Muslim Urban Politics in Colonial Punjab: Majlis-I-Ahrar's Early Activism
Total Page：16
File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb
235 Samina Awan: Muslim Urban Politics Muslim Urban Politics in Colonial Punjab: Majlis-i-Ahrar’s Early Activism Samina Awan Allama Iqbal Open University, Pakistan ________________________________________________________________ The British annexed Punjab in 1849, and established a new system of administration in form and spirit. They also introduced western education, canal colonies and a modern system of transportation, which had its impact on the urban population. In rural Punjab they collaborated with the landlords and feudal elite to get their support in strengthening the province as ‘grain basket’ for the British Army. The Majlis-i-Ahrar-i-Islam(hereafter MAI) was an urban Muslim organisation, comprised of ex-Khilafatists, trained in agitational politics during the period 1919-1929, many of whom were ex-Congrssites. Ahrar leaders split with the INC over the issue of the Nehru Report in 1929. Soon after the formation of the new party, they decided to participate in INC-led civil disobedience movement of 1930 and were interred in large numbers. The MAI’s platform was based on a united India, but one, which was free from imperial control, anti-feudal, with less economic disparities and had an Islamic system for the Muslims of India. _______________________________________________________________ Introduction A number of religio-political movements emerged from Punjab during the first half of the twentieth century. A study of the history, politics and social structure of Punjab is necessary in order to understand these movements. The Majlis-i- Ahrar-i-Islam (MAI) was founded in 1929 in Lahore, and reflected a unique blend of religion and politics in the multi-cultural province of Punjab in British India. Its career raised and spawned both concerns and suspicions about its ideology and activism. Until the last decades of the nineteenth century, the Punjabi peasants did not have any proprietary rights in land; as the community collectively constituted the proprietary unit. It was difficult to alienate land from the cultivator without the consent of the whole community. The communal terms, like ‘individual rights’, ‘property’, the ‘purchasing power of money’ and ‘attachment and sale’, were beyond the comprehension of cultivators.1 The rural character of society was encouraged and fostered by giving proprietory rights to the peasants, and integrating the rural aristocracy into the administrative system. The British Legal System, which was based on Rivaj-i-Aam or Customary Laws, did not offend the religious or racial identities of people of Punjab, and provided agricultural classes with proprietory right in land, which was transferable. It gave a sense of security but at the same time was leading the Muslim peasantry JPS: 16:2 236 to indebtedness to the Hindu moneylenders. Within a decade of annexation, steps were taken to correct this situation under a new ‘Punjab tradition’.2 The Land Alienation Act of 1900 stopped transfer of land from agriculturalists to moneylenders, and the large-scale canal irrigation brought vast new areas under cultivation. By 1920, Punjab had been ruled by the British for seventy years, which had brought about changes in the society at all levels. The introduction of western education, new revenue settlement and administrative system, the construction of canals, colonisation of canal-irrigated lands, and the development of railways, had led to major social changes. Once law and order had been established, the British instituted alliances with the rural elite, in order to strengthen their rule. While the presidencies of Bengal, Madras and Bombay helped to maintain trade and commerce, Punjab played the role of a ‘grain basket’ for the sub-continent, from the late 19th century onwards. Punjabi peasants were recruited in the army and police, in large numbers, which converted Punjab into the sword arm of India. Punjabi society in the early 20th century comprised of a predominantly rural population, which had been further consolidated with the irrigation schemes and land settlements. The Muslim community in Punjab was founded on a kinship-based system, and in several cases lacked the strict caste-based divisions. The organisation of society depended upon tribal affiliations, and instead of social and economic factors, political allegiance underwrote tribal solidarity; whereas caste reflected only professional and social identity. Identical groups (Jats, Rajputs, Gujjars, Pashtuns, Sayeds, and Qureshis) represented different layers of classes of society, if one could literally use the barometer of such a classification for a rural setup.3 The politico-administrative arrangements made by the new rulers, the economic changes brought about by their policies and measures, threw up a new middle class, which was more prosperous, literate, and influential than its predecessors. Gradually, this class assumed the leadership of Punjab in social, cultural and political matters. The possibility of participation in the politics of Punjab, kept these Punjabis active in society. The British, though neutral, thought in terms of religious communities. The leaders of this new middle class often reacted to the activities of Christian missionaries, and in a way, their interaction also defined their respective communal identity. The movements for reforms and revival sprang up in Punjab, the way they had been evolving in Bengal and the UP. Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs, all redefined their collectivities; which were based on their languages, traditions and cultures with Hindi, Urdu and English largely displacing Persian and Punjabi. The Hunter Education Report of 1882 failed to attract Muslims towards modern western education in a significant way. The rural nature of their community, and a sense of political loss among the Muslim elite, engendered such alienation. They were in a phase of lamentation after losing political power to the British, and were not willing to accept the Hindu majority as equals. The government blamed Muslims for not educating themselves, without understanding, that, they could not afford the cost of modern education, as traditional madrasa education was free and in tune with their cultural and 237 Samina Awan: Muslim Urban Politics religious values.4 Reformation of the traditional Muslim instruction was also overdue, for without appropriate education, every opportunity, whether political or social, was foreclosed on the community.5 It is not surprising that both the traditional revivalist and the modern reformist movements, sought in their own ways, mobilised Indian Muslims in their cultural and social pursuits.6 The emergence of several Muslim political organisations from these cultural and educational movements is a complex process, which directly impacted the Muslim elite, Ashraaf.7 A new political chapter opened in Punjab in the early twentieth century and was dominated by leaders like Sir Muhammad Iqbal (1875-1938), Lala Lajpat Rai (1865-1928)8, Sir Muhammad Shafi (1869-1932)9, and Sir Fazl-i-Husain (1877-1936).10 It was a new phase in agitational politics, and it began to impact on the people at large. These political stirrings resulted in the creation of political organisations, such as the MAI, Khaksars, Mahasabha, Unionist Party and Akali Dal. Formation of the Party The Majlis-i-Ahrar-i-Islam11 was founded in Lahore on 29 December 1929.12 The dominant group amongst its founders was the dissident Punjab section of the Khilafatists,13 who were influenced by Maulana Abul Kalam Azad (1889- 1958).14 The Khilafat Movement was aimed at the preservation of the Ottoman Empire, which was the symbol of the unity of Ummah for the Muslims of India. In the wake of the Khilafat Movement, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi had already started his Non-Cooperation Movement against the British government in India, by forming an alliance with the Ali Brothers and the ulama of Farangimahal.15 The guiding spirit and the main financier behind the Central Khilafat Committee was Haji Mian Jan Muhammad Chotani (1873-1932), a businessman from Bombay. Abul Kalam Azad, Maulana Shaukat Ali (1873- 1938), Maulana Muhammad Ali (1878-1931), Maulana Hasrat Mohani, Dr. Mukhtar A. Ansari, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan (1890-1988) and Saif-ud-Din Kichlew were some of the prominent leaders of this Pan-Islamic movement, which created a cadre of political workers tempered and trained in the art of agitation, strikes, mass meetings, processions and willing to be jailed in large numbers. After the Turkish victory and the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923, while the apprehensions about the independence of Turkey receded, their concerns about the fate of the Caliphate remained amongst the Muslims of South Asia. The Khilafat Movement suffered a setback when M. K. Gandhi called off the Non-Cooperation Movement in response to the riots in Kerala. The Khilafat Movement became a lost cause when Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the leader of the revolution in Turkey, abolished the Caliphate in 1924. One of the Khilafat leaders, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, issued a religious decree supporting the action of Ataturk, which the new Turkish government distributed in the form of leaflets.16 The Muslim movements like Khudai Khidmatgars in the NWFP17 and Khaksars in Punjab,18 all came into being with the efforts of the former Khilafatists and pro-INC nationalists. To some extent, Muslims had to forget JPS: 16:2 238 their basic differences with the Hindus during the Khilafat Movement. For a short period of time, the idea of Hindu-Muslim unity was fostered by nationalists such as Mukhtar Ahmad Ansari (1880-1936), along with a group of ulama led by Abdul Bari Farangi Mahal (1878-1926).19 The primary reason for the formation of MAI was the dissension among the Khilafatists in Punjab. After the decline of the Khilafat Movement, the Punjabi Khilafatists had developed and maintained their autonomous identity within the All-India Khilafat Committee, and their critics denigrated them by referring to them as the Punjabi toli.20 After the break with Maulana Shaukat Ali and the Central Khilafat Committee, the ex-Khilafatists from Punjab sought help and guidance from Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, who advised that they should organise themselves into a regular political party.