Master Tara Singh and Nehru Report (1928)
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FOREWORD the Need to Prepare a Clear and Comprehensive Document
FOREWORD The need to prepare a clear and comprehensive document on the Punjab problem has been felt by the Sikh community for a very long time. With the release of this White Paper, the S.G.P.C. has fulfilled this long-felt need of the community. It takes cognisance of all aspects of the problem-historical, socio-economic, political and ideological. The approach of the Indian Government has been too partisan and negative to take into account a complete perspective of the multidimensional problem. The government White Paper focusses only on the law and order aspect, deliberately ignoring a careful examination of the issues and processes that have compounded the problem. The state, with its aggressive publicity organs, has often, tried to conceal the basic facts and withhold the genocide of the Sikhs conducted in Punjab in the name of restoring peace. Operation Black Out, conducted in full collaboration with the media, has often led to the circulation of one-sided versions of the problem, adding to the poignancy of the plight of the Sikhs. Record has to be put straight for people and posterity. But it requires volumes to make a full disclosure of the long history of betrayal, discrimination, political trickery, murky intrigues, phoney negotiations and repression which has led to blood and tears, trauma and torture for the Sikhs over the past five decades. Moreover, it is not possible to gather full information, without access to government records. This document has been prepared on the basis of available evidence to awaken the voices of all those who love justice to the understanding of the Sikh point of view. -
Mapping the 'Khalistan' Movement, 1930-1947: an Overview
Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan Volume No. 55, Issue No. 1(January - June, 2018) Samina Iqbal * Rukhsana Yasmeen** Kalsoom Hanif *** Ghulam Shabir **** Mapping the ‘Khalistan’ Movement, 1930-1947: An overview Abstract This study attempts to understand the struggle of the Sikhs of the Punjab, during the colonial period (1930-1947), for their separate home-land- Khalistan, which to date have been an unfinished agenda. They still feel they have missed the train by joining hands with the Congress Party. There is strong feeling sometime it comes out in shape of upsurge of freedom of moments in the East Punjab. Therefore it is important to understand what was common understanding of the Sikh about the freedom struggle and how they reacted to national movements and why they filed to achieve a separate homeland-Khalistan. The problem is that the Sikh demands have so been ignored by the British government of India and His Majesty’s Government in England. These demands were also were not given proper attention by the Government of Punjab, Muslim leadership and Congress. Although the Sikhs had a voice in the politics and economic spheres their numerical distribution in the Punjab meant that they were concerted in any particular areas. Therefore they remained a minority and could only achieve a small voting strength under separate electorates. The other significant factor working against the Sikh community was that the leadership representing was factionalized and disunited, thus leading to a lack of united representation during the freedom struggle and thus their demand for the creation of a Sikh state could not become a force to reckon. -
The Great Calcutta Killings Noakhali Genocide
1946 : THE GREAT CALCUTTA KILLINGS AND NOAKHALI GENOCIDE 1946 : THE GREAT CALCUTTA KILLINGS AND NOAKHALI GENOCIDE A HISTORICAL STUDY DINESH CHANDRA SINHA : ASHOK DASGUPTA No part of this publication can be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without the prior permission of the author and the publisher. Published by Sri Himansu Maity 3B, Dinabandhu Lane Kolkata-700006 Edition First, 2011 Price ` 500.00 (Rupees Five Hundred Only) US $25 (US Dollars Twenty Five Only) © Reserved Printed at Mahamaya Press & Binding, Kolkata Available at Tuhina Prakashani 12/C, Bankim Chatterjee Street Kolkata-700073 Dedication In memory of those insatiate souls who had fallen victims to the swords and bullets of the protagonist of partition and Pakistan; and also those who had to undergo unparalleled brutality and humility and then forcibly uprooted from ancestral hearth and home. PREFACE What prompted us in writing this Book. As the saying goes, truth is the first casualty of war; so is true history, the first casualty of India’s struggle for independence. We, the Hindus of Bengal happen to be one of the worst victims of Islamic intolerance in the world. Bengal, which had been under Islamic attack for centuries, beginning with the invasion of the Turkish marauder Bakhtiyar Khilji eight hundred years back. We had a respite from Islamic rule for about two hundred years after the English East India Company defeated the Muslim ruler of Bengal. Siraj-ud-daulah in 1757. But gradually, Bengal had been turned into a Muslim majority province. -
The Sikh Prayer)
Acknowledgements My sincere thanks to: Professor Emeritus Dr. Darshan Singh and Prof Parkash Kaur (Chandigarh), S. Gurvinder Singh Shampura (member S.G.P.C.), Mrs Panninder Kaur Sandhu (nee Pammy Sidhu), Dr Gurnam Singh (p.U. Patiala), S. Bhag Singh Ankhi (Chief Khalsa Diwan, Amritsar), Dr. Gurbachan Singh Bachan, Jathedar Principal Dalbir Singh Sattowal (Ghuman), S. Dilbir Singh and S. Awtar Singh (Sikh Forum, Kolkata), S. Ravinder Singh Khalsa Mohali, Jathedar Jasbinder Singh Dubai (Bhai Lalo Foundation), S. Hardarshan Singh Mejie (H.S.Mejie), S. Jaswant Singh Mann (Former President AISSF), S. Gurinderpal Singh Dhanaula (Miri-Piri Da! & Amritsar Akali Dal), S. Satnam Singh Paonta Sahib and Sarbjit Singh Ghuman (Dal Khalsa), S. Amllljit Singh Dhawan, Dr Kulwinder Singh Bajwa (p.U. Patiala), Khoji Kafir (Canada), Jathedar Amllljit Singh Chandi (Uttrancbal), Jathedar Kamaljit Singh Kundal (Sikh missionary), Jathedar Pritam Singh Matwani (Sikh missionary), Dr Amllljit Kaur Ibben Kalan, Ms Jagmohan Kaur Bassi Pathanan, Ms Gurdeep Kaur Deepi, Ms. Sarbjit Kaur. S. Surjeet Singh Chhadauri (Belgium), S Kulwinder Singh (Spain), S, Nachhatar Singh Bains (Norway), S Bhupinder Singh (Holland), S. Jageer Singh Hamdard (Birmingham), Mrs Balwinder Kaur Chahal (Sourball), S. Gurinder Singh Sacha, S.Arvinder Singh Khalsa and S. Inder Singh Jammu Mayor (ali from south-east London), S.Tejinder Singh Hounslow, S Ravinder Singh Kundra (BBC), S Jameet Singh, S Jawinder Singh, Satchit Singh, Jasbir Singh Ikkolaha and Mohinder Singh (all from Bristol), Pritam Singh 'Lala' Hounslow (all from England). Dr Awatar Singh Sekhon, S. Joginder Singh (Winnipeg, Canada), S. Balkaran Singh, S. Raghbir Singh Samagh, S. Manjit Singh Mangat, S. -
Damaging Punjabi: 1947 and After Master Tara Singh and Pundit Nehru
Chapter 5 Damaging Punjabi: 1947 and After Master Tara Singh and Pundit Nehru As far as I have studied, observed, and experienced, it is apparently very difficult to be hopeful about the future of the Punjabi language. It is good as well as not good news that the patient will not die soon, but the question is where ultimately a long and protracted illness leads to? History has disoriented all Punjabis – Hindus, Sikhs, and Muslims. Muslim Punjabis have yet to discover the heritage of their language. Sikhs since 1947 are in a perpetual quarrel with Delhi and Hindus. And this is not without a background. And Hindu Punjabis, to what extent I am not sure, very unfortunately, have disowned their mother-tongue. And this had happened under the nose of Pundit Nehru. If not before Partition, had he understood the implications and had the capabilities, he would have cornered the Punjabi Hindus on abandoning Punjabi language and forced them back to their ‘homes’. How an enlightened leader can let his people disown their heritage due to some transitory and superficial issues? This was a Himalayan blunder of Punjabi Hindus and they belonged to Congress party! On the other hand, it is impossible to find any wisdom on the part of Sikhs to embark on such political agitation immediately after Partition what ultimately materialized into the Punjabi Suba demand. Before we take up Punjab, let us go to South India and see Pundit Nehru’s working there with an eye on the historical process. It will help us in Punjab. Pundit Nehru and Andhra State Earlier in 1920, the members of the Indian National Congress had agreed on the linguistic reorganization of the Indian states as one of the party's political goals. -
Picture of Muslim Politics in India Before Wavell's
Muhammad Iqbal Chawala PICTURE OF MUSLIM POLITICS IN INDIA BEFORE WAVELL’S VICEROYALTY The Hindu-Muslim conflict in India had entered its final phase in the 1940’s. The Muslim League, on the basis of the Two-Nation Theory, had been demanding a separate homeland for the Muslims of India. The movement for Pakistan was getting into full steam at the time of Wavell’s arrival to India in October 1943 although it was opposed by an influential section of the Muslims. This paper examines the Muslim politics in India and also highlights the background of their demand for a separate homeland. It analyzes the nature, programme and leadership of the leading Muslim political parties in India. It also highlights their aims and objectives for gaining an understanding of their future behaviour. Additionally, it discusses the origin and evolution of the British policy in India, with special reference to the Muslim problem. Moreover, it tries to understand whether Wavell’s experiences in India, first as a soldier and then as the Commander-in-Chief, proved helpful to him in understanding the mood of the Muslim political scene in India. British Policy in India Wavell was appointed as the Viceroy of India upon the retirement of Lord Linlithgow in October 1943. He was no stranger to India having served here on two previous occasions. His first-ever posting in India was at Ambala in 1903 and his unit moved to the NWFP in 1904 as fears mounted of a war with 75 76 [J.R.S.P., Vol. 45, No. 1, 2008] Russia.1 His stay in the Frontier province left deep and lasting impressions on him. -
Syllabus for MA History (Previous)
Syllabus for M.A History (Previous) Compulsory Paper I: Muslim Freedom Movement in India 1857-1947 Events: The War of Independence and its Aftermath – the Indian National Congress and the Muslims of India – The Aligarh Movement, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan: Political, Educational and Literary Services, the Deoband Movement and its role in the socio-political and educational progress of Indian Muslims, the partition of Bengal – the Simla Deputation – the creation of All India Muslim League – Nawab Mohsin ul Mulk and Nawab Waqar ul Mulk: their services to the cause of Indian Muslims, Syed Ameer Ali: Political and literary achievements and services, the Indian Councils Act of 1909, Hindu Muslim Unity and the Lucknow Pact – the Khilafat and Hijrat Movements – Maulana Mohammad Ali Jauhar: Services and Achievements, the Government of India Act 1919, the Simon Commission and the Nehru Report – Political Philosophy of Allama Mohammad Iqbal, Iqbal’s Allahabad Address – Round Table Conference 1930-1932 (First Session, Gandhi Irwin Pact and the Second Session, The Communal Award of 1932 and the Third Session) – Government of India Act 1935 – the Elections of 1937 and the Congress Rule in the provinces – the Lahore Resolution – Cripps Mission – Cabinet Mission – June 3rd Plan – the Controversy about the Governor- Generalship of Pakistan – Mohammad Ali Jinnah: Leadership and Achievements, the Radcliffe Boundary Commission Award Recommended Readings: Ishtiaq Hussain Qureshi, Struggle for Pakistan. Karachi: University of Karachi, 1969. Dr. Waheed-uz- Zaman, Towards Pakistan. Lahore: Publishers United Ltd., nd. Adbul Hamid, Muslim Separtism in India. Lahore: Oxford University Press, 1971. Khalid Bin Sayeed, Pakistan: The Formative Phase 1857-1948. -
Sikh Ethnonationalism and Its Contested Articulation During Militancy in Punjab
25 Kuldip Singh: Sikh Ethnonationalism Sikh Ethnonationalism and Its Contested Articulation During Militancy in Punjab Kuldip Singh Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar _______________________________________________________________ This paper examines the evolution and construction of Sikh ethnonationalism from the beginnings of the faith to the period of militancy in Punjab in the 1980s/90s. While the militants enjoyed great community support immediately after Operation Bluestar and through the late 1980s, their version of Sikh ethnonationalism failed to resonate sustainably with the Sikh masses. In this paper, I highlight how militant violence pivoted from being politically oriented to being more indiscriminant in its targets. The Sikh masses, who eventually became victims of this violence, saw it as being at odds with Sikh values. I argue that this was the crucial reason for the militant version of Sikh ethnonationalism waning, and ultimately failing. This argument is demonstrated by examining the writings and editorials of various Sikh leaders, including some militant leaders who criticized the eventual degradation of militant violence and raised questions about its congruence with historical Sikh values and ethnonationalism. ________________________________________________________________ Introduction This paper examines the evolution and construction of Sikh ethnonationalism from the beginnings of the faith to the period of militancy in Punjab in the 1980s/90s. Specifically, it tries to answer why the particular construction of Sikh ethnonationalism espoused by the militants during the separatist movement of the 1980s/90s eventually failed to resonate with the Sikh masses of Punjab. This is an important question, considering the fact that the militants appeared to have significant community support immediately after Operation Bluestar and through the late-1980s. -
Muslim Urban Politics in Colonial Punjab: Majlis-I-Ahrar's Early Activism
235 Samina Awan: Muslim Urban Politics Muslim Urban Politics in Colonial Punjab: Majlis-i-Ahrar’s Early Activism Samina Awan Allama Iqbal Open University, Pakistan ________________________________________________________________ The British annexed Punjab in 1849, and established a new system of administration in form and spirit. They also introduced western education, canal colonies and a modern system of transportation, which had its impact on the urban population. In rural Punjab they collaborated with the landlords and feudal elite to get their support in strengthening the province as ‘grain basket’ for the British Army. The Majlis-i-Ahrar-i-Islam(hereafter MAI) was an urban Muslim organisation, comprised of ex-Khilafatists, trained in agitational politics during the period 1919-1929, many of whom were ex-Congrssites. Ahrar leaders split with the INC over the issue of the Nehru Report in 1929. Soon after the formation of the new party, they decided to participate in INC-led civil disobedience movement of 1930 and were interred in large numbers. The MAI’s platform was based on a united India, but one, which was free from imperial control, anti-feudal, with less economic disparities and had an Islamic system for the Muslims of India. _______________________________________________________________ Introduction A number of religio-political movements emerged from Punjab during the first half of the twentieth century. A study of the history, politics and social structure of Punjab is necessary in order to understand these movements. The Majlis-i- Ahrar-i-Islam (MAI) was founded in 1929 in Lahore, and reflected a unique blend of religion and politics in the multi-cultural province of Punjab in British India. -
The Sikh Dilemma: the Partition of Punjab 1947
The Sikh Dilemma: The Partition of Punjab 1947 Busharat Elahi Jamil Abstract The Partition of India 1947 resulted in the Partition of the Punjab into two, East and West. The 3rd June Plan gave a sense of uneasiness and generated the division of dilemma among the large communities of the British Punjab like Muslims, Hindus and Sikh besetting a holocaust. This situation was beneficial for the British and the Congress. The Sikh community with the support of Congress wanted the proportion of the Punjab according to their own violation by using different modules of deeds. On the other hand, for Muslims the largest populous group of the Punjab, by using the platform of Muslim League showed the resentment because they wanted the decision on the Punjab according to their requirements. Consequently the conflict caused the world’s bloodiest partition and the largest migration of the history. Introduction The Sikhs were the third largest community of the United Punjab before India’s partition. The Sikhs had the historic religious, economic and socio-political roots in the Punjab. Since the annexation of the Punjab, they were faithful with the British rulers and had an influence in the Punjabi society, even enjoying various privileges. But in the 20th century, the Muslims 90 Pakistan Vision Vol. 17 No. 1 Independence Movement in India was not only going to divide the Punjab but also causing the division of the Sikh community between East and West Punjab, which confused the Sikh leadership. So according to the political scenarios in different timings, Sikh leadership changed their demands and started to present different solutions of the Sikh enigma for the geographical transformation of the province. -
Review Article: Master Tara Singh in Indian History: Colonialism, Nationalism, and the Politics of Sikh Identity
331 R. Tanwar: Review – Master Tara Singh Review Article: Master Tara Singh in Indian History: Colonialism, Nationalism, and the Politics of Sikh Identity Raghuvendra Tanwar Emeritus Professor of History, Kurukshetra University and Director, Haryana Academy of History and Culture, Kurukshetra ________________________________________________________________ J.S. Grewal, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2017, i‐xv, pp.757, price Rs. 2595 ________________________________________________________________ J.S. Grewal’s important recent study, Master Tara Singh in Indian History: Colonialism, Nationalism, and the Politics of Sikh Identity (Oxford) has a photograph on the title page that shows Tara Singh in discussion with Maulana Azad. Standing just alongside Tara Singh is Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Gobind Vallabh Pant, Pakistan’s future Prime Minister Liaqat Ali and S. Rajagopalacharia. The clothes that Tara Singh was wearing had probably not even been ironed. And yet the body language leaves little in doubt that Tara Singh was the key figure in the photograph. There are two other photographs in the book as well. In one, Sir Stafford Cripps is leaning over a seated Tara Singh and trying to draw his attention. Another photograph shows Tara Singh in conversation with Jinnah. One can easily notice the stare and the toughness in Tara Singh’s gaze as he looks Jinnah straight in the eyes. What is even more interesting in this photograph is that as all the top leaders have reverently lined up to be introduced to Lady Wavell, the Master appears casual and indifferent. To appreciate the political complexities of the time when the Panth put on the stout shoulders of Tara Singh the responsibility to ensure that its interests were adequately safeguarded, one has to go back a few decades as most events and key players appear linked in a chain. -
Separating the Wheat from the Chaff Meerut and the Creation of “Official” Communism in India
Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East Separating the Wheat from the Chaff Meerut and the Creation of “Official” Communism in India Ali Raza ew events have been as significant for the leftist movement in colonial India as the Meerut Conspir- acy Case. At the time, the case captured the imagination of virtually all political sections in British India as well as left- leaning organizations around the globe. It also defined the way in which the FLeft viewed itself and conducted its politics. Since then, the case has continued to attract the attention of historians working on the Indian Left. Indeed, it is difficult to come across any work on the Left that does not accord a prominent place to Meerut. Despite this, the case has been viewed mostly in terms that tend to diminish its larger significance. For one, within the rather substantial body of literature devoted to the Indian Left, there have been very few works that examine the case with any degree of depth. Most of those have been authored by the Left itself or by political activists who were defendants in the case. Whether authored by the Left or by academ- ics, the literature generally contends that the Raj failed in its objective to administer a fatal blow to “com- munism” in India. Instead, it’s commonly thought that the trial actually provided a fillip to communist politics in India.1 Not only did the courtroom provide an unprecedented opportunity to the accused to openly articulate their political beliefs, but it also generated public sympathy for communism.