- speaking Hindus believed and made the central leadership believe that the demand was purely communal without any merit on the linguistic basis. They had gone to the extent of doubting loyalty6 of the Sikhs to the Indian nation. They viewed the demand as renascent desire of the Sikhs for an independent state. 3. "Prospect and Retrospect: Alternative before Akalis", , May 16, 1961 as quoted by Nayar. 4. Khushwant Singh, "A History of the Sikhs", Vol.II, p.292. 5. Ibid., p.293. 6. Commenting on the allegations of disloyalty of the Sikhs, J.P. Narayan wrote: "I have been disagreeably surprised by talking to Hindus. What they have is a deep seated suspicion about the loyalty of Sikh community to the nation. For that matter I do not know to what extent other sections of Hindu community could be said to be absolutely above suspicion in this regard", Nation Building in India by J.P. Narayan. M.A.(Political Science) Part-II 10 PAPER-VII (OPTION-II)

The vernacular Hindu press projected the movement for Punjabi Suba as a threat to the Hindus of Punjab. They advanced the arguments of national unity and defence. Punjab being a border state, they argued, it should not be further subdivided. They further pointed out that if the Sikhs fear from the dominance of the Hindus why should not the Hindus be apprehensive of a demand which aims at the establishment of a Sikh majority province.With such mutual distrust and recriminations the bitterness between the two communities increased. The Hindus chose to oppose the demand for a Punjabi Suba since they viewed it to be a Sikh communal demand. It should be noted the end of the 1949 there was no organised demand as such for the creation of linguistic state, though viewes to that effect were expressed by individuals including Master Tara Singh. Emphasis was, however, laid on due safeguards in the constitution or to adopt conventions to give the Sikhs an effective position in the body politics of the state and the country. In May 1949, the demand for special constitutional safeguards for the Sikhs were rejected by the minorities sub-committee of the Constituent Assembly. At this the Akali leadership felt disgusted and resolved to press for a separate linguistic state. Arthur Moore, a well meaning Englishman, who had gone on fast upto death with Gandhi ji in November, 1947, when Gandhi Ji protested against the withholding of certain amounts to Pakistan by the Indian Government, wrote in the weekly. "Thought" on October 29, 1949, we must learn by our mistakes. It is bad enough that we have today two nations in the Indian sub-continent. Let us not do anything that might tend to the creation of a third one. Let it be said in fairness to the war-like Master Tara Singh that he was not demanding who are clamouring for linguistic provinces, namely a redistribution of boundaries as to provide the Sikhs with a viable province in which there should be Punjabi. States Reorganistion Commission and the Demand for Punjabi Suba In 1953 set up a three man commission7 (S.R.C.) to reorganise the Indian states. the case of a Punjabi Suba was put forth by the Sikhs particularly the Akalis. The Hindus, some Sikh harijans and the nationalist leadership opposed the demand through various memoranda to the S.R.C. Maha Sabha, Jana Singh. All parties Maha Punjab Front Samiti, other Hindu organisations and even the then Punjab Government pressed for the demand of Maha Punjab. The main thrust of the argument advanced by the Hindu organisations was that the demand for Punjabi Suba on the supposedly innocent basis of language was merely a comouflage for the attainment of Sikh hegemony and the establishment of a base for an eventual

7. S. Fazal All, H.N. Kanzuru and K.M. Panikkar were its three members. M.A.(Political Science) Part-II 11 PAPER-VII (OPTION-II) sovereign state. This Commission submitted its report in the end of 1955. It rejected the case for a Punjabi Suba on the ground that "minimum measure of agreement necessary for making change in the existing set up did not exist."8 Master Tara Singh denounced the report as a "decree of Sikhs annihilation": He proclaimed with some justification, "that if there had been no Sikhs, Punjabi would have been given a state of its own like other major languages recognised by the Indian constitution. The refusal to concede a Punjabi State was, therefore, tantamount to discrimination against the Sikhs." Disgusted at the commission report, the Akalis launched a passive resistance movement which was opposed by the Hindu communalists by a counter campaign to Save Hindi. Communal tension thus generated led to rioting between Hindus and Sikh in many towns. Creation of two regions-one Punjabi and other Hindi-speaking did not satisfy the Akalis and in 1960 they decided to launch an agitation to get their demand for Punjabi Suba conceded. But before the party could mature its plains, the Chief Minister ordered the arrest of the Akali Dal leaders including Master Tara Singh. The master appointed Sant to act as dictator and to continue the agitation for the Punjabi Suba. Sant Fateh Singh organised passive resistance on massive scale. According to Akali Dal over 57 thousand (According to Govt. only 3,0620) men courted arrest. Matters came to head when Sant Fateh Singh went on fast unto death. The passive resistance was called off on January 9, 1961 on assurance from the government that the Sikh grievances would be looked into. The negotiations with the government failed. Nehru was under strong

8. J.P. Narayan lamented the leak of guidelines for the Commission. He wrote thus "it seems to me that we have never been clear about what we wanted and on what basic principles we were endeavouring to recognise the states. In spite of its praiseworthy labour SRC did not follow any consistent principle and made contradictory recommendation. Practical consideration had no doubt to be taken into account and compromises made but nevertheless there is a lack of guiding principles in its report. The same I am afraid, is true to pressure groups which seem to have played a more decisive role than any clearly defined principles. Or if there were any principles taken into consideration, they were contradictory and the emphasis on them varied from time to time. The whole question seems to have been handled in a half hearted manner and without any conviction. The result is the utter confusion that we have to day." (Nation Building in India, op.cit..). M.A.(Political Science) Part-II 12 PAPER-VII (OPTION-II) pressure from communal minded Hindu congressmen who were not prepared to place the "Punjabi Hindu to an inferior political position." So he refused to accept the contention that denial of a Punjabi-speaking province amounted to discrimination against the Sikhs. At this Master Tara Singh undertook a fast unto death unless the Suba was conceded. But the Government did not yield. He broke his fast after 46 days. Master Tara Singh saved his life but killed his political career. His political lieutenant Sant Fateh Singh out-manoeuvred him and eventually captured the Akali Dal and S.G.P.C. After vanquishing his political opponent, Sant Fateh Singh took up to the demand for the Punjabi Suba with greater force and vigour. He made it amply clear that his demand for Punjabi Suba was purely based on language. He reverated earnestly that we want a Punjabi Suba purely on linguistic basis and we are not concerned whether Sikhs are in majority or minority in the State.9 With the change over from Nehru to Shastri matters came to climax. The Nanda and Home Secretary, L.P. Singh were present at these talks. The Sant made clear that his patience had been exhausted and that unless that injustice done to the would be forced to resort to direct action. The Sant was counselled a little more patience in the situation of bellicose attitude of Pakistan. The Sant placed the out-come of his talks with the Prime Minister before the Working Committee of his Akali Dal. As per the decision of Akali Dal Working Committee (Sant Group), the Sant declared before the Takhat that he would begin his fast on 15th August, 1965 and immolate himself on 25 September exactly at 9 a.m. At this grave decision the Sant was invited to for further talks. Five Akali leaders went to Delhi for talks with the P.M. but in the Indo-Pak War the Deal was left with no choice but to ask the Sant to postpone his fast till after the cessation of the hostilities. Following the end of the Indo-Pak on 28th Sept., 1965, Home Minister G.L. Nanda announced that a three men sub-committee of the Union Cabinet would consider the question of forming a Punjabi-speaking State. The sub- committee consisted of Y.B. Chavan, India and Mahavir Tyagi. To assist the committee a 22-member Committee of Parliament was set under the Chairmanship of Singh, Speaker of the . On March 22, 1966 the All India under the Presidentship of K. Kamraj passed a resolution favouring the reorganisation of Punjab on the basis of language. After Shastri's death Mrs. become . Her mind was already made up in favour of the Punjabi Suba demand. Therefore, she over, ruled the objection of the leaders of Punjab Government. The

9. Sant Fateh Singh, "Our stand on Punjabi Suba", p.8. M.A.(Political Science) Part-II 13 PAPER-VII (OPTION-II)

Parliamentary Committee on March, 18, 1966 recommended a trifurcation of the State. Accoringly a boundary commission under the Chairmanship of Mr. Justice Shah10 of the Supreme Court was asked to report on demarcation of the boundaries. The Commission awarded Kharar Tehsil including to by a majority of two to one. In his dissenting note, S. Dutt a member of the Commission, favoured the inclusion of Kharar and Chandigarh in Punjab on the ground that : 1. Though according to the Census of 1961, the basis of demarcation, the demarcation, in Hindi-speaking population in the Kharar Tehsil is no doubt 51.2% the Punjabi-speaking population in the rural areas is 56.2%. 2. Under the Sachar formula of 1952, Kharar Tehsil had been placed in the Punjabi region. 3. The Hindu population in Chandigarh capital project is purely migratory, having come from Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan for labour only. Therefore, Kharar Tehsil and Chandigarh cannot be considered be Hindi-speaking. The government accepted the minority report regarding Kharar but declared Chandigarh to be a Union Territory. The Punjab State Reorganisation Bill was enacted by Parliament in September, 1966 and it came into force on November 1, 1966. The new Punjab that emerged from this Act comprised the districts of Gurdaspur, , , , Jullundur, , Ferozepur, Bhatinda, , district (excluding and Narwana tehsils). It had an area of 50,255 Sp. Kilometres and a population of 11,149,054 with 2,533,306 urban and 8,679,748 rural people. The Sikhs constituted 56-of the population.11 In Haryana, the Reorganisation Act was generally welcomed but it was opposed by the Punjabi Hindus generally and Sikhs particularly. The Hindus were sore at being reduced to minority in the new Punjab. The Sikhs under Akali leadership were dissatisfied at various clauses of the Act. Master Akali Dal rejected it altogether, S. stated in the parliament that he rejects the Bill on behalf of his parent party. , for three reasons. Firstly, it is conceived in sin, secondly it has been delivered by an incompetent and untrained midwife, and thirdly, it is opposed to the best interests of the nation and it will almost certainly lead to a weakening of the national integration and loss of faith in the integrity of those who exercise political power in the country.12

10. S. Dutt and M.M. Philip were members of the Commission. 11. Kalash Gulati, The Akalis Past and Present, p.182. M.A.(Political Science) Part-II 14 PAPER-VII (OPTION-II)

The Akali resentment over the Reorganisation Act was often expressed through agitations and "Morchas". But the basic frame work of the Punjab Reorganisation Act survived despite a fast upto death and self immolation threat by Sant Fateh Singh on Chandigarh issue. The Chandigarh issue has claimed one precious life that of S. and still remains unsolved to the satisfaction of the Punjab and Haryana. But most of the common links between Punjab and Haryana a source of irritation for the Akali Dal, have disappeared. There are still a few things which the two states share. For example, they have a common High Court, Common Capital, Chandigarh. The Akalis are opposed to the Central Management of the Bhakra Dam Complex. According to one author the Central control over Bhakra may stay for Bhakra Dam Complex is multi-state complex. Its Impact on State Political The reorganisation of Punjab is 1966 was carried out primarily under pressure form Sikhs in Punjabi-speaking areas of Punjab. Naturally it gave them a sense of fulfilment and achievement and it was felt that this has given Sikhs an opportunity to join the Indian mainstream. As satisfied minority communities always strengthen and enrich the nation and disgruntled communities became a liability rather than asset for the society. So it was felt that as their main demand of Punjabi Suba has been conceded their energies can be channelised for national development. But the recent happenings and agitations have belied all these hopes. As all the issues related to reorganisation were not settled immediately, the Sikhs remained dissatisfied. This resulted into a militant protest in which even moderate Akali leaders are taking a hardline. The main demands are implementation of Anandpur Resolution which aims at more autonomy of Punjab State, judicious sharing of Ravi-Beas waters, handing over of Chandigarh to Punjab and many other which are religious in nature. Despite prolonged negotiations between the centre's emissary S. and Akalis, no amiable solution could found. With the signing of the Rajiv-Longowal accord it was hoped that the confrontation between the Akali Dal and the Central Government would come to end. According to the terms of this settlement, Chandigarh was to be transferred to Punjab by January 26, 1986 and the waters dispute was to be referred to a Tribunal, headed by a Supreme Court Judge. Haryana would get some Hindi speaking areas in lieu of Chandigarh. According to J.C. Anand, the reorganisation of Punjab in 1966 has brought about far reaching changes in the demographic and political structure of Punjab. The most important change in Punjab is a Sikh majority state. The

12. As quoted in State Politics in India (Ed.), Iqbal Narain, p.263. M.A.(Political Science) Part-II 15 PAPER-VII (OPTION-II)

Sikhs were in a minority in the composite Punjab before reorganisation. Now they form about 50 percent of the State's population. The Sikhs are in a majority in all except three districts (Gurdaspur, Hoshiarpur, and Jullundur) of Punjab. The Hindus who form second largest community constitute about 40 percent of the population. The special distribution of the Hindus and the Sikhs in the state has important social and political implications. The Hindus are largely concentrated in the urban areas and thinly scattered in the rural areas and those in the rural areas are largely scheduled caste Hindus. The Sikhs dominate the rural areas an from the main land owing classes. Thus the differences of out-look and interests between the urban and rural population are sharpened by distrust generated by religious difference between them.13 Since the political behaviour of the common man in Punjab is considerably influenced by the communal outlook, the reorganisation of Punjab has had a considerable impact on the electoral prospects of political parties. The Akalis have gained the most by reorganisation. In the composite Punjab, the Akalis could never hope to win a majority of seats. In fact, in previous elections they won their seats from the Punjabi speaking areas only now forming the state of Punjab. An analysis of election results since the reorganisation of Punjab in 1966 reveals that 62 out of the total of 117 constituencies have always been returning Sikhs legislators while there are only 19 constituencies from where Hindus candidates have been winning. The remainder are mixed in the sense that they have sometimes been returning a Hindu and sometimes a Sikhs legislator. The numerical strength of the Sikhs in the Punjab Legislative Assembly has been about 70.14 According to Anand, the reorganisation has also benefitted the communist parties. The C.P.I. and C.P.I.(M) for their traditional mass base had been the Punjabi speaking areas. The Congress, which had been drawing its support from both Hindi- speaking and the Punjabi-speaking areas of composite Punjab, stood to lose by the reorganisation of Punjab. Previously, the Congress could balance its losses in one region by its gains in the other but in reorganised Punjab it had to compete with the Akalis on equal terms for winning a majority in the legislature. The political party to suffer most was the Jana Sangh, which with its limited appeal confined only to Urban Hindus, could never hope to improve its electoral prospects in Punjab. At best it could play the role of a junior in coalition

13. J.C. Anand in "State Political in India" (Ed.) Iqbal Narayan, p.270. 14. J.C. Anand in "State Politics in India", p.271. M.A.(Political Science) Part-II 16 PAPER-VII (OPTION-II) governments led by the Akalis. We can sum up with J.C. Anand15 the reorganisation of Punjab gave to the Sikhs a majority in the new state but did not fully satisfy the Akalis. It did not solve the language problem for a considerable section of the Hindus, mostly urban Hindus, continued to clain that they constituted a Hindi-speaking linguistic minority. Nor did it lead immediately to any change in the communal outlook and style of politics. It has not so far resulted in a cultural fusion making for a common . But the reorganisation did go a long way in setting up constitutional structure and a frame work which was regarded by almost all as a permanent arrangement. And is so doing it created objective conditions in which all such differences as existed in the Punjabi-speaking region of composite Punjab would get adjusted or resolved with the passage of time. Punjab has been able to solve many of its problems during the year of its existence and until recently it seemed that new focus of politics in on economic rather than communal issues. But recent events have shown that communal monster is once again raising its head and economic issues are not getting due importance. The whole attention of the government is centred on restoring law and order in the state and thus giving confidence to an average citizen that life is safe and secure.'

Books Recommended 1. Iqbal Narain : State Politics in India 2. Kailash Chander Gulati : The Akalis-Past and Present 3. Baldev Raj Nayyar : Minority Politics in Punjab 4. Khushwant Singh : A History of Sikhs 5. Sarhadi : Punjabi Suba

15. Ibid., p.271. M.A. (POLITICAL SCIENCE) PART-II PAPER-VII (OPTION-II) (PUNJAB POLITICS)

LESSON NO. 1.3 AUTHOR : DR. J.A. KHAN

Political Parties in Punjab Punjab boundaries were demarcated on Nov.1, 1966 by carving out a state of Haryana out of its area and transferring some hilly and submountain areas to . The new Punjab that emerged from the Re- organisation was comprised of the predominant Punjabi-speaking districts of erstwhile Punjab. It had an area of 50,255 sq. kms. At the time of demarcation, Sikhs constituted 60% of the population (1961 Census). Being dominated by a minority community, the Sikhs, Punjab political scene has some unique features. Political parties in Punjab have to keep this fact in mind, and particularly when the political loyalties of common Sikhs are influenced by the religion. Until after the VIth general election, there have been a plethora of political parties and groups in Punjab. In addition to the State branches of National parties, there were certain regional political parties and groups active in State politics. Amongst the All India parties, the Congress (I), B.J.P., C.P.I., and C.P.M. have a powerful base in the State while and (B.S.P.) do not have much of influence. The most powerful regional group is that of the Akalis. National Emergency imposed by Mrs. Indira Gandhi had at least one salutary effect, indirect and unintended of course, that it worked as a pressure cooker for the disperate political parties groups and cooked them into a new dish the . The Janata Party emerged as a result of the merger of erstwhile four distinct political parties i.e. Congress (O), Jana Sangh, Socialists and Bhartiya Lok Dal. But soon the differences between the various groups in the party came to the surface which resulted into a split of the Janata Party with sizeable section forming a new party i.e., Lok Dal. In Punjab at the moment, we have six main political parties, the Akali Dal the Congress (I), the B.J.P., the C.P.I., the C.P.M. and B.S.P. Apart from them, Janata Dal and Congress also operate in Punjab though their following is very small. A brief account of these parties and groups is given below: Congress Party The Congress Party had been the dominant national party upto the VIth general election. But the imposition of Emergency by the Congress Government proved a costly affair for the party and it lost heavily in the elections to the Lok Sabha held in March, 1977. In Punjab, it could not win even a single seat to the

17 M.A.(Political Science) Part-II 18 PAPER-VII (OPTION-II)

Lok Sabha. In elections to the Punjab Legislative Assembly held in June 1977, the Party could fare no better and only 17 seats out of 177. In January 1978, the experienced another split when a large section to party formed a parallel Congress (Congress-I) under leadership of Mrs. Indira Gandhi. As the result of the division at the central level, the Punjab Branch of the Party was also divided in two groups but a large chunk of Congressmen in the state went over to the Indira Congress. Out of 17 M.L.A.'s, 15 joined the Congress (I) while two remained in the old Congress Party. After the split in the Party, both the Congress Parties formed adhoc committees on different levels in the State. As the position stands at present Congress (I) is the real Congress in Punjab and old Congress has totally lost its ground.* The Congress (I) swear by Secularism and Socialism. It claims to carry forward the Politics of Nehru both at home and abroad. The Parties accuses the Janata Government for having gone back on Nehru's policy of expansion of Public Sector in India and Policy of non-alignment in foreign affairs. Congress (I) has for the people high sounding radical programme of eradicating poverty and unemployment, bringing down the prices, bettering the lot of Harijans and other weaker sections of the society. However, the support base of the Congress Party in the State has been considerably weakened during the last few years. and the lingering political crisis in Punjab has considerably weakened the position of the Congress Party among the Sikhs. It led to its defeat in the Assembly Election. The party was routed in the elections in 1977 and its fate appeared to had been sealed for a long time to come. But the misdeeds of the Janata Government and finally its collapse earlier than expected infused new life Punjab it did enter into alliance with any other party and did quite well this time. It depends mostly upon the support of Harijans and other weaker sections of the society beside the infighting among the Akalis. The Congress (I) was proved high in the 1980 Lok Sabha Election. At the centre it captured almost two third majority and in Punjab all the other political parties were virtually routed as it captured 12 out of 13 Lok Sabha seats one going to the Akalis. But the Congress Ministry in the State under the leadership of could not survive because of the violence generated by the Akali agitation. The entry of the army in the Complex during Operation Blue Star

* Though in the election to Punjab Assembly held in February 1992 the Party emerged as the main opposition party in the state by capturing 9 out of 117 seats but this may not sign of its strength. It due to boycott by the rural voters. M.A.(Political Science) Part-II 19 PAPER-VII (OPTION-II) completely alienated the Sikhs from the Congress. Consequently, Congress lost heavily in the Lok Sabha and Assembly Election held in Punjab in September, 1985. It was replaced by the Akali Dal as the single largest party in the State. In 1989 Lok Sabha Elections also, it could only 2 out of total 13 seats. Though, in February 1992 Elections it got all the 13 Lok Sabha and 87 of the 117 Assembly seats. It cannot be considered the most powerful political force in the state, it is mainly due to boycott by the major Akali Groups. However, in February 1997 Assembly elections it could secure only 14 out of 177 seats in the Punjab Assembly. In February 2002 elections it was able to capture 62 seats and formed government under the leadership of Captain . Electoral Performance of the Congress (1967-2007) Lok Sabha Elections Year % of votes No of seats won 1967 37.31 9/13 1971 45 11/13 1977 39.87 0/13 1980 43.77 12/13 1985 38.16 6/13 1989 26.48 2/13 1992 43.89 12/13 1996 ------3/13 1998 25.85 0/13 1999 38.44 8/13 2004 34.28 2/13 2009 45.23 8/13 2014 ------3/13 Assembly Elections 1967 36.55 47/104 1969 39.18 88/104 1972 42.84 65/104 1977 33.4 17/116 1980 47.99 63/117 1985 37.80 32/117 1992 43.83 87/117 1997 26.59 14/117 2002 36.12 62/117 2007 40.94 44/117 2012 40.11 46/117 2017 38.5 77/117 M.A.(Political Science) Part-II 20 PAPER-VII (OPTION-II)

The Bhartiya Janata Party After having been disillusioned with the working of Janata Party, the former Jana Sangh group broke away from the parent organisation on April 6, 1980 and founded a new party known as the Bhartiya Janata Party or the B.J.P. It comprises of all the old Jana Sangh leaders and the member of R.S.S. and infect and inflect is a revival of erstwhile Jana Sangh. After the formation of the Party at the national level, all its branches at state level were also revived. In Punjab, the BJP was inaugurated at a convention in the Ludhiana on 18 April, 1980 and Dr. Baldev Parkash, the former President of the Jana Sangh, was nominated President of the Party for Punjab State. As the party was born just before May 1980 Assembly elections, it decided to contest the elections on the basis of its policy statement. The party according to the policy statement, dedicate itself to the achievement of the Gandhian socialism and reiterated its faith in Jai Parkash Narayan ideal of "Total Revolution" be fighting against the anti-democratic and authoritarian forces in the country. The party contested May 1980 Assembly elections without entering into an electoral alliance with any political party of the state. If fielded 41 candidates mostly in urban areas but could win only one seat. In polled 6.43 per cent of the valid votes. However, it improved its position during the 1985 elections by winning 3 Assembly seats. Communal polarisation in the state has helped it in improving its position. Hindus living in small towns who had to bear the burnt of extremist violence voted for it. In the Lok Sabha elections held in November 1989 it could not win even a single seat, but was able to gain 417 per cent of votes. In February 1992 elections also, could not get even a single Lok Sabha seat but was able to get 6 Vidhan Sabha seats. In February 1997, 2002 and 2007 Punjab Vidhan Sabha elections it got 18, 3 and 19 gets respectively. (In Feb. 2002 it could set only 3 seats but in the recent Feb. 2007 elections it was to get 19 seats.) In 2012 assemly elections it not 12 seats 7.13 seats. In 2017, the party could win only 3 seats and recieved 5.4% votes. Ideology and Programme In its thirty two page basic policy statement released on 16 May, 1980 the party announced its commitment to five principles, namely nationalism and integration, democracy positive secularism, Gandhian socialism and value based politics. The Party also expressed its willingness to co-operate with those opposition parties which had no extra territorial loyalties so as to evolve a common strategy to authoritarianism corruption and anti-national politics. The BJP is a rightist party, like old Jana Sangh and believes in the fundamental values of democratic institutions. It wants to achieve the goal of Gandhian M.A.(Political Science) Part-II 21 PAPER-VII (OPTION-II)

Socialism through constitutional and peaceful means. The BJP has its main support base in the urban Hindu middle class comprising of the traders, merchants and shopkeepers and thus is essentially an urban party. It also has a disciplined carder which includes the R.S.S. workers. C.P.I.(M) The split in the was formally completed in 1964. It has its repercussion on the party organisation in almost all the states. In Punjab also, the split followed the national pattern. A new party structure was organised by the rebels from the Punjab branch of the CPI. The Party has a well trained and disciplined cadre and a leadership with vast experience. Harkishan Singh Surjit of the CPI (M) in the State, is the General Secretary of the Party at the national level. It is relatively more powerful amongst the peasantry of Punjab. It has so far won electoral victories only from the rural constituencies. It has strengthened its grips on the professional, students and labour organisations and has out one C.P.I in certain areas. In contested the 1977 Lok Sabha and Assembly election as an ally of Akali-Janata Party combine in the Punjab. It won all the 8 Assembly seats it contested. Its only nominee from Philaur Parliamentary seat won. However, the party could win only 5 seats during 1980 Assembly elections, but it drew a blank in the 1985 Assembly elections because it could not forge an alliance with its traditional electoral ally- the Akali Dal. Again, it could not win even a single seat in the November, 1989 Lok Sabha Elections. In 1992 election, it drew blank in Lok Sabha elections but got one seat in the Assembly. Assembly Elections Year % of votes No. of seats won 1967 3.19 3/104 1969 3.07 2/104 1972 3.25 1/104 1977 3.50 8/117 1980 4.39 5/117 1985 2.00 0/117 1992 2.55 1/117 1997 1.79 0/117 2002 0.36 0/117 2007 0.27 0/117 2012 0.16% 0/117 2017 ------0/117 Lok Sabha Elections 1967 1.89 0/13 M.A.(Political Science) Part-II 22 PAPER-VII (OPTION-II)

1971 2.20 0/13 1977 4.93 0/13 1980 2.53 0/13 1985 2.93 0/13 1989 3.90 0/13 1992 2.46 0/13 1996 ----- 0/13 1998 1.06 0/13 1999 2.18 0/13 2004 1.81 0/13 2009 ----- 0/13 2014 ----- 0/13 Party Structure and Membership The organisational structure of the Party in the state follows pattern of central organisation. It has three tier organisation at the State, district and local level. The lowest unit of the Party is the branch which functions either on a territorial (village, ward, mohalla, etc.) or function (factory, institution and so on) basis. The broader committees at every level are elected by the broader committees. Party Programme Basically the Party is oriented towards developing a struggle of the working people against three enemies of the people, imperialism, of all antiquated social, cultural, economic and political institution within the country, and the rapidly growing monopoly capital with its foreign collaborators. The C.P.I.(M) is of opinion that the Congress Party is the staunchest defender of the landlords, monopolists and their foreign collaborators, no matter what seemingly radical slogans may be mouthed by its leaders. The CPI (M) was opposed to . In its manifesto issued in March 1977, it asked for the steps against foreign monopolies in India and moratorium on foreign debt payments. It stands for nationalisations of sugar, textile, jute, cement and drug industries. It wants to make right to work a fundamental right. Future Prospects The Party does not have a wide mass base in Punjab. Its area of influence is only in a few constituencies of and regions of Punjab and that also more in rural areas. Without an effective electoral alliance with other political parties particularly the Akali Dal, it cannot hope to have a substantial number of its candidates returned to the general elections held in 1997 CPI (M) has supported the Janata Party against the Congress within two years of the working of the Janata Party and its government CPM got disillusioned with it. The CPI (M) is trying to form a leftist front with CPI and M.A.(Political Science) Part-II 23 PAPER-VII (OPTION-II) other progressive forces. It also opposed the slogan of Khalistan raised by the Sikh extremists during the current political crisis in the Punjab. C.P.I. It is functioning as a state branch of the Communist Party of India. Its popularity was highest at the time of the second Lok Sabha and assembly elections in 1957 when in polled 16.8% and 13.46% votes respectively. Thereafter, its popularity slightly receded. The split in 1964 depleted its ranks and took the sting out of the Communist in Punjab. The split in Indian National Congress in 1969 brought CPI close to it. As an electoral ally of the Congress, it could win 2 Lok Sabha seats (Sangrur and ) and 10 Assembly seats in 1972 in Punjab. It supported the imposition of internal emergency by Mrs. Gandhi but ultimately turned against it. During the 1980 elections, it from an electoral alliance with the Akali Dal and CPM. But it opposed the communal politics of the Akali Dal during the current Akali agitation and contested 1985 Assembly elections in alliance with CPM. In 1985 elections, it did not win even a single seat of Lok Sabha from the State but captured one Assembly seat. In November 1989 Lok Sabha elections again it drew blank. Again in 1992 elections in the state it could not win even a single seat of Lok Sabha but was able to get 4 Assembly seats. In 1997 assembly elections it won only 1 seat and in 2002 assembly elections it won 2 seats. Lok Sabha Elections Year % of votes No. of seats won 1967 4.28 0/13 1971 4.90 2/13 1977 1.65 0/13 1980 1.27 0/13 1985 3.64 0/13 1989 2.09 0/13 1992 3.63 0/13 1996 ----- 0/13 1998 3.40 0/13 1999 3.74 0/13 2004 2.55 0/13 2009 0.14 0/13 2014 ----- 0/13 Assembly Elections 1967 5.27 5/117 1969 4.14 3/117 1972 6.51 10/117 M.A.(Political Science) Part-II 24 PAPER-VII (OPTION-II)

1977 6.66 9/117 1980 6.45 9/117 1985 4.00 1/117 1982 3.73 4/117 1997 2.98 2/117 2002 2.15 2/117 2007 0.75 0/117 2012 0.12% 0/117 2017 0.2% 0/117 Party Organisation in the State The highest organ of Party in Punjab is "State Conference" which is general body meeting of the Party. The Conference elects a State Council consisting of not more than 125 members. This State Council also elects a secretary from the members of the State Executive Committee. At the district level also there are annual party Conferences, District Councils and District Executive Committees. Below down the ladder are primary units. The Party constitution provides for the formation of intermediary local party organs such as taluk, sub-division, tehsil or block councils when the state council so decides. The CPI in Punjab is concentrating on the Harijans, Backward Classes alongwith industrial and agricultural labour. The C.P.I. has powerful rival in the C.P.M. on almost all the fronts. Lately, the two Communist parties have joined had on the various fronts while differing in their approach an attitudes towards the ruling parties. The C.P.I. on its own does not have a wide mass base and it alone cannot cut much ice in the electoral politics of Punjab. Hence, its anxiety for left and democratic front as a third alternative in Punjab as well as in India. The Akali Dal Shiromani Akali Dal is one of the three most important powerful regional political parties in India, the Dravidian parties in Tamilnadu and National Conference in J & K and Telegu Desam in Andhra Pradesh being the other three. The Akali Dal as a political party, has a long and chequered history. It was first set up on 14 December, 1920. It emerged as full fledged political party in Punjab during the 1967 elections held under the Government of India Act, 1935. It emerged out of the Movement launched in the third decade of the present century. The struggle for the emancipation of the was long and arduous. Having passed through the fire of repression, the Akalis had shown themselves capable of fighting the battle of freedom of India. Hence they were drawn into the national movement and remained in the Congress upto the outbreak of IInd World War. In 1942, the then Akali leadership entership entered into pact with the ruling in Punjab. With the M.A.(Political Science) Part-II 25 PAPER-VII (OPTION-II)

Sekander Pact, the Akalis chose to follow and independent line. From 1942 to 1947, when India was partitioned, the Akalis were confronted with the political problems of growing demand for Pakistan. The Sikh energies were expanded during this period, to oppose the demand for separated Pakistan. And if it was to be granted they insisted upon creation of an Azad Punjab wherein the Sikh interests were safe. The Akalis failed in both Punjab was partitioned in 1947 as against their wishes, and the Sikh demand for Azad Punjab was not conceded. After the partition in 1947, Akali mind was dominated by the question of respectful place for the Sikhs in independent India. This they thought, was possible only if the Sikhs has a numerical majority in an autonomous state within India. The demand for such a state (Punjabi Suba) was made after the and made for constitutional safeguards for the Sikhs were rejected by the minorities sub-committee of the Constituent Assembly. This rejection was interpreted by the Akali leadership as an act of going back from its commitment by the Congress leaders in 1952. The Akali Dal contested the elections on the blank of creation on the blank of creation of a Punjabi Suba and was routed in Punjab and worsted in Pepsu. In October, 1952 it wrested the office of President of the SGPC from Nagok a Pro- Congress Akali. With its control over the SGPC, Akali Dal was in a better position the fight the battle for the Punjabi Suba. After about a long struggle for 15 years and in face of stiff opposition by communal Hindu, the Akalis succeeded in getting their demand conceded Punjab was reorganised on the recommendation of the Boundary Commission whose recommendations came into force on November 1, 1966. The reorganisation of Punjab in November 1966 marks an epoch in the history of Akali Dal. Whereas before the creation of Punjabi Suba it was only a small sectional group, now with the formation of new Punjab its electoral prospects brightened. It could hope to cash upon the well-entrenched communal stance of the Punjab generated by the movement for Punjabi Suba. IVth general election held in 1967 was a turning point in the history of Akali Dal. An erstwhile opposition became a leading partner in the ruling front in Punjab. The first non-Congress front ministry was sworn in under the Chief Ministership of Gurnam Singh (leader of Akali Dal- Sant). The Ministry was topped following the detection of S. Lachhman Singh Gill and 19 other M.L.A.'s (in November, 1967). S. Lachhman Singh Gill remained Chief Minister upto August 24, 1968, with the support of Congress. In mid term poll held in the State in February 1969, the Akalis won 43 seats out of 104. It emerged as the single largest party M.A.(Political Science) Part-II 26 PAPER-VII (OPTION-II) in the House followed by Congress which won 38 seats. A coalition ministry with Jana Sangh was formed with Justice Gurnam Singh as Chief Minister. But the internal cleavages in the Akali Party brought the downfall of Gurnam Singh Ministry on 25 March, 1970. Another coalition assumed power and S. (Akali Dal- Sant) became Chief Minister. The coalition ministry also became the victim of Akali factionalism and the withdrawal of support by Jana Sangh on the language issue. The Vth election to the Lok Sabha established the Congress supremacy in Punjab as in other parts of India. The Akali Ministry could not withstand the defect in the Lok Sabha election. Defection of Justice Gurnam Singh along with 19 other M.L.A.'s in June, 1971 prepared the way for imposition of President's rule in Punjab. In the 1972 State Assembly Elections, the Akalis could win only 24 seats. Congress again became the -ruling party in Punjab. From 1972 to June, 1975 when Emergency was imposed, Akali Dal did not play an oustanding role as an opposition party. With the imposition of internal emergency in India, Akali Dal again became active. Under the overall guidance and leadership of J.C. Narayan it created a history for itself in the minds and hearts of the Indian people. It was perhaps, the only party in India which consciously chose the arduous path opposing the mighty monsters of emergency. It carried on its crusade against the emergency upto the end and did not budge from the chosen path despite the alluring offers and baits thrown to it by the then rulers. The unnerving and consistent fight put up by Akalis against. Emergency was amply rewarded by the people. The VIth general election to Lok Sabha proved most auspicious for the Akalis. They won all the 9 seats they contested in alliance with newly formed Janata Party, and the C.P.M. In June, 1997 elections to the State Assembly, 58 Akalis were returned up in a house of 117. The Akali Dal again became the ruling party in Punjab in coalition with the Janata Party. The action of the Akali Party of withdrawing their support from the Desai Government at the time of split in the Janata Party made the latter to withdraw from the Punjab Government leaving the Akalis to run the Government independently. Again in 1980 general elections, Congress Party captured power in Punjab. However, the Akali Dal recaptured political power in Punjab again in 1985. Later, there was a split in the Party. Consequently, at the time of November, 1989 Lok Sabha elections there were groups of Akali Dal, i.e. Akali Dal (Longowal), Akali Dal (B) and Akali Dal (Mann). The Mann group of Akali Dal emerged as real Akali Dal by capturing 5 out of 13 Lok Sabha seats from the State. Other Akali Dals did not got even a single seat. The Mann group of Akali Dal boycott the February 1992 Assembly in. However, February, 1997 it secured 75 seats and formed the Government in Punjab. In Feb. 2002 it could get 41 seats and in Feb.2007 it has M.A.(Political Science) Part-II 27 PAPER-VII (OPTION-II) got 49 seats and formed the government. In 2012 it got 56 seats formed the govt. In Feb 2017 election, it could get only 15 seats. Organisation of Shiromani Akali Dal The highest organ of Shiromani Akali Dal is its working committee. The most powerful functionary is the President of the President of the Dal. The General Body meeting of the Akali Dal elects the party President for a term of one year. The members of Akali Dal general body are elected by the District Akali under the supervision of a nominee of the Central Government. Lower down the ladder the organisation is as such where there are a minimum of 10 members a can be set up representing a village, a city, where there are five such Jathas, delegate is elected for the district Jatha. In States other than Punjab provincial Akali Jathas can be set up with the approval of and according to the rules made by the Akali Dal. However, it must be noted that the Dal is not a cadre-based Party. It is very loosely knit and lack and strict party discipline. The elections to the Dal organisation are not held regularly. Party Programme and Policies Akali Dal is not wedded to any political ideology as such. It was created to safeguard the regional, social and economic interest of the Sikhs. It is opposed to the exploitative economic and political system and wants to establish a socio- political structure based on the twin principles of Sikhs, earning the livelihood through hard labour (Kirat) and sharing the earning with other (Wand Chhakana). The constitution of Shiromani Akali Dal professes to stand for the welfare of the Panth, the nation, and whole of mankind. In actual practice, however, the Akali energies have been consumed to a great extent by the demands of securing rightful place for the Sikhs. The electoral policies of the Akali Dal assumed a radical posture with the ascendency of Sant Fateh Singh. In its election manifesto issued for the 1972 Assembly elections it a ked for greater autonomy of the States. It declared itself in favour of ceilings on agricultural land and urban property. It promised seeds, fertilizers and pesticides to small farmers at subsidised rates. With a little change here and there and an indignant rejection of Emergency the radical posture of Akali Dal continued upto the Lok Sabha and Punjab Assembly Election in March and June, 1980. It launched a strong agitation for the fulfilment of its various demands, major in them being implementation of Anandpur Resolution which aims at more autonomy for the states. As a result of the central government on the Sikhs, during the Akali agitations, Akali Dal increased its support among the Sikhs. It has emerged as the single largest party in the state after the 1985 Assembly Elections and formed its government in the state under the leadership of . The party was split up between Akali Dal M.A.(Political Science) Part-II 28 PAPER-VII (OPTION-II)

(L) and Akali Dal (B) on the issue of police entry into the Golden Temple. The ministry was dismissed in May, 1987 for its failure to tackle terrorism in the State. In the Lok Sabha elections held in November, 1989 Akali Dal (Mann). In the 1992 elections, the main groups of Akali Dal decided to boycott the poll. In the 1996 Lok Sabha elections the Akali Dal capture 8 seats, and in 1998 Lok Sabha election, it won 9 seats. However, in 1999 Lok Sabha Election it could win only 2 seats and in February, 2002 Assembly elections it could win 41 seats and 30.5% notes. In 2007 assembly elections, the Akali Dal won 79 seats out of total 117 seats in Punjab Vidhan Sabha and Soviet Government with help of B.J.P. Future Prospects Being a party of Sikhs in a Sikh Majority State and having a long history of defending Sikh interests, the Akali Party has and advantageous position in Punjab politics as compared to other parties. It can make a strong appeal to the Sikh masses in the name of Panth. But the greatest disadvantage of the Party is that it suffers from acute factionalism. The infighting in the Akali Dal caused the downfall of precious Akali Government and caused the downfall of previous Akali Government and its route in Vth General Elections. But the Party does not seem to have learnt any lesson from its past mistakes. On the eve of VII General Elections, the Akali Dal presented a sad spectacle of house divided against itself. The ministerial wing and the organisational wing of Akali Dal were set against each other. The ministerial wing wanted to go along with the Bhartiya Janata Party while the organisation wing wanted to have alliance with the left and democratic elements. The division in the Akali Dal came as a boon to the Congress (I) in the state. Despite its religious appeal and its strong base among Sikh masses it could not repeat the performance of 1977. As a result of this, it secured only one seat out of 13 seats in general elections held in 1980. In the Assembly elections in June, 1980 it secured 35 out of 117 seats with 26.92 percentage of votes polled. The defeat of the Akali Dal in 1980, it elections compelled it to adopt a radical posture. It launched an agitation in the state to get the Resolution implemented. The agitation created an atmosphere of violence and led to the army in the Golden Temple Complex. The Akali Dal President late Sant Harchand Singh Longowal, took bold step in singing the Rajiv-Longowal accord for bringing normalcy in the State. But the non-implementation of the accord has brought the situation back to square one. In 1985 Assembly elections, it contest alone and got 73 out of 117 seats and formed govt. under the leadership of its leader Surjit Singh Barnala. However in 1992 it boycotted in poll. Again, in 1997 it contests election in alliance with BJP and got 75 seats. Its alliance party BJP got 18 seats. Both the parties sonvet M.A.(Political Science) Part-II 29 PAPER-VII (OPTION-II) coalise government under Parkash Singh Badal. However, in 2007 it lost the election and could win only 41 seats. After remaining 5 seats in opposition, it again won the electionin 2007 and again contest government under the leadership of Parkash Singh Badal. In 2012 it again repeted success and formed government. However, in 2017 election it was defeted badly. The party could win only 15 seats. It win to worst target in assembly after recongition of the state. The BSP The Bahujan Samaj Party is having a strong following among the Scheduled Castes in Punjab. It was successful in winning the Phillor Lok Sabha seat in 1989 in a multi-concerned contest. In February, 1992 elections it emerged as the main opposition party in the State Assembly by capturing nine seat. It has secured 3 Lok Sabha seats in alliance with the Akali Dal in 1996 elections. However, in 1998 and 1999, 2004, 2009, 2014 Lok Sabha Election, it could not win even a sangh seat. In 1997 Punjab Vidhan Sabha Election it won only 1 seat However, in 2002, 2007, 2012 and 2017 electrons assembly election it new blank. Books Recommended 1. Iqbal Narain : State Politics in India 2. Myron Weiner : State Politics in India 3. K.C. Gulati : The Akalis- Past and Present 4. Ajit Singh Sarhadi : Punjabi Suba 5. Baldev Raj Nayar : Minority Politics in Punjab 6. Dalip Singh : Dynamics of Punjab Politics M.A. (POLITICAL SCIENCE) PART-II PAPER-VII (OPTION-II) (PUNJAB POLITICS)

LESSON NO. 1.4 AUTHOR : PROF. DALIP SINGH

THE BHARTIYA JANATA PARTY IN PUNJAB It is significant to note that Bhartiya Janata Party (B.J.P) came into being as an All India Political Party on 6th April, 1980 as a result of the split the Janata Party1. It may, however, be recalled that Janata Party itself was established in May, 1977 by the merger of five parties i.e. the former Jana Sangh, B.L.D., Socialists, Congress (O) and Congress for democracy. The constituents of the Janata Party (which was nicknamed as Janata Conglover etc.) failed to work cohesively and this party distintegrated owing to the politics of opportunism of the respective constituents. It resulted in creating division in the Janata Party on the dual membership issue (i.e. Jana Sangh connection with Rashtriya Swayarn Sevak Sangh (i.e. R.S.S.). The former Jana Sangh group decided to break away from the parent organization (i.e. the Janata Party) and founded a new party known as the Bhartiya Janata Party in 1980. After the formation of this party at the national level, the state branches were revival in different states. B.J.P. in Punjab In Punjab the B.J.P. was inaugurated by holding a convention at Ludhiana on April 18, 1980 and Dr. Baldev Parkash (former President of the Jana Sangh) was nominated president is the party for Punjab State. Since the party was born just before the May, 1980 Assembly election, it decided to contest election on the basis of the policy statement. The party according to policy statement dedicated itself to the achievement of Gandian socialism and re-integrated its faith in Jai Parkash Narayan’s ideal of “Total Revolution” by fighting against the anti-democratic and authoritarian forces in the country. The party contested the Assembly elections of May, 1980 without entering into any electoral alliance. It fielded 41 candidates mostly in urban areas but could even only one seat with 6.43 percent of the valid votes. It may be noted that earlier Jana Sangh had polled 4.96 percent of votes in the 1972 assembly elections without winning a single seat. The leadership of the party feel satisfied for having made a good start in the state as Punjab. Ideology and Programme In its thirty-two page basic policy statement, released on May 9, 1980 the party high command announced its constituent to five principles namely; Nationalism and National integration, democracy, positive secularism, Gandian socialism and valued-based politics. The party also expressed its willingness to cooperate with those opposition parties which had 40 extra territorial loyalties so 30 M.A.(Political Science) Part-II 31 PAPER-VII (OPTION-II) as to evolve a common strategy to resist authoritarianism, consumption and anti-national politics. Like the old Jana Sangh, the B.J.P. in a rightist party and believed in the fundamental values of democratic institutions and wants to achieve the goad of Gandhian socialism through constitutional and peaceful means. Despite the processed faith in the above stated like principles, the broad ideological basis of the B.J.P. lies in the traditional ideas of “”, which considers the Hind of Society and the nation as identical. It believes that Hindus do not from a religious community but the nation to which all individuals belong, irrespective of their caste, class creed and language.2 The Hindu Nationalism is considered the care of the B.J.P.’s ideology. It stands for “Bhartiya Sanskriti” which means ancient Hindu culture. It works upon the idea of one country, one people, one culture and one nation.3 The B.J.P. in its election manifasto of 1998 Parliamentary Elections has pledgedits faith in five-fold concept of SCHUCHITA (Probity in Public Life), SURAKSHA (Security), SWADESHI (Economic nationalism), SAMAJIK SAMARASTA (Social harmony) and HINDUTVA (Cultural nationalism). These above stated principles will be manifest in its constituent to national security, good grievance, national unity and integration democracy, genuine secularism, eradication of mass poverty, opportunity for economic advancement for all, social justice and genre equality, harmonious centre state relations, probity in Public life, revival of institutions, politics of consensus and cooperation, as against enfrontation, and last but not the least, raising India’s prestige, profile and power in International area. In the political sphere, it desires to set up a commission to review the constitution as a whole in the light if experience of the last 50 years. If desired implementation of the recommendations of Dinesh Goswami like for the sake of electoral reforms. If also advocates the setting up of a judicial commission for selecting the names of the judges of High courts and supreme court and for driving up a cock of ethics for the members of the judiciary. It wants a responsive and responsible administration. The centre states relations be re- structured in a way that states also given more autonomy and that April 356 of the constitution is not abused. The system of Panchayat, Raj should be strengthened and that the people have the right of information. In the economic sphere, it stands for Swadeshi so as to make India a global economic power, Foreign capital schemes he attracted for investment in the are as were Indian Industry is not playing an effective role. Swadeshi means “India first and that Indian economy should be built by Indian themselves.” Foreign technology must be utilises for the Oice of country’s M.A.(Political Science) Part-II 32 PAPER-VII (OPTION-II) economic modernization. India must move carefully and gradually towards integration with global economy in a manner that suits her national interest. In the social sphere, it stands for better standard of living and housing facility for all, protection of public health, provision for primary education, improvement of the lot of the scheduled castes, scheduled tribes, women, children and other weaker sections of the community, empowerment of women (and youth). The party declared its commitment that all people should have equal rights in SATTA (power) SAMRADHI (prosperity) and SANMAN (dignity). The human rights should be more effectively, frustrated. Pollution should be checked for the sake of maintaining a heavenly environment. In regard to product of foreign policy, the B.J.P. asserted that it would improve its relations with the all countries of the would and won “for regional cooperation so as to make our relations with our neighbours more cardial. It rejected the nation of nuclear apartheid and declared its resolve to oppose any attempt by other power of the would so as to impose hegemonic nuclear regime on our country. It Monkly asserts that it will not be dictated to by anybody in matters of country’s security requirements and in the exercise if her nuclear options so that she has a role in world offers consurate with her size and capability. In addition to the above stated policy programme, the B.J.P. manifesto assured creation of the states of Uttar Khand, Vanachoe, Vidarba, Chhattisgarh and same other smaller states; arise full stalehood to Delhi, alignation of Art 370, uniform civil code, construction of Ram Temple, maintaining a National Register of all citizens of all country; implementation of the recommendations of Sarkaria Commission, ending misuse of Article 356, appointing governors with the consent if the state command etc. It is, however, noted that the B.J.P. has dropped three important controversing measures i.e. (i) uniform civil code, (ii) construction of Ram Temple at the disputed place at Ayodhoya and abrogation of Art 370 in relation to the state of & from its national agenda for strengthening its relations with the partness of National Democratic Alliance of non-congress political parties. Indeed, the B.J.P. in alliance with N.D.A. issued a Commission Election Manifesto (National Agenda for goverance) in the 1999 Lok Sabha Elections (that were held in September-October, 1999). The B.J.P. led alliance has re-saddled in power in the Atal Behari Vajpayee as Prime Minister of India for the second time. Earlier the B.J.P. led 13 party coalition Ministry headed by Atal Behari Vajpayee as Prime Minister had won the 1998 Lok Sabha Elections and was able to rule owing to its strategy for formenting unity with its regional allies consisting of 13 political parties. In the 1999 Lok Sabha, the B.J.P. had M.A.(Political Science) Part-II 33 PAPER-VII (OPTION-II) forged alliance with 24 political parties. The B.J.P. has emerged as the largest single political party at the national level by capturing 182 seats of Lok Sabha and of the total 543. In addition to it, the party has been able to make its presence felt practically in majority of states of the Indian Union. Support base of the B.J.P. in Punjab Like the erstwhile Jana Sangh the B.J.P. in predominantly a party of Hindus in Punjab. It is dominated by the educated high caste urban Hindus of the states of Punjab. The main support base of the B.J.P. in Punjab is the urban middle class comprising the traders, merchants and shop-keepers. As Hindus mostly live in urban areas, obviously therefore the B.J.P. in an urban party, so for as the state of Punjab is concerned. It lacks support in rural areas since Jat-Sikh peasantry happens to occupy denominating position in rural areas. The B.J.P. has a disciplined cadre which mostly include the R.S.S. workers. Electoral performance of the B.J.P. It may be recalled that the erstwhile Jana Sangh in Punjab has been a peaceful mouth-piece of the Hindus since its inception in 1950. It has been a main opponent to the demand of “Punjabi Suba” which has dominated the political scenario of Punjab since the down of independence of India. It created a stir over the languages issue and have been responsible for getting the Hindus of Punjab in dis-owning Punjabi, their are other tangle. It also opposed the “Sikhism Formula” and also the “Regional Formula” that to create an arrangement for democrating the boundaries of Punjab on linguistic basis so that the leaders of these regions could be associated in the developmental activities of their respective regions. Ultimately, Punjab speaking state was carved out on November 1, 1966 by dis-liking Hindi speaking areas. The Jana Sangh organised communal disturbances in the cities of Ludhiana, Jullundhur, Karnal and to share their resentment on the creation of Punjabi speaking state. In the 1967 Assembly elections, the Jana Sangh was able to win 9 seats (although it contested 49 seats) and could secure 9.36 percent of the valid votes. The Jana Sangh exploited the Hindu sentiments for procuring better status for Hindi in the now state of Punjab. It discarded its anti-Akali Dal posture and readily joined the seven-party unified Front government of Punjab led by Akali Dal. In the mid-term Assembly elections of 1969, the Jana Sangh entered into an electoral alliance with the Akali Dal. For forging unity, the leaders of the Akali Dal and Jana Sangh even undertook joint electioneering campaigns. The Jana Sangh was able to won 8 seats (although it contested 30 urban seats) with M.A.(Political Science) Part-II 34 PAPER-VII (OPTION-II) vote percentage of 8.84. The Jana Sangh became a partner in the Akal-Jana Sangh coalition Ministry that came to be headed by Akali Chief Minister Gurnam Singh and Prakash Singh Badal respectively. However, the political fortunes of the Akali Dal and Jana Sangh were sealed in the Assembly elections of 1972 owing to the “Indira Wave” that had swept the sub-constituent of India. The Jana Sangh failed to capture any seat but could secure 4-97 of the valid votes. The party however had contested thirty three seats. In this election, the Akaki Dal and Jana Sangh drifted away from each other and had contested the election without forming any electoral alliance. The clamping of emergence in India on June 25, 1975 by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi saw the rise of authoritarian and repressive rule all over the country. The dark era of 19 months rule resulted in the formation of Janata Party as a new alternative to lead the country. It may be recalled that Jana Sangh, B.G.D., Socialists Congress (O) and C.F.D. formed Janata party by merging their identities. The Congress was serviced in the Lok Sabha Elections of March, 1977 due to the emergency excesses and the Janata Party won a massive majority. In the state, of Punjab Assembly elections were held on June 12, 1977. The Akali Dal, Janata Party and CP (M) had formed an electoral alliance on the eve of Lok Sabha Elections of March, 1977 and had captured all the 13 seats in the Lok Sabha. The Akali-Janata-CPM alliance win a landstick victory in the Assembly elections of June, 1977. The Akali Dal created a history by bagging 58 seats. The newly formed Janata Party came second by winning 25 seats with 15 percent of valid votes. The CPM won all the eight seats it contested as an ally of the Akali-Janata alliance. The Congress was relegated to a third position and it was able to win 17 seats out of 96 seats if contested. The Akali- Janata coalition Ministry and in the leadership of Prakash Singh Badal as Chief Minister assumed office in Punjab. The massive victory of Congress (I) in the Lok Sabha Election of January, 1980 brought Mrs. Indira Gandhi back into power after a lake of three years. The sordid drama to capture the Prime Ministries post not only resulted in the dis-integration of the Janata Party but it dischanted the people complexely.4 Taking advantage of the precedent set by Janata Party, the Prime Minister Indira Gandhi got the nine Legislative Assemblies dissolved on the plea that grants in these none states “in the way represented the wishes of the people.” In pursuance of this and vice, the Legislative Assemblies of nine states (including Punjab) were dissolve on 17th February 1980. The Assembly elections in Punjab were held on May 31, 1980. The Akali Dal had constituted a four party alliance (consisting of Akali Dal, CPI, CPM and M.A.(Political Science) Part-II 35 PAPER-VII (OPTION-II)

Lok Dal) for contesting the Lok Sabha elections of February, 1980. The Akali Dal could win only one seat in the Lok Sabha. With the view to defeating the Congress, the Akali Dal formed a Democratic left alliance with the two Communist Parties for contesting the Assembly elections. The Bhartiya Janata Party (which was formed on 6th April, 1980 as a break away group of the erst while Jana Sangh) contested the Assembly Elections without any electoral alliance was able to get only one seat with 6.43 percent of the valid votes. The B.J.P. had contested 41 seats mainly from the urban centres of Punjab. The Punjab Crisis and the Assembly Elections of 1985 It may be recalled that the state of Punjab witnessed a political turmoil after the launching of for the acceptance of demands as empived in the Anandpur Sahib Resolution by the Akali Dal in August, 1982. Negotiations between the Akali Dal and the Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi failed to arrive at any settlement with the Akali Dal. The Akali agitation witnessed the rise of Sikh militant upsurge—unending murders, hostage safe destruction of property (burning of buses, plateforms, shops). Even the President’s rule (imposed from October, 1983 like holding of Assembly elections of September 25, 1985) failed to restore normally in the state. The Indian state resorted to military operation (named operation blue star) to clear the Golden Temple from the militants (including Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwala) who were hiding in this holiest place. The Akal Thakat was destroyed during the “operation blue star” and it led to the assanination of Mrs. Indira Gandhi on October 31, 1984. As a conservance of this the anti-Sikh girls took place in many parts of India that resulted in mass killings of the Sikhs. With the rising of Rajiv-Longowal accord on 24th July, 1985 it was expected that a new era of peace and cooperation would uses in Punjab. It was felt that the establishment of popular government in Punjab with help in tackling the problem of communalism, oxtiomism and terrorism in the state. It was therefore described to hold the Assembly elections during the month of September 1985. The threat of the terrorist organisation to disrupt the elections and the call of the led by Baba (Rather of Late Sant Bhindranwala) to boycott the elections had made the task of holding these elections as a challenging task. Sant Harchand Singh Longowal, (The President of the Akali Dal) was assassination by the extremist who had dubbed the Rajiv- Longowal as a “Sell out” of the interest of Punjab. Even, leaders like Prakash Singh Badal and Gurcharan Singh Tohra had expressed their doubts and had strong repervation about the Punjab accord. However, the Akali Dal (Longowal) hailed the Punjab accord for solving the problems of Punjab. The assassination of Sant Longowal created a “sympathy M.A.(Political Science) Part-II 36 PAPER-VII (OPTION-II) wave” and in moulding the thinking among the Hindu voters who started believing that it was wrong to dubb all the Akalis as terrorist. As a consequence of this even the Congress are had fielded weak candidates to enable the Akali Dal to capture power. It was even dubbed by some cities that those elections were a friendly match between the Akalis and Congress party. The people of Punjab, as expected took native part in the elections as they desired to put an end to the era of uncertainty. They had gave through, the process of disruption and disorder and how wanted to live in peace. The Rajiv-Longowal accord had aroused great expectation among the people and they felt that the state would be free political upheavals. Akali Dal (Longowal) contested these Assembly Elections at its own strength. The B.J.P. also went all alone Honour, the CPI & CPM forged their own alliance-The Akali Dal (L) won 73 seats with 26.39 percent votes. The Congress could win 32 seats with 37.90 percent rates. However, the B.J.P. contested 26 seats and won 6 seats with 5.0 percent of votes polled. Thus the Akali Dal (L) again returned to power by capturing a clear and independend majority. However, the Chief Minister Surjeet Singh Barnala was unable to curb the militancy in the state of Punjab and President’s rule was imposed in Punjab on May 11, 1987. Even long spell of President’s rule extending over 57 months failed to restore normally in the state of Punjab. The promised June 22, 1991 Assembly elections in Punjab were got postponed hours he fore the oath taking ceremony of P.V. Narasimha Rao as Prime Minister of India. The Congress had decided to boycott these elections and the party decided to change its strategy after the assassination of . The Congress (I) had feared that militants wined come into power in Punjab who would for the aggrevate the Punjab crisis. The Assembly Elections of February 19, 1992 were held under the shadow of guns. The six panthic organizations including Akali Dal (Badal), Akali Dal (Bawa Joginder Singh, Akali Dal (Mann), Akali Dal (Babbar) and the two students organizations had boycotted those assembly elections only the Akal Dal (Kabul) contested these elections. Hardly 24 percent of the voters took part in this election. As expected the Congress (I) won 87 seats and it assumed of power under the leadership of Chief Minister . The B.S.P. emerged as the main opposition party by winning only nine seats. The Akali Dal (Kabul) contested 74 seats but was able to win 3 seats. The B.J.P. win six seats as it contested these elections without forming electoral alliance with any political party. February 7, 1997 Assembly Elections and Akali Dal and B.J.P. Elections Alliance After having remained out of power for a period of five years, the Akali Dal (B) made a determined effort to capture power in Punjab by contesting the February, 1997 Elections. Prakash Singh Badal as President of the Akali Dal (B) M.A.(Political Science) Part-II 37 PAPER-VII (OPTION-II) formed an electoral alliance with the B.J.P. (whom he regarded as a natural ally of the Akalis). They agreed to work on the basis of common minimum programme and even undertook joint electioneering campaigns. This strategy of the Akali Dal (B) paid rich dividends. The Akali Dal (B) won 75 seats and the B.J.P. was able to capture 18 seats. The Congress (I) was relegated to the third position as it could win only 14 seats. After winning thumping majority a Akali-B.J.P. coalition Ministry under the Chief Ministership of Prakash Singh Badal assumed office. The B.J.P. was given prominent place in the Badal Ministry. At present, the B.J.P. has three cabinet of Ministers (Balramji Dass Tandon, Madan Mohan Mittal and Manorajan Kalia) and two Ministers of state (Surjeet Kumar and Sarwan Ram respectively). The B.J.P. was also pressing further its claim as the Chief Minister is likely to expand his cabinet during the last weak of November, 1999. The necessity of cabinet expansion arose for filling up seven existing vacancies. The five ministers who were loyalty of S. Gurcharan Singh. Toward had resigned during February, 1999. Two vacancies had occurred due to the death of S. Sarup Singh (Housing and urban minister) and the other owing to the election of Bibi Jagir Kaur (Minister of Tourism) as President of the S.G.P.C. The B.J.P. was putting claim of one third ministries in the Badal cabinet. However, in February, 2002 Punjab Assembly elections it could win only 3 seats out of 117 in the Assembly. In 2007, 2012 and 2017 also it contested election in alliance with SAD (Badal) and got 19,12 and 3 seats respectively. Summing Up From the foregoing account it becomes apparent that the B.J.P. and Akali Dal representing the interests of the two major communities in Punjab (i.e. the Hindus and the Sikhs) have emerged as two strong pillars of power. The electoral alliance not only helped the two political parties in capturing political power in the state but it always brought about eventions integration between the two parties. The process of communal unity has been strengthened. The pace of development has taken new strides. The B.J.P. shares its support base with the congress party. The Hindus and the scheduled castes mostly lend support to those parties. The Jat-peasantry usually allies in the no Akalis. The Bhaujan Samaj Party (representing the and weaker backward castes) in also a force to be reckoned with. As a result of the growing importance of the B.S.P. The support base of the B.J.P. among the scheduled castes has dwindled. Nevertheless, the B.J.P. remains a urban party in Punjab and is mostly supported by the urban Hindus representing traders, merchants and petty shop-keepers. The Chief Minister Prakash Singh Badal had expanded his cabinet the January 1, 2000 by including 15 new members and the strength of M.A.(Political Science) Part-II 38 PAPER-VII (OPTION-II) the ministry had grow up to 41 out of the new 15 ministers, only two B.J.P. MLA’s have been inducted as Ministers. The B.J.P. seems to the satisfied with the induction of two more ministries. Relations between the two partners (i.e. Akali Dal-Badal and the B.J.P. are harmonious and the two partner one working in also cooperation to improve the socio-economic conditions of Punjab. References 1. Dalip Singh : Dynamics of Punjab Politics (Macmillan India Ltd., , 1980). 2. World Encyclopaedia of Political Systems and Parties (2nd edition) Vol. I, (Facts of file publications, New York, 1987) pp. 485-486. 3. Election Manifesto of the B.J.P. released on the eve of 1996 and 1998 Parliamentary . 4. Dalip Singh, op. cit. p. 249. Additional Books for Reference 1. Dalip Singh : Dynamics of Punjab Politics (New Delhi, Macmillan India Ltd. 1980). 3. Shiva Chandra Jha : Indian Party Politics (Deep & Deep Publications, New Delhi) 4. B.B. Misra : The Indian Political Parties (Oxford University Press, New Delhi, (1976). 5. Hartmann, Harst : Political Parties in India (Meenakshi Parkashan, ) 6. Baxter, Craig : The Jana Sangh : A biography of an Indian Political Party.

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