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Khalistan: A History of the ’ Struggle from Communal Award to Partition of 1947

This Dissertation is Being Submitted To The University Of The In Partial Fulfillment Of The Requirements For The Degree Of Doctor Of Philosophy In History

Ph. D Thesis

Submitted By Samina Iqbal Roll No. 1

Supervisor Prof. Dr. Iqbal Chawla

Department of History and Studies , March, 2020

Khalistan: A History of the Sikhs’ Struggle from Communal Award to 1947

Declaration

I, hereby, declare that this Ph. D thesis titled “Khalistan: A History of the Sikhs’ Struggle from Communal Award to Partition of India 1947” is the result of my personal research and is not being submitted concurrently to any other University for any degree or whatsoever.

Samina Iqbal

Ph. D. Scholar

Dedication

To my husband, my mother, beloved kids and all the people in my life who touch my heart and encouraged me.

Certificate by Supervisor

Certificate by Research Supervisor

This is to certify that Samina Iqbal has completed her Dissertation entitled “Khalistan: A History of the Sikhs’ Struggle from Communal Award to Partition of India 1947” under my supervision. It fulfills the requirements necessary for submission of the dissertation for the Doctor of Philosophy in History.

Supervisor

Chairman, Department of History & Pakistan Studies,

University of the Punjab,

Submitted Through

Prof. Dr. Chawla

Prof. Dr. Muhammad Iqbal Chawla

Dean, Faculty of Arts & Humanities,

University of the Punjab, Lahore.

Acknowledgement

Allah is most merciful and forgiving. I can never thank Allah enough for the countless bounties. He blessed me with knowledge, sound health, and peace to achieve my educational goal and also want to present my humble thanks to Holy Prophet Muhammad (SAW) who taught us the purpose of life.

I would like to pay gratitude and special thanks to my supervisor Prof. Dr. Muhammad Iqbal Chawla Chairman, Department of History & Pakistan Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore, from core of my heart for his immense cooperative, supportive, and courageous behavior throughout my journey. Without his help and motivation I would not have been able to complete this research. Despite a busy schedule, he always kept his door open to sort out my problems and dilemmas regarding research. He watched my progress over the years and very kindly spared time to discuss my problems related to the topic. His guidance and immense knowledge enlightened my thinking. I could not have imagined having a better advisor and mentor for my Ph.D study.

I would like to express my sincere gratitude to Dr Pippa Virdee Head of History Senior lecturer of Modern South Asian History, School of Humanities, De Montfort University Leicester, England for her support and guidance related to my research and stay in England. I will always remember her friendly and cooperative behavior. I am indebted to Dr Tahir Kamran who facilitated me at Center of South Asian Studies Cambridge University. He provided me with opportunity to access newspaper collection related to my research. I will always remember Dr Tanveer Aujum from Quaid-i-Azam University and a renowned historian Dr Tej from SOAS University, London as a source of encouragement and unconditional support.

I would like to present my thanks to my whole family; my loving mother for her love and prayers, my husband for his cooperation and sacrifices, my sons for their help encouragement and in technical assistance in arranging my work. Especially I am really indebted of my beloved daughter Sheeza Mahak, who looked after my family and took all the burden of my responsibilities while I was scanning British Library in London. She helped me in my write up, as she went through each page of the preliminary as well as the final draft. She read out my research many times and made valuable suggestions and also gave me encouragement. I am thankful to all those people who were being source of inspiration for me and whom encouragement push me to accomplish my research. Beside knowledge I am bestowed with many sincere friends. Dr Robina Shoab, her friendly companionship saved me from homesickness. I would like to say special thanks to Tayyba and Sadia who welcomed me in London and Rehana and Razia who opened their homes to me during my stay there

Samina Iqbal Date: ______

Contents Abstract ...... IV Abbreviations ...... VII List of Tables ……………………………………………………………………………………Viii List of Maps……………………………………………………………………………………… IX

List of

Introduction ...... 1 Literature Review ...... 9 Methodology ...... 19 Organization of Study ...... 21 CHAPTER – 1 ...... 23 The Colonial Punjab: Settlement Pettern of Sikh ...... 23 Introduction: ...... 23 The Punjab: ...... 23 The Punjab and British Policy ...... 25 Canal Colonies ...... 29 Land Distribution by Caste and Community ...... 31 Sidhnai Colony ...... 31 Sohag Para (Lower Bari Doab) ...... 32 Settlement Lower Bari Doab Colony ...... 32 Sikh Princely States ...... 37 Political Consciousness in Punjab ...... 39 and Sikh ...... 41 ...... 41 Sikh Castes ...... 46 Commercial or Trading Castes ...... 47 Zamindar Castes ...... 48 Artisan Castes ...... 49 Service Castes ...... 49

1.1. Conclusion 49 CHAPTER - 2...... 51 Sikhs’ Political Moblization: Causes and Effects ...... 51

I

Introduction ...... 51 Sikhs’ Political Parties and Movements ...... 51 Sikh Political Parties Established Abroad but Working in Punjab ...... 52 Kuka Movement (1871)...... 52 The (CKD) ...... 56 Bharat Mata Society (1906) and Agrarian Movement (1907) ...... 57 The (CSL) ...... 57 Shiromani (SAD): ...... 60 Shiromani Parbandhak Committee(SGPC)...... 60 Gurdwara Reform Movement ...... 61 Nabha Agitation and Jaito Akand Path ...... 64 Gurdwara Reforms ...... 67 Kirti Kisan Lehar(KKL) ...... 69 Khalsa National Party: ...... 72 Khalsa Diwan Society and Pacific Coast Khalsa Diwan Society ...... 72 United India League (UIL): ...... 73 Pacific Coast of Association (PCHA) ...... 74 Sikhs’ Response on Nehru Committee Report ...... 75 Sikhs’ Mobilization on Religious Issues ...... 78

1.2. Conclusion 80 CHAPTER - 3...... 81 The Communal Award and Response of the Sikh Community ...... 81 Introduction: ...... 81 Pre- Award Sikhs’ Activities ...... 89 Reaction after Announcement of Award ...... 93 Communal Representation in Province and Center Legislatives in British White Paper 1932.93 Implications and Impacts of Communal Award ...... 101

1.3. Conclusion 112 CHAPTER - 4...... 114 Sikh’s Demand for A Separate State: A Fresh Light ...... 114 Introduction ...... 114 and Sikh ...... 121 Cripps Proposal ...... 125 Communist Sikhs Approach ...... 131 Congressites Sikhs ...... 133 Chakravarti Rajagopalachari Formula ...... 133 II

Elections 1946 ...... 134 Communist Sikh and Elections ...... 140 Communist party in Elections ...... 141 Cabinet Mission Plan ...... 142

1.4. Conclusion 147 CHAPTER - 5...... 149 Khalistan Scheme: Challenges And Opportunities...... 149 Introduction: ...... 149 Antiquity of Separatism among Sikhs ...... 149 Third June Plan ...... 166 Boundary Commission ...... 175 Distrubance in Punjab ...... 181 Conclusion: ...... 183 Conclusion: ...... 185 Appendices …………………………………………………………………………………….. 216

Bibliography ...... 215

III

Abstract

The Sikhs’ separatist movement, the ‘’ denotes for the case of autonomous some extent complete independent Sikh State, ‘Khalistan’ in India. The Sikh started their movement during the colonial period but compromised to live in India with the promise to be granted an autonomous state within India; however their mission for separate Sikh state is still unexecuted. Before and after colonial period the Sikhs have been struggling for a separate homeland which shows resilience political past of the Sikh nation. In the heated religion-based politics of the British Punjab, minorities; Sikhs, Christians and have never enjoyed peace and compatibility among each other due to British policies and ’ extremism. Consequently many politically sagacious Sikhs carved a map of separate homeland of their own where they could live without any fear of absorption with other communities. In this connection they adopted constitutional means since early twenties of twentieth century and on their failing they turned their constitutional battle in to armed struggle in 1940s. The Sikh community of Punjab was extremely involved in the communal politics of the region between1930 to 1947 particularly after the announcement of Communal Award. In later years their struggle entered in critical phase. The British government failed to satisfy the Sikh community on the eve of partition and the Sikhs’ decision, however, was fixed within two options either Pakistan or India. Jinnah gave them a reasonable proposal of 30 percent representation but Sikhs rejected the Jinnah’s offer. They believed on Congress assurance and made their decision in favour of India. Sikh leadership decided to accept the promises of the Congress for a Sikh so nearly all of them moved to India in 1947. Sikh nation is one of those nations who are still experiencing ethnic and racial challenges and conflicts on their own soil. This study accomplishes thirst to understand the Sikhs’ struggle in the colonial Punjab during the period 1932-1947, for their separate home-land ‘Khalistan’, that was not only ignored by British Masters but Sikh leaders also played their cards non-seriously so to date have been an fragmentary plan. Presently Sikh leaders are feeling that they were on wrong pole and they had lost their destination by depending and trusting on the Congress work plan. Much has been produced on the role of Sikh in the Freedom movement but historians have not academically and in depth study of Sikh urge for a separate homeland during the period under discussion. Nor they have analyzed the factors of their factions, dissension and division on the matter of Sikh state in India. Mostly writers hold Congress responsible for the Sikh failure to achieve their separate homeland in India but very few have focused on the leader’s thoughts and actions to achieve it. Therefore, this study would IV

examine the origin and growth of separate identity of the Sikh struggle from 1932 and their role in the freedom struggle of India and would also investigate why they were failed to achieve a separate homeland ‘Khalistan’ in 1947.

V

Abbreviations

AKS Kisan Sabha

BMS Bharat Mata Society

BOR Board of revenue

CAD Central Akali Dal

CKD Chief Khalsa Diwan

CID Criminal Investigation Department

CSL Central Sikh League

GM

HGP Hidustan Ghadar Party

H.M.G High Majesty Government

IOR India Office Library

KDS Khalsa Diwan Society

KKL Kirti Kisan Lehar

KKP Kirti Kisan Party

NBS Naujawan Bharat Sabha

NCM Non-Cooperation Movement

NKP Khalsa National Party

NNF Native Newspapers Files

NPP National Prograssive Party

PCKDS Pacific Coast Khalsa Diwan Society

PCHA Pacific Coast of Hindi Association

PGR Punjab Governor Report

P.P.A.I Punjab Police Abstract of Intellegence

PKL Punjab Kisan League

PUSP Punjab United Sikh Party

RTC Round Table Conferences

S.

SAD VI

SAF Sikh Affairs Files

SGPC Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee

UIL United India League

VII

List of Tables

1. Canal Colonies establishment cost in the Punjab 1886-1926 33

2. Sindhnai Colony: Allotted area and Muslim,Hindu and Sikh 34 Grantees

3. Sohag Para (Lower Bari Doab): Allotted area and Grantees 35

4. Settlement Lower Bari Doab Colony (community wise) 35

5. Distribution of Land (Immigrants) Upper Chenab Colony 36

6. Distribution of Land (Indigenous) Upper Chenab Colony 36

7. The Population of Sikhs 1881-1931 49

8. Sikh Political Parties Established in Punjab 57

9. Sikh Political Parties Established Abroad but Working in 57 Punjab

10. General Distribution of the Population by Religion 1921, 61 1931.

11. Punjab Divisions Population(in Thousand) Table According 92 To 1921 Census,(in total population other communities are included)

12. Awarded Communal Representations in Province and Center 103 in British White Paper 1932.

13. Punjab Communal position according to censes 1931 113

14. Election 1936-37 Results of the Punjab. 117

15. First Unionist Ministry: (April 1, 1937 – Dec 30, 1942). 117

16. Ministry Position 1938-1945 118

17. Sikh Population Table in Different Areas of the Punjab. 152

18. During the 1946-47 Community Figures in the Punjab 162 Districts

VIII

List of Maps

1: First suggested demarcation by Boundary Commission 213 2: Muslim Suggestion for divission to Boundary Commission for 214 demarcation of Punjab

3: Final division of Punjab by Boundary Commission 215

IX

List of Appendices

1: Punjab Ministry composition 1938-1945 216 2: A Scheme of Redistribution of the Punjab 217 (Memorandum by Sardar Ujjal Singh) 3: Sikh Demand: Transfer of Population and Property.(Civil Military Gazette, Lahore, 15 June 1947). 220 4: Viceroy Mountbatten note on Maintaining the Unity of the Sikh People. 221 5: The Copy of Resolution No: 1 passed by 5th All India Akali Conference held at Lahore on 15, October, 1944. 222 6: A Letter to Mountbatten from May 1, 1947. 224 7: The Census Report 1941 Land Revenue in Districts of the Punjab 226 8: Sikh Memorandum to the Cabinet Mission 228 9: A Copy of Presidential Address In The Open Session of The Akali conference held at Pherala(Lyallpur) on the 6TH April 1940 from to Sahib Bhadur Kapurthalla. 230 10: Declaration of Cripps Mission submitted on 29 March 1942 235 11: Governor of Punjab Report to Viceroy Mountbatten July 10, 1947. 237

X

Introduction The study explores, investigates and analyzes the Sikhs’ separatist movement, the ‘Khalistan Movement’, usually refers to the Sikh-majority demand for an independent homeland, ‘Khalistan’ in India. It was initiated in different epochs of twentieth century however, it was a fragmented part of partition scheme of 1947 and still is an unresolved issue. In the Colonial Punjab communalism and extremism always intrigued politics among Hindus, Sikhs, and Muslims. Every community wished to maintain its identity. British policies of ‘divide and rule’ and extremist groups of every community always created political instability and unrest through communal problems in the region. Political consciousness stroked them to gain political and constitutional rights. Muslim and Sikh had history as rulers of Punjab in different epochs. By the dawn of the twentieth century both communities established their political platforms and started struggle for their constitutional rights. Constitutional rift among communities namely, Hindus, Muslims and the Sikhs awoke a desire to have separate homelands for each where they can live without any amalgamation and interference of others. Muslims glorified with accomplishment of their goal in 1947 but Sikhs’ mission remained unaccomplished. The notion of separatism did not take birth overnight. It was reaction of British policies as like Sikhism was reaction of Hindu extremism and discriminations in society. Sikhs who had glorious past in Punjab were very much scared from absorption with Muslims and Hindus and not satisfied with British response as reward of their loyalties. In the World War I Sikh were deprived from privileges and faced discrimination from British Masters then first time separatism evoked among them and gradually flourished. Especially situation grimed when the Muslims passed Lahore Resolution in 1940. The Sikh community voiced for the separate Sikh homeland actively and its echo heard at every forum.

Since annexation of Punjab by the British in 1849 the Sikhs were struggling to preserve their identity as distinct nation. After almost nine years of Punjab annexation in 1857, the War of Independence broke out. In the War efforts the Sikhs stood with the British they showed their matchless faithfulness and loyalty and proved a trustworthy alloy and partner. The War of Independence ended in 1857 and British declared Colonial in 1858. To maintain strong hold in the region new masters were looking some props for new coalitions and alliances. In 1860 1

during the period of Lord Canning, the British changed their policy as for as all native population in general and particularly for regarding Sikhs who were much deprived. The British opened doors for Sikh recruitment in army and outlined the policy for their pensions and rent free grants. The British gave them recognition and respect in Darbars and provided them opportunities to get modern education.1 The Sikhs groomed in all walks of life. All sections of Sikh community either landed aristocracy or orthodox group were on same page to protect Sikhs’ social, economic and political interests. Later the Singh Sabaha Association was established at Amritsar in 1873 as religious reform movement. This Association was dedicated to protect pristine Sikh identity2 and also aimed at shielding Sikh interests and cultivating allegiance and loyalty to the Crown. John Lawrence, Governor General of India (1858-1869) welcomed the landed aristocracy and priestly class as allies3. Latter on Lord Dufferin, the Governor General of India (1872-1878) recognized Sikhs as distinctive and divergent community. Professor , a renowned scholar and theologian, quoted that “The spread of education, and the inculcation of the belief that the Sikhs were a separate community, which should have separate rights, separate institutions and separate provisions in the law to protect them.”4 Sikh and Muslim had heritage of hatred, abhorrence and enmity from Mughal period. The British used this card to win Sikhs’ loyalty against Muslims. The British considered them vital organ for the . Jagirs and titles were bestowed to Sikhs by colonial masters. In October 1890 Viceroy Lord Lansdowne said at Patiala “we appreciate the admirable qualities of Sikh nation, … while in days gone by we recognized in them a gallant and formidable foe, we are able to give them a foremost place amongst the true and loyal subjects of Her Majesty the Queen Empress”.5 The Sikh were enjoying privileges and happy with new masters. The Khalsa Akhbar a Sikh newspaper of contemporary period considered British Raj ‘great blessing’ for the Sikh community.

At the dawn of twentieth century Sikhs took part in main stream politics. A number of Sikh organizations struggled to develop and trained Sikhs that how Sikh community can

1Kashmir Singh ‘Sikh Education,Khalsa College and the British’ in J.S.Grewwal, Indu Banga, ed, The Khalsa over 300 Years ( New : Tulika, 1999), 151-157. 2Ian Talbot, The Divided city,(New York: Oxford University,2006), 22. 3Joginder Singh. “When Sikh Landlords and Priests Joined Hands with the British,” in Verinder Grover, ed. The story of Punjab yesterday and Today(New Delhi:Deep and Deep Publications, 1995), 185. 4Teja Singh, Essay On Sikhism, (Lahore: Sikh University Press; 1944), 119. 5Khushwant Sing , A History of the Sikhs, Vol II( Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1977), 142-43. 2

maintain its communal identity. The Sikhs directed in religious, social and political spheres. Although The Sikh leadership largely took birth from the educated elite class but dominance of landed aristocracy was very much significant and their economic and political aspirations were affecting the Sikh political affairs.6 It was also matter of the fact that beside their economic interests they were very much concerned about their communal identity.7 Sunder Singh Majithia founded a political platform the Chief Khalsa Diwan(CKD) in 1902 aimed protection of communal interests. A little number of its members belonged to middle educated class butactually this organization was controlled by the Sikh landed aristocracy. Under colonial rule this aristocratic class was ready to re-adjust themselves according to the changing circumstances not only because of honor and titles which they had received but also because of their economic means and interests.8 The CKD leadership had always seen in the government’s lap and seemed trying to get maximum share to retain power and influence either economic based Agrarian Movement 1907 or Ghadar Movment with political spirit and Gurdwara Reform Movement with religious zeal. But after the communal award leadership of the CKD Sunder Singh Majithia showed determination on the question of Sikh representation and for greater share in powers. On 29 March 1940 Sunder Singh claimed the Punjab of Maharaja for the Sikhs parallel the Pakistan resolution. This organization always performed well and protected the Sikh interests but its leadership had believed that solution of Sikh community problems required complete loyalty with British masters however, its performance was commendable in political and social spheres.

After the Lucknow Pact insecurities among Sikh community increased, tragedy of Jallianwala Bagh in 1919 and disaster of 1921 shocked the people and filled up their hearts with grief, uncertainty and insecurity. The educated middle class who were well aware with Sikhs’ constitutional problems and needs decided that they would be taken serious steps for their religio-political survival. A group of moderate Sikhs from middle class organized a new political platform, the Central Sikh League (CSL) in December 1919. This group belonged to urban areas and much concerned with the political requirements and desires of Sikh

6Bhagwan Singh Josh, “Organization and Politicization of Peasantry in the Punjab:1925-1942” in Verinder Grover, ed. The Story of Punjab yesterday and Today (New Delhi: Deep &Deep Publications, 1995), 469. 7Ibid,. 8J.S.Grewal, Harish C.Sharma, “Sikh Aristocracy Under Colonial Rule” in J.S.Grewwal, Indu Banga, ed, The Khalsa over 300 Years ( New Delhi: Tulika, 1999), 129-134. 3

community.9 In early twenties leader ship of the CSL had changed and new leadership came with new objectives., , Sardul Singh Caveeshar, Gill, Bhai Boota Singh of Amritsar, Amar Singh,Teja Singh from Churkana and Kartar Singh Jhabbar boasted up the Sikhs to join the Gandhi’s programme.10

Meanwhile ‘nationalism’ became the fashion term and Indian nationalism overshadowed the Indian politics. Under it stimulus the Sikhs adopted the anti-imperialist approach and put effort to preserve Sikhs’ control on . A body ‘Shiromani Akali Dal’(SAD) was shaped in1920. This organization fulfilled its aim and as a result of its organized efforts against the mahants Gurdawaras’ control was in their hand. Master Tara Singh who had staunch believer of Indian nationalism, but for him loyalty to Sikh Panth was more than that unity and integrity of India. He joined Akali Dal as radical and revolutionary leader. He opposed the Lahore Resolution and strongly pleaded against Muslim demand for separate homeland during the last crucial decade of the Freedom Movement and showed his zeal against Pakistan till its creation. In 1942 when Cripps proposal was tabled by British to resolve Indian problem but Master Tara Singh stood against and considered it conceding Pakistan scheme and rejected it with these words “We have lost all hope of receiving any consideration. We shall, however, resist by all possible means for the separation of the Punjab from an all India Union.”11 On 5 June 1943, Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) drafted Azad Punjab scheme. In the scheme it was proposed that Azad Punjab would comprise of Jullundur, Ambala, and Lahore, divisions. A part of , districts of Lyallpur and Montgomery would also part of Azad Punjab. Later in 1946, a resolution came on from Akali Dal’s platform and passed in which Akali Dal carved a separate Sikh state and its map was outlined with all areas of holy shrines, language, property, and traditions.12 Akali Dal performed not only as political organization but as a religious army as well. Just after three months under banner of Akali Dal a new association took birth which known as Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee(SGPC). Its major goal was take up the management of the Sikh shrines in accordance with the principle of the Sikhism and Panthak Jathedari and maintain the Guru doctrines. The Sikhs always strongly resisted Muslim prospect

9Sukhmani Bal Rair, Politics of the Central Sikh League 1919-1929(:Unistar Books Pvt. Ltd. 2006). 10Ibid. 11Khushwant Singh , A History of the Sikhs, Vol II( Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1977), 250. 12Anup Chand Kapur, The Punjab Crisis: An Analytical Study. (New Delhi: S.Chand &Company LTD, 1985). 4

of the separate state and retaliate vigorously all ideas and British proposals which presented to vanish or decrease political and communal drift in the region. However, the Communist faction of Sikh community voiced in favour of Muslim demand for Pakistan but with considerable concessions for Sikhs, like Sardar Baldev Singh who was part of the Unionist Government in the Punjab.

Forthcoming years, Sikhs registered their presence at all levels. The communal identity consciousness was pivotal point of Sikh struggle but they were divided in different factions. All factions used religion as yardstick to comprehend challenges of the period but either their unity against Muslims and Hindus their activities were around their factional interests. Over the time factional interests became more vital in their activities. This trend affected the Sikhs interest at all stages explicitly political standing on the issue of communal presentation share in Punjab legislatives and center. Despite the presence of their political platform they got nothing in Minto- Morlay Reforms even they were considered as sub group of Hindus. They were completely ignored while Lacknow Pact was preceded. During the period from Lacknow Pact to the Montague Chelmsford Reforms 1919, Congress supported the Sikhs efforts for their identity parallel to Muslims and Gandhi was also had sympathy with the them to maintain their status equivalent to Muslims. The Congress encouraged the communal demand of the Sikhs with a view of bringing Sikhs as a community in the National Movement13 as analogous group against Muslims. On the one hand Congress endorsed efforts to bolster the Indian nationalism but at the same time made every effort to boost up the communal consciousness among Sikhs. Sikhs always considered Congress views and co-operated with it in all its adventures such as; the Civil Disobedience and Non-Cooperation Movements but in response of their devotion and dedication Congress always deceived them with impressive wrappings. As they were ignored in and their demand for communal representation was considered as scrap argument, but assured the Sikhs that in future Congress would protect their rights and not any decision would be acceptable without Sikhs’ consent and satisfaction.

In 1923 The Unionist Party with secular outlook appeared on Punjab political horizon to present all communities of Punjab, and during the crucial years of Indian politics it proved its

13K.L. Tuteja, “The Congress in Punjab: A Study of The Congress-Central Sikh League Relations, 1919-29” in Verinder Grover, ed.The Story of Punjab yesterday and Today, 427. 5

standing even in different epochs and events either British proposals such as , the Communal Award or Congress and Muslim League demands and reports like; Nehru Report, Jinnah’s Fourteen Points and Allama Iqbal’s Address at Allahabad in which he suggested a State the Indian Muslims Unionist Party always maintained it communal outlook. The Muslim League session at Allahabad was turning point in the Punjab politics, every community became more vigilant and vigorous as for as their constitutional rights and all communities were at opposite poles Unionists always tried to unite them.

Observing the Indian political situation the British organized the Round Table Conferences (RTC) (1930-32) at London. The Indian delegations from all communities were invited to endorse their suggestions to resolve the Indian constitutional issues. At the end of RTCs Indian political leadership could not suggest unanimous solution. As result of the RTCs, on 16 August 1932, a declaration as communal decisions which is known as ‘Communal Award’ was announced by the British Parliament. This Award was essentially defined as the method of selection of the relative strength of communal representation in the Legislatures, and a yardstick to shape a new constitution for Indians which was later came on as document of ‘The Government India Act of 1935’. The Communal Award is considered a mile stone for partition of India. While RTCs were preceding the Sikh community tabled a proposal for modification of the Punjab boundaries and demanded 30 percent representation in Punjab Legislature but in final declaration of the RTC, when the British Prime Minister announced His Majesty decision in respect of the composition of Provincial Legislatures for transfer of administrative responsibility to the Indian people. Under the observation of Communal Award a work out plan was given to Indian people by His Majesty Government. This Award was ‘game changer’ document which turned the table of whole Indian politics particularly in Punjab where Sikh was in significant position as for economic and political concerns. The Sikh community was not satisfied with communal representation decisions. They were less numerical strength so more annoyed with decisions than other communities because this Award dragged them in worst situation. It was received with different reactions in all over India; but it flared up the communal politics and widened the cracks in communal relations and sowed the seeds of partition of India.

After announcement of the Communal Award all communities rushed to derive maximum benefits and voiced against British decision. Among all three communities of the 6

Punjab numerous factions were organized and active to protect their political and socio- economic interests, ‘Factionalism’ flourished and National interest was overshadowed by personal interests. Almost all political parties either national level or provincial sank their loyalty in favour of specific faction. Even not a single political party; national or regional could save and kept it free from factionalism. Under this Award the British made India Act 1935 and first general election held in the India. The Communal Award implications were observed in the election of 1937. In the Punjab a communal nature party the ‘Unionist Party’ was invited to form Ministry, The Unionist Party put sincere efforts to unite all communities for the long-lasting stability of regional peace, But due to proposed representation in Communal Award remained all three communities insecure and anxious about their position and rights.

Meanwhile The World War II began in 1939, it changed the economic and political set up in the region and upcoming years Unionist Party could not retained strong hold in politics and lost its position in the Punjab. All communities of the Punjab were trying to compel British for more concessions. Meanwhile Muslims held a grand meeting at Iqbal Park Lahore on 23rd March 1940, and ‘Lahore Resolution’ was approved by Muslims unanimously. This resolution was crowned with the title of ‘Pakistan Resolution’ by Hindu press, consequently communal rift more grimed. The Sikhs raised voice against this move and strictly opposed the Muslims’ idea and Sikh became more close to Congress. Sikh-Congress co-operation increased against the Muslims. The Sikh always stood with Congress but when Sikh envisaged the idea of Azad Punjab, Congress response was very hopeless for Sikhs. They rejected the Sikhs’ ‘Azad Punjab’ scheme. Since 1940 to till partition the Sikhs’ demand was very vibrant but the British Government created no room to placate them and remained close their eyes. A Sikh leader Dr.Vir Singh Bhattia used the word ‘Khalistan’ for Sikhs’ country first time in March 1940.14 In response to ‘Lahore Resolution’ Bhattia published a pamphlet ‘Khalistan’ in which he discussed this scheme. His hypothesis was around assumptions that in case Pakistan would be envisaged as a theocratic orthodox state, comprising of Sikh territories, it would be very dangerous for Sikhs and Sikhism. He proposed a Sikh theoretic state under the leadership of Maharaja of Patiala with boundaries of Whole colonial Punjab and Simla Hill States. He also proposed that a cabinet comprised with other representative units would provide assistance to Maharaja. Baba Gurdit

14Shani, Giorgio, Sikh Nationalism and Identity in Global Age. (London: Routledge Taylor&Francis Group,2008). 7

Singh supported this scheme.15 The Sikh community was politically active and organized, much concerned about their identity more organized. They had clear vision and objective for fortification and safeguard their communal rights of their community but were empty hand on the eve of partition. Their dream remained unaccomplished. During the whole period confidence between Sikh and Muslim couldn’t develop even Quaid-i-Azam whole heartedly gave them offer of 30 percent representation in the Punjab which was more than double of their population percentage but Sikhs didn’t joined hands with Muslims and ultimately stood with Congress. The Sikh community relied on Congress’ promises for accomplishment of their desire of Azad Punjab in India and almost whole Sikh population moved towards India in 1947.16 It is point to ponder that if Sikhs were vulnerable regarding their identity and want to keep them distinct and avoiding immersion deliberately with both Muslims and Hindus but at final stage they chose India even Jinnah were giving them reasonable offer and Congress always deceived them.

During the whole period of Pakistan Freedom Movement an extended arbitration and settlements were discussed between the British and the three communities of Punjab’ the Muslims, Hindu and Sikhs. All three groups were fighting for seeking political power. Mohandas Karam chand Gandhi a Congress Leader assured them that Congress would satisfy Sikh population, another leader recapped Gandhi's assurance to the Sikhs at the All India Congress Committee meeting in Calcutta in 1946. Nehru guaranteed them that they would be free to function as a semi-autonomous body and that they may have a sense of independence. On 9 December 1946 the Indian Constituent Assembly passed a resolution to envisage the Union of India as an "Independent Sovereign Republic’, comprising of autonomous units with residuary powers"17 But all these assurance Congress ignored and rejected the Sikhs’ demand. The British had believed that Sikhs are separate race, possessing a distinctive habits, behavior and appearance18 but took their demand non- seriously.19

15https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Khalistan_ movement#cite_note-Giorgio2008-27, retrieved 3 April 2018. 16Muhammad Iqbal Chawla. ‘The Khalistan Movement of 1984: A Critical Appreciation’ in A Research Journal of South Asian Studies 2017), 81-90 17(https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Khalistan_ movement#cite_note-Giorgio2008-27, retrieved 3 April 2018.) 18Shani, Giorgio, Sikh Nationalism and Identity in Global Age (London: Routledge Taylor&Francis Group, 2008). 19Muhammad Iqbal Chawla. ‘The Khalistan Movement of 1984: A Critical Appreciation’ in A Research Journal of South Asian Studies 2017), 81-90 8

Literature Review

Twentieth century witness to many turns and changes in the political fabric of society in the Subcontinent. The Period, after 1930 is highly significant in terms of communal identity consciousness. The Punjab has always been a center of attention specifically during the freedom movement. Within the British Punjab three communities were active for their rights. Extensive collection private and secret letters, Diaries of officials, reports and memorandums of the British and local administrative bodies, press reports and pamphlets and articles presented a clear picture of this great historical event. With the help of these primary sources almost all eminent modern south Asian historians and scholars; contemporary and modern who are working on the Freedom Movement discussed the Punjab politics with the reference of all three communities. A heavy literature is available on great enigma of the partition of subcontinent into two halves and especially on vivisection of Punjab. All of existing literature highlights Sikh-Congress alliance or is based on Sikh-Muslim confrontation. Internal political differences among Sikhs are not brought under light in existing literature, which could be reason for failure of attainment (Khalistan). This literature review helps reader to understand the dimensions of politics that was pertaining within Sikh political parties and how they responded on matters of great importance.

Historiography on freedom movement had been started since the contemporary period of episode. Contemporary historians spotlighted on the eminent leaders and their activities and major disputes among the communities. Historiography of the period has mix approaches such as pro-British, anti-British and communal. These studies provide understanding regarding nature, approach and political sagacity of the Sikh leadership on variety of regional issues.

Contemporary writers of the period described the political scenario as eye witness and on the basis of their personal experiences and obviously they have biases and supported their own community on religious conflicts and provide those facts which proved their community right, such as on the event of Shaheed Gunj Sikh historian concluded that Sikhs’ were on right position.20 Writers of the period also appreciated the contribution of their leaders and wrote biographical studies which covers life and contribution of mainstream leadership.21 Durlab Singh started from

20Ganda Singh, History of the Gurdwara Shahidgunj Lahore,(Amritsar: 1935). 21Durlab Singh, The Valiant Fighter :A Biographical Study of Master Tara Singh ( Lahore: Hero Publications, 1942). 9

childhood of Master Tara Singh and covered the period till the year of its publication year 1942. He portrayed the Tara Singh, as a unique boy in his childhood, sagacious, courageous and foresighted leader in his political career. Durlab included all significant events related to Tara Singh activities but his accounts could have considered just hagiography. Sikh leadership very not only much enthusiastic for their community but at the same time they safeguard their own Panth contrary to whole community. Kharak Singh a Sikh leader delivered many speeches on different occasions which show his political wisdom, interest and intentions towards Panth, and community.22

During the years of freedom movement civil war has been started among the communities. There were no unadulterated grounds exist in India for the civil war. Communal issues are just created by the political leaders.23 Tara Singh explains not only the reasons of the civil war in India but also proposes the remedies to avoid the crucial situation of civil war. As remedy he gave the notion that ‘nationalism is a religion for more vital and eternal than mare or ’. This study has been divided in three sections; first part comprises with narrative of the Calcutta Killing, but in the second part Tara Singh discusses the communal problem. In his views mass contact between Hindus and Muslims and other communities is more important than political conferences among political parties. In this study Tara Singh rejected the communal award and remarked that “it will sweep away all the blessings of the British rule”24 in the third section of this book he has been throwing shed light on ideological differences of Gandhi, Jinnah Hinduism and Islam. He concluded that difference could be easily bridged over if we are prepared to accommodate each other.

Socio-economic relations among three communities of the Punjab also affected the politics of region and provide roots of Sikh claim that Punjab is their homeland advocate their grievances and criticized the Congress and British attitude against Sikhs.25 Harnam Singh, who was president Central Sikh League and advocate, High Court Lahore implored the Sikhs’ demand for separate state with strong arguments. Soon after the collapse of the British raj several accounts

22M.L. Peace, S. Kartar Singh Jhabbar: The spearhead of the (Jullundur: Rattan Kaur Rithriyan lane, 1970). 23Tara Singh, Why We Must Avoid A Civil war in India,( Lahore 1946). 24Ibid., 108. 25Harnam Singh, Punjab the Homeland Of The Sikhs(1945). 10

and memoirs of the distinguished colonial officials inculcate the story of freedom Movement and after the partition, historians privileged with the large number of primary sources such as personal and official accounts of British officials. Joseph Davey Cunningham deals with the question of to give Sikhism its place in the general history of the humanity.26 Cunningham was an officer in the army of the and political agent at , in 1837; he was in charge both of British relation with the Sikh Kingdom, and ruler of . He was the political agent in Bahawalpur in 1845 at the start of first Anglo-Sikh war, he had also moved to Ambala in 1845 and witness the period of six years after the great Sikh ruler Maharaja Ranjit Singh. So he studied Sikhism in its glorious period his accounts about Sikh history are valid. Cunningham’s The History of Sikhs and Malcolm’s At Freedom’s Door although covers different aspects of event but both has pro-British approach.

On the basis British’s officials records writers re-assessed the communal rifts among the different religious communities, activities and achievements of all political parties. Dynamics of the Punjab politics following Freedom Movement is focused on the Sikh demand for separate State and its consequence on whole political system of the Punjab and partition as well. During the partition struggle all political parties were not only fighting with each other but within the parties were also visible. Internal divisions within Sikhs’ political parties, Hindus’ opposition and Congress determination to combat communalism played a significant role against the creation of Sikh state.27 Nayar resources are heavily supporting his arguments, but he missed the detail study of Sikh pamphlets regarding the period of 1942 to partition which is crucial period as far as freedom movement concerns.

In the 1970s the release of the twelve volume series of the Transfer of Power changed the focal point of historiography and opened the new horizons for the scholars. The availability of official record such as fortnightly Governor’s reports and letters to Viceroy and Majesty Government of British encouraged the historian to shift from the all India to the provincial level politics28 but writers to describe Political, social and geographical conditions prevailing in the Punjab under during the hundred years British rule over the Punjab depended mostly on official

26Joseph Davey Cunningham. History of Sikhs( New Delhi: Rupa Co, 2005). 27Baldev Raj Nayar, Minority Politics in the Punja,( Princeton : Princeton University Press, 1966). 28Pippa Virdee, partition and Locality: Studies of the Impact of Partition and its aftermath in the Punjab Region(Ph.D Thesis)(Coventry: University, U.K, 2004) 11

records and works which were done by Anglo-Indian writers who were not concerned to the Indian point of view. Some studies of under discussion period grasped the struggle of communal movements on regional basis. Nijar discussed the almost all religious nature and political Movements which took place during this period. He gave detailed information of the geographical boundaries of Punjab during this period. More significantly, he stresses the history of Sikh’s demands for the separate representation and formation of Akali Dal, its activities and relation with the Unionist Party. He pointed out that the attitude of the Sikh community was violent against the Muslims caused of the past rivalries among them. Prominent movements and events were (Kuka) Movement, Komagata Maru Affair, Jullianwala Bagh, Nankana Sahib massacre, Jaito, Guru Ka Bagh, Panja Sahib, Babber Akalis and has discussed in this study. It also dealt with ‘Punjab Civil Code’, Punjab partition as well as Canal Network in the Punjab.29 Akali movement started its struggle to protect the socio-economic interests of the community and took initiatives for Gurdwara reforms.30 Mohinder’s study an attempt of re- assessment and re-evaluation of the role of Akali Movement on the basis of fresh evidence which found in private, local, judicial, and other official records at that time. Mohinder describes that ‘how the mahants of smaller and less important Gurdwaras yielded to Akali pressure and how the authorities re-adjust their policies to combat the Movement’ and he also concluded that this Movement strengthens the ‘nationalism’ in the Punjab.

By the 1980s many prominent historian worked on the subject of Sikh political struggle and concluded their discussions that politics during the 1920-40 have political and religious dimensions but focused on religion. It also argued that all communities were trying to retain their distinctiveness on the basis of their religion.31 Tutija argues that Akali Dal and S.G.P.C were working for the development of Panth, and Sikh community always at pain to emphasis their separate distinctiveness and identity. Anup Chand observed that Sikhs were struggling to carve out an area in which they should have a dominant voice and Akalis’ turned the Sikhs struggle towards violence and had run their politics in the name of religion and Gurdwaras used as platforms.32 Sikh community were more conscious as for as their religious identity concerns and much enthusiastic

29B.S. Nijar, Punjab under the British Rule (1849-1947),( New Delhi : K.B. Publications, 1974). 30Mohinder Singh, The Akali Movement (Delhi, Bombay: the Macmillan Company of India Limtd, 1978). 31K.L. Tutija, Sikh Politics (1920-40) (Kurushetra: Vishal Publications, 1984). 32Anup Chand Kapur, The Punjab Crisis: An Analytical Study ( New Delhi: S.Chand & Company LTD, 1985) 12

for social reforms.33 Nina Puri covers the activities of the political elite individuals and groups. Her work is an attempt to trace link between elites and society in political sphere. It is comprehensive analytical study on elites’ character ideology and their efforts to bring about social, economic and political changes during the period of 1900-1920. Communal rift was prominent aspect of colonial Punjab’s politics. The British as colonial masters of Punjab were playing every community. During the first quarter of the twentieth century the Sikhs were trying to inaugurate the Educational institutions and handle politics of pressure groups in order to secure weighted of representation in the Legislature-Executive and Government service, and also overcome conflicts between Sikhs, Muslims and Hindus which were leading to the partition of India.34 Khawaja examined the stages of Sikh awakening in his study.

In the second half of the 1980s decade anti British Raj approach is more prominent in the narration and analysis of the events. Many authors presented their papers as for socio- economic and political developments of the nineteenth and twentieth century in different seminars.35 Bakshi’s collection depicts anti Raj stance. One of the papers titled ‘Communal Riots in ’ depicts the communal hostilities among different communities particularly Muslims and Sikhs on the eve of partition. Author discusses the causes and effects of the communal riots, for the vicious situation. Bakshi blames the British authorities to their leisurely and irresponsible action

Imperial rule affected the Punjab socio-political system. As for the British alliance patterns with the communities of Punjab to secure the support of rural population of the Punjab concerns Talbot’s contribution is very remarkable. He captured not only Freedom Movement especially Punjab perspective but covered the whole story as foreign observer in different angle.36 After Lahore resolution political scenario of the Punjab changed Sikh community had got position against Muslims’ demand for separate homeland. Talbot gives his opinion that Sikhs leaders were not unite about their demand of separate homeland and it was only in response of the Muslim demand for Pakistan. Sikhs were unhappy to geographical division of the Punjab due to their

33Nina Puri, Political Elites and Society in the Punjab (New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House,PVT, LTD, 1985. 34Sarfraz Khawaja, Sikhs of the Punjab 1900-1925: A Study of Confrontation & Political Mobilization (Islamabad, Modern Book Depot, 1985). 35S.R Bakshi, Studies in modern Indian History (New Delhi: Anmol Publications, 1988). 36 Ian Talbot, Punjab and the Raj 1849-1947 (Delhi:Oxford University Press,1988). 13

economic and religious concerns. Talbot is eminent scholar and worked extensively on Punjab politics and culture. His studies, Freedom Cry: The Popular Dimension in the and Partition (1996), Khizar Tawana:the Punjab Unionist Party and the Partition of India (1996), Divided Cities: Partition and Its Aftermath in Lahore and Amritsar 1947-1957 (2006), Amritsar: Voices from Between India and Pakistan (2007) and in many other works on the Punjab focused Colonial period, policies and response of the Punjab communities. He provides unbiased evaluation on the Punjab politics in his all studies. Sikh politics were addressed partially in his studies.

In the decade of 1980s two scholars revisited the story of Sikh identity and political survival and draw an opinion that Sikh leaders had no precise point of view regarding their struggle and their demand for separate homeland, it was nothing but just a contrary to Muslims demand for Pakistan. Khushwant’s study37 covers more than period of century. This volume started from fall of Sikh kingdom and has discussed Anglo-Sikh Wars, Punjab after annexation, Sikh’s role in War of independence 1857, the Political movements in respect of Marxist, National, and Sectarian approaches, World War I, Rise of Akali Dal, constitutional reforms and Sikhs, impact of World War II on Sikhs has discussed in different chapters. Part five of the study is very significant as for as politics of partition concern. Khushwant presented Sikh community as peace maker at the time of partition and argue that Muslims were responsible for the hostile attitude of the Sikhs. Sikh always tried to win the British favor for their economic interests. Effenbreg tried to untie the enigma of Sikhs’ failure for the demand of separate homeland or Azad Punjab during the period of understudy. He argued that Sikhs political leadership was not resolute with their demand untidily so they could not influence the British.38

In 1990s, historiography on Punjab comes out as rainbow of different approaches. Cambridge, nationalist and subaltern approaches were equally adopted by historians such as J.S. Grewal and Ragbir Singh. J.S.Grewal worked on Sikhs History, ideology, perspectives of identity, polity and social order but failed to project the Sikhs’ spiritual and theological ideals. He neither defended that Sikhs are merely a political or geographical entity nor could cover the

37Khushwant Singh, A History of the Sikhs Vol 2: 1839-1975 (Delhi:Oxford University Press, 1988). 38Christine, Effenbreg, The Political Status of the Sikhs During the Indian National Movement 1935-1947 (New Delhi: Archive Publishers, 1989). 14

dynamic past of the Sikhism in his study39.Ragbir Singh covered the history of freedom movement with nationalist approach. Ragbir covered the post Gurdwara reform period. He has pointed out that Sikh-Congress relation was not in the favour of the Sikh community. On the one hand Akali Dal under the influence of Congress worked as the vanguard of the National Movement in the Punjab and on the other hand they had no desire that Sikh position in the army suffered any setback.40 Studies of 1990s throw shed light that political leadership of all communities adopted different methodologies such as; nationalist, communal, extremist, pro- British and anti-British to secure their position. Sikh political leadership was also fighting for same cause but with different methodologies. They always kept in mind their communal interest. Sunder Singh Majithia an Aristocrat established pro-British platform CKD. The CKD always fought for the community but never confronted with Governmnet. He tried to keep away Sikh community from violence and bloodshed.41 Sunder Singh handled all serious issues with political wisdom and sagaciousness.

Studies of last decade of twentieth century provide the basic knowledge to grasp the British policy against the different communities of the Punjab. These studies also provide help to comprehend those issues and developments which were affected on the politics of the region.42After study of researches of the time a gave clear picture about Sikhs’ standings that by the dawn of British Raj Sikh community was just recognize as martial race of the Punjab but in the last decade of Raj, British Government had accepted Sikhs as a distinct community of the India equal to Hindus and Muslims. The constitutional struggle of Sikhs and their reaction on critical issues is also important subject of these researches. These studies also throw light on Sikhs rivalries with other communities and performances regarding their demand.43 The year of 1947 is more significant in the Freedom Movement especially with the reference of riots. At the time of partition, the idea of a separate and autonomous Sikh state imagined enthusiastically but it was ignored. The Sikhs were numerically weak proportion of

39J.S.Grewal, The Sikhs of the Punjab ( Cambridge university press, 1990). 40Ragbir Singh, Akali Movement (1926-1947) (New Delhi: Omsons Publications, 1997). 41Gurnam Singh Rekhi, Sir Sudar Singh Majithia and His Relevance in Politics (New Delhi: Har-Anand Publications Pvt. Ltd., 1999). 42Sahdev Vohra’ Punjab:Than And Now 1846-1999 (Delhi: Indian Publishers Distributors, 2000). 43Kirpal Singh’ The Sikhs and Transfer of Power(1942-1947) (Patiala: Publication Bureau , 2006). 15

Punjab population but as far as their military and economic contributions they were supper head on other communities, this situation made Sikh community violent and aggressive. A bulk of material available to reassess the whole story and many professional and non-professional writers took up this subject. Although writings of the last decade of twentieth century based on all available sources but all studies evolve around the political elites and Movements. In the present century historians changed the trend and threw light on the after affects and impacts of the partition. However some historians still continued traditional historiography Akhtar Sandhu is one of them his Ph.D dissertation44 is a detailed study about Muslim-Sikh relations which comprehends its title. Sandhu has discussed the political developments such as constitutional reforms, RTCs, elections 1937, communal and religious issues of the region as background of the study. This study is focus on the mutual interactions of Muslim- Sikh in the subsequent years of the Lahore Resolution. Writer has discussed the political hostilities among the Sikhs and the Muslims and British attitude towards Sikh community. Sandhu derives conclusion that during the British Raj Divide and Rule policy did not exist. He rejected this idea that British adopted ‘Divide and Rule’ policy during their raj. Sandhu insists that it was just a ‘fashion term’ and British always tried to provide opportunities for the peace of the region. Sikh leader ship neither believed on British nor Muslim League. They always joined hands with Hindus. Sikhs demanded their separate homeland on the basis of political, economic, agricultural as well as their military importance. Communal riots on the eve of partition were caused by Sikh- Muslim hostility.45 Sandhu and Amna Mahmood shared their opinion regarding Sikh-Muslim relations and politics on the Cripps proposal in the article titled Cripps Mission Proposals and Muslim-Sikh Relations in the British Punjab. According to their point of view negligible numerical strength, religious fanaticism and disunited Sikh leadership undermined the Sikh politics. Muslim League and Congress had clear goal while Sikhs remained confused as what should be done. The Sikh leaders always tried to build up alliance with Congress especially during the critical years 1940-47 their politics influenced by the Gandhi. The Sikh leaders could not aloof them from the Congress politics. Sukhmani argued on the Sikh policy and their demand for Khalistan and Azad Punjab and also gives credit to the Muslim politics which strengthen almost

44Akhtar Hussain Sandhu, Sikh-Muslim Relations in the British Punjab after the Lahore Resolution 1940 submitted in 2012. 45Ibid. 16

all over the India under the Jinnah’s leadership, after the election of 1937 but achieved its goal despite British and was not agree to the establishment of Pakistan.46 Riots during the partition and their aftermath was always being serious subject of the almost throughout the historians of all decades. Soon after the partition, one of the best known attempt as a traditional historiographer to document the violence is Khousla’s accounts.47 He collected facts for the Akali party. This study has shown his communal biases. In the present century many researches come on violence and riots Farooq Ahmed Dar follow his tradition. He argues that rise of communal tension was not broken out all of sudden it was continued as old as history in the region but after the arrival of the British it took new turn especially in Punjab where Sikh community made the communal tension a triangular affair. Sikhs joined hands together Hindus contrary to Muslims. Hindu played with the emotions of the Sikhs against Muslim. The riots of 1947 in Punjab not only enlarged the gulf among distinct communities of the Punjab but sowed the seeds of enmity between two newly established states.48 He deals with intensity and nature of communal riots 1947 in the Punjab. He has given a brief survey of communal trends and communal riots throughout India after the arrival of the British and discussed the Impact of the Punjab riots on the social and political life of the province.

Tragedies on the eve of 1947 were ‘ethnic cleansing’ rather than ‘genocide’.49 He explains to break the tragedy down of 1947 into what happened; where, how and why it happened; and in what sort of numbers. Ahmed recounts the partition story in three phases, begins from January 1945 and ending on March 1947. Its first phase saw processes that set in motion the schism of a region which until then not only spoke a common language but also enjoyed a common culture. The downfall in March 1947 of Khizar Hayat Tawana’s coalition ministry (consisting of Unionist, the Congress and the Sikhs) and the killings in that month of large numbers of Sikhs and Hindus in and around Rawalpindi and Multan conclude Ahmed’s first phase. His second phase covers the four-and-a-half month period between April 1947 and

46Sukhmai Bal Rier, The Politics of The Sikhs 1940-47 (Chandigarh: Unistar Books PVT.Ltd, 2006). 47Khousla, Stern Reckoning: A Servey of Events Leading up to And Following the Partition of India ( New Delhi:Oxford University Press, 1949). 48Farooq Ahmad Dar, Communal Riots in the Punjab 1947 (Islamabad: National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research Centre, 2003). 49Ishtiaq Ahmed, The Punjab Bloodied, Partitioned and Cleansed: Unraveling the 1947 Tragedy through Secret British Reports and First-Person Accounts,(: Oxford University Press, 2012). 17

August 1947when significant while not yet massive killings took place in the province. The remaining brutal months of 1947, when both halves of Punjab were, “bloodied, partitioned and ethnically cleansed”, constitute Ahmed’s third and final phase. Other than above mentioned detailed studies many comprehensive articles on Sikhs’ activities, political parties and political individuals are available such as Surjit Singh Narang’s two articles are included in this book, Sikh Aristocracy and Punjab Politics (1849-1900), describes role of Sikh aristocracy for development of communal consciousness among the Sikhs and Chief Khalsa Diwan: An Analytical study of its Perceptions, describes the contribution of CKD in resolving the Gurdwara reforms. Author concludes that CKD loyal to British and their constitutional and non-agitation lines has come to stay in Sikh politics. Mohinder Singh’s article Akali Agitation Over the Key Affairs: An Early Victory of Noncooperation, covers the Akali’s struggle against the mahants priests and Punjab Government. This paper shows that Akali leadership has made crystal clear stand that Government was working against Sikhs. Many statements of Akali leaders have quoted which express their anti-British feelings. K.L Tuteja’s three articles The Sikh and the Nehru Report, The Congress in the Punjab: A Study of Congress- Central Sikh League Relations, 1919-1920, and Sikhs and the Congress: 1930-40, cover the Hindu-Sikh relations. These papers have common opinion that Sikhs always tried to join hands with Congress against Muslims but Congress always disappointed them.50 In all above reviewed books and research articles of prominent scholars has discussed the Punjab politics as whole and particularly with the reference of Sikh community. Political relationship among the communities has been discussed in many studies but how communal awards turned the political thoughts of Sikh community. Why Sikhs were divided with in community on the question of separate home land. What was the role of political elites, religious groups and economic stakeholders at the eve of partition? The research on such aspects of history is not sufficient. Present study will cover time frame of 1937-1947 with special reference of political relations within community and its effect on their final mission ‘separate state’.

This study sufficiently filled gap in the historical literature of Khalistan Movement. It is a valuable addition to the body knowledge of the existing literature. This study brought out those factors which prove that Sikh demand was not their religious radicalism but Marxist approach

50Verinder Grover,ed. The Story of Punjab Yesterday and Today Vol I. New Delhi: Deep&Deep Publications, 1995 18

was operating behind their demand. This study spotlighted on the factors of demand and failure Sikh movement for Khalistan. Sikh community had dominant share in and military recruitments in colonial India. This study answered historical query that was the Sikh community in India especially in Punjab demanding a separate homeland Khalistan on the basis of religion and economic gains. How Sikh leaders and their parties responded against the Muslim demand for Pakistan. How British responded towards demand of Khalistan. What were implications of their movement on the freedom movement? This research is primarily concerned with an in- depth analysis of provincial Sikh politics in Punjab during the period 1932-1947.

This scheme has a long history of Sikh struggle for achievement of a Sikh separate homeland and therefore it is immense importance to understand the foundation growth and expansion of the Sikh struggle for a separate homeland. Much has been written on the role of political parties, political leaders but very few have academically dealt the topic under discussion, there is sufficient research gaps in the historic works and therefore this research is an endeavor to explore, investigate and analyze the Sikh struggle for establishment of a Sikh State in India during the colonial period, 1930 to 1947. The study will reinvestigate the causes, events and consequences of the Sikh demand for a separate homeland. It will also throw light why the Sikh leadership stressed on the creation of a Sikh State and it will also analyze the response of the British, Hindus and the Muslims to the demand for a separate homeland. A number of questions are entertained before this study but this study will revive all the questions through a foreigner eye.

Methodology

To provide an accurate and valid representation of the factors or variables that are relevant to the study a historical and descriptive approach will be adopted. For the study all available provincial records in Punjab Archives Lahore and British Library London concerned with Sikh leadership and their politics such as private papers, Assembly Debates, fortnightly Governor Report and weekly intelligence reports are consulted. The motivations of the Sikh leadership during the discussions of the Communal Award and the impacts of this award on the division of the province are critically examined.

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All Government published and unpublished official or personal records of the concerned persons which are available in British National Archives, British Library London and different libraries and National Archive of Pakistan consulted and critically analyzed. Newspapers and official documents of particular period as Primary Sources which consulted in Cambridge University, South Asian Study Centre Archives and British Library as well also proved helpful to draw conclusion of this research works. References have taken from a number of secondary works of my contemporary historians and those who came before me and have great value on the subject.

The National Archive of Islamabad, National Documentation Centre, Islamabad and National Institute of Historical research Islamabad have enormous amount of material which illuminating the decade of the freedom. All available primary sources on the Sikhs’ concerns towards Muslim plea for Pakistan and the role of their political organizations are consulted for the data collection. Most of the collections provide the contradictory information about Sikhs’ political struggle as individual and in group capacities so each account will be handled very carefully with analytical approach. Newspapers, Articles, critical views, columns, authentic researches, political writings, available biographies and auto-biographies of the eminent leaders will also be consulted for the in depth study.

A number of research rooms were available in Islamabad such as the ‘National Library of Pakistan’, Islamabad, the Central Library of Quaid-i-Azam University Islamabad, National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research (NIHCR), Islamabad. Lahore is also center of huge collections about Sikh studies; ‘Punjab Public Library’ with a rich collection of newspapers and Library of Punjab University. All these research centers were visited and scanned. The modern sources like websites and other links are also found valuable for this research project.

This study also focuses on internal relations and confrontations among the Sikh political parties. Major political parties; Akli Dal, Central Sikh League and Chief Khalsa Diwan are central character of study. In the study word ‘Akali’ has been specified for the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) political leaders. For the characteristics of the factions term ‘moderate’ has fixed for the Central Akali Dal(CAD) and ‘loyal’ for the pro-British faction ‘the CKD’. The time frame; last fifteen years of the British Punjab in connection of Sikh politics are very important.

20

Communal identities were active in regional politics. The term ‘political elite’ is used for eminent personalities who were playing important role in politics. The term faction referred to the chain of links that vertically connects certain individuals at the political level. Abbreviations are also be used for the party names and where necessary.

Analysis of the political dimensions of particularly the Sikh community and the role of this community while Punjab partitioned. This study predominantly focused on the demands of this community vis-à-vis the communal award and the implications this had on them in the short term and significantly in the longer term leading the partition of the province. At the eve of partition, Sikh community was deprived as for as their demand concern. As result communal tensions arose among Sikhs and Muslims and riots of 1947; appeared a tragic and bloody part of the partition of the Punjab. Discussion is not focused on bloody part of partition but it is impossible to avoid this trauma.

Organization of Study

This Study is divided into five chapters in addition to introduction in the beginning and conclusion in the end.

The first chapter, titled, “The Colonial Punjab: Settlement Pattern of Sikh” the British policy for the region as colonial masters in respect of the social economic and political situation of the Punjab since annexation has been discussed in it. It also covered settlement pattern of inhabitants, and social and economic contribution in the Punjab. This brief survey of settlements and economic interests corroborates my final argument. The objective of this chapter is to draw a sketch of root causes of the Sikhs’ demand for the separate homeland.

Second chapter “Sikhs’ Political Mobilization: Causes and Effects” is a brief survey of Sikh political mobilization since annexation of the Punjab. Many political platforms were organized for the Sikhs to prevent their political identity and constitutional rights. These Sikh organizations strived them in all directions and to preserve their communal identity at all levels.

Third chapter, “The Communal Award and Response of the Sikh Community” covers all enigma of Communal Award 1932 which is considered seed of communal rifts in the India. Elections 1937 also part of this chapter. Sikhs were demanding their share in Punjab 21

administration on the basis of their role and position in economic development and Army contribution rather on the basis of numerical strength. The British arranged RTC in London and introduce idea of readjustment of Punjab. At the end British announced communal Award effected Indian politics. The implication of the Award on the Sikh politics in upcoming years and visa-vis reaction of Sikh community on Communal Award is focus of this chapter.

The chapter four “Sikh’s Demand for a Separate State: A Fresh Light” covers the political game of period after elections 1937 and effects of World War II on Sikhs. British had made promise with Indians that powers would be transferred in hands of Indians after the war. Meanwhile Subsequent year of War the Muslim demand for separate State came on which flared up drift among communal identities. To seek out the solution of Indian problem and to gain the Indian support the British took initiatives such as put forward Cripps Proposal, Cabinet Mission Plan. The Sikhs; most important community of the Punjab threatened to dominance of the majority. What was the Sikh reaction on these British moves? After the World War II the British announced their policy for India. According to British policy election held in 1946 as result interim Government established in India and Sikhs’ standings and their factional trends during the entire period especially for elections of 1946 and formation of the interim Government will be discussed. Through this discussion shed light has thrown on the Sikhs’ factional confrontations and interests.

The chapter five titled, ‘Khalistan Scheme: Challenges and Opportunities’ provides brief survey, of the historical prospective of Sikhs’ demand for Khalistan. During the partition plane Sikh reaction and British, Congress and the League response and understanding toward their demand for Khalistan has been discussed in this chapter. All research will be concluded at the end of the last chapter.

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CHAPTER – 1

The Colonial Punjab: Settlement Pettern of Sikh Introduction:

The Punjab lost its autonomy and came under the British rule in 1849. The Punjab has significance for its innumerable features such as gate way for invaders, its geography, fertile land, martial nature of habitants, and variety of communities. On the one hand, due to its fertility of land and unlimited natural resources, it proved the back bone for British industrial needs and it reserved its position till the sun set of the British Raj. On the other hand, it turned into political storm center because of communal variety. This communal variation affected the Punjab in all spheres of life; different models of administration were adopted to handle all communities of Punjab. Every community of the Punjab was struggling for their economic and political rights for their social and religious survival. The British developed railway transportation system, and to improve agriculture, established canal colonies which were comprised on almost 50% peasants. These settlements played dynamic and vital role in development of the region. The People of Punjab have martial nature because of its geography so they had considerable proportion in military. The British adopted different polices regarding recruitment and after 1858 all communities of Punjab were free to join forces but according to the facts, Sikhs were more enthusiastic to join army. The Punjab has great importance for Sikhs. It is not only their religious identity but they were also rulers of the Punjab. The British captured Punjab from Sikhs. Despite the empire of Maharaja Ranjit Singh Sikhs possessed many princely states. The Sikhs were minority of Punjab but had great importance in economic and military spheres. This section of study is focused on brief description of the land, social and economic contribution of the communities in the Punjab and it also provides a brief survey of settlements pattern and economic interests of different communities of Punjab. This chapter also represents a laconic review of the British policy in general for the India and particularly for the Punjab. Under discussion facts would corroborate my final argument. This chapter cultivates a thought process to understand the root causes of the Sikhs’ demand for the separate homeland. The Punjab:

The Empire of Sikhs, ‘Punjab’, a land of legendary five rivers; the Beas, Chenab, Jhelum, Ravi and , was spread within the natural boundaries of rivers, deserts and mountains. Hundreds of miles to the North of the Punjab, lays the Himalayan and sub-Himalayan ranges which divided the Punjab from North-West Frontier Province and Kashmir. In South-West of the Punjab lays the Koh-i-Sulaiman and Koh-i-Safed Ranges to East River Jumna, and in the South, the deserts of and .1 It was called Sapta Sindhu but after arrival of Turko-Persian conquerors, this region was popularized as Punjab which is compound of two Persian words

1Patwant Singh, Jyoti, Mrai. Empire of the Sikhs: The Life and Times of Maharaja Ranjit Singh (U.K: Hay House, 2008), 28. 23

Punj and aab which denote for five and waters means ‘five waters’ in broader sense, waters stands for rivers. Its total area was 150,207. The boundary of Punjab has altered in various epochs of history. Ranjit Singh’s Punjab was extended till Khyber in the west and up to Sutlej in East.

At the end of Second Anglo-Sikh War, Punjab was seized by East India Company on February 1849. To administrate it, Lord Dalhousie established a Board of Administration. Two competent and experienced executives Sir Henry Lawrence and John Lawrence were inducted for administrative services. They worked in Punjab more than four years. The services of Administrative Board were stopped in 1853 and Sir John became took charge as first Chief Commissioner of Punjab. In 1858, India became under the direct rule of British Crown when British merged along with Hissar and Delhi with Punjab.2 The Chief Commissioner seat was replaced by the office of Lieutenant-Governor. The territory of Punjab consists of five Divisions and 43 Muslim and Non- Muslim Princely States. All five Divisions of Punjab were divided in 29 Districts and Districts comprised of at least three and maximum seven tehsils. In the inaugural year of the twentieth century the 1901, Punjab’s boundaries were redefined and new province North-West Province was created then its area including native states was 138,105 square mile.3 Lord Curzon also separated some part of it beyond Indus which was given under the charge of Commissioner who was directly answerable to Indian Government.4 Later in 1912 Delhi was disintegrated with Punjab.5 The British gave much importance to improve the means of transportation in the Punjab due to its geographical position. At That time Karachi was main port of the Punjab. The British connected it through the railways system. The Railways was serving almost all the Punjab axcept the Ghazi Khan District.6

The colonial Punjab was a Muslim majority province but it was the religious home land of the Sikhs who were third largest community of British India. According to the 1921 census, its total population was twenty and half million, Muslims were more than half of the Hindus and Sikh population. Sikhs were more than two millions.7 A clear distribution of areas on the basis of communities could have been observed in the Punjab. In The Western part of the Punjab which

2Narang, K., & Gupta , H. History of the Punjab 1500-1858 (Delhi: U.C. Kapur &Sons, 1969), 2. 3Harnam Singh, Punjab the Homeland Of The Sikhs(1945), 1. 4Narang, K., & Gupta , H. History of the Punjab 1500-1858 (Delhi: U.C. Kapur &Sons, 1969), 5Ibid,. 6Indian Statutory Commission Vol X; Memorundum Submitted by the Government of the Punjab to the Indian Statutory Commission(London: His Majesty Statutory Office , 1930), 10. 7Ibid, 6. 24

had covered the 14 out of the 29 districts from Ravi to Western boundary of Lahore and where it had met to the Sutlej, Muslims were in majority. As a whole Muslims were 57% of the Punjab but in the Rawalpindi, Multan with the districts of the Sheikhupura, , and Sailkot with part of Gurdaspur Muslim majority was not less than 60%.8In The Central and Eastern parts of the Punjab Sikhs and Hindus dominated numerically,9 but in the both part of Punjab Eastern and Western Sikhs were not more than 20% anywhere.10 The Punjab had an exceptional status for the Sikhs. All Sikhs’ interests rather economic and religious were connected with the Punjab.11 Sikhs were just 12.15% of the Punjab but their religious connection and services, in term of agriculture and defence had always being remarkable. It was matter of fact that primarily Punjab was known as ‘House of Grains’12 and ‘Sword Arm’ of India because of the Sikh community but due to the composition of the communities and as a result of the British policies regarding to attend different religious communities and groups within the communities communalism became significant in the Punjab. Within the communities, communalism exercised for the economic and political interest of the specific group but under the cloak of the religion.

The Punjab and British Policy:

There were around 560 states (including Princely States) in India and from the period of East India Company rule all states could not have the direct relation with any foreign power even that was not authorized in direct relationship among them.13 On the August 2, 1858, India became under the direct rule of the British Crown. Among the British officials some were regarded as ‘the friends of India’, obviously they had a desire to maintain their rule but on liberal conditions, but a large number of officials were against liberalism. They were in favour of strict policy. However the main function of the Government was to carry on smooth administrative set up on the principle of the minimum interference.14 It is a fact that liberal condition or conservative outlook in both conditions British kept all the higher administrative posts in their own hands. Queen Victoria did not actually grant any constitutional rights to the Indians. Her

8Ibid,. 9IanTalbot, Khizar Hyat Tawana: The Punjab Unionist Party and the Partition of India trans Kamran Tahir(London: Curzon Press 1996), 23. 10Indian Statutory Commission Vol X; Memorundum Submitted by the Government of the Punjab to the Indian Statutory Commission(London: His Majesty Statutory Office , 1930), 6. 11Sapru committee Memrudum, 12IOR:L/PJ/10/11, Sant Singh letter to sir sikandar Hyat khan Premier of Punjab 14 March, 1942. 13M.S. , British Policy in India(June 1895-September1903) (Delhi: S.S.Pblishers, 1982), 3. 14Chesny Goerge,‘The Political Out look’ The Nineteen Century (June,1894),. 25

given concessions in her proclamation of 1858 were practically not working but just paper deals.15 A system of administration was inaugurated, primarily it had an objective to secure and consolidate the British rule in the new colonial territory. The British Policy was constituted for the achievement of three goals; first protecting their commercial interests, second, for the security of commercial interests keeping other foreign powers out and third was securing the frontiers of India.16 For these goals the British policy was guided by three principles; authority, cooperation and detachment with natives. On the one hand, they adopted the authoritative personal rule, and on the other hand they tried to gain the cooperation of influential groups of the rural and urban communities without identification with any religious community. Henry Lawrence described his strategy with following words “My men are expected equal rights to all native religions and to align with none”.17 The British kept always far themselves from the religious issues among the communities for instance a deplorable and awful incident occurred at Nankana Sahib between two sections of the Sikh community, British Government did not take any responsibility of the causalities. They neither showed any concern, nor took any initiatives to stop further bloodshed, because bloodshed was just for the religious reason so that event had no political significance.18 India was very important territory for the British. They considered it focal point of their strength. In 1898, Lord Curzon said that “India is the pivot of our Empire: if the empire loses any of its we can survive; but if we lose India, the sun of our Empire will have set”.19 So the British Government was determined to maintain their authority in India with any method. They crushed the revolt with iron hand and on the whole took initiatives for the development of the region but it was obvious that their development efforts were not for the people of India but those were for the British as like Lord Brantford gave a statement in early 1930s and repeated the British method and objective of Governance, he said that “we conquered India by the sword and by the Sword we shall hold it…. we hold it as the finest outlet for British goods in general and for Lancashire cotton goods in particular”.20 Lord Canning (b.1812- d.1862) was appointed as first Viceroy of India in 1858, and made many changes in the Indian

15M.S.Tyagi, British Policy in India(June 1895-September1903) (Delhi: S.S.Pblishers, 1982), 6. 16http://www.preservearticles.com/201012271732/ (British-policies-and-administration-in-india-after-ad-1858.html. Date; 21-03-2015., 2015. 17Akram Malik. A Book of Reading on the History of the Punjab 1799-1947 (Lahore: Research Society of Pakistan, 1970), 243. 18IOR: L/P&J/1734 part 1-3 Record of Parliamentary Branch legislative Council Debates May 1921 19Z.A. Ahmed.. A Brief Analysis of The New Constitution(Allahabad: Political and Economic Information Department of the All India Congress Committee, 1937), 1. 20Ibid, 1. 26

administration. Lord Canning adopted the conservative attitude towards the Indians.21 He tried to enforcement of the British rule with the help of the upper classes and the hereditary Landlords of India and strengthened the feudal elements.22 Through this strategy they tried to assuage the Indian nobility to dwindle the animosity of the relation between the British and Indians. In his view respective attitude of the British towards the Indians would make Indians loyal to the British. Canning’s policy could not prove fruitful. Neither it could change the Indians opinion nor decrease the gulf between the British and the Indian. In the 1895 Salisbury, prominent leader of the Unionist Party of posted the Hamilton as Secretary of the State for India. Hamilton had already been associated with the Indian affairs since 1874 and well acquainted with the Indian affairs and focused to strengthen the British. He had not much interest in the security of the India. His first priority was to make Britain a powerful country. After the Salisbury, Lord Lytton (1876-1880) came to administrate the region, he mixed the colours of the all former administrative and to fulfill the British Government’s desires; he followed the Salisbury and reduced the tariff on the British cotton goods to promote the British trade, persuaded the Canning track and collaborated with the upper classes and for the appeasement held a great Darbar to proclaim the Queen as Empress.23 On the one side, he introduced the Vernacular Press Act which empowered the Magistrate to crush the freedom of the Indian press and prevented the Indian to keep arms without license; on the other side, he empowered the province over the expenditure of all provincial matters like Stamps, excise, Land revenue law and justice. He promoted such policies which might strengthen the financial power and position of the provinces. At the end of nineteenth century, the British policy evolved around the development of the people but did not give them freedom of thought. As for the economic development of region concerns the British adopted the ‘Laissez-faire policy’24 in all over India. In the earlier period of Raj, the Government of India mainly worked for the promotion of industries.25 Government promoted the Jute and Cotton industries but by the mid of the nineteenth century, a new idea evolved and Government of India adopted the policy to discourage the Indian businessman.26 As far as India concerns, British followed the general policy but the Punjab has its own geographical, economic and strategic importance that was the

21Gopal Singh. British Policy in India 1858-1905,( New York : Cambridge University Press, 1965), 380. 22Ibid. 23Ibid. 24Laisser-fair is an economic system without Government interference in the transaction between private parties in terms of regulations, privileges, tariffs, and subsidies. 25Curzon Papers, Vol. 182, Pt. 2, No 54. 26M.S.Tyagi, British Policy in India(June 1895-September1903) (Delhi: S.S.Pblishers, 1982). 301. 27

reason they took some important measures. A Board of Administration comprises of three members Sir Henry Lawrence, John Lawrence and Sir Charlaes Mansel.27 The Board had authority to control over all matters. The Board’s responsibilities were divided into three categories; revenue, political and judicial and each member of board had charge on one of them.28

The Sikh was former ruler of the Punjab. The British did not give breathing time to the Sikhs, immediately Administration Board took three steps; first, disbanded the Khalsa Army and disarmed the people of the Punjab,29 second created the stable boundary line between the Afghanistan and Punjab and for the security of the North-West Frontier territories organized Punjab Frontier Force, military cantonments and forts were constructed in the Frontier region and third they reorganized the police force to secure the peace and stability in the region.30

Administration Board took initiatives regarding the Jagirdari31 system. John and Henry Lawrence had difference of opinion regarding tackling tactics of landlords. Henry advocated a liberal way but john considered them Parasites, who sucked the blood of hardworking tenants and Ryots.32 As a result of this difference of opinion, Administration Board closed down in 185333 and Punjab came under the john Lawrence’s strategies. John Lawrence put his efforts for the prosperity of the Punjab. He won the favors of Jagirdars and by perceiving their claims to hereditary lands. The Sikh community was very much satisfied with him for the grant of the Sikhs’ holy places; Gurdwaras of Amritsar, Taran Taran, Nankana Sahib and many others were confirmed and their holdings were also registered whereas remission and reduction of land revenue was granted which was never done before.34 From the annexation the British always enhanced agriculture potential and suppressed the intellectual talent. The British introduced

27Huge Kennedy Trevaskis, The Punjab of To-Day. Vol. I,(Lahore: Civil and Military Gazette Press, 1931), 11. 28Pawan K. Singla. British Administration in Punjab 1897-1919 and its Reaction.(New Delhi: National Book Organization, 2003), 6. 29Ibid, 6. 30Ibid, 7. 31For the purpose of the collection of land revenue area was allotted to the individuals. It was an old tradition of subcontinent. During the Sultanate period it was called Iqtadari system. Jagirdari System basically was continuation of Iqtadari System and this system was introduced by the Mughals. Allotted area of land to individual called Jagir and area of land holder called Jagirdar. This system throughout its creation was used not only for the economic purposes but political purposes as well. and Rrot is an common term which is used for the peasant and cultivators. They served their landlords as hired labour. 32SUkhmani Bal, British Administration in the Punjab and its Aftermath (Amritsar: Dev University, 1986). 2, 33Huge Kennedy Trevaskis, The Punjab of To-Day. Vol. I,(Lahore: Civil and Military Gazette Press, 1931), 11. 34Narang, K., & Gupta , H. History of the Punjab 1500-1858 (Delhi: U.C. Kapur &Sons, 1969), 383. 28

agriculture reforms during the 1890-1920. Lawrence started digging of the Bari Doab Canal and also took interest in construction of roads and railway links. The first railway link between Amritsar to Multan was surveyed by him and it was completed in 1859.35 Basically these road and railway links particularly “building of railway in India was to connect by thousand threads of steel the interior of peasant India to the capitalist market and its need, particularly to the needs of English industry”36 As result of these reforms, agriculture developed, making Punjab source of considerable surplus of wealth. When Curzon took charge as Viceroy of India he supported the Indian businessman and ensured that “they were the integral part of the fabric of the Indian Empire.”37 But in contrast to whole India in Punjab, a major source of revenue for the Government of India was the Land Tax which was 40% of the total gross revenue. Thus, British paid special attention towards agrarian policies which were designed particularly to engender the revenue. Mineral wealth of the Salt Range had special attraction for the British. British started the agriculture colonization from the 1885 in the western Punjab which was continued till the end of their Raj.38 A network of the canals which took off from the rivers spread over the plains of the western Punjab and the nine colonies were established around this network. Canal colonies had made great impact on the people of Punjab, through this development uncultivated land turned into progressive fields. The considerable size of holdings to grantees with the facilities of transportation and marketing increased the settlers’ income which became the reason of prosperity in the region.39

Canal Colonies

In 1885, British planned transformation of barren land into irrigable land. The British established canal colonies with the objectives to enhance the progress of agriculture, shifted the demographic density in the central part of the Punjab for revenue generating. After the setup of canal colonies, agriculture production was improved all over the region, secondly despite the restricted allotments of land among few dominant sections of rural community, the People from

35Ibid, 383. 36Ralph, Fox. The Colonial Policy of British Imperialism(U.K: Oxford Universty Press, 2008), 23. 37M.S.Tyagi, British Policy in India(June 1895-September 1903)(Delhi:S.S.Publishers, 1982), 72. 38Imran Ali, The Punjab under Imperialism, 1885-1947 (Prinston University Press, 1988), 9. 39Idrees, Khawaja, Development, Disparity and Colonial Shocks: Do Endowments Matter? UCLA: Institute for Research on Labor and Employment. Retrieved from https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0ck918nv on dated 8-8-2018. Publication date 30-11-12. 29

lower or schedule class and poor peasants were excluded from land allocation.40 A heavy resettlement was recorded in the new areas41 and population pressure released; thirdly it improved the socio-economic condition of those people who had no resources of agriculture. Production growth rate increased not only in agriculture but in Industry as well. Lyallpur, Montgomery and were established with high progress of industry. From the beginning of this initiative till expiration of British Raj, the irrigated area in the Punjab enlarged from 3 million acres to 14 million acres.42 Before 1885 only in Amritsar and Lahore population density was 10000 but in 1941 this population strength was recorded that Punjab had seven cities with this demographic figures.

Canal Colonies in the Punjab 1886-1926

Name of Period Doab District Name of Estimated cost Colony Canal work of construction Sadhnai 1886-1888 Bari Multan Sadhnai 1,301 Sohag Para 1886-1888 Bari Montogomery Lower Sohag 1,803 para Chunian 1896-1898 Bari Lahore Upper Bari 1904-1906 Doab Chenab 1896-1898 Rechna Gujranwala, Lower 53072 1926-1930 Jhang, Lyallpur, Chenab Lahore, Sheikhupura Jhlum 1902-1906 Jech Shahpur, Jhung Lower 43,613 Jhelum Lower Bari 1914-1924 Bari Montogomery,M Lower Bari 25,086 Doab ultan Doab Upper 1915-1919 Rechna Gujranwala, Upper 43,596 Chenab Sailkot, Chenab Sheikhupura Upper Jhelum 1916-1921 Jech Gujrat Upper Jhelum 49,770 Nili Bar 1926 Bari Montogomery,M Sutlej Valley 83,787 ultan Project Source: Imran Ali, The Punjab under Imperialism, 1885-1947. P.9. In the twentieth century industrial development also depended on agriculture such as in Ambala 28 factories and Ludhiana 11 factories were concerned with cotton, Sailkot which was well known for its manufacture of sports, no less than 18 factories were concerned with

40M.Mufakharul Islam, M. Irrigation, Agriculture and the Raj: Punjab 1887-1947(New Delhi: Manohar Publishers, 1997). 41IanTalbot, Khizar Hyat Tawana: The Punjab Unionist Party and the Partition of India Urdu trans Kamran Tahir(London: Curzon Press 1996), 42Imran Ali, The Punjab under Imperialism, 1885-1947(Prinston University Press, 1988), 10. 30

agriculture, in Shahpur 14 factories were connected with cotton.43 In fact industrial progress was not possible without agricultural development but more than that colonization schemes were just for the sake of Government economic and political interests. Under the cloak this distribution of land administration had gained the loyalty and favour of the rural community.44 In these colonies 40% of land was allotted to native population of districts and remaining settlers came from distant areas. In the beginning migration from the ancestral areas to new colonies was very difficult for the rural population of the Punjab but for the economic benefits they compelled themselves for migration. During the Canal Colonies settlement principle of homogeneity and social harmony was strictly observed.45 Side by side principle of hegemony was also followed and in the Canal Colonies land was allotted to those people who had already enjoyed the Land Lord Status in their native areas.

Land Distribution by Caste and Community

The Canal Colonies were structured in around fifty years one by one. A huge migration from different area of the region with the variety of casts such as Arains, Jat, Kambohs,Sainis and Rajput occurred during this period.

Sidhnai Colony

The Sidhnai Colony established during 1886- 88, it covers the area of Multan district and 176,702 acres were distributed among 2, 705 settlers. There was minimum allocation of 50 acres.46 Districts of Lahore, Amritsar, Gurdaspur, Hoshiarpur, Jullunder and Ferozpur were preferred as for settler concerns, DC Multan reported that Sikh Jats from Amritsar were first settlers of this colony.47

Sindhnai Colony: Allotted area and Muslim, Hindu and Sikh Grantees

Caste Muslim Grantees Allotted area Hindu and Sikh Grantees Allotted Area Jat 1,012 62.15% 188 12.22% Syed 58 3.49% --- - Sheikh 27 2.7% - - Afghan 38 2.27% - -

43Census Report 1921, 366-67. 44Imran Ali, The Punjab under Imperialism, 1885-1947(Prinston University Press, 1988), 13. 45Ibid, 64. 46JG, Beazley & FH, Puckle,The Punjab Colony Manual, Lahore, 1922, 4. 47Report by DC, Multan, n.d.; in “Sidhnai Canal”, File II/251/3 K.w., 197. 31

Rajput 14 0.75% - - Kamboh 109 6.77% 02 0.14 34 2.19 - - Miscellaneous 13 0.87 119 7.08 Source: Sidhnai Board of Revenue BOR4/251/3KW, 217, and Imran Ali Imran Ali, The Punjab under Imperialism, 1885-1947(Princeton University Press, 1988), 46. Sohag Para (Lower Bari Doab) Sohag Para and Sidhnai both colonies were established in same period of time but Sohag Para covers area of the Montgomery. The Jat Sikhs were dominant grantees of this colony, almost 38 per cent of the area was allocated to Jat Sikhs, with the average size of their holdings being sixty acres. An individual grant of 7,800 acres was allotted to Sir Khem Singh Bedi, a Sikh from Rawalpindi, he became the largest landholder.48 Sohag Para (Lower Bari Doab)

Caste Community Number of Grantees Percent Jat Sikh 484 37.90 Khatri Sikh 37 4.52 Khatri Sikh (Khem Singh Bedi) 01 10.06 Arain Muslim 121 5.90 Kamboh Muslim 97 5.30 Mahtam Muslim 156 8.33 Kamboh Hindu 51 2.89 Others 310 25.10 Source: Imran Ali, The Punjab under Imperialism, 1885-1947(Princeton University Press, 1988), 47. Settlement Lower Bari Doab Colony

This Colony lays between river Ravi and Beas and covers district of Montgomery and Multan. The following figures will show the distribution of the communities in the colony as reported in the census of 1931. Practically entire population is concerned either directly or indirectly with agriculture.

Area Hindu Jain Sikh Muslim Christians others Montgomery 50,859 27 40,161 222,029 9,014 5 Okara 25,711 1 32,973 154,951 6,569 3

48IOR: H/251/97 Board of Revenue Record. 177 32

Khanewal 31,953 13 15,343 143,906 6,559 - Total 108,523 41 88,477 520,886 22,142 8 Percentage 15% - 12% 70% 3% -

Source: Wazir Chand, Settlement Collector, Final Report on the Settlement of the Urban Areas in the Lahore District 1925-27. Lahore: Government Printing, Punjab, 1927, Appendix II, ii.

Distribution of Land Upper Chenab Colony

The Chenab Colony covers whole district of Lyallpur (now ) and some parts of Gujranwala, Jhang and Lahore districts. Main grantees were Jats with 38 percent share of allocations, Muslims and Hindus each got 31 percent. In given table Hindu Jats practically all belong to Sikhs who were very important members of the agricultural community.49

(Immigrants -64.6 percent of whole colony)

Religion Cast Percentage Religion Cast Percentage Hindu Jat 23.67 Muslim Jat 12.31 Kamboh 2.45 Gujar 1.22 Saini .87 Arian 10.7 Rajput .52 Rajput 2.75 Miscellaneous 4.3 Pathan 1.43 Christians Miscellaneous .61 Kamboh .58 Miscellaneous 2.51

Distribution of Land Upper Chenab Colony(indigenous- 35.4 percent of whole colony) Religion Cast % Religion Cast Percentage Hindu Jat Sikh 1.6 Muslim Jat 1.76 Arora .78 Sayyad, Qureshi 2.06 Mazhbi .63 others .54

49IOR: NEG 9966, B.H.Dobson, Esquire, I.C.S., Settlement Officer. Final Report on the Chenab Colony Settlement. (Lahore: Government Printing Punjab 1915), 37. 33

Others .6

Source: IOR: NEG 9966, B.H.Dobson, Esquire, I.C.S., Settlement Officer. Final Report on the Chenab Colony Settlement. Lahore: Government Printing Punjab, 1915, 37,43 Agriculture had great importance as the backbone in the economic system of the Punjab. Land holders and peasants were two main organs of this system. The British realized that the allegiance of this class was essential for their political survival. The canal colonies settlements played vital role in development of the region. The British allotted almost 3,000,000 acres in the form of peasant grants and proportion of these grantees was never less than 50% in any canal colony.50 Sir Edward Maclagan, Governor of the Punjab (1921-1924) admired the Punjab peasants; he said that “no colony could have had better material, for Ludhiana, Jullundur and Amritsar represent the flower of Indian agriculture”.51 These areas were home of the Sikhs Jat, according to the Maclagan’s statement they were considered “the most desirable of colonists”52 when the population of Punjab largely shifted from central Punjab to canal colonies settlers in the most of colonies such as Sheikhupura, Lyallpur, most of them were Hindus and Sikhs. Sikhs became landowners in canal colonies settlements such as Sheikhupura where the majority of Sikhs were land owners and they employed the large number of the Muslims as tenants and spies.53 It is true that Sikh were not in clear majority in any district but for the reason of their physical qualities; toughness, energy and courage their contribution was remarkable.54 They had a possession of the best land in the central Punjab and those districts were surplus food areas where the Sikh peasants were in majority.55 The Sikhs position after the settlement of Canal Colonies economically became stronger which was shown in Census 1941. In 1940-41 Punjab was producing wheat almost half of the total India’s production and cotton return was more than one third.

Crops Year Total India (qty) Punjab Punjab share% Wheat 1940-41 8,091,000 3,390,000 41.89% Cotton 1940-41 3,397,000 1,215,000 35.76%

Source: Harnam Singh, Punjab the Homeland Of The Sikhs, 1945, 13.

50Imran Ali, The Punjab under Imperialism, 1885-1947(Prinston University Press, 1988), 64. ` 51Harnam Singh, Punjab the Homeland Of The Sikhs, 1945, 12. And quoted in Darling, The Punjab Peasant, 136. 52Ibid, 12. 53Ian Talbot, ed. The Independence of India and Pakistan(New York:Oxford University Press, 2013, 95-97. 54Harnam Singh, Punjab the Homeland Of The Sikhs, 1945, 12. 55Ibid, 13. 34

The Punjab was house of grain so the British Government took initiatives to educate young generation regarding new methods and techniques of agriculture. Sir Louis Dane; Lieutenant and Governor of the Punjab laid foundation stone of the Punjab Agricultural College and Research Institute in 1906 which was upgraded as the University of Agriculture, Faisalabad.

The military system was reorganized in such a way that Indians could not unite themselves against the British.56 Lord Ellenborough explained British policy as follow: “our very existence depended upon the exclusion of the Indians from military and political power. We have won the Empire by the sword and we preserve it by the same means”57 The British military officials Lord Roberts and Lord Kitchner had an opinion that the Punjab was home of best fighting soldiers and among whom Jat Sikhs of Central Punjab were most vital and energetic section.58 Lord Dalhousie had wished to weaken the Sikhs’ grip in the civil military administration of the province. In the secret letter of June 1849 he wrote that “we Feel inclined to distrust the Sikhs generally and should not see any attempt made to increase the number of regiments from that population”.59 In the 1849 about 8000 people who were used as police force were discharged from service. 60 The British in order to control the Sikh recruitment in the army introduced new recruitment rules. According to the rules Sikh were restricted to cut their beards and hair.61 It was unacceptable for Sikhs so it effected their recruitment. In the year of 1850 just 200 Sikhs were enlisted in the army total of the 14,800 in the entire British army.62 It is true that soon after the annexation British banned the Sikhs’ recruitment in the army and British policy “bringing all to dead level”63 continued till the War of 1857 but After dawn of the Crown in the 1858, the British changed their recruitment policy and adopted rule of assimilation but kept safe British supremacy. They reorganized Indian armies and welcomed the Sikh recruitment in the army. In 1858 seventy-five thousand native troops were Punjabi out of total 80000 of Bengal army and among one third proportion; around 23000 was occupied by Sikhs. By the year of 1875 one third proportion of whole comprised of Punjabis. By the 1864, the total strength of the native armies was reduced and number of the British elements increased. For

56M.S.Tyagi, British Policy in India(June 1895-September 1903)(Delhi: S.S. Publishers, 1982), 6. 57Majumdar, R.C British Paramountacy and Indians Renaissance, Vol X(Ptd. 1965.), 383. 58Francis Michael O'Dwyer, Francis, India As I Knew It 1885-1925(London: Constable &Co, 1925), 213. 59M.L. Ahluwalia, Land Marks In Sikh History: A Fully Reasearched and Documented History: 1699-1947(New Delhi: M/s Ashoka International Publishers, 1996)., 211-12. 60Ibid, 212. 61Ibid, 62Ibid, 211-12. 63Ian Talbot, Punjab and the Raj 1849-1947 (New Delhi: Manohar Publications,1988), 49. 35

the British Officers Promotions and allowances were more than native officers.64 Officers always appointed from the British because British soldiers did not like the Indians as officer according to General White Views that “the presence of the colour men among the officers of British regiments would not be liked by the British soldiers”65 but it was not possible in the long run so as a solution Government of India decided that gradually to replace the low caste soldiers by the better fighting material available within the area.66 In the subsequent years many variations were adopted in the military system. The Punjab had a significant importance in the army recruitment. Punjab rural population beside this were working as peasant proprietor, they were ‘The Spear- Head’ and the ‘sword-hand’ of the India.67 However, till then the first decade of the twentieth century Bengal, Madras and Bombay were the main recruiting centers for the Indian army.68 During the First World War situation changed and almost quarter of a million Punjabis were recruited in army and more than the 50% of the Punjabis’ recruitment was comprised of Sikhs. Till 1914 three fifths of total Indian army belonged to Punjab. Similarly the British troops were also increased in the army. During the World War I only Sikh was one third of total Indian army personals.69 By the year of 1918 about “one-fourth of the Indian army was of Bearded Khalsa”70 Punjabi Muslims were 11.1%, and Sikh were 19.2%.71 During the World War II, 48% army was recruited from Punjab. The Muslims, Sikh Jats and Hindu Dogras gained the importance in the army troops.72 According to the General military policy Landlords of the Punjab were also recruited in the army as officer. Land lords promoted the recruitment and gradually Indian army was dominated by the Punjabi martial Castes.73 Recruitment in the army had changed the Social and financial condition of the Punjab masses. Prosperity turned their political approach towards identity consciousness. The Sikhs started the Gurdwara reform movement and joined the Non- cooperation Movement eventually arose the Nationalist movement this was alarming for the

64M.S.Tyagi, British Policy in India(June 1895-September 1903)(Delhi:S.S.Publishers, 1982), 91. 65Ibid, 93. 66Ibid, 93. 67Huge Kennedy Trevaskis, The Punjab of To-Day. Vol. I,(Lahore: Civil and Military Gazette Press, 1931), 11. 68Ian Talbot, Punjab and the Raj 1849-1947(New Delhi:Manohar Publications, 1988), 41. 69Robin Cohen, The Cambridge Survey of World Migration - "Darshan Singh Tatla - Sikh free and Military migration during the colonial period", Cambridge University Press, 2 November 1995, p.69 70Harish K.Puri, ‘The Role of Sikhs in India’s Freedom Struggle:Some Points For Considration’ in Asghar Ali Engineer,ed. They Too fought For India’s Freedom:The Role of Minorities(Gurgaon:Hope India Publications, 2006), 144. 71Harnam Singh, Punjab the Homeland Of The Sikhs, 1945, 17. 72Ibid, 17. 73Ian Talbot, Punjab and the Raj 1849-1947(New Delhi:Manohar Publications, 1988), 41. 36

British. That was reason, in the subsequent years that they decreased the Sikh proportion in the Indian army and it turned to 13.58.74

After capturing Punjab British took initiatives in education sector and established Education Department. Punjab was hub of different religious communities so methods of education were also different but British adopted secular policy and bounded Government to provide education under secular system and scheduled all grants to support this system. Even private centers of education were restricted that for educational grants they would adopt secular system. As a result only European educational centers progressed and laid foundation stones of many institutions with secular approach such as Forman Christian College, Government College Lahore, Glancy Medical College, Lawrence College Muree and King Edward Medical University.

But native institutions were deprived of grants and decline was noticed in number of schools during the decade of 1854 to 1864.75 In 1865 Gottlib Wilhlm Leithner who was principal of Government College Lahore established an association Anjuman-Punjab with an aim to introduce European style of learning to seek and encourage useful knowledge. In 1884 Punjab Education Department revived their policy and introduced some steps to decentralization of education and promotion of indigenous institutions. After that various traditional and communal based institutions were established by concerned communities such as established a college in 1886, Khalsa College was opened for Sikh community and Anjuman-i-Himayat-i- Islam stepped forward for Muslim education.

Sikh Princely States:

Despite annexation of Punjab princely states retained their previous status and remained more influential in the related community political affairs. Some were supporting Sikh demands. Vital Sikh states were following:

Kalsia: was a in colonial Punjab. It was one of the former Cis-Sutlej states. It was founded by Gurbaksh Singh in 1760. It was under Delhi Division and administrated by

74Harnam Singh, Punjab the Homeland Of The Sikhs, 1945, 18. 75Gottlieb William, Leither.Report: History of Indigenous Education in the Punjab since annexation (Republication Books,1882). 37

Commissioner. In the early period its rulers were called with the title of ‘Sardar’ but later on they adopted ‘Raja’. It retained its status till 1947.

Faridkot State was autonomous princely state outside of colonial India. It was a Brar Jat Sikh state. It was merged in Patiaila & States Union (PEPSU) in 1948.

Jind State: This princely state was established in 1763. it was part of Phulkian States76 The rulers were Jat. It was also a Cis- Sutlej State. Its ruler belonged to the Scindhia Dynasty of the Maratha Empire. Geographically it is important because it is situated on the border line of Karnal, Ludhiana and Ambala districts. Jind was a state where Maharaja was really head of people and stood for the rights of his people. During the World War I and II state services for British were outstanding. It had well -disciplined army and always retained good relationship with British.

Kangra-Lambagraon: Bhim KOt or Kangra was historical and vast estate which is governed like princely state. have a long past history dated back 3000 BC. In 1947, the estate comprised 437 villages. Rajput of dynasty were its rulers. Present time Kangra is credited with being the oldest and largest state in the Punjab Hills. It was annexed by in 1810. Its ruler was granted the jagir of Lambagraon by Treaty of Jawalamukhi in 1846.

Kapurthala State: This State was ruled by Ahluwalia Sikh Misil. Its covered area was 352 square miles (910 km2). The Census Report 1901 speaks that the state consists of two big towns and almost 167 villages. It had population of 314,341. The came to be a part of the Punjab State Agency in 1930. During the World War II Maharaja of Kapurthala gave excellent services regarding recruitment to British. Maharaja and his family were in close relation to British officials. Maharaja of Kapurthala consented to the united India. Jagatjit Singh was its Maharaja when Punjab was portioned. He got many titles and honours and medals from British during his lifetime. He also attended the RTC in 1931. He was not in Akali’s good book.

Nabha State: It was one of the Phulkian Princely States of the Punjab which consists of four towns and 488 villages. It was governed by Sikh rulers. Its population comprised of 54% Hindus and 26% Sikhs.

76 A group of three native states;Patiala, Jind and Nabha states are collectively called Phulkian States. These States almost covers 7,599 square miles. 38

Patiala State: was an independent and sovereign Princely State of British Punjab. Its origin belonged to Phulkian States. was established in 1763 by Maharaja Ala Singh, a chieftain who laid the foundation of the Patiala fort known as Qila Mubarak. Patiala was governed by Sindhu Jat. In 1808, Maharaja came under the treaty with British against Ranjit Singh. During the colonial period till 1938 Bhupinder Singh was on thrones of Patiala. Maharaja of Patiala was in favour of united India. After Bhupinder Singh Yadvindra Singh took control over state on 23 March 1938. In the colonial period, this state became 17 guns . All of Patiala were always honoured by British. As like his father he at firmed ideology of united India. In 1947 as vice chancellor of Chamber of Princes held special meeting and gave statement to persuade other rulers of different states that "After centuries time has come when India has gained independence from foreign rule and it's the time when we all (princely states) should unite for our motherland".77 On the eve of independence sever massacre of Muslim community Baras village and Kotwali railway station was recorded in history.78

Sirmur or Sirmoor is also known as Nahan it was an self-governing territory in India, founded in 1616, located in the region which presently included . Sirmur ruler used tital of ‘Raja’ but later it was replaced with ‘Maharaja’, by the British. The Rajputs of Sirmur were vicious and warlike who maintained their freedom and independence before coming under the British rule. This state ranked predominant amongst the Punjab hill States.

Political Consciousness in Punjab

The Political consciousness among the Indians was observed after 1880s and a political platform ‘All India National Congress’ (AINC) stood for the constitutional rights of Indians. Congress got some privileges for the Indians and Congressmen were appointed on high posts such as High court judges and nominated the legislative councils. British administration smelt the rise of nationalism so they took initiatives to weaken the Nationalism. The British Government adopted the ‘divide and Rule’ policy. At first British worked in favour of Hindus and developed the political idea and national consciousness and gradually as a counter poise against started favouring Muslims against the Hindus.79 In 1905 division of Bengal engendered the strife among the both communities and in 1906 Muslims inaugurated the separate political platform. Meanwhile Minto and Morley came in India to introduce the new reforms for the

77https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yadavindra_Singh retrieved 14 February 2019. 78Haroon Mustafa Junjua, “Unread cries: atrocities in Patiala,” 1947 in Daily Times January 7, 2014. 79M.S.Tyagi, British Policy in India(June 1895-September 1903)(Delhi:S.S.Publishers, 1982), 48. 39

Indians. Mr William Digby published an account of his interview with Mr. Morley in the Amrit Bazar Patrika of January 22, 1901. He said that “Mr Morley was never an ardent friend of Indian aspirations and, so far as I know, is not now”.80 So these reforms could not assuage the Indians. During the first decade of twentieth century Sikh community was mobilizing on political, religious and social spheres. The British Government intended to create differences among different classes so they brought changes in education system. Except the Muslims, all other communities were inspired by western ideas. The Sikh community also realized that without educational reforms among community every effort to mobilize Sikhs would prove unproductive. The Singh Sabhas were formed with reformist sprit. The Sikh educated class welcomed warmly this effort and all factions of community. Its inaugural session was attended by not only prominent Sardars even by Mahants Pujaris, Gyanis, , Nirmalas and Granthis. This platform made efforts to varnish internal controversies of community. At first Khalsa Diwan of Amritsar came in existence, ‘The Chief Khalsa Diwan’ a political platform was established in 1902. To protect their social identity, for the development and promotion of and literature, Punjabi Pracharak sub-committee was established. This committee tried to introduce script in Railway department and postal orders. For the promotion of Punjabi, Sikh Educational Conference was formed in 1908. This organization not only worked for the Punjabi language but at the same time promoted Western education among Sikh community. Since the 1917, goal of the British policy was to provide for the gradual development of the self-governing institutions, with a view to progressive realization of responsible government in India as an integral part of the . It was beginning of the devolution of power towards the Indians, dyarchy introduced in the subcontinent. The Montague Chelmsford declaration which was known as constitutional Reform Scheme 1919 was very disappointing for the Indian leaders specifically for the Sikh community which was much upset because Sikh community had little strength in the province of Punjab. In the reforms the principle of the separate representation was introduced but proportion of seats was not declared for the Sikhs in the central and provincial legislatures. This development made them upset. Reforms were the first step on the road of devolution of the authority to the provincial Government and Sikhs were ignored.81 Due to the British policies regarding military recruitment and structure, formation and

80Ibid, 6. 81Gurmukh Nihal Singh, Landmarks in Indian Constitutional and National Development, 1900-1919(Atma Ram, 1952), 271. 40

settlement of the canal colonies as whole the Sikh community was satisfied with the British rule because as result of these steps middle class also shared the veneration and opportunities as like landlords Harish Puri quoted that “among the Sikh was that of unparalleled benefactor under whom the Sikhs enjoyed greater prosperity and honour than they ever did including the rule of Ranjit Singh”82 the British as ruler, till the end of the First World War considered the Sikhs, a brave and loyal race whose role and support glorified the British raj.

Sikhism and Sikh

In the Sixteenth century a Dharmic Monotheistic religion “Sikhism” emerged in Subcontinent Asia. The word ‘Sikh’ is derived from a Sanskrit word meaning 'disciple', or ‘one who learns’. It took its birth during the great Mughal Emperor . Guru Nanak was its founding father. Guru Nanak was basically a social reformer. Social inequality forced him to introduce a new religion which reached its final shape in the period of . In earlier period Mughal Kings supported them, lands were granted for establishment of their religious centers and Gurdwaras by rulers and Muslim saints also showed tolerance. The land of Gurdwara Sri Harmander Sahib() was granted by Akbar83 and its foundation stone was laid by a Muslim saint Mian Mir.84 Later on rivalries arose between Sikh and Gurus and Mughal Kings. Sikhs trained them as warriors. Many Gurus were assassinated by Mughal Kings. Guru Gobind Singh is considered the zenith of religious Sikhism.

Khalsa:

The Khalsa tradition was merged in Sikhism by the end of seventeenth century by Guru Gobind Singh. During the period of Arungzeb, Sikhs were maltreated; Guru Gobind Singh founded Khalsa as martial group of Sikhs on March 30, 1699 to provide safety from religious maltreatment and against religious persecutions. Guru Gobind Singh selected five Sikhs from different sections of Sikh society named Bhai Dhava Singh, Bhai , Bhai , Bhai and Bhai . All five received first di Pahul as first group of Khalsa. The Khalsa was introduced as warrior but it was not proper uniformed army. It was comprised of a group of people who were enabled to take active decisions in favour

82Harish K.Puri, ‘The Role of Sikhs in India’s Freedom Struggle:Some Points For Considration’ in Asghar Ali Engineer,ed. They Too fought For India’s Freedom:The Role of Minorities(Gurgaon:Hope India Publications, 2006), 144. 83Louise E.Fenech &W.H, Mcleod, Historical Dictionary of Sikhism (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2014). 84Arvind-Pal Singh Mandair, Sikhism: A Guide for the Perplexed(Bloomsbury Academic 2013). 41

of their community. So every Sikh is member of Khalsa. Singh is used as surname of every male member of Sikh community and Kure for women. The Panj Kakaar or five Ks (,Kanga, Kachera, , ) are known as Sikh religious symbols which depict five ideals of Sikh religion: equality, loyalty, honesty, restrict kneeling to tyranny and of .

Amritdhari, Keshdhari, and Mona Sikhs are different Sikh identities within orthodox Sikhism. These identities just gave different colours to Sikh culture and traditions. On the basis of these identities they neither played role for political identity of Sikhs, nor had any importance in the movement of Azad Punjab or Khalistan.

Guru’s teachings were near to Islamic beliefs but their practices followed Hinduism. The Sikhs’ religious book Granth Sahib is compiled with verses and poetry of religious personalities of different religions in different parts of India. It was not compiled in the times of Guru Nanak. Despite of all Gurus sayings poetry of Muslim sufia is also included in . Almost 937 songs and poems are taken from Bhakti Saints and North Indian saint and Baba Farid. It was developed against the Hindu’s hierarchal structure of society. It took its inspirations and insights from both Bhaktas85 and Sufis.86 Teja Singh considered Granth Sahib as only inter-communal book in India.87 In this text, God is called by Allah and all those names which are common in Hinduism. For Sikhs it is considered eternal Guru. All significant Sikhs’ religious shrines such as Golden Temple; religious metropolis and cradle of the Sikh faith which was founded by the Guru Ramdas later on Dev completed it,88 Gurdwara Nankana Sahib; birth place of the Guru Nanak, Rakib Gunj, and many others are located in it. The Sikhs’ affiliation with Punjab was unique and strong. Any other community could not be compared with their Zeal and matchless Sacrifices for the province. Sikhism was not a revealed religion it was created by Nanak who created term ‘Guru’ instead of prophet. Sikhism was developed with the passage of time, different Gurus contributed to refine its doctrines. Guru Nanak preached about mortality of mankind. He just gave a set of rules to honor mankind. Afterwards each Guru played

85Follower of the Bhakti Movement. Bhakti Movement opposed the Brahmin Monoply and Hindu caste system. 86The New Encyclopaedia Britannica, Vol 16, 15th Edition(London: William Benton, Publisher, 1943-1973, Helen Hemingway Benton, Publisher, 1973-1974), 744. 87Teja Singh, The Holy Granth (Patiala:Punjabi University, 1985) 88Harnam Singh, Punjab the Homeland Of The Sikhs, 1945, 25-26. 42

his part to organize and reform Sikhism. Guru Arjan Sing transformed this religious minded community into warriors.89

After the death of Guru Nanak, Sikhism was gradually divided in different such as Ravidassia, , Miharvans, Ramraiyas and . All these sects have different approach about and believe in following a living Guru. Nanakpanthi Sikh , staunch follower of the Gurus’ teachings whereas Udassis and Ramraiyas were founded by son of Guru Nanak Sri Chand and son of respectively Udasis, a Sikh sect, denounced the tenth Guru’s teachings. They venerate the Baba Sri Chand. Guru Charanpahal is essential for them which was tradition from Guru Nanak. This sect refused the Khanda-Ka-Amrit and Karaha Parshad. During the eighteen century, as the result Sikhs’ exile due to execution of gurus and other foreign invaders Ahmed shah Abdali Udasis took over the control on the Gurdwaras. After the annexation of Punjab, they were supported by British and became more powerful and influential. They denounced the monotheistic practices in the Gurdwars and followed the idolatry. Some of these sects were established with the financial support of early Mughal Emperors,90 Santan, and Namdhari Sikhs sects were established in nineteenth century. Namdhari Sikhs started Kuka Movement and Santan Sikhs played role to interpret Sikh orthodox during the Singh Sabha Movement. Both sects played significant role in Sikh struggle for the identity consciousness in their critical phase while Sikh community was facing discrimination from their new masters. Merger of new sects among Sikhs continued in twentieth century and Akhand Kirtani and 3HO(happy, Healthy, Holy Organization) established.

The history of the Sikh religion shows that till the time of the 9th Guru Gobind Singh, Sikhism was never treated as a separate religion and its followers were not regarded as belonging to an alien religion by Hindus.91 Even Hindus were not ready to accept Sikhism as separate religion from Hinduism till the end of the nineteen century. They considered it fruitless effort of literate persons to make them prominent from others.92 The Sikhism is monotheistic religion but has similarities with the Hinduism in terms of some religious believes such as concept about

89Sita Ram Kohli,“The Main Phases of Early Sikh History” in Indu Banga &J.S. Grewal, The Khalsa Over 300 Years(New Delhi:Tulika Publishers, 1999), 2. 90Louise E.Fenech &W.H, Mcleod. Historical Dictionary of Sikhism (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2014), 260-61. 91S.M. Jacob, I.C.S,Census of India 1921 Vol XV. Part I (Civil and Military Gazette press, 1923), 184. 92Lala Thakar Das. Sikh Hindu Hain. (Hoshiarpur:LAla Devraj press, 1899), 4-6. 43

nature, man and universe.93 The Sikhs were governed by the Hindu laws. Hindu and Sikhs were used to intermarriages but from the enactment of the Anand Marriage Law such matrimonial alliances had ended.94 So despite that Sikhism have its own strong characteristics but due to social amalgamation and cultural influence, the Sikhs had considered the cow as sacred, followed caste system and they were used to intermarriages with the Hindus. Even till the early twentieth century Sikhism was being considered a sub section of Hinduism in October 1910 second Hindu Conference was held at Multan, Baba Gurbakhsh Singh Bedi presided the conference where he professed that “the Sikhs and Hindu are one and the same and that the Sikhs were merely a section of Hindu nation”95. That was the reason Sikh were politically ignored in the Lacknow pact. Almost all Hindu community understood that there had not been much difference between the Hindus and the Sikhs ways of living, except that the Sikhs were forbidden to cut their hair so Sikhs amalgamated with Hindus during the Land allotments in the canal colonies such as Chenab Canal colony settlement which was completed in 1915-19 during this period their allotments enrolled as Hindu subsection.96 Since the time of Baba Nanak, ‘Guru Charanpahol’97 had been customary. The Guru Gobind Singh introduced a new form of baptism; a man drinking water stirred with dagger, in 1669 which gave them distinct identity as martial race. Guru Gobind Singh maintained the Sikh community as a nation through bravery and skill in arms. He instituted the custom of baptism and made the followers of Sikhism from ‘Sikh’ to ‘Singh’ means Lions’98

The Population of Sikhs 1881-1931

Increased in each census except 1881-91, and in 1881 was considerably less than half of 1931

Year of Census Aabsolute figure of Sikhs Percentage of increase

1881 1706,909(included Delhi) 1891 1,849,371(included Delhi) 8.4

93The New Encyclopaedia Britannica, Vol 16, 15th Edition(London: William Benton, Publisher, 1943-1973, Helen Hemingway Benton, Publisher, 1973-1974), 746. 94L/R/SS/194 Indian Newspapers Punjab examined by J. Misick Simila . Arya Gazette June 5, 1913, Lahore. 95D. Petrie, Developments in Sikh Politics(1900-1911) (A Report).(Published by Chief Khalsa Diwan,1975), 9. 96B.H.Dobson, Esquire, I.C.S., Settlement Officer. Final Report on the Chenab Colony Settlement. (Lahore: Government Printing Punjab 1915), 34 - 43 97Gurucharun Pahol started by Guru Nanak , it was symbol of submition of person as loyal and stunch Sikh in which a man dranks the water in which the Gurus had washed their feet, a custom which led to great humility. 98S.M.Jacob,I.C.S,Census of India 1921 Vol XV. Part I (Civil and Military Gazette press 1923) 184. 44

1901 2,102,813 13.7 1911 2,881495 37.0 1921 3,107,296 7.8 1931 4,071,624 31.0 source: Khan Ahmad Hasan Khan, M.A., K.S, Census of India 1931 Vol XVII. Part I (Civil and Military Gazette press1933), 304. A huge difference in increase of percentage between 1921and 1931 census in Sikh population was explained by Mr H.L.O.Garrett I.E.S., who was stationed as recruiting officer in Ludhiana; a central Sikh district gave some interesting observations which is quoted in L. Middleton, I.C.S., S.M.Jacob,I.C.S,Census of India 1921 Vol XV. Part I Civil and Military Gazette press 1923, that “My experience during the 1917 and 1918 in Ludhiana and the adjacent territories was that there was large number of families of the Hindu Zamindar class of which those members who had been enlisted in the army had, as any matter of course, become Sikhs. Those who in the ordinary course of events would have stayed at home did not so”99.

The Punjab was sectioned as rural and urban but social and economic interests of almost ninety percent of the population linked with rural areas.100 Agriculture was the natural economic source of the people of the Punjab for the centuries. It had become the industry of the Punjab.101 From the Ranjit Singh’s period out of the total revenue was amounting to a little over three crore rupees, and about two crors had come from the land revenue.102 More than 60% population of the British Punjab was attached with agriculture.103 Sikh population about 77% related to agriculture and only 5% were living in urban areas and supported by other occupations.104 In the upcoming years this contribution sustained according to the Punjab Land Revenue Committee, 1938 that from the years of 1934 to 1937 annual revenue was more than two corers (236 Lakh).105 Malcolm Darling an Indian civil servants wrote about the Punjabi peasants in The Punjab Peasant in Prosperity and Debt (1925) that “The very marrow and soul of the peasantry,” men

99Khan Ahmad Hasan Khan, M.A., K.S, Census of India 1931 Vol XVII. Part I (Civil and Military Gazette press1933), 304. 100Huge Kennedy Trevaskis, The Punjab of To-Day. Vol. I,(Lahore: Civil and Military Gazette Press, 1931), 4. 101Akbar ,Muhammad. The Punjab Under the Later Mughals, Lahore: 1964), 243. 102Shahamat Ali, The Sikhs and Afghans(London, 1847), 23. 103IOR: V/26/261/26 Indian Statutory Commission Vol X; Memorundum Submitted by the Government of the Punjab to the Indian Statutory Commission (London: His Majesty Statutory Office , 1930), 7. 104Ibis, 7. 105Harnam Singh, Punjab the Homeland Of The Sikhs, 1945, 11. 45

who had”[g]rit, skill in farming and a fine physique”.106 Specifically, Sikhs were very important as agricultural community. Their fine and strong physique, thrifty habits and hard work made them most desirable and important of colonists.107 In the British official opinion Jat Sikhs were ‘better as servants than as masters’108.

First half of the twentieth century has significance in terms of political development and communal consciousness among the communities in subcontinent. The variation in the strength of the Sikhs from one census to another has shown that that Sikhism has made very marked advance since 1881. Difference between 1911 and 1921 census has shown an increase of 7.8 percent whereas Muslims and Hindus have increased only 5.5 and 4 percent respectively.109

Sikh Castes

Caste and class hierarchy was very common feature of Indian society. Although spread of Islam decreased the culture of discrimination on the basis of caste and race under its sprit of equality but despite the hundreds years of Muslims' governance discrimination on the basis of class, caste and race could not be controlled. Hindu customs and tradition were always being dominated. The Sikhism came up against unjustified class distinctions and discrimination. Teachings of Guru Nanak were a call for equality and parity. Gobinder Singh summarized Sikh claim on caste that “…Guru Nanak championed the cause of an egalitarian society as against the hierarchical structure of Hindu community. He severally denounced the caste oppression…. Identifying himself with the ‘lowliest of the lowly’, he addressed the oppress strata of society…. To make an actual beginning in this direction he initiated the egalitarian practices of Sangat [religious congregation], [free community kitchen] and Pangat[un-stratified arrangement of sitting]”.110 The Sikhism was a ray of hope for scheduled and marginal community but practically it also could not remain free from this social disease. Class and caste hierarchy vertically and horizontally were being existed among Sikhs. It influenced the Social, political and Commercial spheres of region. Socially Khatri, Aroras and Jat were high ranked and schedule caste was marginal community, in the period of early Gurus some names can be

106Andrew, Muldoon. Empire, Politics and the Creation of the 1935 India Act: Last Act of the Raj. (England: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2009), 20. 107B.H.Dobson, Esquire, I.C.S., Settlement Officer. Final Report on the Chenab Colony Settlement. (Lahore: Government Printing Punjab 1915), 37. 108Ibid, 37. 109Government Report, Census of India 1921 Vol XV. Part I, 184. 110Gobinder Singh, Religion and Politics in the Punjab (New Delhi: Deep and Deep Publications, 1986), 46

mentioned as Bhagats even they were from serving class like , , Kabir, but surprisingly this marginal community further divided in two sections Mazhibis and . Mazhibis were most deprived and depressed even Khatri and Aroras treated them in bad manners and forced to live in separate settlements called ‘thhattis’. Mostly These settlements positioned on western side and were far away from main villages.111 Marginal community faced discrimination even in army recruitment. Mazhbi Sikhs were recruited but only for menial jobs. But it is also a matter of fact that Punjab as Muslim majority province and religious land of Sikh had less caste hierarchy as compared to the rest of India. In Punjab caste system was prevailing on the basis of profession. According to colonial government report regarding the status of low caste in the Punjab that in 1920s observed: “it would be misleading to attach too great importance to existence of caste in the Punjab…. Not only is it the case that Brahman has no practical pre-eminence among Hindus, but as between ‘caste’ and ‘non-caste’ Hindus the distinction is not so strongly marked as to create the political problem found elsewhere in India.”

Commercial or Trading Castes

On the basis of occupation Sikh community can be divided in three main classes aristocratic, middle and marginal community. Aristocratic class involved in commercial and trading business, middle class comprised with zamindars and marginal community comprised with Dalit who were bound to serve high ranked classes. Aristocratic and middle class emerged in politics for the sake of their own interests and marginal community was ignored and their presentation in politics was very meager.

Khatri and Aroras mostly linked with commercial activities and dominated on business but all have not similar occupations they also have religious dominance as well as in business, Nanak; founding father of Sikh religion is Khatri and his family occupation was business (shopkeeper) and his father tried his best to make Nanak follower of his caste profession112 and not only Guru Nanak became a man of spirit but all Gurus were from Khatri caste. In colonial Punjab Khatri and Arora were most influential castes of urban centers because of their dominance in trade. Khatris were largely concentrated in where, according

111Ronki Ram, “Social Exclusion, Resistance and Deras: Exploring the Myth of Casteless Sikh Society in Punjab” in Economic and Political Weekly issue 40 Volume 42. 4066-4076. 112Ronki Ram, “Social Exclusion, Resistance and Deras: Exploring the Myth of Casteless Sikh Society in Punjab” in Economic and Political Weekly issue 40 Volume 42. 4066-4076. 47

to English writer Barstow, they were employed by Pathans as their accountants. 113 In many other Indian regions, like Mysore and Gujrat in some areas Khatris were considered artisans such as in area of Gujrat they were called Julahas. Being connected with commerce and trading, their literacy rate is among the highest in Punjab and they were also the earliest beneficiaries of colonial education system being located in urban areas. Bhatias are another minor caste, they were widely spread in Dera Ismail Khan connected with trade and enterprising but considered lower than Khatris. For the British these business classes were unfit for army recruitment and services but Khatris were recruited to control Pathans because of their Pashtu language proficiency. Bhatias were not adjusted anywhere in military and Aroras also refused, according to Barstow: The Arora, whether Sikh or Hindu, is generally unsuited for military service, and men of this class should never be enlisted except under special circumstances.

Zamindar Castes

Jat, Saini, Kamboh and Mahtons were land owners belonged to agriculture castes. Sikh had pivotal positions in regulatory bodies of different Gurdwaras and other organizations such as Akali Dal, SGPC.114 In the view of British officials these castes were suitable for military and warfare because of their temperament and physique. The Jats were numerically larger in size. The Jats are the biggest group in terms of numbers among Sikh castes. Jat Sikhs are also now very well educated and have taken up various professions besides agriculture, which is their signature trade. The Jat Sikhs are known for their lively spirit and easy-going nature. Their large numbers ensure that they now control the politics of Punjab and most Sikh institutions. They are found all over Punjab and are a majority population in almost every district. All of these castes have pockets of their influence and dominance in certain districts where they exclusively own a number of villages, but on the whole they were numerically overshadowed by Jats all over Punjab. Sainis have their stronghold in Hoshiarpur, Gurdaspur and Ropar districts where they hold and dominate significant number of villages. Mahtons hold a number of villages in Kapurthala, and also Hoshiarpur. Similarly, Kamboh lead in a number of villages near Sunam, Philaur, Kapurthala and Nakodar. Famous Indian freedom fighter and martyr Sardar Udham Singh was a Kamboo

113Ronki Ram, “Social Exclusion, Resistance and Deras: Exploring the Myth of Casteless Sikh Society in Punjab” in Economic and Political Weekly issue 40 Volume 42. 4066-4076. 114Ibid, 4066-4076. 48

Artisan Castes

A prominent Sikh caste ‘Ramgarhia’ had skills in different trades and in rural areas, they were under the patronage of landlords or zamindars like Mahtons, Saini and Jats. They made tools for agriculture and weapons. Their skill made them prosperous. Even in present days they are famous for their industry, special skills and incomparable work-ethics. Some other minor castes such as Chhimbas are tailors (), printers () who had been recognized with the name of ‘Tonk Kshatriyas’ and Suniyaras or goldsmiths who like to call themselves Mair Rajputs famous for their skills and essential part of community. Such discriminations and perceptions do not match altogether with the spirit of Sikhism but unfortunately it was existed and is still going on in Indian society.

Service Castes

Mazhabi and Ramadas both are section of a service caste, Dalit caste. Among Mazhabi, Chamars and Chooras who also known as Mazhabi Sikhs are prominent group of Dalit caste. Ramadas are also a sub section of Dalit. Chamars were known as expert shoe-makers and as Chooras as labors but poor people served zamindars and landlords in their farms. Mazhabi Sikhs contributed in Sikhism as religious icons such as Bhagat Ravidas and Bhagat Kabir belong to caste even Ravdas belongs to Choras but both are highly prestigious in Sikhism and their poetry is included in Sri Guru Granth Sahib.

These professions based on caste system were operating in political matters of Punjab. Jat always protected the interests of landlords. They started movement ‘Pagri Sanmbhal O Jatta’ in the first decade of twentieth century. Khatri and Aroras were dominant in business.

Conclusion:

By the annexation of Punjab many changes occurred in the Punjab social, geographical, and political structure. From 1849 to 1857 officials of East India Company tried to suppress all the communities of Punjab especially Sikhs. In the year of 1858 Punjab became part of colonial Raj. The British Government introduced many reforms for the Indians but did not give them right to decide their political and constitutional standings. Apparently all reforms in the field of transportation and agriculture had aims to resolve the problems and provide relief to the people but in fact it strengthened the Imperialism in India. The British established railway system to transport raw material in the foreign markets, organized army to protect their interests, 49

introduced education reforms but in all fields they maintained their supremacy and strong hold. On the one hand the British reforms of different periods proved useful and communities were benefitted socially and economically, such as establishment of canal colonies was proved beneficial and changed the economic conditions in all over the Punjab but on the other hands it created the political unrest in the region because British established relations with selected classes and benefited them. They completely deprived all communities of India from their constitutional rights till the first decade of twentieth century and after that they handed over their rights partially. The British discrimination with different communities is also noticed in different time phases such as Sikhs faced discrimination in rewards after World War I although later on Sikh community was became favourite for armed services.

The Sikhs were meager numerically in all over the Punjab but had great share in army and agricultural development. Sikh religion although ideologically is without caste distinction but this characteristic only retained during Gurus period. They were divided in different sects not only on the basis of orthodox but among them division was visible on the basis of their professions and social status. This class distinction affected their political struggle and they always played around their interests.

Maharajas of Sikh princely states were in favour of united India. Maharaja of Kapurthlla was very dear to British. Maharaja of Patiala was considered leader of Sikh co0mmunity during struggle for Azad Punjab. faced political rift. This pen picture of Punjab provides understanding about the geographical condition, demographic settlement of Punjab and social status of Sikh community as well.

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CHAPTER - 2

Sikhs’ Political Moblization: Causes and Effects Introduction

This chapter tries to understand the political mobilization of the Sikh in the colonial period. This part of the chapter is an endeavored to investigate how, when and why the Sikhs became conscious of their constitutional and political rights and what kind of method they adopted to archive their goals. After annexation a little resistance, had been seen from the family of Ranjit Singh but not any strong rebellious activity had seen within Sikhs till 1857. Later on multi-natured political and religious bodies having with own interests established to safeguard interests of community. The Sikhs merged in main stream politics from the beginning of the twentieth century and over the period their fight for identity turned into struggle for representation. A large number of religious and political parties were established in the multi communal society of the colonial Punjab to resist British policies and voiced for their communal identity and rights. Almost sixty-three political parties from different communities were present in different areas of the province. The Sikh minority was more active for their rights because they were former ruler of Punjab and their all stakes and incentives; religious, economic and political were connected with the Punjab. The British tried to suppress Sikhs in every field of life. In general Sikhs community responded against the British discriminations and policies but some groups favored the British for the sake of their interests. The Punjab was Muslim majority province. Although Sikhism was monotheistic religion but it was different regarding its rituals. Halal and issues created rift between both communities. Among Sikhs vary nature leadership such as pro-British, religious and militant appeared from different backgrounds and commanded the communities according to their needs and perspectives. The Sikhs were vibrant and vivacious community. They were working for their community where they live. Many political organizations and parties took birth in different countries. This study is focused on the Sikhs struggle and their political standing after the annexation of the Punjab. The formation of the Sikhs’ political parties or groups, their activities, achievements and interest in different phases of struggle, and British attitude with Sikh political organizations will be discussed. The British policy for the region as colonial masters in respect of the social economic and political situation of the Punjab and the Sikhs political relations with Influential political Parties of Punjab during the first quarter of the twentieth century are also part of the study. Sikhs’ Political Parties and Movements

By the year of 1849 Sikhs lost their autonomous status. They faced British aggression and hostilities. They were suppressed by their new masters but the War of 1857 provided them an opportunity to build friendly relations with British. They stood with British and made possible some concessions for the community. It was very hard time for them they were considered a part of Hindu community. They had already lost their political power but now their religious and social identity was in danger. To convey their grievances and restore their identity took 51

initiatives. The notable members of Sikh community made efforts to maintain their social status and made hard efforts to differentiate themselves from Hindus. Sometimes Sikhs formed parties but most of the time they mobilized on specific issues and started movements to resolve problem.

Sikh Political Parties and Movements in Punjab

Sr# Party Name Year Place 1 Kuka Movement 1871 Rawalpindi 2 Singh Sabha 1873 Amritsar 3 Chief Khalsa Dewan(CKD) 1902 Amritsar 4 Bharat Mata Society(BMS) 1906 Lahore 5 Panch Khalsa Diwan 1906 Amritsar 6 Sikh Educational Conference 1908 Amritsar 7 Central Sikh League 1919 Lahore 8 Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) 1920 Amritsar 9 Gurdwara Reform Movement 1920 Nankana Sahib 10 Babbar Akali Movement 1921 Hoshiarpur 11 Kisan Movement 1930 Ludhyana 12 Muzara Movement 1931 Hissar 13 Kirti Kisan Party 1931 Lahore 14 Khalsa National Party 1936 Amritsar 15 Central Zamindara League 1938 Kapurthala Source: Ralhan, O. P. (2002). Encyclopedia of Political Parties.

Sikh Political Parties Established Abroad but Working in Punjab

Sr# Party Name Year Place 1 Khalsa Diwan Society 1907 Vancouver 2 Ghadar Party (Punjab) 1908 California 3 Indian Independence League 1908 California 4 Hindustani Workers of the 1914 California Pacific Coast 5 United India League 1915 Vancouver Source: Ralhan, O. P. (2002). Encyclopedia of Political Parties.

Kuka Movement (1871)

Sikh community was suppressed ironically by the British till 1857. During the War the Sikhs tried to show their loyalty towards their new masters and pulled off some privileges for their community. After that they tried to placate their new masters and except Kuka Movement no any aggressive movement could be noticed during the Nineteenth Century. Many sects had

52

been established among the Sikh community such as the Nanak Panthis1, Udasis2, Nihangas; a military Sikh order also called Akali was also organized and many others3 with different believes and thoughts. During the process Sikhism division in sects a laudable change appeared among the Sikhs that they drew a clear line between the . This change influenced the religious and social movements and they started to keep themselves free of Hindu elements.4 This change strengthened the communal identity among the Sikhs and in the subsequent years many religious and social movements flourished among the Sikhs, for instance Namdhari, Nirankari and Singh Sabhas. In the same ages, a non-political Movement Nirankari, started to protect Sikh society from social evils such as idolatry, worship of graves, tombs and trees. Baba Dyal stood against these evils.5 Although it had 50,724 followers who belonged to the North- Western, and Eastern districts6 but due to lack of education and awakening in the Sikh society his efforts did not prove fruitful. Namdhari movement, known as Kuka7 Movement was launched by the Jawhawar Mal Balak Ram. This movement took off its bloom under the leadership of Ram Singh (1816-1885) who was a disciple of Balak Singh(1797-1862). The Kukas had political status and a rebellious movement. It confronted with the Government with the aim of new Sikh state.8 Its branches were established in all districts of the Punjab. It had its own means of communication and transportation.9 In 1872 it was committed in the massacre of the Muslim butchers at .10 British considered this step as revolt and writ against the Government. Administration took hard steps against it and crushed it with iron hands, Namdhari Sikhs were blown up by a cannon in 1872 for protesting against the British, the deputy Commissioner of Ludhiana blew forty-nine kukas with the cannon at the spot.11 There is a memorial to them at Namdhari Shidi Smarg Malerkotla in Indian Punjab. Non-cooperation and swadeshi traditions in

1A Sikh sect who staunch follower of the Gurus’ teachings. 2Udasis, a Sikh sect, denounced the tenth Guru’s teachings. They venerate the Baba Sri Chand. GuruCharanpahal is essential for them. It was tradition from Guru Nanak. This sect refused the Khanda-Ka-Amrit and Karaha Parshad. During the eighteen century, as the result Sikhs’ exil due to execution of gurus and other foreign invaders i.e Ahmed Shah Abdali. Udasis took over the control on the Gurdwaras. After the annexation of Punjab they were supported by British and became more powerful and influential. They denounced the monotheistic practices in the gurdwars and follow the idolatry 3Anup Chand Kapur, The Punjab Crisis: An Analytical Study. New Delhi: S.Chand &Company LTD, 1985, 9. 4Ibid, 9. 5Ibid, 10. 6Christine Effenberg, The Political Status of The Sikhs(New Delhi: Archives Publishers PVT.LTD. 1889, 29. 7Kukas differ from ordinary Sikhs in the manner of wearing the Tarban, and in carrying a necklace or woolen cord, divided into knots which serve as beads for prayer. 8Khushwant Singh, A History of the Sikhs, Vol. II, (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1977), 143. 9Verinder Grover,ed. The Story of the Punjab Yesterday and Today(New Delhi:Deep and Deep Publications, 1995), 10Effenberg, The Political Status of The Sikhs, 29. 11Indrajeet Singh, The Rise of Akali Dal in National Coalition Politics: Conflict and Reconciliation (New Delhi:Anmol Publications PVT,LTD, 2014), 66. 53

the politics of India were introduced by Kukas.12 Singh Sabhas with aim to protect the Sikh identity was formed at Amritsar in 1873 and later on at Lahore in 1879. Leader ship of both Sabhas had different approaches to handle the issues, Lahore Singh Sabha had moderate outlook. Educated middle class was working for its cause. This group was energetic to promote the Nanak teachings among the Sikhs. This group established many branches in different towns and sent missionary in villages. They also established connection with Sikh regiments and started a journal in Punjabi.13 Whereas Amritsar Singh Sabha had the support of elite, rich and the orthodox Sikhs, Khem Singh, Bikram Singh Ahluwalia and Thakar Singh Sandhanwalia were its main leaders. They had strictly followed the Sikh Panthic traditions but they pledged to promote Loyalty to the Crown among the Sikhs and they also tried to get Government patronage for their educational programme.14 The main object of the both Singh Sabhas was to bring back the pristine glory of Sikhism.15 Rather than restoring the pristine glory of Sikh religion, Singh Sabha Movement enhanced the self –assertion and identity consciousness among the Sikhs.16 It is notable that Governor of the Punjab, Sir Robert Egerton, was the protector of the Lahore Sabha and persuaded the Viceroy Lansdowne to support the Sabha.17 For the better cooperation on April 11, 1880 with the coalition of both Sabhas a new body, a General Sabha was formed. General Sabha constituted a committee to establish the Singh Sabhas in all parts of the province and to control the activities of the individual Singh Sabhas. Members of the committee were picked up from the existing Sabhas. But it could not bring both Sabhas in a common direction.18 Khalsa Diwan came into existence in 1893 at Amritsar, it tried to incorporate both Sabhas with each other but it also could not control the situation. Major issue among them was selection of a leading leader.19

The Sikhs were concerned with religious revival and identity of the community. The activities of the khalsa in spreading their religious doctrines were first observed at the end of the nineteenth century when Singh Sabha was organized in Amritsar. Sabha was equally active in rural and urban areas to inculcate the principle of the Sikh faith and urged the necessity of a separate religious and political existence. A separate Khalsa Diwan was established by the Gur

12Effenberg, The Political Status of The Sikhs, 29. 13Khushwant Singh, A History of the Sikhs, Vol. II, 143. 14Anup, The Punjab Crisis: An Analytical Study. 13. 15Ibid, 14. and , A History of the Sikhs, Vol. II, 142- 143. 16Harbans Singh, The Heritage of the Sikhs, 238. 17Khushwant Singh, A History of the Sikhs, Vol. II,142, and Effenberg, The Political Status of The Sikhs, 31. 18Effenberg, The Political Status of The Sikhs, 31. 19Ibid, 31. 54

Mukh Singh at Lahore in 1886, almost thirty Singh Sabhas were under its banner.20 Through these shbahs efforts, Sikh community raised social issues such as Jhatka meat and Anand Marriage Bill and mobilized the Sikh community for their distinct identity. It was the first phase of their struggle in which Sikhs were focused on their social survival.

The First half of the twentieth century proved significance in terms of political development and communal consciousness among the all communities in subcontinent. Sikhs also raised their voice up for their political rights. Every community was fighting for legislative representation on the basis of its importance such as Muslim were more than 50.62%, their demand was based on numerical strength and in contrast, the Sikhs were demanding representation share on the basis of their strength in military, agriculture and ruling heritage. Hindus had importance as moneylenders of the Punjab and comprised of 35.66 % of population.

General Distribution of The Population by Religion 1921,1931

Religion Total No 1921 Percent Total No 1931 Percent

Hindu 9,125,202 35.66 8,599,720 30.63

Muslim 12,955,141 50.62 14,929,896 53.18

Sikh 3,110,060 12.15 4,071,624 14.50

Christian 346,259 1.35 419,353 1.49

Jain 46,019 0.18 43,140 0.15

Parsi 598 0.00 569 0.00

Buddhist 5,918 0.02 7,753 0.02

Jews 36 0.00 13 0.00

Total 25,589,233 28,071,892

Sources: L.Middleton, I.C.S., S.M.Jacob,I.C.S,Census of India 1921 Vol XV. Part I (Civil and Military Gazette press 1923), (Census Report: Subsdiary Tables1921 p: 191) and for 1931 Source: Khan Ahmad Hasan Khan, M.A., K.S, Census of India 1931 Vol XVII. Part I (Civil and Military Gazette press 1933, 318.

20Harbans Singh, Heritiage of the Sikhs, 141, and Teja Singh, Singh Sabha Movement, 35. 55

The Chief Khalsa Diwan (CKD)

The dawn of the twentieth century registered, a new movement which established a Central institution called the Chief Khalsa Diwan. The Chief Khalsa Diwan (CKD) was founded on October 30, 1902. The CKD primarily was reformist organization. It was formed with the very clear objective that

1. It will follow and promote the teaching of and guru Garanth Sahib, 2. Its services will confined for social economical and educational welfare of the Sikh community. 3. It will safeguard the political interest of the community and 4. It will represent the Sikh interest to the Government and According to the times and condition it will make constitutional efforts for the attainment of the rights.21 Its branches were established in nearly all districts and states of the Punjab, and its scope was limited more or less to social and religious organization and reformation which mainly concerned with the socio-religious problems of the community.22 The CKD’s services were not confined to the Punjab; it had controlled the numerous Singh Sabhas which were working all over the country.23 Its leadership had believed that solution of their problems required complete loyalty to British rule in India. The CKD was neither active on the political front and nor joined the Congress in demanding self -Government for the country.24 Its basic objective was to secure the religious status of the community and gain favour of the British Government. Side by side many other associations such as Gurmat Granth Parcharak Sabha of Amritsar, Gurmat Granth Sudharak Sabha of Amritsar, Gurmat Sudharak Sabha Lahore, Khalsa Dharam Parcharak Sabha Rawalpindi, the Khalsa Tract Society, the Central Khalsa Orphanage, the Sikh Education Conference, and the Punjab and Sind Bank flourished.25 Upper educated upper middle class Sikhs who were enthusiastic on having a share of the political power were forced to express them through the CKD.26

21Surjit Singh Narang, “Chief Khalsa Diwan- An Analytical Study of its Perceptions” in Verinder Grover,ed. The Story of the Punjab Yesterday and Today(New Delhi:Deep and Deep Publications, 1995), 544. 22S.M.Jacob,I.C.S,Census of India 1921 Vol XV. Part I (Civil and Military Gazette press 1923), 197. 23Rekhi, . Sir Sundar Singh Majithia and his Relevance in Sikh Politics(New Delhi: Har-Anand Publications Pvt. Ltd., 1999), 36. 24Sukhmani Bal, Politics of the Central Sikh League,(Delhi: Books N’Books, 1990), 3. 25Indurajit Singh,Rise of Akali Dal in National Coalition Politics,(New Delhi: Anmol Publication, 2014), 66. 26Sukhmani, Politics of the Central Sikh League, 3, And Rekhi, Sundar Singh Majithia and his Relevance in Sikh Politics, 38. 56

Bharat Mata Society (1906) and Agrarian Movement (1907)

The Government of Punjab passed Land Colonization Bill in 1906. Land revenue and irrigation tax rates augmentation was main feature of this bill and some other clauses which were confronted with traditional rights of property division were also part of this bill. These conditions created unrest among the people. In this response two brothers Ajeet Singh and Kishen Singh formed Bharat Mata Society to protest against British policies and rule as well. A large number of meetings were held not only in important cities such as Lahore, Gujranwala, Rawalpindi, Amritsar and Multan but small villages also became focal point for the meetings against British. Agrarian Movement (1907) arouse in the Punjab which was against the colonization Bill. It was first movement which was addressing the political issues of the community unlike others religious movements. This movement glorified with success and it build nationalism, pride and confidence within the Sikh community.27 The franchise Committee of the reform commission acknowledged the Sikh importance in army and economics of the Punjab as well, revised its decision and suggested that Sikh representation should be fixed 17.9 instead of 15.5. This concession could not placate the Sikh community.28 On the occasion of 50th anniversary of War of 1857 leaders of the Bharat Mata Society made speeches in various palaces of the Punjab. These speeches heated up the people against British. The Government cracked down and arrested the activists. Ajeet Singh and Lala Lajpat were sent to Burma in Mandalay Jail. When they were released from the jail Ajeet Singh again involved in anti-British activities. He published a newspaper ‘Peshwa’ and many small pamphlets such as Muhibbani Watan, Bandar Bant and Baghi Masiha to criticize British rule. Ajeet Singh escaped from India to Persia in 1908. He continued his activities there to liberate India. He established revolutionary centers and united young nationalists. He continued his activities till his death in the year of 1947 on different political platforms.

The Central Sikh League (CSL)

A part from Agrarian movement several events such as demolition of the wall of Gurdwara Rakab Ganj in Delhi, the tragedy of Budge-Budge, Rowlett Bill of 1919 to give extra ordinary powers to the Government of India to check the revolutionary activities during the World War I and tragedies of Jallianwala Bagh and Nankana Sahib shocked the people and filled

27Indurajit, ,Rise of Akali Dal in National Coalition Politics, 68. 28The Tribune, 24 October, 1920. 57

up their hearts with uncertainty and insecurity. Sikh leadership decided that they would take serious steps for their religio-political survival. Although during all these episodes the CKD performance was commendable in political and social spheres for the Sikhs. On the question of the communal representation, the CKD presented a memorandum on the behalf of the Sikh community. Representatives of the CKD Sundar Singh Majithia also argued for the one-third seats in the Punjab Council than after the consultation of reform Commissioner decided that a deputation. Sikh community was feeling political insecurities after the culmination of the Lucknow Pact and declaration of the British policy regarding constitutional reforms at the end of the First World War. Educated middle class took initiative and The Central Sikh League(CSL) was inaugurated on 30 March 1919, in the Bradlauh Hall, Lahore.29 The CSL held its first annual session at Amritsar from 27th to 30th December, Gajjan Singh who was lawyer of the Ludhiana, always argued for the large number of the seats in the assembly on the basis of historical, political and economic significance of Sikh community.30 Gurbux Singh who was barrister from Amritsar was chosen the Secretary of the League. Other leadership such as Trilochan Singh, Shivdeo Singh Oberoi, Amar Singh, Teja Singh, , Rai Sahib Baisakha Singh and Soba Singh all were independent professionals and educated and very much aware to political needs of Sikh community.31 The CSL published its constitution on July 23, 1921 which was comprised of twenty-six articles.32 The attainment of the Swarajya by the people of India by all legitimate, peaceful and constitutional means and the promotion of Panthic unity and development and organization of their political, moral and economical resources were main objectives of the Party.33 The CSL established Delhi provincial Sikh League and District Sikh Leagues in the Punjab. The Executive Council was the Main Body of the CSL.34 Meanwhile Gandhi inaugurated the Non-Cooperation Movement on August 1, 1921 and provoked the rising leadership of the CSL to join the movement. The CSL had desire to join the Gandhi’s Non-Cooperation Movement but leadership was of all district branches was not agreed whole heartedly. In the early period, only Master Mota Singh who had joined the Lahore District Branch of the CSL supported the Gandhi’s Movement. He pressed the Sikhs that they should

29Sukhmani, Politics of the Central Sikh League,14. 30Ibid, 14. 31Ibid, 15. 32The Tribune 23 July 1921. See detailed constitution in Document on Punjab Vol Six 4-10 33Ralhan, O.P. and Suresh K.Sharma, Document on Punjab Vol Six 4. And Sukhmani, Politics of the Central Sikh League,Apendix A, 177. 34Ralhan, Document on Punjab Vol Six 4. 58

take it as duty.35 Gandhi sent a resolution to Congress in which he described that Congress should support Non-Cooperation Movement for the two objectives first to support the Muslims in the struggle of the preservation of the Khilafat and second was rectification of the Punjab wrongs. Later on Gandhi gave the new dimension to the Non-Cooperation Movement and carried the objective of attainment of the swarajya. The Congress which was supporting the Gandhi’s Movement drafted a resolution that without Swaraj, Khilafat and Punjab wrongs could not entertain. Meanwhile Leader ship of the CSL had changed Kharak Singh, Sardul Singh Caveeshar, Mangal Singh Gill and three Jhabal brothers together with some others were running it according to their own direction. The new leadership differed from old in two ways. Firstly no one had the background of the long association with the CKD and secondly, they were more interested in the new form of politics introducing by Gandhi after ceasing to be a “confirmed co- operator” and “taking to the path of non-cooperation”36 This new objective made it more close to the CSL and many leaders of the other district branches of the CSL such as Bhai Boota Singh and Kartar Singh Jhabbar from Amritsar, Tega Singh, Amar Singh from Churkana boosted up the Sikhs to join the Non-Cooperation Movement. Branch arranged a meeting in September 1920 in which Boota Singh considered the swarajya as matter of life and death he said in his address that “Be prepared to take swarajya and every Sikh should make it a question of life and death”37 Amar Singh in the meeting of the Sheikhupura District made it clear that swarajya is very important especially for Sikhs for their racial distinction and Non-Cooperation is imperative for their salvation.38 Sikh community was very enthusiastic in the favour of the Non-Cooperation movement. Mangal Singh Gill committed the CSL to the Non-Cooperation Movement (NCM) in the meeting of NCM at Delhi gate on 8th October 1920, even he had no authority to do so. In this meeting Sardul Singh Caveeshar, who was the General Secretary of the CSL joined the NCM as Volunteers and later on became the secretary of the Congress. This meeting boosted up the movement and created problems for the Punjab administration. According to the additional secretary three movements Khilafat Movement, Gurdwara Reform Movement and Non-Cooperation Movement more or less connected and to a large extent anti- Government.

35Sukhmani, Politics of the Central Sikh League 46. 36Ibid, 30. 37Ibid, 48. 38Ibid, 48. 59

Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD):

The CKD believed on the political compromises with the Government. During the NCM they were not part of any protest anywhere. The CKD was popular as Pro-British and nationalist body but its leadership was always being attached with the Sikhs’ interests. Bhai Jodh Singh, who was a prominent leader of the CKD in pre-partition era gave verdict about the party’s position that “they were not anti-Nationalist… they wanted simply that the Sikhs should have their own right. When the first reform came and communal representation came they said, we are also a community. They were helped by Hindus because they wanted to use them against the Muslims in the Punjab…they do not oppose the national movement under Gandhiji’s leadership but did not actually join it. They found themselves attached to the activity of education”39 Side by side the Shiromani Akali Dal(SAD) was formed in December 14, 1920 with the sole purpose to fill the gap in religious and political spheres. Its role in bringing about Gurdwara reforms is very significant. Basically it was emerged with the missionary zeal against the Mahants’ control on Sikh Gurdwaras.40 It performed as Sikh religious army. Beside the participation in non-co- operation movement Sikh community was fighting for the Gurdwara reforms. In 1926, and Gyani parting their ways from Akali Dal and a moderate group Central Akali Dal (CAD) formed. In 1933, this group separated itself from Akali entered in politics as an independent party.

Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee(SGPC).

To strengthen Gurdwara reforms just after three months the formation of Akali Dal, on the December 12, 1920 a third association which took birth known as Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee(SGPC). Its branches established in all provinces. Its aims were as follow:41 1. To arrange for the management of the Sikh shrines in accordance with the principle of the Sikhism and Panthak Jathedari, 2. To introduce and maintain the Guru doctrines in all the Gurdwaras 3. To provide if necessary, and to make arrangements for the Akali sects, but has received support from Sikhs generally in its campaign for the control of the Sikh shrines, in which it has attained a considerable measure of success.

39 Extract from interview with Bhai Jodh Singhby Dr Hari Dev Sharma on Decmber 21, 1974(Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, Oral History section. Quoted in Sardar Sunder Singh, 46-47. 40Dharam Singh Sahota, and Sohan Singh Sahota. Sikh Struggle for Autonomy (1940-1992) (Hoshiarpur: Guru Nanak Study Centre, 1993), 15. 41S.M.Jacob,I.C.S,Census of India 1921 Vol XV. Part I, 197. 60

Gurdwara Reform Movement

During the agitations on the Gurdwaras issue Sikh were restricted to wear Kirpan. Kirpan was religious symbol for the Sikhs from the all factions even Sikh military persons responded against this restriction.42 Government took action and fifteen Sikh soldiers sentenced for wearing Kirpan.43 A presentation was submitted by the retired Sikh military officers on this restriction of wearing Kirpan.44 In third decade of the twentieth century Sikhs were trying to secure their control on Gurdwaras. Gurdwaras have great importance for them. These were not only center of congregational meeting but these were center of Sikh social activities. “they(Sikhs) have their religion in their Temples which are not only places of worship but training grounds of social sciences”45 Gurdwaras were used as social center for the helpless people gradually congregations started in it but after the annexation of Punjab British passed on Gurdwaras’ management to Mahants. British Government wanted to use Sikh Gurdwaras and shrines as tool as like the aristocracy to strengthen the British Empire.46 The sacred and religious places became the center of corruption and immorality and millions of money was in the personal and luxurious use of Mahants.47 Some Gurdwaras had historical importance such as Darbar Sahib Nankana Sahib, Rakib Gunj, and Golden Temple(Har Mandar Sahib) and Sikhs used to visit there for their spiritual satisfaction because those has connection with their Gurus but some Gurdwaras are non-historical. Sikh community was very enthusiastic for their historical Gurdwaras. When British demolished the wall of Rakib Gunjin 1913 just for the enhancement of the splendor and beauty of new capital, Sikh community protested against it and sent . Their protest was very strong finally British government bowed their knees and rebuilt the Gurdwara’s wall. The reconstruction of the wall of Rakab Gunj strengthened the Sikhs and made them confident. The Akali and the CKD were always opposing each other but the CKD and it’s all leadership had clear perception about the interest of the Sikh community. In the early 1914 when wall of Gurdwara Rikab Gunj was pulled down CKD came in front of agitation. Sardar Harchand Singh raised a voice against the Government action in the Educational Conference at Jullundur in 1914.48 Sundar Singh Majithia founding leader of the

42L/PJ/6/1734; Part 2, A Brief Account of Military Sikhs’ Struggle Punjab Legislative Council Debates 1922 43Ibid,. 44Ibid,. 45Kashmir Singh, Law of Religious Institutions- Sikh Gurdwaras, 99-100. 46Satwinder Singh Dhillon, SGPC Elections and The Sikh (Amritsar:Singh Brothers, 2009), 44. 47 Durlab, The Valiant Leader,38. 48Ruchi Ram.Sahni, To the British Cabinet Mission ( Lahore : Dewan's Publications, 1922), 54. 61

CKD during the Assembly proceeding supported the Gurdwara resolution and made a point that transfer of Gurdwaras’ property in Mahants’ ownership was the contravention of the Sikhism.49 The CKD that suggested Government should legitimate the rights and duties of the Gurdwara management committee, Sundar Singh Majithia submitted some measures as the remedy of the problem which were supported by the Sikh member of the Punjab Assembly measures were as follow:-50

I. To ensure that the authority of the committee over the Gurdwaras and shrines affairs and Mahants should bounds to use Gurdwaras resources within the legitimate limits. II. To ensure that property which was allotted for the development of the Gurdwaras in different phases of the history officially or as gift would not transfer to the name any person or converted as private property. III. To ensure the Mahants’ illegible to perform as religious guide , and IV. To ensure the worship in the all Gurdwaras should be according to the teaching of the Guru Nanak and follow the Adi Guru Granth Sahib. Sundar Singh suggestions were reasonable and be Government might have them accepted but it could not gain popularity among mahants and reform committee members.

The CSL was throughout playing role as anti-imperialist organization. Its struggle was sparked off by the Gandhi’s Non-co-operation Movement.51 The CSL was a political Party it avoided the direct confrontation with Government during the Gurdwara Reform Movement but it supported and strengthened the Movement in the name of SGPC. Gujjan Singh moved a resolution during the discussion on the Reforms in the Punjab Legislative Assembly that one- third of the total number of the seats should be reserved for the Sikhs, this resolution was opposed by both other communities Hindu and Muslim as well. The CSL, the SAD and the SGPC were new organizations when the Montague Chelmsford Reforms (1919) were introduced. The first session of the CSL was held after a few days of Reforms, this session was presided by the Gujjan Singh who had already submitted a resolution at the time of the previous reforms in the legislative assembly. The second session of the CSL was presided by Kharak Singh and he stressed that Sikh representation was not enough in Punjab and center as well. He increased its numbers; one-third representation in the provincial Council, the five seats in the center Legislative, two seats in the Council of States and in other provinces parallel to Muslims concessions. The CSL which was already supporting the Gandhis’ Non-Cooperative Movement

49 Punjab Legislative Council debates 1921, 50Rekhi, Sir Sundar Singh Majithia and his Relevance in Sikh Politics 84. 51Sukhmani, Politics of the Central Sikh League, 168. 62

combined the Gurdwara Reform Movement with the Gandhis’ Movement. SGPC had gained the control of some Gurdwaras and got victory on key affairs. It victorious position gave strength to the Gandhis’ Movement at that time Sikhs were in position to make agreements with their own terms but they merged their strong movement with the Gandhi’s Non- Cooperation and Khilafat Movement.

By the 1921 The Akali Dal Movement was a joint effort of the CSL, The SAD and SGPC in different approaches; political, militant and religious respectively. This Movement obtained possession of all Sikh Gurdwaras with the cooperation of political and religious factions.52 SGPC was dominated by the leadership of the CSL. It was fact that the CSL was controlling the SGPC’s activities. The CKS planned many meetings in different areas and studious literature was published against the Government to enhance the Key Affairs’ importance. It really boosted up the anger among the Sikhs against Government. The CSL and SGPC seemed like two sides of same coin. SGPC was established as the administrative and management committee for the Gurdwaras but for the reason of the economic resources the CSL leadership took charge of Gurdwaras on the name of the SGPC. In connection for the control of the Gurdwaras SGPC took every possible step. It was purely religious body and had no secular objects or intentions and desires for the establishment of the Sikh Raj53 but it was dominated by the CSL leadership as far as Gurdwaras’ control the CSL had some long term goals rather the better management of Gurdwaras. Gurdwara were their social and religious centers and some Gurdwaras had possession on vast land and large amount of grants which were given to them by Governments of different periods. During the Gurdwara Reforms Movement, a close liaison SGPC and national Leadership and its frequent challenges to the British authority showed that it was pledge to the ultimate goal of independence of the country.54 The SGPC called a general meeting at Takht in order to discuss the new Gurdwara Bill. In the beginning SGPC was against the militant activities of the Akali Dal during the present agitation this distinct feature of non- militancy has been given up and began to take increasing interest in the preparation and dispatch of jathas.55 This change especially in Amritsar was for two reasons first; postponement of the general meeting of SGPC on the issue of Gurdwara Bill and second for report about the ill-treatment of Akalis in Nabha jail. This attitude among the Akalis continued in the subsequent years as

52 L/PJ/6/1734; Part 3, Punjab Legislative Council Debates February, 1921. 53A letter to Gandhi 4th April 1924. Sundar Singh 96. 54Satwinder Singh Dhillon, SGPC Elections and The Sikh (Amritsar: Singh Brothers, 2009), 54. 55L/PJ/6/1734; Part 3, Punjab Legislative Council Debates April 1921. 63

reaction of Government attitude such as in1925 on the anniversary of Nankana Sahib and Jaiton massacres, well attended meetings were held and objectionable speeches were made against the Government. Procession carried banners, with inscription “the jatha of Sikhs, who were beaten at Nabha and released, is prepared to return there.”56

The SAD was associated with Congress when Gurdwara Bill was prepared after some amendments and presented by Malaviya. The Bill was viewed favourably by the CSL, and SGPC, but the CKD and Mahants did not approve it.57 Jaiton Jatha was held up on the advice of Malaviya, in his opinion if Jatha was dispatched it would be affected on success of the negotiations which were taking place in the connection of Gurdwara Bill.58 Later on this Jatha was sent but Akalis and leading members of the SGPC kept them away on the occasion of departure. Akali press propaganda was being continued. Akalis provide a list of 500 Akalis for the inclusion in fourteen Jatha which was not dispatched. Infect SGPC intended to play a waiting game, it would not dispatch fourteen until thirteen had arrived its destination.59 It was clear show of Congress and Akali alliance. Sikhs’ struggle for Gurdwara Bill had spread out of the boundaries two Sikh Diwans were held at Jelalabad and Sultanpore in Afghanistan attended by the Governor of the Eastern provinces, who gave every assistance to the organizers and made lengthy speech in which he praised the courage and virtue of the Akalis. Another leader of Chamark and colony named Muhammad Basher moved resolutions congratulated the Akalis as Heroes and exhorting the Hindus and Muhammadan in India to unite, and free the country from the “Chains of Slavery”60

Nabha Agitation and Jaito Akand Path

Meanwhile the Gurdwara Reform Sikh community faced another encounter with the Government. The Maharaja of Nabha had a soft corner for the Akalis regarding their struggle pattern for community. He was abducted, Akalis protested in favour of Maharaja. A Diwan was held at Jaito on August 25, 1923. Akalis leaders made speeches against British, criticized the British action and started the Akand Path. Many Akali leaders were arrested and was restricted. The SGPC supported the Akalis and stood for the right of free worship. The

56IOR: Sikh Affairs Files(SAF); L/PJ/12/172, 4th March 1925, extract from weekly report of the director, intelligence bureau of the home department, 26th Nov 1924. 57Ibid,. 58Ibid,. 59IOR: SAF; L/PJ/12/172, 3 December 1924. 60IOR:SAF; L/PJ/12/172, 21 May 1925. 64

SGPC sent jathas from Akal Takhat to Jaito for completion of Akand Path. This situation was agonizing for the administration. Government’s alleged oppressive treatment of Akalis during the Nabha agitation.61 Both Sikh bodies; the Akali Dal and the SGPC had been declared unlawful on October 12, 1923. Jatha was non-violent but it was received with the shower of the bullets at jatio.62Many organizers of jathas were arrested and charged with heavy fine by the administration. Kirpan Bahadur, a GurMukhi newspaper reported that “Hundreds of the Sikhs were killed and thousands wounded at Jaito. The beloved of the Tenth Guru reddened the earth with their blood.”63 All Parties Conference was held at Bombay Sardar Raja Singh attended the Conference as representative of SGPC. He was ignored and refused to give Sikh community proper representation. Congress did not bother about the Sikh community and favoured the Government’s action. During the Jaito struggle correspondence continued between the Gandhi and SGPC64 and Congress was well informed about all situations but All India Congress appointed a committee of three members under the president of Kitchlew to enquire into Nabha Issue. Committee decided a visit of Nabha. Akali Dal issued a circular that witnesses who suffered ill-treatment record their grievances to committee.65 Meanwhile, Sikhs’ propaganda against the British rule has started and seditious literature against the British was being produced; Perdesi Sewak and Hind Jagwa were the organs of this propaganda which were published in . A number of extremist papers were launched such as Sirdar, Qumi Dard, Istri Sudhar(reform of women) and Babar Akali and many others.66 Harbakhsh Singh, one of the founder of Hind Jagwa, mentioned that “I shall send my friend in secret news, which cannot even be published in the papers.”67 The CKD handled this matter with the political sagacity on the one hand and maintained its position as loyal to government on the other hand raised the voice for the rights of the community. Sundar Singh Majithia sent a note on February 13, 1924 to H.E, in which he appreciated the Government initiatives regarding permission for Jathas to perform Akhand Path ceremony at Jaito but criticize on fixed numbers of jathas. He wrote that every Sikhs has right to be present at the sacred ceremony of the Akhand Path and strongly recorded his opinion that any limitations should not place on religious activities. He also said that Sikh Gurdwaras are established for the propagation of the Sikh religion and Sikh religious worship, and it is

61IOR:SAF; L/PJ/12/172, 3rd December 1924. 62IOR: NNF; L/R/5/205, 97. Akali-ti-Pardesi, 27th February 1924. 63IOR: NNF; L/R/5/205, 95. Kirpan Bahadur, 27th February 1924. 64Ralhan, Document on Punjab Vol Six detailed letters, 126-151. 65IOR: SAF; L/PJ/12/172, 10 December 1924. 66IOR: SAF; L/PJ/12/172 , 26th Nov 1924 67IOR: SAF; L/PJ/12/172, 12, December 1924. 65

only right that nothing should be done to disturb the religious sanctity and traditions of the Gurdwara by bringing in extraneous matters such as political propaganda.68

For the restoration of Maharaja of Nabha and Gurdwara Reform Bill Sikh struggle continued. A Shahidi jatha was dispatched on the 1st March 1925, total strength of jatha was 500, 250 were exclusively composed of Akalis released from Nabha Reaming 250 were divided into five jaths 51 each and sent to Lahore, Jagadhari, Ferozpore, Sargodha and Rawalpindi.these jathas toured different cities of Punjab to propagate the Gurdwara Bill. Prominent leaders and professional preachers joined the jathas from different districts. A Gurmukhi pamphlet entitled “The Gurdwara Bill”had been issued by Sant Didar Singh of Amritsar, with the connivance of Akali Dal. “The Sikhs were urged to accept no settlement unless all prisoners are first released, the money released, fines refunded and property confiscated by Government restored; those guilty and ‘murdering’ Akalis must be punished; and finally the Maharaja of Nabha Must be restored to his gadi.”69 On the June 20, report on the amended bill was tabled by the committee in the legislative council. A meeting was decided on 6th of July for the discussion on report. Within assembly counter propaganda was started by those Sikh members of council who were supporting the bill. The SPGC gave way to the opposition. After the number of meetings the SGPC called off a general meeting on 6th July. However, before the 6th July executive committee, endorsed the previous resolution of the general committee to the effect that the bill would not be worked unless steps; including the release of all prisoners, to create the proper atmosphere were first taken by government.70 This announcement was also made with the consideration of Nabha State authorities to release the prisoners detained in Nabha and free access to the shrine at Jaito for the legitimate purpose of worship, subject to certain rules. Government decision was welcomed by the majority of the council members and in press including nationalist papers as well, but a few number of Sikhs showed their resentment and press was expecting that might be some Akali leaders who were facing trails in Lahore refused to sign the written undertaking. On the request of SGPC “Nabha Day” observed in several places71 under trail leaders refused their conditional release. On the 14th July SGPC passed a resolution condemning the stipulations as unjustifiable, but omitting any definite direction to prisoners to

68Rekhi. Sir Sundar Singh Majithia and his Relevance in Sikh Politics (New Delhi: Har-Anand Publications Pvt. Ltd., 1999 90. 69IOR: SAF; L/PJ/12/172, March 25, 1925. 70IOR: SAF; L/PJ/12/172, June 25, 1925. 71IOR: SAF; L/PJ/12/172, 16 July 1925 66

decline to sign the undertaking. The SGPC leaders were apparently afraid to commit themselves to a course of action which circumstances might later compel them to abandon.72

Gurdwara Reforms

Akhand Path 101 took three weeks to complete. The SAD issued a communiqué to the effect that they were not prepared to accept any conditions in connection with the holding of the Akhand Path. The SGPC was very obvious in it policy that ‘to clear the way for the working of Gurdwara Act’. Under trail Akali leaders passed a resolution that “in spite of certain shortcomings in the Sikh Gurdwara Act they appeal to the Panth to work it whole-heartedly irrespective of the release of prisoners.”73 The extremist Akalis were protesting against the statement of the decisions. The SGPC boycotted the Central Manjha Diwan, The Nirbhai Updeshak Jatha, the Babar Sher and the Kirpan Bahadur and other organizations no longer allowed to speak in the Diwans, organized by the SGPC. The Gargaj Akali Diwan has issued a proclamation protesting against the SGPC’s communiqué and appealed to the public for support. Other mentioned organizations also condemned the SGPC and published several articles against the SGPC in general and Bill particularly, and alleged the hostility of the SGPC.74

The Gurdwara Act passed, all the Sikh historical Gurdwaras were under the management of the SGPC. According to the Act the Shahid Gunj75 declared, a scheduled , Sikh Gurdwara as per Government notification no 892G of the 28th April 1926 and gave it local management of the SGPC and consolidated the list of the properties belongings to Shahid Gunj was published with Punjab Government notification no 275 G of 22nd December 1927.76 According to decision SGPC was responsible for all matters of the Gurdwaras. It had not only control on the large amount of income of Gurdwaras but had an authority to appoint a staff for the Gurdwaras. In the Upcoming years SGPC used its authority, and played a pivotal role in the Sikh politics. A few Diwans were held in Amritsar in which The Gurdwara Bill was denounced but several of leaders including Mangal Singh and Arjun Singh both were attending Diwans at villages around the Lahore, Lyallpur and Ludhiana districts under the instruction of SGPC for the purpose of passing

72IOR: SAF; L/PJ/12/172, 23, July 1925. 73IOR: SAF; L/PJ/12/172, 13, August 1925 74 Ibid,. 75Shahid Gunj issue was first time raised in 1913 between the Muslims and Sikhs. In 1913 it was a mosque and Sikh wanted to restore on its heritage status. Jathas were prepared at the time but due to World War I matter remained unresolved. 76IOR:L/PJ/7/886 67

resolution but at the same time they were demanding that bill should not be worked until the prisoners had been released. Bill was accepted on 8th July in the legislative council without material alteration,77 governor announced the detailed decision as follow

1. To release such Akali prisoners as had not been convicted for crimes of violence conditional on their singing an undertaking to obey the provisions of the Bill. 2. To withdraw, on their giving a similar undertaking, prosecution of Akalis other than those under trail for crimes of violence 3. To deal in similar spirit with cases of forfeiture of land or pension; and 4. To cancel the notifications declaring the SGPC and Akali Dal unlawful associations as soon as the Central Board had been duly constituted.78 The executive committee of the SGPC met in Amritsar on the 2nd and 3rd October to decide on the agenda for the general meeting. The resignation of the Mangle Singh, the president of the SGPC which followed closely on his visit to the All India Congress session at Patna, was accepted. The three following resolutions were passed and it was agreed to lay them before the general committee:

1. The Gurdwara Act should be accepted whole heartedly and worked 2. The Bhaipheru Morcha should be definitely abandoned 3. If Government refuses to release all the prisoners un-conditionally it would be responsible for any complications that might occur. Amar Singh, one of the leading extremist leaders resigned from the SGPC owing to disapproval of the Gurdwara Act, sounded a warning as to the danger of boycotting the Act, which he said, was a mockery, but should be accepted, as otherwise the central Board would be filled with creatures of Government. His advice was to fill the Board with their own men and then proceed to destroy it by Swarajist tactics. The SGPC bisect in extremist group and moderate group. This Split among the SGPC members gradually widened and it come on seen at the time of the Nehru report. Meanwhile SGPC elections started. During the election campaign leader of both groups have been canvassing vigorously to secure support at expense of each other but extremist were more vocal and active. The public utterance of such extremist leaders as Amar Singh Janbbal and Mangal Singh have laid much instance on the necessity for the immediate unconditional release of all prisoners, and have hinted in more or less minority language that, unless the release has been announced by the general meeting on the 4th November an agitation of extremely undesirable and virulent kind may be expected to be ensue. The extremists believed that they

77IOR: SAF; L/PJ/12/172, 9, July 1925. 78 IOR:L/PJ/ 1873, P&J 240 1924. 68

would receive the support of the SAD, which as being the instrument of direct action, has always contained a large percentage of the hot heads of the party. Some recent incidents, petty enough in themselves, seem to have created a certain amount of irritation and hostility between the SGPC and Akali Dal. The moderate party is in the meantime not sitting idle and is hopeful of success at the next general meeting. In its policy of accepting the Gurdwara Act and announcing this fact publicly for the information of Sikh nation, it has sympathy and in a way the help of the Shudher Committees, the branches of which have lately been holding several meetings in advising the acceptance of the new law.79 The Punjab C.I.D reported that, as result of the election for the executive committee of the SGPC, the extremist have been persuaded that unless they can draw another red herring across the trail, the Gurdwara Act is likely to be accepted without any assurance received from government that the prisoner will be released. Accordingly they have adopted as the chief item in their programme a fresh election for the general committee of the SGPC the policy was adopted at a large meeting of the Akali Dal held in Amritsar on the 18th October, the tone of which was definitely hostile to the present SGPC. The Punjab C.I.D further reported that Akali movement on its active side is to all intents and purposes moribund, if not actually dead. The moderates in the SGPC are much perturbed at the increasing strength of extremists. A leading part is being taken by the SAD, which is now widely appealing for funds to “fill the coffers of the Akali armies, so that the bureaucracy may realize that no power in the world can now break the Akali Jathabandi”. This appeal was not worthy, both as indicating that the SGPC has cut financial support from the SAD, and that the latter is apparently prepared to face a complete break with the SGPC it is further stated that the moderates are generally of opinion that unless the Government comes to their rescue or something unexpected happens, they are likely to lose in the general committee meeting on the 4th of November. They are also said to be somewhat disheartened owing to internal disagreements within the Party itself, and to be talking seriously of withdrawing from the contest and leaving a clear field for their opponents.80

Kirti Kisan Lehar(KKL)

Kirti Kisan Lehar was one of those movements which gave hard time to British. It was formed against repressive policies of British administration towards peasantry. Foremost objective of this party was to liberate India through socialist revolution. Basically, it was

79IOR: SAF; L/PJ/12/172, 22 October 1925. 80IOR: SAF;L/PJ/12/172, 29 October 1925. 69

reorganization of Ghadar Movement under new tag. The KKL came with the aim to get free the nation from the British imperialism by using every possible means and method. After the decline of Ghadar Movement, Ghadriats launched a monthly journal named ‘Kirti’ in Amritsar to protect Indian workers who were working in America and . Before first publication its objectives were advertised in different newspapers that "A monthly Journal called the Kirti will shortly start publication from Amritsar. The Journal will be the voice of Indian workers living in America and Canada and will be dedicated to the sacred memory of those heroes and martyrs who awakened slating India at the time when the value of the service was for higher than it is now, and whose ideal was regarded by our own people as well as by outsiders, as an absolutely vague dream. The Journal will sympathize with all the workers throughout the world, the entire female sex, and the subjugated, the weak and oppressed nations and subjugated India.”81 This Journal gained fame in masses. and Bagh Singh Cashed its fame and on 12 April 1927 held a meeting in Jallianwala Bagh and formed a Kirti Kisan Party (KKP) with following objectives; 1. “For the freedom of India a strong party of the peasants and workers should be established whose aim would be the achievement of the freedom. 2. Kirti branches should be organized in every district. 3. Support the Chinese freedom struggle and Russian revolution should be extended. 4. Small holding should be exempted from revenue by the Government. 5. Eight-hours days should be fixed for the factory. 6. Sympathy and solidarity with the Cawnpore mill workers who were on strike.”82

Although its founded leaders were Sikh but it was not only representing Sikhs, it was secular in its nature. In beginning many Muslim leaders joined it such as Ghous Rehman, Rafique Ahmad, Shukat Usman, Fazal Elhi Qurban and Mir Abdullah Majid, but later on some Sikh religious leaders joined it and in 1928 KKP was declared as party. In the second conference, held in Lyallpur a sub-committee of five members was constituted to enact rules and regulations. kidar Nath Sehgal, M.A. Majid, Sohan Singh Josh, Gopal Singh qaumi and Hira Singh Drad were its members. Sohan Singh Josh took charge as secretary and Mir Abdullah Majid was elected its joint secretary.83 The Kirti’s were working for the peasants and part of laborer revolution during the years of 1926-29. They were organized many trade unions and other fronts with economic reforms programme. On 20th June 1931 all Kisan Sabha collectively organized a conference at

81 Proceedings Home Political, No. 235/1926 (National Archives Islamabad). 82Sohan Singh, Josh. My Tryst With Secularism-An Autobiography( New Delhi : Patriot Publishers, 1991), 117-118. 83Ibid,. 70

Lyallpur under the president ship of M.S. Mangal Singh. Main objectives of this conference were;84 1. General remission should fix at least 50% in land revenue and Abiana 2. Government should announce fixed price to purchase of cotton. 3. Land Revenue should be according to the basis of income. 4. Abiana should decrease, Chahi rate should be obliterated.

According to some intelligence reports of British government, Ghadar Party was also actively working for collection of weapons to support Russian invasion in India. On 22nd June 1932 police raided on the KKP office to suppress the activatist of the party and took in custody many copies of cyclostyled Urdu pamphlet entitled ‘The Programme of the Indian Communist Party’.85

In September 1934, Punjab KKP, The Anti-imperialist League, Amritsar Kisan Sabha (AKS), The Naujawan Bharat Sabha(NBS) and Punjab Kisan League (PKL) were declared unlawful by British Government and their all activities were banned.86 Although KKP was initiated by religious minded persons and as revival of Ghadar Movement but gradually it became under the control of communists. Communists were under Marxist approach. KKP became communal nature party, its membership was not confined with Sikhs but for all communities even women of all communities who were attracted towards Marxism were also active such as Bibi Ghulam Fatima, Raghubir Kure, Sushila Kumari, Shakuntla Trehan, Sanyogita, Uma, Vatsla and many others. This party became very famous in rural areas. Kirti journal was banned. After a year later it started again as weekly journal named Kirti Lehar in twice languages Guemukhi and Urdu. It was strong organ of KKP. The KKP was struggling to resolve specifically peasants’ problems such as abiana and water supply etc. in 1939 Baba Sohan Singh Bakana, Bagh Singh Canadian, Ram Singh Majitha and sardar Ujagar Singh were arrested while they were protesting against the British policies. Kirti Lehar was also prohibited for its publication. In the year of 1941, KKP issued a circular to facilitate women. More than hundred women participated in provincial level conference at Lahore in 1942. Communist Movement had

84Tohid Ahmad, Chattha; Mushtaq, Abdul Qadir; Safdar, Sumera; Jawad, Khizar, ‘Historical Perspective of Kirti Kisan Party and its Politics in colonial Punjab’ in Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan, 2018, 315-523. 85Bhagwan Josh. Communist Movement in Punjab: 1926-47(Anupama Publications, 1979), 107. 86Tohid Ahmad, Chattha; Mushtaq, Abdul Qadir; Safdar, Sumera; Jawad, Khizar ‘Historical Perspective of Kirti Kisan Party and its Politics in colonial Punjab’ in Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan, 2018, 315-523. 71

two arms one was KKP and CPI. CPI was being guided by Josh. Both groups had conflicts which effected regional politics.

Khalsa National Party:

The Khalsa National Party (KNP) was organized in 1936 by Sir Joginder Singh and Sunder Sigh Majithia. Basically it was formed to contest in elections 1937. This party was drawn from CKD and CAD. It was guided by Gyani Kartar Singh. This party was presenting big landlords and elites who always remained loyal to British for sake of their economic interests. It confronted with radical Akalis. It was pro-British party it explained its manifesto as “…we Know that freedom is only to be guaranteed under reign of law……. England still remains the home of freedom”87 the creed of the Party was achievement of Swaraj, retain Sikh ideals and elimination of the Communal Award and make plan to reach national and justified solution.

Khalsa Diwan Society and Pacific Coast Khalsa Diwan Society

During the first decade of the twentieth century economic conditions were worst in India because of Drought, Plague and Malaria. A large number of people belonging to urban and rural areas migrated to other foreign lands for the sake of their lives and in search of bright future. Indians immigration to Canada started in 1905 and till 1908 around 3500 Indians were in Canada and according to official records of America 6,656 immigrants entered in USA during years of 1899 to 1913.88 A few Indian who were living with student status but around 90% of immigrants were Punjabi belonging to Indian peasant class and working in USA factories and agriculture fields. They were facing prejudices on the basis of colour, race and religion.89 In the first decade of the twentieth century when USA faced economic crisis, Indian workers were accused for that crisis. American people disgraced them, sometimes American called them “Hello Hindu Slave” at public places, in hotels, Cinemas and rail coaches.90 These conditions shaked Indians. Indians were used to arrange congregational prayers every Sunday to build Gurdwaras they established Khalsa Diwan Society in 1907 in Vancouver and its branches were established in Abbotsford, Fraser mill, Duncan Coombs, New Westminster, Ocean Falls and Victoria.91 Bhai Bhag Singh and Bhai Balwant Singh Granthi were prominent leaders of Society.

87Effenberg, The Political Status of the Sikhs During The Indian National Movement 1935-1947, 75. 88Harish K, Puri. Ghadar Movement. (Amritsar: Guru Nanak Dev University Press, 1983). 89Lala Lajpat,Rai. The United States of America.(Calcutta: 1919). 90Khushwant Singh, A History of the Sikhs, Vol. II, (1977). 91Ibid,. 72

Meanwhile Sh. Jawala Singh and Sant Washaka Singh were also active and laid foundation of Pacific Coast Khalsa Diwan Society’ in America and founded a Gurdwara in Stockton. Although these societies were established by Sikhs but Muslim and Hindus were also part of these societies. Gurdwaras became centers for religious and political activities of Indians.

United India League (UIL):

To make free communal aspects Hindustan Association was replaced with United India League in December 1911, Gurdwara of Vancouver was center of its activities which were related to ban against on the entry of fresh Indians. This League published newspapers named ‘Hindustan’(1911)92 and Sansar(1913).United India League and Khalsa Diwan Society joined hands together and held public meetings for fund raising for the struggle of their rights and tried to approach British Government to settle their issue regarding entry of families of those immigrants who were already in Canada. A delegation of three members Professor Teja Singh, Rev. L. W. Hall, S. Raja Singh and Dr. Sunder Singh93 was sent to Ottawa with demand that Indian should be allowed to set their families in Canada and settlement rules and regulation should be equal for all. The delegation explained that according to promise made by King Edward, King George and Queen of Victoria that India “is an integral part of our empire, that all subjects shall be treated alike”94 but delegation achieved nothing. After a year both organizations decided that one more delegation should be sent to meet the Viceroy of India in Delhi and the Colonial secretary in London to share grievances of immigrants. Bhai Balwant Singh, the head priest and Narain Singh another official of Vancouver Gurdwara were elected as two representatives from Canadian immigrants and Bhai Jawala Singh to represent Indians in America. This delegation reached London in first week of April 191395 and tried to fix meeting with Colonial Secretary Mr. Lawis Harcourt but their request was rejected. However, delegation members held public meetings to explain problems of immigrants but all efforts went fruitless. On other hand delegation reached India, met with Governor, toured Northern India and a huge public meeting was arranged in Bradlaugh Hall on 18 August to share immigrants’ difficulties. This delegation received a little attention in India. In short these organizations could not achieve support but gave awareness to Indians about grievances of immigrants and struggle that was continued in other countries.

92Gurcharan Singh, Gadar Party Ka Itihas( Pragun Publication,2012). 93Ibid,. 94Sohan Singh Josh. Party: A Short History Volume 1 (People's Publishers, 1977) 96. 95Ibid,. 73

Pacific Coast of Hindi Association (PCHA)

There were three groups active to handle Indians’ problems in various parts of America and Canada but (Washington) and St John (near Portland, Oregon) became centers of political activities. Pandit Kanshi Ram was leader of twenty members who were working in Lumber mill and Bhai Harnam Singh Bhai, Udham Singh Tundilat, Shri Ram Rakha and Bhai Isher Singh were similarly laboring in other lumber mills.96 They used to meet every Sunday. At the end of the 1912 Bhai Bhagwan Singh came in Vancouver. He was best orator and Granthi in the Gurdwaras of Malaya and . He revolutionized political activities of Indians.97 All these Indians decided to establish a platform to discuss their issues so they laid foundation of an organization “Pacific Coast Hindi Association” in Portland. Bhai was elected as its president, Pandit Kanshi Ram its treasurer and Babu G.D. Kumar its general secretary. A weekly Urdu newspaper “Hindustan” was started by this organization. A branch of this Association was established in Astoria. Its office bearers were Bhai Kesar Singh as the president and Munshi Ram as a treasure. After a short time it meetings could not be held and publishing of ‘Hidustan’ also effected. This organization proved fruitless partially but it set a path to start new movement.

Ghadar Movement (GM)

The Pacific Coast of Hindi Association (PCHA) Astoria branch was being passive. Soon after its establishment Sohan Singh was advised that Lala Hardyal should be sent there. Hardayal arrived in the USA on February 1911 and next year he joined the faculty of Stanford University for the semester but because of his anarchist views University did not adjust him for next semester. He was also being involved in different activities with nationalists. Lala Hardyal joined the Association but he suggested a weekly Urdu paper with new name ‘Ghadar’. Later on this paper came on in Hindi, Punjabi and other languages as well. This paper spread revolutionary and anti-imperialist ideas among Indian community to liberate India from British. All these activities were going on under the cover of Pacific Coast Hindi Association but gradually it came to be famous with name of Hidustan Ghadar Party (HGP). Ghadar Movement was founded in 1913 on the Pacific Coast of America. Its founder was Lala Hardyal. Some writers have another thought that the Indian Independence League which was founded in 1910 in Portland during the

96Gurdev Singh Deol. The Role of The Ghadar Party in the National Movement (Sterling Publishers, 1969) 97Harish K, Puri. Ghadar Movement, 1983. 74

exile of Hardayal was converted in to Ghadar Party in 1913. The headquarter of Ghadar Party was established in Sanfrancisco which was known as “Yuganter Ashram”98 Baba Sohan Singh Bhakna was the frist president of this organization, Lala Hardayal was its secretary; Kesar singh Thathgarh was vice- President, Pandit Kanshi ram was treasurer and Harnam Singh assistant treasurer.99 First issue of weekly paper came on with following objectives; “Today, there begins in foreign lands, but in our country’s language, a war against the British Raj… What is our name? Gadar. What is our work? Gadar. Where will Gadar break out? in India. The time will soon come when rifles and blood will take the place of pen and ink.”100 Its copies were being sent all over the world where Indians were settled. This paper revolutionized Indians against the British. This party became strong day by day and played its role in politics, Gurdwaras of every country were center of its activities. Ghadariats made sacrifices and faced imprisonment and death sentences to achieve their goal.

Sikhs’ Response on Nehru Committee Report

In Period from 1919 to 1925 Sikh community was fighting on the front of Gurdwara Reforms and finally they achieved their goal and approved their importance as a part of the NCM. Now the Sikhs were more confident that they could gain more advantages in upcoming constitutional reforms. After the success on the religious front, Sikh community entered in the third phase of the struggle. In the political sphere Sikh community had apprehensions about their rights since the Lucknow Pact. In 1927 a Commission was sent to India for the assessment of the 1919 reforms, for the upcoming constitutional changes in the India. In the Simon Commission, Indians representation was neglected even two major communities; Muslim and Hindu were ignored. Simon commission was welcomed with the hostile slogans and black flags. However the Punjab legislative assembly formed a committee under the chairman ship of Sikandar Hyat Khan and Ujjal Singh, a leader of Akali Dal was its Secretary. All Sikh leadership such as the Akalis, the CKD, and the CSL had same views. Simon Commission proposal was also repudiated in 1927 by all factions of Sikhs and declared that the Communal representation should be abolished and go far some other justified solutions if the British Government really has a desire to overcome the communal problem. A memorandum was prepared on Sikh representation which was signed by the Shivdev Singh, Uberio, Harbans Singh of Atatri, Rigbir

98Josh. Hindustan Ghadar Party: A Short History Volume 1, 96. 99Ibid,. 100Khushwant Singh, A History of the Sikhs, Vol. II, (1977), 177. 75

Singh Sandhanwalia, Sundar Singh Majathia and Mohan Singh of Rawalpindi101and presented to the commission. Sikh community demanded that the representation should be on the basis of voting rather than numerical strength. The CKD submitted the memorandum to the Royal Statutory Commission on May 27, 1928 with the plea that “Punjab Government as well as the honourable member of the Royal Commission for the grant of their right”102 Sikhs pointed out that privileges which had already been granted in previous reforms were absolutely insufficient for the healthy advancement of the Panth. This memorandum was favoured by the representatives of the other districts such as from Jullundur Basant Singh recorded his support on the behalf of Sikh community.103 Sundar Singh justified the Sikh demand he said that “The Sikhs have should get 30 percent of representation in Legislature. Sikhs are small consolidated community centralized in the Punjab …we have fought for the Empire not on frontiers alone but in Africa and the Great War. Taking the question of revenue, Sikhs are paying 40 percent of the total of the canals and land revenues in the province. Hence unless the Sikhs are given adequate representation, they cannot protect themselves. No minority should be at the mercy of the majority allowed to be tyrannized over”104

Meanwhile British challenged the Indian that Indian leadership might make a unanimous draft for the future constitutional reforms in India. All parties formed a committee under the leadership of Nehru. The Sikhs were with the alliance of the Congress from the Non Co- operation Movement but in the Nehru report Sikh community was deceived and totally ignored. Nehru report created the gulf among the Sikhs and the Hindus. In the report communal question was dealt with all India’s point of view, committee did not give any attention to the Sikh problem.105 The Sikhs’ leading organizations; the CSL and SAD had been supporting the Congress almost for two decades and had active liaison with the NCM but This situation created unrest among the Sikh community because the Sikh leadership particularly the CSL and the SAD were not expecting such kind of behavior from the Congress.106 The Sikhs community hold in their opposition on Nehru report, the secretary of Akali Dal sent a telegram to Madan Mohan Malviya, Sapru and Motilal Nehru “Sikh will not submit to an communal majority, nor shall they

101Anup, The Punjab Crisis: An Analytical Study, 1985. 102IOR: Q/13/1/13, Sikh resident of Jullundur district, E-Pun-324. 103 Ibid,. 104 The Khalsa Advocate, Amritsar: November 20, 1928. 105All Parties Conference:Nehru Report, reprint (New Delhi:, 11975), 27. 106Harish K.Puri, ‘The Role of Sikhs in India’s Freedom Struggle:Some Points For Considration’ in Asghar Ali Engneer ed. They Too fought For India’s Freedom: The Role of Minorities (Gurgaon: Hope India Publications, 2006) 76

accept communal representation on the basis of population alone Sikh being majority are prepared to make sacrifice by agreeing to the abolition of communal representation, if communal representation remains, the Sikh will demand one-third share.”107

Mangal Singh was representing the Sikh community in the committee. On the earlier stage he argued on the recommendation of the committee and not agreed on the reservation of seats but he signed final draft of Committee, all Sikh community was surprised on his final outcome. All political and social circles of the Sikh community strongly protested against the report and Mangal Singh as well. The CSL opposed the Nehru Report. The CSL criticized the Mangal Singh’s role regarding the Nehru report because he did not stick with the cause of the community. The association between the two parties; Congress and the CSL was completely broken. On this serious issue the SAD leadership was not unanimous, from the SAD platform Master Tara Singh, Giani Sher Singh S.Gopal Singh Qaumi, and S.Amar Singh stood with Tara Singh and disapproved the Nehru Report.108 Sardul Singh Caveesher and Amar Singh Jabal, , Amar Singh Jhabal and Giani Hira Singh Dard supported the Mangal Singh. Before this, on the occasion of Gurdwara Reform Bill this group took extremist position over the rejection of the Bill. Sikh leadership considered Nehru Report just as scrap paper which should be thrown into dustbin.109 Nehru report was responsible for the irreparable breach among the Sikh leadership. Mangal Singh signed the report without raising any objection and Tara Singh opposed it. Mangal Singh and Tara Singh could not sit on the same table in future.110 All parties Conference was held at Lucknow from 28th to 30th August, Mangal Singh, Master Tara Singh, Gopal Singh Qaumi, Giani Sher Singh attended the conference, matter was discussed in detail and Punjab Pact was made, it was just little bit different to the Nehru Report, and could not fulfill Sikhs’ desires.111 The annual session of the Rai Sikh Conference were held on 13 to 15 October 1928 at Jatha Singh Wala Tehsil Pakpatan, there was gathering about 5000 Rai from Ferozpore, Shaikhupura, Lahore Montgomery and Bahawalpur State. On the third day October 15, all representatives unanimously passed a resolution regarding the CKD’s memorandum.112 Central

107 2 March 1928. 108Durlab, The Valiant Leader, 1942, 92. 109The Tribune, 29 October 1928, Baba Kharak Singh’s address to the Central Sikh League, Gujranwala session 1928, 110Durlab, The Valiant Fighter, 1942, 90-92. 111Ibid,. 112IOR: Q/13/1/13, Rai Sikh Conference E-Pun-327. Narindra Singh General Secretary . 77

Sikh Association District Ferozepore also approved and supported the Memorandum.113A significance feature arose within the Sikhs that their social or religious Diwans had been converted into political meetings.114 Soon after the Rai Sikh Conference, All Parties Conference was called in at Calcutta in December 1928. Thirty Sikhs’ representatives of all Sikh parties attended the conference. Nehru Report was discussed, Mehtab Singh as representative of CSL submitted an amendment to the communal part of the Nehru Report to the effect that “communalism should not be made the basis of future policy in India in any shape or form.”115 A deputation under the leadership of the Master Tara Singh met Gandhi but could not reach any unanimous decision. Congress strongly opposed any amendment in the report; even a Christian leader of the Punjab moved a resolution in the conference that Sikh community should be awarded with same concession which had been given to Muslims and other minorities in other provinces.

Sikhs were shocked on the Nehru report and Congress’ attitude on the question of Sikh communal representation but Jinnah’s fourteen points and echo of Allama Muhammad Iqbal’s address in the annual session of Muslim League more perturbed the Sikhs. They felt their position further weakened.

Sikhs’ Mobilization on Religious Issues

Sikh community was not only active for their political existence but they were more vigilant for their social and religious identity. Although they always merged themselves with Congress on all political fronts but never fought against Hindu propaganda that Sikh is a sub sect of Hinduism. They retained their identity through festivals such as and Vaiskhy, dress code, physical appearance with long beard and five Ks and food habits.

Hilal meet was not allowed to eat for Sikhs, according to Khalsa code of conduct Sikhs have been only permitted to eat Jhtka meet. During the British period jhtka meat was not permitted in jails. Sikhs restored their right through agitations and violence. In 1942 when an political alliance was made between Akali and Unionist Muslims, a term was included that Jhtka meet would be allowed in the Punjab.

113IOR: Q/13/1/13, E-Pun-744. 114IOR: L/P&J/12/173, Intelligence Bureau Report 26th July 1928. 115 The Tribune, 26th December 1928. 78

The Sikhs never compromised on their dress code. They were strict to embellish their dress with Kirpan as religious obligation and communal symbol. Guru Gobind Sing made it compulsory for them. In the period of 1935-40 when Sikhs and Muslims were conflicting on Shaheed Gunj issue Government of India restricted Muslims to display Sword in public and Sikhs to embellish .116 The Sikhs response was very severe they went in agitation with Government. SAD and SGPC arranged joint meetings on August 26, 1935 and December 15, 1935 and resolution was passed to remove ban on the big Kirpan.117 The SGPC considered this restriction unruly and unjust and against the Sikh’s religious life and freedom.118 Sikhs decided to adopt Morcha and Jatha technics to protest against ban. Sardar Boota Singh started morcha. This morcha lasted the whole month of January 1936 around three hundred ninety-one Sikhs were arrested. Women were also part of this movement and seventy-six women were captured.119 This issue was solved when World War II broke out. On the matter of religious holidays Sikhs were also treated discriminatorily. In the year of 1939 birthday of Guru Nanak and Guru Gobind Singh were not considered holidays. This negligence again appeared in 1941 on occasion of the Jor Mela, when the martyrdom day of the fifth Guru Arjan was not declared as holiday. Sikhs raised their voice and submitted a request to the Punjab Education Department and other concerned Government offices but in vain. Another issue regarding Gurmukhi language was prevailed that time. Gurmukhi language is their religious language and was symbol of social identity of Sikhs. When Urdu was implemented in institutions for elementary education in the Punjab and Gurmukhi was ignored. Sikhs voiced to preserve Gurmukhi’s status and held a conference at Rawalpindi on April 28-29, 1940 but Punjab Government unnoticed their feelings and passed a Primary Education Bill to implement Urdu as medium of education. Akali Conference was held on February 15-16, 1941. In this conference Sikhs passed a resolution for termination of this bill and warned Punjab Government for severe consequences. Master met with Governor but in vain. Punjab Government did not step back on this issue. Later on this problem was reviewed at the time of Sikander-Baldev Pact.

116Harbans Singh, (ed), The Encyclopedia of Sikhism, Vol, IV, (Punjabi University, Patiala, 1998), 96-97. 117The Akali Patrika, 28August 1935. 118IOR: PGR, Fortnight ending 15 December 1935, 119Harbans Singh, (ed.) The Encyclopedia of Sikhism, Vol. IV, 97. See also, Harjinder Singh Dilgeer, Shiromani Akali Dal, Punjabi Book & Co., Jalandhar, 1978, 142. 79

Conclusion Among the Sikhs, leadership which played a significant role in the early politics even throughout the British period emerged from different social background such as aristocratic, religious and educated middle class from different trivial and outsized political platforms. They had different approaches for the achievement of their rights; for instance, pro-British, nationalist, anti-imperialistic and as similar their attitude also varied such as militant, religious, extremist and moderate on different occasions.

At first Sikhs responded against the British with rebellious Kuka Movement but they were treated with iron hand so Singh Sabhas adopted a moderate way of struggle. But when educated middle class took leadership of Sikh community, Sikh rebellious struggle was transformed to adequate and tolerable. These Sabhabs not only stood against Sikh-Hindu amalgamation but played role as reformers within community and tried to restore Nanak teachings. Sikhs political and religious bodies were sharing the leadership like vise in 1921 the president of the CSK became the president of the SGPC, many Akali members were member of the SGPC so it was very hard for any party to maintain its distinct status. It was obvious that all parties influenced each other.

From the Period of 1919 to 1925 many political platforms were established by Sikh community to fight for their religious and political rights. They united on the front of Gurdwara Reforms and finally they achieved their goal. Sikhs always supported Congress. They also proved them a loyal alloy of Congress and played important role as a part of the NCM. The Sikhs were more confident that they could gain more advantages in upcoming constitutional reforms.

80

CHAPTER - 3

The Communal Award and Response of the Sikh Community

Introduction:

This part of the study unearths the Sikh struggle for their legal rights in the united India and it also tries to understand how they responded to Round Table Conferences, Communal Award, Government of India Act 1935 and the Congress Ministries. In fact during this period political awareness among the communities intensified and the Sikhs also showed their keen interest in the process of transfer of power from Montague-Chelmsford reforms to Government of India Act. During the first quarter of twentieth century communal clashes had reached at higher point. The Simon Commission which was sent on February 3, 1927 comprised of all whites, submitted his Report on June 7, 1930.1 All Indians were not satisfied with its composition and report as well; its final report was rejected by the Indians. While Simon Report was compiling all Indians had concerns regarding their rights. In the Punjab situation was the worst due to a third community. The British challenged the Indian to give any unanimous solution for the Indian constitutional problem. Indian political leaders gathered and a Committee under the president ship of Nehru was formed. Many political organizations from all communities of Punjab had stood for their rights so members of the Committee were taken from all the communities. This committee produced ‘Nehru Report’. Nehru Report could not satisfy any community of the Punjab. In response to Nehru Report, Jinnah presented his fourteen points. The Muslim and Hindus had presented their views in form of Nehru Committee Report and Jinnah’s fourteen points respectively but there was nothing for minorities in both packages. Sikhs just could have gained control on their Gurdwaras but observing the views of Muslim and Congress leadership, Sikh organizations strived for the Sikhs to maintain Sikh identity in religious, social and political spheres. They were demanding their share in Punjab administration on the basis of their role and position in economic development and contribution in Army rather than on the basis of numerical strength. To settle constitutional problems among all Indians, British Government arranged RTCs at London 1930-32 but at the end of conferences Indian leadership could not announce their unanimous decision. The British Government concluded it and announced the Communal Award which proved a turning point in the Indian politics. It greatly affected the Sikh community. This Award neither satisfied any Community nor could solve the conflicting claims of the Muslims and Sikhs in the Punjab. According to the Communal Award India Act of 1935 was introduced which was also refused from all Indian political leader ship however elections of 1937 were held under this Act. Unjust Communal Award increased the inter-communal tensions and changed the political alliances. This study will provide brief survey of, how Sikh leadership fought for their demands during the RTCs and also will explore the impacts of the Award on the Sikh politics in upcoming years and the reaction of Sikh community on Communal Award will also be under discussion. Role of Sikhs’ political organizations for their communal identity and their effects on the regional politics will also be discussed.

1Sukhmani Bal Riar.The Politics of the Sikhs 1940-47(Chandigarh: Unistar Books Pvt, Ltd, 2006), 1. 81

Since the Nehru Report and Jinnah’s fourteen points, Communal conflicts had been increasing day by day in whole India. Particularly in the Punjab, rift among the communities was higher more than other provinces; “the name of the Punjab has been dragged more than once as being the greatest stumbling block in coming to a solution of this [Communal] question”2. The political situation of the Punjab was very much disturbing for all the political figures because communal turmoil was a major hurdle in the way of peace. In the Punjab Council, Nanak Chand Pandit moved a motion that the committee3which was formed to solve the communal problem should submit a report whether they could have found any solution. In the same session, Sir Jogendra Singh minister for agriculture and Buta Singh Sikh representative from Shaikhupura (Rural) assured to the House that “as regard our community, we will leave no stone unturned to make it successful. It is our genuine desire that we should live and let live. This is the motto, upon which I wish that every community should act and the moment these tangles are solved here then the whole problem about this communal representation will be solved.”4

As outcome of the Indian pressure, Lord Irwin suggested that Indians and British should sit around the same table for the solution of constitutional problems5 before that communal tension would turn into serious clashes. The British Government arranged the RTCs6 in 1930 and invited the Indian leaders in London to discuss the Indian constitutional problems. These conferences were chaired by Prime Minister Remsay MacDonald.7 Fifty-eight members were invited as representatives of Indian communities.8 S.Ujjal Singh and the S. Sampuran Singh represented the Sikh community. Sir Agha Khan led the first RTC as Muslim representative. Jinnah, Muhammad Ali Johar, Mr Fazl-ul-Huq and Sir Shafi also represented the Muslim community. From the Hindu community, Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru, Mr Shastri, Mr Jaykar and Mr Chintamani; who were liberals, attended the Conference. Dr. B.S. Moonje, from MahaSabha, Dr.

2IOR:NEG/30599 Micro Film and IOR:V/9/3442 Punjab Legislative Assembly Debates December 3, 1931, Vol. XX-No.7, 449. 3For the solution of communal problem a committee was formed in the legislative Council. Members of this committee were Sikandar Hyat Khan, Jogendra Singh Malik Firoz Khan Noon and Gokal Chand Narang . 4IOR:NEG/30599 Micro Film and IOR:V/9/3442 Punjab Legislative Assembly Debates December 3, 1931, Vol.XX- No.7, 449. 5Waheed Ahmed,Road to Indian Freedom.(Lahore: The Caravan Book House, 1979), 153. 6Simon Commission came in India on February 3, 1928. Indians did not welcomed him, that time the idea of RTC was initiated by the Lord Irwin and fixed the date 31 October 1929 but it delayed and gave a chance to Indians to submit an unanimous solution of Indian constitutional problem. First RTC starte November 12, 1930, second session September 7,1931 to December 1st, 1931,. Sukhmani , The Politics of the Sikhs 1940-47 187. 7Khuswant Singh, A History of The Sikhs, Vol 2 , 1839-1974(Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1977), 229. 8R.Coupland. The Indian Problem 1833-1935: Report on the Constitutional Problem in India, Part I(New York: Oxford University Press, 1942), 113. 82

Ambedkar represented the depressed classes in the Conferences.9 The Congress, so-called representative of all Indians, did not attend the First RTC. In the first session of the Conference, two Sub-Committees; the Federal Structure Committee and Minorities Committee were formed.10 Members of the both committees had been nominated from all Indian delegates11, including the representatives of the Indian States.12 In the first RTC, Muslims demanded right of separate electorate not only for the Muslims but for all other communities such as Sikh, Anglo- Indian and Indian Christians.13 Other communities also argued for their constitutional rights. In contrast to Muslims, the Sikh delegates gave consent on the joint electorate on the condition of reservation of seats for the minorities but at the same time they resisted the communal majorities based on separate electorate. The Sikh representatives presented a memorandum to Minority Committee; they demanded treatment equal to the Muslims. Muslim members of the minority Committee opposed the Sikhs’ demand.14 In the First RTC a counter proposal of the partition of the Punjab has originated from Sir Geoffrey Corbett.15 Corbett had believed on the assurance of clear Muslim majority in the Punjab Legislature for the political stability of the region. According to his scheme, Ambala Division should exclude from existing Punjab except the Simla Districts and North-West of the Ambala District and its attachment to the United Provinces. This proposal received opposition for the reason that it was based on an absolute misunderstanding of the Sikh position. The Sikh and Muslim population of the Punjab division was according to the 1921 census is as follow:

Punjab Divisions Population (in Thousand) Table According to 1921 Census, (in total population other communities are included)

Division Total Muslim Percent Sikh Percent Hindu Percent Ambala 3782 999 26.4 157 4.2 2582 68.3 Jullandur 4,227 1,377 32.7 881 20.8 1,942 45.9

9 Q/RTC/1, Indian RTC Second Session Second Plenary Meeting, 1-2 . 10Sukhmani, The Politics of the Sikhs 1940-47.(2006), 1. 11These committees comprised of Sikh, Hindu, Muslim, depressed classes, Anglo-Indian and British Composition of the members was changed during the second Round Table Conference. 12Q/RTC/2, Indian RTC Second Session Report November 1931, r.t.c 20:s2, r.t.c 21: iii 13Khuswant Singh, A History of The Sikhs, Vol 2, 1839-1974(Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1977), 229. 14Sukhmani ,The Politics of the Sikhs 1940-47(2006), 2 15Sir Geoffrey Corbett, the Chief Secretary of the Punjab. He attended the First Round Table Conference as Member of British Indian Delegation and he was the member of the’ Minorities committee’. He had endorsed the partition of the Punjab scheme during the First Round Table Conference. He was not the member of the ‘Minorities Committee’ because at the time of Second Round Table Conference composition of both Sub–Committees was changed. See for detail IOR: Q/RTC/2, Indian Round Table Conference Second Session, Minorities Committee Report 1931, Sir Geoffrey Corbett’s Memorandum was circulated on the request of Gandhi. 83

Lahore 4,997 2,849 57.1 813 16.3 1,124 22.4 Multan 4,218 3,246 76.9 290 6.9 622 14.8 Rawalpindi 3,461 2,973 86.1 153 4.4 309 8.9 Source: IOR: Q/RTC/2, Indian Round Table Conference Second Session Repot.16

According to this scheme if Ambala would be separated from the exiting Punjab of that time, then Muslims could achieve further increase in percentage and consequently, the Sikhs would be in the worst condition.17 Proportion of the population after exclusion of Ambala could be as under:18

Community Punjab Population with Ambala After exclusion Ambala Muslim 55.3% 61.8% Hindu 31.8% 23.6% Sikh 11.1 12.6% Others 1.8% 2.0% Moreover, the Indians delegates demanded a system of Governance, in the Center and provincial level as like British Parliamentary system.19 As the result of the Gandhi’s Civil Disobedience Movement, the Congress leader ship was in jail and many of the Akalis also with them. Settlement among the Gandhi and Irwin arrived and a pact was signed on March 5, 1931.20 All prisoners were released and Gandhi called off his Movement then Congress leadership agreed to attend the second RTC. This settlement was received all over the country with great rejoicing.21 In the Punjab Council, a resolution moved for the appreciation of the pact. This pact was considered good omen for the communal and constitutional settlement.22 In Annual session of the Congress, held in the third week of the March 1931 at Karachi which was headed by Sardar Patel, Gandhi was nominated as the representative of the Congress at the RTC.23 During the session, Master Tara Singh met Gandhi with the deputation and submitted a memorandum along

16IOR: Q/RTC/2, Indian Round Table Conference Second Session, Minorities Committee Report 1931, Appendix No XVI “The Communal Problem in the Punjab’ Sir Geoffrey Corbett’s Memorandum was circulated on the request of Gandi 17IOR: Q/RTC/2, Indian Round Table Conference Second Session, Minorities Committee Report 1931, Memorandum by Ujjal Singh and S. Sampuran Sing, Appendix IV ‘Sikhs and the New Constitution for India’. 18Sukhmani, The Politics of the Sikhs 1940-47(2006), 6. 19Coupland. The Indian Problem 1833-1935: 116. 20IOR:NEG; 30598 and IOR:V9/3440, Punjab Legislative Council Debates March 7, 1931 Vol. XVIII- No7, 400- 401 21Ibid,. 22Ibid,. 23Sukhmani, The Politics of the Sikhs 1940-47(2006), 3. 84

with the seventeen demands of the Sikh community. He nominated Gandhi as spokesperson for the Sikh community.24 In the memorandum, Tara Singh insisted on the 30% representation in the Punjab legislature and administration or the readjustment of the Punjab territory.25 Gandhi reacted unfavorably on the basis of communal nature of demands but Tara Singh made argument that “the only way to fight communalism is by counter demands of the same nature.26 Gandhi forwarded their demand to Congress Working Committee.27 Later on Congress Working Committee rejected Sikhs plan. In contrast to Sikhs demand, Congress Working Committee framed a new formula.28 According to this formula, in the Federal and provincial legislatures seats should be reserved for all communities such as Muslims in Assam, Sikhs in Punjab and NWFP, Hindus in Sindh and Muslim and Hindus in every province where they were not in majority.29 Master Tara Singh was not expecting Gandhi’s cold response. He had aspiration that Gandhi would consider Sikhs’ demands with sympathy and represent it in the RTC because Master Tara Singh had supported the Gandhi’s movement with great zeal and enthusiasm.30

At the time of the Second Session of Conferences, labour Government in Britain had been defeated in the elections and conservative party was in coalition with Government. At the end of the First Session, Minorities Committee submitted an unanimous report that “In order to secure the co-operation of all communities which is essential for the successful working of responsible Government in India, it was necessary that the new constitution should contain provisions designed to assure the communities that their interests would not be prejudiced, and that it was particularly desirable that some agreement should come between the major communities in order to facilitate the consideration of the whole question”31 The second Conference was over involved on the question of the representation. Gandhi attended the second Conference and presented the Congress working Committee’s formula to the Minority Committee.32 The Congress Working Committee assured that Congress believe that communal question of India can be solved on national lines but all would be satisfy all communities of India

24Ibid,. 25Ibid, 4. 26Ibid,. 27Ibid, 3. 28Ibid, 4. 29Maurice Gwyer and A. Appadoral, Speeches and Documents on the Indian Constitution, 1921-1947 Vol.I( London 1957), 251. 30Sukhmani, The Politics of the Sikhs 1940-47(2006), 3. 31IOR: Q/RTC/2, Indian RTC, Second Session, Minorities Committee Report 1931, 29. Report introduction: v. 32IOR: Q/RTC/2, Indian RTC Second Session, Minorities Committee Report 1931, Appendix No 1, working Committee Plan ‘The Congress Scheme for A Communal Settlement’ Circulated on the request of Gandhi, 85

specifically Sikh community in the Punjab and also assured to the Muslim, Sikhs and all other minorities of India that “no solution thereof in any future constitution will be acceptable to the Congress that does not give full satisfaction to the parties concerned.”33

The Congress formula was rejected by Sikh and Muslim members of the Minority Committee. Gandhi did not force to accept the formula.34 He said that “If however, a national solution is impossible and the Congress scheme proves unacceptable, I am not precluded from endorsing any other responsible Scheme which may be acceptable to the parties concerned. The Congress position on this question, therefore, is one of the greatest possible accommodations.”35 In the second session, Corbett’s scheme was again discussed but it was rejected by both communities; Hindu and Sikh, who viewed it as an effort to establish the permanent Muslim dominance and rule in the Punjab.36 S.Ujjal Singh commented that “its avowed object is to secure for the Muslim another Province with an overwhelming majority which with still further reduce the Sikh and Hindu minorities in the province and thus make their position worse than that it is today.”37 Every community; Sikh, Muslim and Hindu were staunched with their demands. Gandhi tried to resolve the problem outside the conference.38 In India, the Sikhs all Parties Conference was held in September 1931, where difference of opinion came out from the Sikh leadership. A nationalist leader, Surdul Singh Caveeshar favoured the formula and criticized the Sikhs’s seventeen points.39 An informal meeting was held among the Sikh, Muslim and Hindu leadership. But Jinnah strictly refused to give up right of separate electorate. Sikh representative S.Ujjal Singh agreed to 24% representation which was according to their vote strength rather than 30% in the Punjab Legislative.40 All Sikhs associations condemned the S.Ujjal Singh’s consent and enforced him through cable that as representative of Sikh community, they should strict on their demand of 30% representation of the Sikhs in the Punjab Legislative.41 So S.Ujjal Singh reiterated to his consent42. He said that “unless the communal

33IOR: Q/RTC/2, RTC Second Session, Minorities Committee Report 1931, working Committee Plan Circulated on the request of Gandhi, Appendix No 1, 34Sukhmani, The Politics of the Sikhs 1940-47(2006), 5. 35Ibid, 8. 36K.L.Tutija, Sikh Politics(1920-40)(1984), 155. 37IOR: Q/RTC/2, Second RTC, Minority Committee , Memorundunm by Ujjal Singh and S. Sampuran Sing, for detail see Appendix IV. 38Khuswant Singh, A History of The Sikhs, Vol 2, 1839-1974(1977), 230. 39Sukhmani, The Politics of the Sikhs 1940-47(2006), 5. 40Ibid, 2. 41IOR: Q/RTC/2, Second RTC, Minority Committee , Memorundunm by Ujjal Singh and S.Sampuran Sing, for detail see Appendix IV. 86

question, which in the Punjab means the Muslim-Sikh question, is settled, it is not possible for the Sikhs to commit themselves to a federal scheme in which the Punjab would be an autonomous province.”43 S.Ujjal Singh further said that as representative of Sikh community, just in a spirit of accommodation we came down to 24 percent in the First RTC but it would be unfair and unjust that Muhammadan retain the very considerable weightage in the six provinces and Sikhs are ignored.44 Sikh leader, S.Ujjal Singh put forward another solution on the issue of representation. He gave a proposal of the readjustment of the boundaries of the Punjab to change the communal proportion in the Punjab and Sikh would not demand for any weightage in the Punjab.45 He defined his scheme that Rawalpindi and Multan Divisions should be separated from the Punjab and attached with the North-West Frontier Province but Lyallpur and Montgomery district of these division should remain part of the Punjab.46 According to his boundary readjustment plan, proportion of communities could be formed as under; Muslim 43.3%, Hindu 42.3% and Sikh 14.4%.47 S.Ujjal Singh said that “if this solution is also unacceptable to our Muslim brethren, we should prefer no change from the present constitution in the Punjab”48 In the second session of the R TC, S.Ujjal Singh and S.Sampuran Singh summarized the Sikhs’ unanimous demands in seventeen points49 and submitted to the Minority Committee on 12 November 1931:

1. “The Sikhs were anxious to secure a National Government and are therefore opposed to any communal majority by statute or any reservation of seats by law for a majority community. 2. The Sikh occupy an unrivalled opposition in the Punjab as is reflected by their sacrifices in the defence of India and in National Movements and their stakes in the province, and therefore, demand 30% representation in the Punjab Legislature and Administration. 3. In the Punjab Cabinet and the Public Service Commission the Sikh community should have a one-third share. 4. If no agreement is reached on the above basis, the boundaries of the Punjab may be so alternated by transferring predominantly Muhammadan areas to the frontier provinces so

42Statement of the Ujjal Singh , The Tribune, January 16, 1931. 43Second RTC, Minority Committee, Khuswant Singh, A History of The Sikhs, Vol 2, 1839-1974(1977), 230. 44IOR: Q/RTC/2, Indian RTC Second Session, Minorities Committee Report 1931, Memorandum by Ujjal Singh and S.Sampuran Sing, for detail see Appendix IV ‘Sikhs and the New Constitution for India. 45Ibid,. 46IOR:Q/RTC/2, Indian RTC Second Session, Memorundum: A scheme of re-distribution of the Punjab, submitted by Ujjal Singh to Minorities Committee on October 1931, 43. 47Ibid,. 48IOR: Q/RTC/2, Indian RTC Second Session, Minorities Committee Report 1931, Memorandum by Ujjal Singh and S.Sampuran Sing, Appendix IV ‘Sikhs and the New Constitution for India. 49Sikh leadership of all faction agreed on Seven points. Before master Tara Singh had submitted these demands to Gandhi at Karachi, when Gandhi was nominated as Congress representative. 87

as produce a communal balance. In this constituted Punjab there should be joint electorates, with no reservation of seats. 5. If neither the above alternatives is acceptable, the Punjab may be administrated by the newly constituted responsible Central Government till mutual agreement on the communal question is arrived at 6. Punjabi should be official Language of the province. It should be optional with the Sikhs and others to use Gurmukhi script if they so desire. CENTRAL 7. The Sikhs should be given 5 Percent of the total Number of seats reserved for British India in each of the Upper and Lower Houses. 8. There should always be at least one Sikh in the central Cabinet. 9. In case any Army Council is constituted the Sikh should be adequately represented in it. 10. The Sikh have always had special connection with the Army and therefore the same proportion of the Sikh should be maintained in the Army as before the War. 11. The Sikhs should have effective representative in All-India Services and should be represented on Central Public Service Commission. 12. All residuary powers should vest in the Central Government. 13. The Central Government should have special powers to protect minorities. OTHER PROVINCES 14. The Sikhs should have the same weightage in other provinces as is accorded to other minorities. GENERAL 15. The provincial and Central Government should declare religious neutrality and while maintaining existing religious endowments should not create new ones. 16. The State should provide for teaching of the Gurmukhi script where a certain fixed number of scholars is forthcoming. 17. Any safeguards guaranteed in the constitution for the Sikhs should not be rescinded or modified without the express consent.”50 Result of two Conferences was disappointing. The third RTC received very short representation. Just forty-six leaders were invited Master Tara Singh represented the Sikh community. He protested against the measures which could not provide safeguards to minorities. He demanded the weightage in services, 5% percent in center along with the representation in Sindh Assembly.51 All efforts to reach a common and unanimous result through RTCs failed. The main reason to the failure of the Conferences was that Indian delegates had no any unanimous agenda and their efforts were just around their communities. Sikhs and the Hindu were trying to oppose

50IOR: Q/RTC/2, Indian RTC Second Session, Minorities Committee Report 1931, Minorities Committee Report 1931, Memorandum by Ujjal Singh and S.Sampuran Sing, Appendix IV ‘Sikhs and the New Constitution for India, and Christine Effenberg. The Political Status of The Sikhs During The Indian National Movement 1935-1947(New Delhi : Archives Publishers PVT. LTD, 1989),56. 51Khuswant Singh, A History of The Sikhs, Vol 21839-1974(1977), 232. 88

the Muslims so they could not reserve any privileges in the constitution and the Muslims were also playing against the Hindus and Sikhs52 especially in the Muslim Minority provinces. In the reference of the Punjab, Muslims were feeling the danger of readjustment of the boundaries of the Punjab.

The results of the RTCs were published in the form of white Paper in March 1933. The British Government reiterated to grant the Dominion status to India.53 The White Paper was discussed in the Punjab Council Meeting on March 28, 1933. The White Paper statement had nothing about the Dominion Status or anything showing the grant of the self-government to India.54 This omission in the statement was very significant because before RTC the Simon Commission was sent in India with the goal of the grant of the responsible Self-Government in India. For the future administration of India, British Parliament set up under the Lord Linlithgow. Some Indians were invited to help the Lord Linlithgow. Buta Singh; a member of the Punjab legislative Assembly assisted the Lord Linlithgow as representative of the Sikh community.55

Pre- Award Sikhs’ Activities

In India, Political figures of all communities and parties were very concerned with the proceedings of the Conferences. Sikh community was not satisfied with the proceedings of the RTCs. They tried every possible measure to aggrandize the British Government to change their approach towards the Sikh constitutional rights. They were very much concerned to stage such a demonstration as well reveal their importance as a community in as much as possible ways.56 They recorded their resentment in different ways; such as they held in corner meetings, Diwans, anti-Communal day and more than all these Sikh’s representatives in RTC S.Ujjal Sing and S.Sampuran Singh resigned from the third RTC.57 S.Ujjal Singh and S.Sampuran Singh resigned from the consultation committee of the RTC saying that “by the establishing a communal majority in the Punjab, make such a fundamental change in the very foundation on which the constitutional superstructure has to be erected that we are constrained to consider the new constitution to be then the existing one. We feel that we will be serving no useful purpose by

52Waheed Ahmed, Road to Indian Freedom.(Lahore: The Caravan Book House, 1979),149. 53IOR:V9/3445, Punjab Legislative Council Debates March 28, 1933 Vol. XXIII-No 17, 810-811. 54Ibid, 811. 55Khuswant Singh, A History of The Sikhs, Vol 21839-1974 (1977), 233. 56IOR:L/P&J/12/728 Report On Political Situation In The Punjab for the March to August, 1932. 57Ibid,. 89

continuing cooperation with any community formed for the purpose of the constitution making”58

The Congress leadership accompanied the Sikhs in the protest against the RTC proceedings in response to Muslim demand to statutory majority in the Punjab and expected announcement of the secretary of the state on the communal question. Congress was supporting Sikhs for their own purposes; the Congress was trying to embroil the Sikhs in Civil Disobedience.59 Dr Kichlew returnd Amritsar from Delhi on April 11, 1932 he had been working hard to secure the support of the Akali Dal for picketing. Master Tara Singh was alloy of the Congress.60 Furthermore the Congress was also anxious to enlist the Sikhs on their side before the expiry of the ordinance in the July.61 Congress tried to attract the Sikh community and get a favour, took a decision that the 6th May should be celebrated as the anniversary of the shooting on Sisganj Gurdwara in Delhi. This decision could attract those Sikhs, who were opposing the Congress. On the celebration of anniversary, clash was almost inevitable between the Government and Sikhs. The Congress hoped that the almost inevitable clash would go in favour of Congress.62 Further-more, on June 3, 1932, a well-attended political Conference of the Sikhs was held in Turn Taran Amritsar District, in which speeches were confined to the Sikh constitutional demand. They demanded thirty percent representation in Punjab and five percent in Fedral Legislatures. Dr Moonaj attended this conference and assured the audience of their and Hindu Maha Sabha’s support to their claims. Dr Moonaj visited the Punjab to create Sikh-Hindu- Christian bloc in opposition to the Muhammadans, but his efforts had been unsuccessful.63 Hindu leader ship ensured their support for the Sikhs. Hindus supported the Sikh’s resolution in Dara Sahib; the principal of the five centers in Lahore reported that 1500 Hindus and Akal Takhat in Amritsar 600 Hindus supported the Sikhs. A Diwan held in the Lahore on July 31, 1932 and Hindus were invited there. Lalchand Falak in the course of his speech stated significantly that the arrangement was advanced that the Sikhs were numerically inferior to other races, but they should remember that the entire Hindu community provided a recruiting- ground for the Khalsa.

58 The Times: London: England .Moday August 22, 1932. From correspondent Simla 21 August. 59IOR:L/P&J/12/728 Report On Political Situation In The Punjab for the Second Half of the April, 1932. 60Ibid,. 61Ibid,. 62Ibid,. 63IOR:L/P&J/12/728 Report On Political Situation In The Punjab for the First Half of the June, 1932. 90

On 31 July a Hindu meeting was held the same evening in the Lajpat Rai Hall where provocative speeches were made in the favour of Sikhs.64

By the time, the Secretary of the state announcement on the communal problem draws nearer, the nervousness of the Sikhs in regard to their political future was becoming more and more acute. There were general feelings among the Sikhs that their position in the constitution of the future would likely to fall far short of their demands. The Sikhs of all shades of opinion unanimously agreed that their representation in the Center and Province level should be on the basis of their revenue share in economic development of the Punjab and their contribution in military. They were organizing Diwans, at which speeches have been directed against the Muslims and alleged Muslim claim for statutory majority.

A conference was announced for the Lahore on the 24th of July 1932 in order to make this conference thoroughly representative, The CSL has secured a mandate from the Akal Takhat65 had issued invitations to all Sikh notables and institutions of every kind.66 This Sikh conference was held in Lahore on proposed date. The vice- President of the CSL Giani Sher Singh presided over the Conference. It was attended by the eight hundred delegates representing all shades of the Sikh opinion and intense enthusiasm prevailed. In the Conference, all delegates of the Sikhs voiced that they will not accept any constitutional settlement which does not ensure the balance of power in the Punjab. Furthermore they showed their determination that Sikh would not surrender in the favour of the establishment of communal raj by the creating a religious majority. Pretentious speeches were made and following three resolutions were passed;67

1. Expressing the determination of Sikhs would not be agreed to a submit to Muslim communal majority, 2. Appointing a Council of Action of seventeen members to adopt measure to carry the resolution in to effect and reiterating the Sikh demands for their representation in the future Legislature. 3. All members took pledge that they would not tolerate the domination of any particular community in the Punjab and would be prepared to make sacrifices to this end. It was decided that Akhand Path would hold in every possible centers from the 29th to 31 July to be followed by Diwans at which the pledge should be taken by those present. Extremists and moderates were all united under the flag of the Council of Action. Sampuran Singh, Ujjal Singh,

64IOR:L/P&J/12/728 Report On Political Situation In The Punjab for the Second Half of the July, 1932. 65A highest seat of the Sikh religious authority and in pursuance of that mandate. 66 IOR:L/P&J/12/728 Report On Political Situation In The Punjab for the First Half of the July, 1932. 67 IOR:L/P&J/12/728 Report On Political Situation In The Punjab for the Second Half of the July, 1932. 91

Amar Singh of Sher-i-Punjab, Buta Singh, Sir Sundar Singh MAjithia, Tara Singh Giani Sher Singh, Baba Kharak Singh and Sant Singh were prominent members of the Council of Action.68 The Council of Action “a thoroughly representative body decided on the 30th July to raise an Akali Shahdi Dal of 100000 members and to start recruitment at once in the urban areas and from the 21st of August in the rural areas. These resolutions and programme were read out in all Akhand Paths.69 The situation in some of the larger towns notably in Lahore , Amritsar , and Multan was extremely tense in the first week of August, 31st of July was observed as Sikh Right Day and 5th of August was adopted by Ahrars as the Punjab Day. Muslims gathered after Jumma prayer in some centers and took oath to offer the strongest opposition to any attempt to deprive them from their rights as majority community.70

The meeting of the Council of Action was held on 14th of August but it was attended by the five members. Three resolutions were made and passed by these five proceeded members , first for calling an explanation from those Sikhs who had taken part in the Simla parleys, second referring to the correspondence between Sir Jogindar Singh and sir Muhammad Iqbal and reiterating the determination of the Sikhs, not to accept any form of communal majority, and third stating that the council was aware of arrangements made by Government for the additional police and military precautions and warning Sikhs to avoid any action likely to lead to a communal clash until the council of action was in position to announce its policy.71 However, it was clear that Sikhs were not in a position to give effect to any programme of a really militant nature. Akali Dal recruitment has been entirely fictitious even in urban areas and it was not advertised to begin in rural areas until the 21th of August.72

The CKD was pro-British Party but its leader ship also recorded its protest. Sir Sundar Singh Majithia wrote a letter to Sir Montmorency; the Governor of Punjab. He said the Government not to pronounce an award favoring any particular community placing the Punjab at the mercy of such a community.”73 A note was attached to the letter for the His Majesty Government. Sundar Singh also noted to Governor that “we claim nothing more than that a

68 Sukhmani , The Politics of the Sikhs 1940-47 (2006), 10. 69IOR:L/P&J/12/728 Report On Political Situation In The Punjab for the Second Half of the July, 1932. 70 IOR:L/P&J/12/728 Report On Political Situation In The Punjab for the First Half of the August, 1932. 71Ibid,. 72 IOR:L/P&J/12/728 Report On Political Situation In The Punjab for the Second Half of the August, 1932. 73Gurnam Singh Rekhi, Sir Sundur Singh Majithia and His Relevance in Sikh Poitics (New Delhi: Har-Anand Publications PVT,Ltd, 1999), 112. 92

single principle in giving of weightage to all minorities in the provinces be [is] applied and Sikh community should not be singled out and deprived of its rightful weightage in the Punjab”74

Reaction after Announcement of Award

Indian leader ship could not reach any solution and Conferences received bleak failure. At the end of the Second RTC on December 1, 1932, Prime Minister submitted a statement in the both Houses of Parliament that “If the Communities in India were unable to reach a settlement acceptable to all parties on the communal question, which the Conference had failed to solve, his Majesty Government were determined that India’s constitutional advance should not on that account be frustrated and that they would remove this obstacle by advising and applying themselves a provisional Scheme.”75After the Third RTC Prime Minister announced the communal Award. The Communal Award was prepared on the basis of the recommendation of Simon Commission and the RTC sub committees’ reports.76 The British Prime Minister Ramsay Macdonald announced the Communal Award and the scheme for the framing of a new constitution. The scope of this scheme was purposely confined to the arrangements to be made for representation of the Indian communities in the Central and Provincial Legislature. According to the award Muslims got 33.1 % representation in the center and about 50% in the Punjab, Hindus stood on 30% and Sikhs received just 19%. The Sikh community was disappointed because they were not awarded with the measure as like Muslims. Their demand of 30% in Punjab, 5% in center being rejected, so their position was as follow;

Communal Representation in Province and Center Legislatives in British White Paper 1932.

Place Total Awarded Percent Punjab Legislative Assembly 175 33 18.85 Federal Legislative 250 6 2.4 Assembly The Council of The State 150 4 2.66 Source: Khuswant Singh, A History of The Sikhs, Vol 21839-1974(Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1977), 232.

74Ibid, 113. 75 C.Y.Chintamani. The Communal ‘Award’? what it Means to the Future of the Whole Country(Allahabad: 1934), 22. 76 See for detail IOR: Q/RTC/2, Indian RTC Second Session, Minorities Committee Report 1931, 36, and Chintamani. The Communal ‘Award’(1934), 29-35. 93

The Prime Minister said in his statement: “we never wished to intervene in the communal controversies of India. We made that abundantly clear during the both sessions of the RTC when we strove hard to get Indians to settle this matter between them.”77 In the Communal Award Sikhs’ demand of 30% share in the Punjab legislative Assembly was ignored, instead of that only 19% share was awarded, which was almost half of their demand. All three communities rejected this award. According to communal announcement, proportion of seats was as follow general seats(including one woman); 43, Sikhs( including one woman);32, Muhammadan(including two woman);86, Indian Christians;2, Anglo Indians; 1, Europeans; 1, Commerce; 1, Landholders; 5, university ;1, and labour; 3 of total 175. “The so-called general, consisting of Hindus plus odd and ends.”78

The Communal award flared up the communal tensions in whole India especially the situation in the Punjab turned the worst and critical. The British Government decision could not fully satisfy any community of the Punjab. It was criticized in all over the India. Although it was appreciated just in Muslim majority areas,79 but a pro-Muslim paper Statesman generally approved the Award but commented “the Award does broadly and honestly carry out the intensions that the minorities shall have a voice in the Government until such time as India can conduct its affairs as one nation.80 A daily Liberty “it will create an up roar from one end of India to the other, and in all probability will throw the country into a vortex of communal passions. It goes – unfair is not the word to criticize the terms of the Award.”81 Specifically Sikh community who was demanding one-third share in provincial legislature was totally dissatisfied with this Award.82 Sikhs, since the early stage of the struggle for the representation had been condemning the communal representation in the Punjab. The CSL, in well attended meeting on April 4, 1926 passed three resolutions against the communal presentation and made strong appeal to the communities “to give up communal representation in the best interest of the country.83 Despite their internal differences, all factions were unanimous on the constitutional status of Sikh community and ineffectiveness of the communal representation to safeguard the interests of the

77Chintamani ‘The Communal Award’?, 35. 78Chintamani The Communal Award’?, 40. 79 The Times of India, August 19, and 22 1932. 80 The Times: London: England Thursday August 18, 1932. From correspondent Simla 17 August. 81Ibid,. 82The Times of India, August 19, and 22, 1932. 83Ralhan, Document on Punjab Vol Six 17. 94

Sikh community.84 It was opposed by the all faction of the Sikhs. Raja Diljit Singh, Sir Jogindra Singh, Sardar Sundur Singh Majithia and other Sikh leaders showed their resentment and gave words in press that the Muslims are awarded by 91 seats against 84 for all other communities as combined, out of which Hindus and Sikh cannot get more than 80.85 Communal Award added to the fire on the communal issues. According to Mr. Chintamani “if it was framed on the lines so far indicated in this communal award would be an increase in communal quarrels instead of an increase of popular progress, prosperity and happiness”86 Akalis reaction against the Award was bitter, they formed an organization named Khalsa Darbar to lead an agitation against the Communal Award. Akalis considered “it as scrap of paper which should be buried along with the Nehru Report”87 Sikh leadership very much concerned with concession which were given Muslims in their views if this award fulfilled Muslims expectations than it would create grave situation for Sikhs and it would be dangerous to introduce new constitution with communal majority of one community over the combined representation of others and against the wishes of Sikhs and Hindus who from half of the population of Punjab, paying almost 2/3rd of the revenue of the province.88 Sundar Singh Majithia ,S.Jogendra Singh and Daljit Singh sent a telegram to Prime Minister they wrote in the present circumstances of the India a new constitution with fixed communal proportion would be more dangerous and worse than existing constitution. Sikh leadership further requested that present constitution of the Punjab should be lingered on until the final communal settlement.89

At Simla 17 August 1932 eight Sikh leaders; Sir Jogindra Singh , Sir Sundar Singh MAjithia, Raja Diljit Singh, Sardar Ujall Singh and Sardar Sampuran Singh, Sant Singh , Jaswant Singh and Kartar Singh made statement and declared that the Sikh faith has shaken: “The decision of H.M. Government has shaken the faith of the Sikh in the British Government’s sense of justice and fair play”90 Leadership further raised the voice against decision regarding communal seat settlement. they said that; The British Government decision establishes a Muslim communal majority in a provinces like the Punjab where other communities pay about two-third

84Ibid,.. 85The Times of India, August 19, and The Communal Award’? 43. 86Chintamani, The Communal Award’?, 48. 87Rigbir, Akali Movement 237. 88Rekhi, Sir Sundar Singh Majithia and His Relevance in Sikh Poitics (1999), 115 89Ibid,. 90Chintamani , The Communal Award, 66-67. 95

towards the revenue of the province….”91 they also mentioned that at the private negotiations with Prime Minster during the first session of the Roundtable Conference “Muslim delegates were willing to accept 50% representation for their community in the Punjab, but decision of the Government ensured them 91 seats, i.e 52%.”92

The decision was against the democratic system of Government. The Sikh community was anxious to secure a national government not only for the Punjab but in the whole of India, it was impossible for the Sikh community to accept or rather tolerate the Awards. The promises which were held out to the Sikh community, have not been fulfilled. Sikh leaders objected they had not even been given the benefit of our increase in population and the weightage that automatically accrues on it,93while the Muslims, not only retain their considerable weightage in the six provinces but have been given more than they asked for in the Punjab. They asked for one seat more than the combined representation of all other communities but they have been given seven. In the Punjab Sikh numerical strength was just 13% but their share in agriculture and Armed Forces was comparatively more as they were paying about 40% of the Punjab revenue.

The Sikh leadership, who were signatories of Simla statement, eight Sikh leaders; Sir Jogindra Singh, Sir Sunder Singh MAjithia, Raja Diljit Singh, Sardar Ujall Singh and Sardar Sampuran Singh, Sant Singh, Jaswant Singh and Kartar Singhhad believed the British Government can never receive the approval of the world in forcing half the population of the province against its whishes into position of subordination or to enforce a new constitution without its consent. They were confident that the British parliament with its traditions of democracy and sense of justice and fair play will never consent to the coercion of a large population against their will into such one-sided constitution. They had made appeal at Simla that our community to exercise control and act in a constitutional manner and prepare itself as under following points firstly to secede from the northern districts of the Punjab, secondly to organize opinion to exercise self-determination and thirdly to maintain peace and good relations with sister communities. On the one hand, Sikh community had stood against the communal award and demonstrating everywhere, on the other hand, their factional rivalries were at peak. Akali Party had divided two factions on the issue of Patiala and later on Nehru Repot. Giani Sher

91Ibid,. 92Ibid,. 93 Khan Ahmad Hasan Khan, M.A., K.S, Census of India 1931 Vol XVII. Part I (Civil and Military Gazette press 1933) 304. 96

Singh was organizing a Central Akali Dal as rival to SGPC and Master Tara Singh was trying to organize a counter demonstration against the Giani Sher Singh Conference which was expected in March 1934.94 Apparently it seems that both factions of the Akali were holding meetings in order to boost up agitation against the Communal Award, but in reality both were working largely to damage the prestige of the rival leaders.95 The Nationalist Sikhs opposed the Sikh demand which was tabled by the Akalis, Baba Kharak Singh criticized and considered the demand for Azad Punjab and Pakistan demand as coincided demands, in his point of view there was no difference between Azad Punjab and Pakistan demand and both schemes would be resulted on the vivisection of India. The Communal Award transferred all power into the hands of the Muslim majority, calling itself by the name of “Unionist”. Attitude of British was not satisfactory towards the Sikhs’ representation problem.

The communal award has been received in rural area with apathy and in political circles with dissatisfaction by the Hindus and the Sikhs, and on the whole with disguised satisfaction by the Muhammadans.96 Both the Hindus and the Sikhs had sought to conceal the weakness of their argument by the extravagance of their language. The Hindus with the aegis of Arya Samajiya Sabha called a meeting of representative in Lahore on the twenty-first of August and decided to form a separate association to lead their community in its campaign against the Award. Actually however little practical work has been done, and they continue to concentrate on stimulating the Sikhs to take the initiative.97 Hindu community’s Campaign against the Communal Award continued in subsequent years On Friday 2, September 1934, Pandit Madan Mohan Malavuya unequivocally condemned Government’s Communal Award he said that “India never before had such bitterness existed against Government , nor had Indians and Europeans in this land been so completely estranged. He ended by saying that Indian did not want this atmosphere to continue, but wanted peace on honorable terms.”98

A manifesto, was signed and issued by the prominent Sikhs, including the Minister of the Punjab Government to attacking the Award immediately after it had been published. On the other hand, his Excellency Governor took a opportunity at a large dinner, given his hounor in

94 IOR/L/PJ/12/750 Fortnightly Reports First half of the February 1934. 95 IOR/L/PJ/12/750 fortnightly Reports Second half of the February 1934. 96 IOR:L/P&J/12/728 Report On Political Situation In The Punjab for the Second Half of the August, 1932. 97Ibid,. 98Chintamani, The Communal Award, 49-50. 97

Lahore on the 23rd of the August , to discuss the award and to point the way to those who were desirous of obtaining some modifications of it by constitutional methods.99 While this speech had an excellent effect, the more reasonable Sikh leaders, who are anxious to follow his Excellency’s lead, are both bewildered and handicapped by manifesto issued as it was by those who might be reasonably be expected to give some thought to matter of such vast importance, before committing themselves to a line of action from which they are finding it difficult to recede. The Sikh Council of Action met at Shahdara on 20th August. The absence of the many members necessitating the change of venue from Lahore in order to Master Tara Sing not permitted to enter the Lahore district to complete the quorum. The Council passed eleven resolutions, the most important of which provided for the absence of opposition to sitting members of the SGPC in the coming elections;

1. “Strong resistance to any attempt to work a new constitution on the term of the Awards; 2. the formation on September on 25th of Guru Khalsa Durbar to take the place of the Council of Action; the allocation to Shiromani Akali Dal of the duty of recruiting and organizing the Akali Shahidi Dal, 3. they observance of September the 17th “Panthic Day” when black should be worn and foreign covering of the Garanth Sahib should be replaced by the sewadashi, and inauguration of Sikh Rights Defence fund to which every Sikh should subscribe four annas. 4. The 21st of the August on which day Diwan was ordered to be held throughout the country-side and enlistment of the Akali Shahidi Dal was to begin, was not observed with any general interest, and to response to the council of action’s appeal was most disappointing to that body.”100 The meeting of the Sikh members of the Central and Provincial Legislatures was called upon. All members handed over their resignations to the Khalsa Durbar in protest against the Communal Award. All members gave authority to Khalsa Durbar that it could have submitted their resignation than it supposed to better.101 Sundar Singh Majithia did not support this decision.102

A Conference was held at Moga in Ferozepur District from 26th to 28th of August 1932. Giani Sher Singh was invited to preside at this conference .The conference which was timed coincided with the local cattle fair, drew far larger audiences than might otherwise have been expected: and some five to eight thousand people attended the various sessions and displayed the

99IOR:L/P&J/12/728 Report On Political Situation In The Punjab for the Second Half of the August, 1932. 100Ibid,. 101The Tribune August 28, 1932. 102Sukhmani, The Politics of the Sikhs 1940-47 (2006), 11. 98

considerable enthusiasm. Some objectionable speeches were made.103 The speakers who were delivering aggressive speeches were called notorious and offender by British officials. The ‘worst offender’ being on such Singh of Kot Kapura in the Farid Kot state, who warned his audience that the exercise of the majority of the Muslim votes might result in the demolition of their Gurdwaras and declared that if the Sikh were refused their rights their swords would remain unsheathed until they died.104 Such militant pouring out had their effect on the ignorant but inflammable audience, and appeals for non-violence was received with murmur of dissect by the next speaker105. The question of suitable action against the more objectionable speakers is being examined, similar conferences are said to be in contemplation, and though little interest has hitherto been shown in the country side, such Diwans with doubtless have been more effective. Dissensions at Sikh headquarters however were rife, and the proceedings of the 31th of the August on which date the Council of Action was expected to secure the resignations of the Sikh members of the legislative bodies and to formulate an attractive and aggressive programme, were something of a blow to extremist. In a previous meeting Sikh members of the Legislative Council decided that the policy of the resignation should not be accepted in the Council of Action attending by the nine members, thereupon four resolutions appreciating the services of the S. Ujjall Singh and S. Sampuran Singh in resigning from the Roundtable Conference; calling on all Sikh members of legislative bodies to follow their example; demanding that no reforms should be given to the Punjab until the communal settlement was reached; and decided that no Sikh should participate in the RTC or similar committee.106 A member of the Punjab Legislative Council was subjected to severe criticism for its ineptitude for failing to formulate a reasonable programme and to collect money and volunteers by The Council of Action.107 The passing of the second resolution in the Council of Action meeting was followed by his resignation from the Council of the Action on the spot. The third resolution was passed in the vain hope that its acceptance by his Majesty’s Government would derive the Muhammadans to negotiate. The Council of Action evidently contemplated a prolonged campaign. The situation was consequently somewhat easier and the danger of the outbreak of communal warfare recedes further in to the distance with every day that passes. A Council of Action introduced a fund for the expenditure to protect Sikh rights. As regards funds, the position of the Council of Action is

103IOR:L/P&J/12/728 Report On Political Situation In The Punjab for the Second Half of the August, 1932. 104IOR:L/P&J/12/728 Report On Political Situation In The Punjab for the Second Half of the August, 1932. 105Ibid,. 106Ibid,. 107Ibid,. 99

unsatisfactory.108 The Sikh rights defence fund was in reality a piece of camouflage designed to Council expenditure of the Daska money. The Council hopes to augment its treasury further by selling a large quantity of brass collected for the embellishment of the tank in the golden temple. It was obvious, however, that diversion of these monies to political ends will entail a financial operation calling for the most delicate finesse, which will be rendered none the easier by the personal jealousies which intimate the controlling body.

The Council of Action and the CKD had difference of opinions on the working plan to protest against the award. on September 19, 1932 the CKD opposed the Council of Action Programme and gave a new plan of action in his letter in the response of Shivdev Singh’ letter on September 17, 1932 and proposed that they should carry on our methods in a peaceful way or we may give our programme and let the community accept it or reject it. Sundar Singh explained his programme in nine points:

1. A walk-out from the present Council as protest and in his believe we can prevail upon Hindus to join hands with us. 2. Abstention from actual meeting of the Council but members to be present in Lahore during sessions to attend if needed with view to obstruction on constitutional lines. 3. Minister not to resign their seats and carry on and thus not allow dummies to take their places. 4. Members not to resign at present but only act as in (1&2) above. 5. To take a plebiscite of the Hindu and Sikh voters saying they don’t want reforms but whish present constitution to continue. If we can do this, Government cannot force reform upon 45% of Punjab. 6. Press for distribution of Province if we do not succeed plebiscite to include cessation from Frontier districts which are prominently Mohammedans. 7. Meeting of protest to be held monthly to record protest. 8. Formation of Sabhas in towns and villages for propagation of programme. 9. Special instructions to keep non-violent and to propagate brotherly feeling between different communities.109 Sundar Singh Majithia and his fellow made it clear that “We would have done our duty to warm them against their hasty actions and if they persist in their method and lead the Panth astray, then the responsibility will be theirs and not ours.”110

108 IOR:L/P&J/12/728 Report On Political Situation In The Punjab for the Second Half of the August, 1932. 109Rekhi, Sir Sundar Singh Majithia and His Relevance in Sikh Poitics (1999), 116. 110Ibid,. 100

Implications and Impacts of Communal Award

Lord Lothian a British politician described the Indian society that “Indian society …is essentially a congress of widely separated classes, races and communities with divergences of interests and hereditary sentiments which for ages have precluded common action or local unanimity.”111 The main scope of this Award scheme was the arrangements to be made for the British Indian Communities’ representation in provincial legislatures and center as well in which British received total failure. For the John Gallagher, “the Communal Award was nothing but a sign of [the] determination [of the British Govrnment] to wrap the Indian question towards electoral politics”.112 The imperial supporters argued that “rise of Indian political consciousness meant the ultimate triumph of British stewardship, but given the invective hurled by officials and politicians towards Indian political actors and given the rather cynical schemes concocted to keep India British.”113 The Communal Award affected all over Indian communities but in the Punjab Sikh community was greatly affected. The Sikhs neglected all ranks and file of life. The Sikh community protested strongly against the award but their all efforts proved fruitless. Every community and faction was just worried about its standing and fighting for the power. In the Sikh National Conference on March 24, 1934 resolutions were adopted which was passed by all Sikh representation unanimously. It declared that “the Communal Award as a most dangerous piece of document for Sikhs particularly and has been designed to create disunity among the sister communities in India”114 Political consciousness increased but communities were divided in the electoral blocs and could not secure their position in future legislation. Communal election was the one of its silent features.115 The Mabratta wrote that “the decision of the Indian communal problem is being received with the severest condemnation by all real nationalists. The Hindus have been wholly disappointed. The Sikh of the Punjab have become almost fierce in their position to the decision….there is no doubt that the decision is entirely against all principles of nationalism and democracy.”116 Next National Sikh Conference was held on March 16, 1935

111Bidyuat Chakrabarty, ‘The Communal Award of 1932 and its Implications in Bengal’ in Modern Asian Studies,23,3( Great Britain: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 493. 493-523. 112Ibid,. 113Andrew, Muldoon. Empire, Politics and the Creation of the 1935 India Act: Last Act of the Raj. (England: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2009), 256. 114Ralhan, Documents on Punjab Vol 6 part 2 , 463. 115Joglekar, S.B. Indian Constitution: Govt. Of India Act 1935. Poona city: Commercial Academy, 1944. 116Chintamani ‘The Communal Award’?(Allahabad, 1934), 87. 101

at Amrtsar Sardar Kharak Singh in his presidential address said that “he would not hesitate to launch a campaign and lead the first Jatha in this cause and suffered the consciences.”117

On the basis of the Communal Award British Government passed a Government India Act of 1935. This Act could not achieve its specific goals118 but it gathered the Indians on nationalist cause and rise of the Indian political leadership such as Gandhi and Nehru. The Congress captured the 716 0ut of the 1585. The Congress Leaders indicated the dissatisfaction with the British rule.119 The Provincial Self Rule was introduced. According to this Act, right to formation of complete ministries and state Parliaments was given to Indians but important powers centered the British as authority.120Every kind of important powers reserved for the center because dictatorial authorities were given under the caption of ‘special responsibilities’ to the Viceroy and Governors.121 According to the India Act of1935 provincial autonomy was granted to the provinces but practically it was not because complete powers on legislation were not transferred. Governor could be intervened in the process.122 This Act was condemned by all political parties of India who considered this Act ‘a new charter of Slavery’123 but British Government was determined to implement it against the consent of the Indian people.124 The Indian National Congress refused to accept the India Act 1935. Whereas, in the Punjab Sikhs had alleged the Congress for the results of the Award. Unionist party got the support of many Sikh leaders. They Supported the Sikander Hyat Khan in struggle to take over the representation of the Governor of Punjab.

The India Act of 1935 changed the political scenario in the whole India. It stimulated the political parties for the upcoming elections.125 According to the India Act of1935 the right to vote was limited and depended upon landed Property, taxation, services in High Majesty’s forces, educational qualification for male and female and specific qualification for Scheduled

117Ralhan, Documents on Punjab Vol 6 part 2 , 463. 118Andrew, Muldoon. Empire, Politics and the Creation of the 1935 India Act: Last Act of the Raj. (England: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2009), 258. 119Andrew, Muldoon. Empire, Politics and the Creation of the 1935 India Act: Last Act of the Raj. (England: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2009), 256. 120 See for details Apendix His Majesty’s Statement of the Communal Award on16 August. 121Z.A. Ahmed. A Brief Analysis of The New Constitution.(Allahabad: Political and Economic Information Department of the All India Congress Committee, 1937), 3., and S.B. Joglekar, Indian Constitution: 8. 122Ibid, 19. 123Coupland. The Indian Problem 1936-1942: Report on the Constitutional Problem in India, Part II 12. 124 Z.A. Ahmed. A Brief Analysis of The New Constitution 1. 125Imran Ali. Panjab Politics in the Decade Before Partition, 1. 102

Castes.126 Despite some other restriction for the electors the Qualification of electors for the various constituencies of the legislative council, Legislative Assembly and Council of the State was on the basis of land revenue and market value of the land in the rural areas and for urban income assessment of the income tax was main qualification. The total number of the voters on the roll first prepared for the general constituencies of the legislative council.127

The First General Elections were held under the India Act of 1935, in the Punjab from January 18, to February 3, 1937. Punjab has unique position caused of three distinct communities Hindu, Sikh and Muslim. Muslim had possessed the majority of 53.1%, Hindu was 30.6% and Sikh 14.5%. According to census 1931128

Punjab Communal position according to censes 1931 Religion Total Number 1931 Percent Hindu 8,599,720 30.6346 Muslims 14,929,896 53.1845 Sikhs 4,071,624 14.5042 Christians 419,353 1.4938 Jains 43,140 0.1536 Parsi(Zoroastrian) 569 0.0020 Buddhist 7,753 0.0276 Jews 130.0000 Total 28,071,892

Sources: Khan Ahmad Hasan Khan, M.A., K.S, Census of India 1931 Vol XVII. Part I (Civil and Military Gazette press 1933, 318.) These elections gave birth to several parties and groups among the Sikhs and divided them different factions.129 There were two main parties Akali Dal and Chief Khalsa Diwan or major factions were presenting as Nationalist and Loyalist or Pro-British respectively. Beside these there were other factions like the Central Akali Dal of Giani Sher Singh, the Congressite,

126Effenberg. The Political Status of The Sikhs During The Indian National Movement 1935-1947., 58. 127IOR:v/26/261/26, Indian Statutory Commission Vol X; Memorundum Submitted by the Government of the Punjab to the Indian Statutory Commission(London: His Majesty Statutory Office , 1930), Chapter II, p.11.) 128Khan Ahmad Hasan Khan, M.A., K.S, Census of India 1931 Vol XVII. Part I (Civil and Military Gazette press 1933, 318.) 129 Righbir Singh, The Akali Movement (New Delhi:Omsons Publications, 1997), 75. 103

socialist and Communist Sikhs130. Except the CAD which was merged in the NKP any other group could not achieve remarkable position however damaged the Sikhs’ political strength. The SAD disguised religious form and had extreme views on the Sikh issues; it refused to join hands with the CKD for the formation of joint Board.131 The CKD was transformed in Khalsa National Party(KNP) and fought the elections with new label ‘Khalsa National Party(Board).132 Joginder Singh, Sunder Singh, and Jodh Singh were major organizer of new party.133. The KNP’s political aims and objectives were:134

1. To work for to maintain the full Government means attainment of complete Swaraj. 2. To work for the abolition of the Communal Award and its replacement by a just and national solution. 3. To work for the unification of all communities into united Indian nation. Other than above aims the NKP had programme to improve the social and economic standard of the people. The NKP party creed and programme was being evolved around the promotion of nationalism and national self-respect so membership was open for all.135

In the election 1937 the SAD decided that they will contest election alone and their focus would be on complete independence, for this purpose Shiromani Akali Dal and Khalsa Darbar formed a joint election Board.136But it was well known factor that the SAD position after the Communal representation decision was not strong so according to a military officer survey report which was conduct after the announcement of the Communal Award that Sikh community has realized that the introduction of democratic autonomous government into the provinces meant that rule of majority would be unavoidable, so the Sikh leaders notably, Akali Party, began to look for allies who might strengthen the position of their community in the province. They had always been anti-British throughout, so they could not expect much sympathy and assistance from the British Government and they “turned to the only great political organization which might possibly help them- the Congress.” 137

On the other side, Congress changed their policy towards Award because they realized without the support of the Sikh community they would not be on strong stand in the elections.

130 Ibid,. 131Rekhi, Sir Sundur Singh Majithia and His Relevance in Sikh Poitics, 117. 132 IOR:L/PJ/7/1142. 133 Righbir, The Akali Movement 76. 134Rekhi, Sir Sundur Singh Majithia and His Relevance in Sikh Poitics, 119. 135Ibid, 117. 136Rigbir Akali Movement, 237. 137Tutija, Sikh Politics(1920-40)178. 104

Akalis were also well aware with their weak position for the reason of percentage of representation in the Communal Award. Both parties’ relations were only marriage of convenience. This cooperation was essential because this was the only way to compete the Muslim numerical strength in the elections. Akalis split the way and came under the Congress fold.138 Cooperation between two parties Akalis and congress continued till the outbreak of the World War II. Some Akali leaders were against this turn consequently the SAD fell apart into two groups and a new independent body formed named Central Akali Dal(CAD). S.Bahadur Mehtab Singh, Giani Sher Singh, Amar Singh Sher-i-Punjab were prominent its leadership. The main objective of this new party was to weaken the SAD.139 The SAD formed Jathas and sent them in rural areas to campaign the election manifesto. In its manifesto it focused on the strong opposition of the Communal Award and more over it took a stance on the religious issues such as amendment in Gurdwara Reform Bill and possession of Shahid Gunj. Some agriculture reforms were also part of its manifesto. The SAD manifesto was a complete package to grasp the mass attraction but the CAD had no comprehensive programme.

The CAD united with the NKP in the elections.140 This faction was pro-British and anti Akali. The Congress had already formed a new party Congress Sikh Party in 1936141 The Congress oriented Sikhs organized under its banner. It was presided by S. Surmukh Singh Jabbal. Its main object was to develop the mass contact among the Sikhs with the aim of complete freedom of India. Its membership was confined only for those persons who were member of the Congress. Many Sikh socialist, Kirits and others joined this party during the election. Jawaharlal Nehru supported the party during the election tour.142

The SAD and KNP both contested from exclusively Sikh constituencies and both of them together captured more than two–third of the 33 seats.143 The NKP defeated the SAD. This situation made the Akalis frustrated because this organization had considered itself a real representative of the Sikh community. This situation was very threatening because they would

138Rigbir. Akali Movement, 238. 139Effenberg. The Political Status of the Sikhs, 59. 140Effenberg, The Political Status of the Sikhs, 65. 141Ibid, 59. 142Tutija, The Sikh Politics 1920-40, 177. 143IOR:L/PJ/7/1142. Eelection 1937constituency wise analysis shows that in Sikh constituencies Akalis and NKB altogether got 23 seats out of 31 and one seats from landlord. Bothe Sikh representative parties could not even single seat from general seats or Muhammadan constituencies however congress and unionists got seats in Sikh constituencies. They could get some more from Ambala, Ludhiana and Lahore but Akalis and NKB (NkP)were in agreement with congress and Unionists respectively so they did not nominate their candidates in those areas. 105

loos their control on the SGPC. According to their thought Akalis were totally ignored in the Gurdwara Committee elections.144 As far as SAD failure concerns, two reasons were most important first in the elections the Akalis joined hand together with the Congress. The Congress was already in weak position in the Punjab and second an extremist Sikh group ‘Desh Bhagat Priwar Sahaik Committee provoked the masses that the Sikh community should not promote the Akalis.145 Maharaja of Pataila also turned towards the NKP and tried to make it influential within the SGPC.146 The NKP with the support of Maharaja of Patiala achieved success on Akalis. Akalis just won the majority of seats from the rural areas of the central Punjab where they had introduction as religious extremist group.147 But their adjustment with Congress regarding nomination of the members for the seats made them inpopular among masses so their religious weapon could not prove successful. The NKP tried to unite the Sikh factions and gained the support of the Maharaja of Patiala and the CAD, this policy gave better result and the NKP achieved some seats more than Akalis. According to the Communal Award 33 seats were allotted to the Sikh and the NKP won the 14 whereas Akalis as religious giant could win just 10 seats. During the election propaganda neither Sikh community could gather the community on religious cause, nor could arise them against the economic injustice.

Election 1936-37 Results: Total Seats : 175 Party name Seats Party Name Seats Party Name Seats Unionist 95 Congress 18 Hindu Election Board 08 NKP 14 Muslim League 02 Congressite Sikh 05 Akali 10 Ahrar 02 Parliamentary Labour 01 Party Socialist 01 Independet 17 Ittahad-i-Millat 02 Source: Return Showing the Results of Elections in India 1937, presented by the Secretary for India to Parliament by Command of His Mejesty November, 1937( New Delhi: India Press) in IOR:L/PJ/7/1142. 148 First Unionist Ministry: (April 1, 1937 – Dec 30, 1942) Party name Seats Party Name Seats Party Name Seats Unionist 95 Socialist 01 Hindu Election Board 11 NKP/NKB 14 Muslim League 01 Ittahad-i-Millat 02

144Effenberg, The Political Status of the Sikhs, 78. 145Ibid,. 146 Effenberg. The Political Status of the Sikhs, 78. 147IOR:L/PJ/7/1142. 148Another statement is given in this file : Congress: 18, Non-Congress Hindu :36, Muslim League:2, other Muslim:4, other Parties(Unionist):88, No Party 27. 106

Akali 10 Independent 19 Parliamentary Labour 01 Party The first Ministry formed Unionist with coalition of independent and Sikh members : Unionist Composition was :- General 13; Muslim including one women’s seat 74; Anglo-Indian 1, European 1, Indian Christian 2, landholders 3; labour 1, total 95. Khalsa National Board; Sikh seats 13, landholders 1, total 14, and Akalis10. Till 1945 coalition ministry continued in the Punjab. Muslim members of Unionist were in position to implement any decision but Unionist party could not satisfy other members and political unrest and turmoil affected the Punjab

Ministry Position 1938-1945 Year Ministry Opposition Speaker Total July 1938 130 44 1 175 June 1939 114 60 1 175 June 7, 1941 113 59 1 173 Vacant 2 November 30,1942 121 53 1 175 March 6,1944 121 53 1 175 May 5, 1945 96 78 1 175 November3, 1945 104 70 1 175 Source: IOR/L/PJ/8/472 The British Government was expecting Unionist victory in the Punjab but victory of moderate and loyal group from the Sikhs political parties further placated the British. Emerson reported the Linlithgow “This is the first time for some years that moderate Sikhs have come into open and seriously challenged the position which the Akalis have obtained. The results are gratified”149 In the Punjab the elections’ result was exactly according to British’s desires. British Government was scared of the Congress and Akali cooperation in nationalist movement. Now both parties were not in position to form a strong opposition in Punjab Legislative Assembly. Their divide and rule policy was working perfectly. According to British’s hope Unionist ministry was formed with the coalition of Unionist, National Khalsa Party and National Progressive Party.

Among the Sikhs factional politics was very high. The Sikhs had a right of 33 seats in the Punjab Legislative Assembly but just for 33 seats political strength was divided into five groups. The NKP had a solid strength of 14 members and the SAD had only 10 seats. One important feature noticed among the Sikh candidates, was that socialist won the seat. It meant that “the

149Tutija, Sikh Politics(1920-40), 179. 107

peasantry of the Punjab is trading way ruinous to sacred religion of the Gurus.”150 From another community, Hindu and Muslim socialist members were not elected. Sunder Singh Majithia of the KNP and Manohar Lal of the National Progressive Party joined the new ministry. Sir Sundur accepted the office of the revenue. Sir Sundur Singh Majithia took a ministry with the aim to secure the political future of the Sikhs. Other member of the NKP also got the positions. The NKP announced that they would sign an agreement with the unionist to safeguard the Sikh interests before resuming the cabinet.151 The NKP had desire to engender the communal harmony among the rival communities so they joined a non-Communal organization ‘Unionist’ but according to the Emerson Sunder Singh had perhaps reached a compromise with Sikandar before the elections, at the resuming of the Ministry they joined the ministry unconditionally.152 In this connection Giani Sher Singh, a prominent leader of the NKP wrote a letter to Jawahar Lal Nehru “to some extent Khalsa National Party has succeeded in rooting out the communal bigotry from the Punjab, if the circumstances continue to be favorable, I am confident that by the efforts of this party, the communal Award would be modified.”153 The SAD criticized the Sir Sundur Singh Majithia to accept the ministry. They considered the NKP an enemy of the Panth and labeled it group of ‘traitors’.154

The SAD joined hands with the Congress in the Assembly and made joint front against the Unionists and sat on opposition benches.155 S. Sampuran Singh was nominated as leader of the opposition because Congress due to its internal clashes could not prefer any one from Congress.156 S.Sampuran Singh took a decision that the SAD would not cooperate with any party or individual who supported the communal Award.157 It was an effort to maintain the lost position of the Akalis among the masses. Sikh Communist group Harjap Singh, Sohan Singh Josh, Baba Rur Singh, Rugbir Kour, Kabul Singh, Teja Singh were also supporter of Unionists. The Sunder Singh Majithia argued on the Akalis alliance with Congress he said that the destructive policy carried on by other groups (reference to the Akali party) during the past

150Rekhi, Sir Sundur Singh Majithia and His Relevance in Sikh Poitics, 122. 151Durlab, The Valiant Fighter, 123. 152Durlab, The Valiant Fighter, 124. 153Tutija, Sikh Politics(1920-40)183. 154Durlab, The Valiant Fighter, 123-124. 155Ibid, 123. 156Effenberg. The Political Status of the Sikhs, 80. 157Effenberg, The Political Status of the Sikhs, 80. 108

decade has yielded nothing but disruption and chaos in the community and their high sounding declaration had ended in nothing but smoke.158

The SAD alleged that the KNP had accepted the programme of the Unionist party and joined them unconditionally and with the particular purpose to crush the growing power of the SAD(Akalis) in religious as well as political fields.159 After coming in power KNP worked against the Akali Party to reduce their influence in the community. The police raided the leading Akalis and carried on several searches. The SAD always resisted against the communal policies of Sikandar Hyat Khan, leader of Unionist party which had claimed itself non-communal party.160 As an encounter, Unionist supporters Sikhs tried to damage the SAD’s position in the eyes of public.161 In this connection, the NKP got an opportunity to reduce the SAD’s influence in the community. A strike in the Khalsa Co llege began with the distribution of a pamphlet by members of an anti-Akali group in the college exposing the activities of Professor Nirinjan Singh, the brother of the Master Tara Singh, the Akali leader and another Professor of the college. The pamphlet was defamatory in nature and certain students of Akali views strongly resented it. Issue turned serious and principal on one occasion called police to disperse the mob. No injury was reported but police action was exaggerated and led to the intensification of the strike. The strike had really developed into a struggle between Akalis and their opponents and in Amritsar itself there was growing body of opposition to the strikers.162 For the reason directly or indirectly concerned with the college strike, Professor Niranjan Singh brother of Tara Singh was dismissed. This action resented the Akalis because Professor Niranjan was not only brother of Tara Singh,he was also an Akali leader. Akalis tried to launch a strike against the decision of the management committee which comprised of moderate Sikhs.163

A non–communal Ministry was running in the Punjab but communal tension was increasing day by day. This tension more flared up when Sikandar moved three bills with agrarian subjects; first to the Punjab registration of the Money- landers Act,164 second restitution

158The Tribune 11 March 1937. 159Durlab, ,The Valiant Fighter, 124. 160Tutija The Sikh Politics 173-207. 161Durlab, The Valiant Fighter, 123. 162L/PJ/5/238, Governor report second half of May 1937, p&j 2892,1937. 163L/PJ/5/238, Governor report second half of August 1937, p&j 4367/371937. 164IOR:L/E/8/1038, Punjab Registration of Money Lander Act 1938. Punjab Rigistration of Money-Landers Act received the assent of His Excellency the Governor and on September 2, 1938 it was published for general information but this bill was originally published on the June 21, 1938 in the Punjab Gazette and introduced in the 109

of Mortgaged lands third was about the amendment in the alienation of land Act.165 These bills; mortgage and ownership of land were against the landed aristocracy.166 It was a chance that Akalis could retain their position against the NKP among the community but in the Assembly Sikhs’ position was weak they were 10 on 33 seats so could not retain pressure upon the Government even Sikh position as whole was also weak they were just 24 from 33 as whole this almost two-third position was not enough to protect and responding effectively on the legislative council’s moves against their community. These bills created resentment among the Sikh aristocratic class who were also part of ministry. Other than bills, a significant move developed among the Jinnah and Sikandar and both signed a pact which is known as Sikandar-Jinnah Pact. Although according to this pact, League was not authorized to interfere in the internal affairs of the Assembly but Unionist had accepted the supremacy of the Muslim League as sole representative of Muslims. Terms of agreement were not acceptable for the Sikhs, they considered that Unionists put non-communal status of the Party an end. As alloy of the Government Sikhs could not secure specific privileges for their community but just in the continuity of the Gurdwara reforms act a few amendments appeared in the subsequent years.167

Sikh community was facing very knotty circumstance. Other than their prime demand of representation in legislative and administrative bodies they were demanding abolition or at least amendment in the Land Alienation Act.168 In the legislative Council their divided position proved more dangerous for the interests of the community. It was very important that they killed their factional rivalries because on the opposition benches even with the alliance of Congress they were not in position to magnify aggrandize the Council’s decisions.

Sikander indicated that his position would be much stronger in dealing with Muslims if there is any gesture from Sikhs, if sanction was refused to introduction of bills, they would be prepared to consider an amicable settlement. There are, however, personal difficulties over this, owing to hostility of Tara Singh to Sundar Singh.169 Only settlement which appears possible is one by which place would be walled-in and accepted by both communities as absolutely neutral

Assembly on June 23, 1938. Lal Singh and Uttam Singh Duggal were member of select Committee for the Punjab Registration of Money-Landers Act. 165IOE:NEG/30598 and IOR:V9/3440, Punjab Legislative Council Debates March 3, 1931 Vol. XVIII-No5 271 Punjab Alienation of Land Bill was moved on 3rd March 1931. 166IOR:L/E/8/1038, Punjab Registration of Money Lander Act 1938. 167 IOR:L/PJ/7/15788. 168IOR:V9/3450, Punjab Legislative Council Debates March 26, 1931 Vol. XXVIII-No 17, 930-31. 169File No IQR:L/PJ/7/886 reference no PJ /4772. 110

territory, accusable to no one. Sikandar has given a practical guarantee to Sundar Singh that, if Sikh agreed to this, that solution would be accepted by Muslims, except a minority of extremists.170

Communal consciousness blazed many issues between Sikh and Muslims during the third decade of the twentieth century which were settled down although not completely but some adjustments had been made between the communities during the years of 1930s. In 1939, Court made decision against the Muslims and Shahid Gunj handed over the Sikhs. In the assembly two bills moved one by Gauba for its recognition as Mosque171and other one for the support of the Barkat Ali, a Muslim league member in the favour of Shahid Gunj Mosque. Tara Singh and other Akali leaders strongly condemned the bills and demanded that the Governor should refuse sanction of bills. Other than The Shahid Gunj Issue, the speeches for abolition of restriction on wearing Kirpan and sword, arguments on Jhatka and Hilal and Music before the mosque in the Assembly were continually griming the communal atmosphere. S. Sampuran Singh put forward a Gurdwara Reform Bill and another Sikh M.L.A S. moved Jhatka Bill despite the fact that many Sikh member of the Legislative Assembly were in the favour of the bill but it could not be passed.172 Sikandar Hyat Khan tried to hold up the ministry’s non-communal position and made some efforts such as insertion of some non Unnionist Hindu and Sikhs in the ministry and did not accept the Muslim claim on the Shahid Gunj Mosque but these efforts were not enough to control the communal tensions.

Although the NKP had a ministerial office but it could not provide safeguards to Sikh community and in the Legislative Assembly bills moved against the Sikhs’ religious demands. This situation gave strength to the SAD and undermined the KNP among the community.173 As under the Communal Award Sikhs position was already weakened but their disintegration in different groups damaged their standings in the legislatives if they integrate them under the one flag they could have achieved better concessions for the community.

According to the Remsay official statement Award was primarily designed to secure the adequate protection of the minorities and political accommodation of among the communities

170File No IQR:L/PJ/7/886, from report Governor General to secretary of state India on March 1938 reference p&j 1105, third part of report 1021, 171File No IQR: L/PJ/7/886 reference no PJ /4772. 172Durlab, The Valliant Fighter, 127. 173Ibid, 122. 111

but practically it was just distribution of central and legislative seats on the basis of weightage principle. Congress was working on the nationalist cause this award proved hurdle on the road to the political advancement on nationalistic line because as result of this Award, religion was only measuring scale of the representation weightage. The Communal Award affected the Sikh community not only in terms of political struggle but in social and religious spheres. Sikh response on the Award was very zealous and apparently it seemed that all Sikh political factions has become unanimous on the question of representation but their internal insecurities turned them in other communal groups. This communal division among the communities and within the communities widened day by day and Communal Awards led self-identity consciousness and peaceful constitutional representation towards the ‘surgical operation’174 partition. In subsequent years this communal distinction benefited the British. They won the World War II with the cooperation of the Indian communities.

Conclusion:

As an effort to resolve Indian constitutional problem RTC could not prove successful but to promote British ‘Divide and Rule’ policy sowed a bead of separatism effectively and raised communal tensions. Basically Sir Geoffrey Corbett scheme did not put his scheme to resolve the Sikh problem because this scheme was creating huge difference between Hindu-Muslim populations. As a result of the implementation of this scheme, Punjab became with 62 percent Muslim majority provinces and even Hindu and Sikh unity could not able to create any impact on constitutional development of Punjab. Corbett proposal gave new thought to Sikh community and Sikh leadership put their own scheme of readjustment of Punjab boundaries comprised with Lahore, Montgomery and Lyallpur which were most important areas on the basis of economic stability. The Sikh community was dis integrated on their own proposals. Ujjal Singh agreed on 24 percent representation in Punjab legislative and denied from seventeen point of Sikh memorandums but in India Tara Singh was staunch with 30 percent and was launching protest. Proceedings of Conferences provided opportunity to British that they enforce their decision which was more or less following Simon report. Just half of Sikh’s demands were sanctioned in Communal Award. The Act 1935 was constructed on the basis of the Communal Award which could not receive appreciation of all Indian communities. Despite of all resistance and having an aversion it was implemented and elections of 1937 were held under decided composition of all

174aswant Singh, JINNAH: India- Partition- Independence(New York: Oxford University Press), 10.s 112

Indian communities. In the Punjab, Sikh community was in trouble. Sikh strength was divided in different groups. Their creed approaches and objectives were different from each other. Congress and Akali alliance was need of hours. Both parties were not in position to contest elections separately. Two pro-British parties CAD and NKP stood anti- Akali stand. The SAD could not compete with NKP. The SAD had lost its popularity in masses and favor of Maharaja of Patiala as result SAD was ignored in SGPC elections. Sikh total numbers of seats were 33 but their strength was divided in five factions so their influence and pressure was almost nil. In the presence of non-communal ministry Punjab was politically unstable. This instability further flared when Sikandar moved bill regarding amendment in land alienation Act this bill disturbed Sikh aristocratic class and it also damaged ministry’s position because Sikh aristocratic class was part of Ministry. Meanwhile Sikandar-Jinnah pact was signed and Unionist surrendered its supremacy and accepted Muslim League’s agenda. Unionist party lost its non-communal standings. This pact had shaken conviction and trust of other alloys of ministry. The communal nature issues such as Shaeed Gunj, Jhatka Bill and Gurdawara Reform bills were put forward during these years and could not be passed so resentment increased against ministry leadership. Sikandar tried to placate his alloys and rejected Muslim stance on the issue of Shaheed Gunj but this effort could not satisfy Sikhs but increased anger and bitterness among the Muslims.

The Communal Award proved a final bullet against the efforts of the Indian unification. This Award not only divided the all Indians but split was created within the communities. Within the communities it created a sense of insecurities. This award turned the sparrows into hawks.

113

CHAPTER - 4

Sikh’s Demand for A Separate State: A Fresh Light

Introduction

As a result of election 1937 a non-communal government with weak opposition was running. Political game was in the hand of the unionists. The Sikh and Hindus were as weak opposition unable to achieve something for their community. Meanwhile World War II broke out. Political scenario changed and all political parties joined heads together on the question of the Punjab’s role and contribution in the war efforts. British made promise with Indians that powers would be transferred in hands of Indians after the war. In subsequent year of War the Muslim’s demand for separate State came on which flared up drift among communal identities. To solve the Indian problem and to gain the Indian support the British took initiatives such as put forward Cripps Proposal, Cabinet Mission Plan. The Sikhs; most important community of the Punjab threatened the dominance of the majority. What was the Sikhs’ reaction on these British moves? During the War Sikhs supported the British in War efforts. After the World War II the British announced their policy for India. According to British policy election were held in 1946 as a result of which interim Government established in India and Sikhs’ standings and their factional trends during the entire period especially for elections of 1946 and formation of the interim Government will be discussed. Through this discussion light has been thrown on the Sikhs’ factional confrontations and interests. As a result of election 1937 a non-communal government with weak opposition was running in the Punjab. Political game was in the hand of the unionists. The Sikh and Hindu were as weak opposition unable to achieve something for their communities. Meanwhile World War II broke out. The War clouds between the Russia and British had been feeling since 1933. The Russian goods had been discarded in the India by British Government.1 On September 3, 1939 World War II broke out. The British were much concerned with the Indian response towards War. Before the War British had opinion that Indian might have welcomed the war due to economic interests and employment opportunities for the martial classes. The report which was sent on 11th October 1938 from the Governor of the Punjab, Governor reported that “Of course, been the agreement reached at the Munich Conference, which has saved us from the horrors and suffering of a war. So far as I can judge from conversations with my visitors, both in Simla and on tour, this result has been received with enormous relief by all thoughtful men. On the other

1Milap April 28, 1933. 114

hand, I fancy that the agricultural masses would rather have welcomed war which has had the immediate effect of sending up the prices of the primary products and of increasing employment among the martial classes.”2

After the outbreak of the war British Government made promise with Indians that powers would be transferred in hands of Indians after the war and to retain strong hold initiated two major amendments in the 1935 Act to increase the executive powers of the center for the reason to control internal disturbance and security of India.3 With first amendment executive authority of the Federation was extended and provinces were directed that “executive authority thereof is to be exercised, and any directions so given shall for the purposes of the last preceding section be deemed to be directions given there under” and in the second amendment it was stated “any power of the Federal Legislature to make laws for a province with respect to any matter shall include power to make laws as respects a province conferring powers and imposing duties, or authorizing the conferring of powers and the Government of India….”4 These amendments affected the masses attitude regarding the War. During the War under these amendments centers executed its powers to punish the people who were found involve in anti-War propaganda almost in all districts of the Punjab.5 Meanwhile the war position was against the British, Germany brought under the control Norway, Denmark, Holand and Belgium. So to gain the strength from the Indian people on April 3, 1940 Zetland said in a broadcast that he was convinced that no lasting settlement in India would prove possible without real reconciliation between the Muslims and Hindus6 and soon after L.S. Amery stated that the attainment of full and equal partnership in the British Commonwealth was the goal of their policy. On the 8th August 1940 the British Government promised to set up a constitution making body after the War, and further offered the establishment of the dominion status as soon as possible after the War.

On the supposition that Indians would welcome the War the British Government without any consultation declared Indians’ commitment with the British in the War efforts. Naturally the British announcement overshadowed the political, social and economic activities of the region. This autocracy was criticized in all over India. All communities showed their response according to their interests but British had much concerned about Punjab’s response because of its

2 L/PJ/5/240, Report October 11, P&J 4974/38. 3 IOR: L/P&J/8/547,Public and Judicial Department 1073 Amendment of the Government of India Act 1935. 4Ibid,. 5 IOR:L/P&J/5/244, IOR:L /P&J/5/241, Governor’s Fortnightly Reports 1940, 1941. 6Rigbir Singh, Akali Movement (1926-1947),(New Delhi: Omsons Publications, 1997), 171. 115

economic share, value, political communal triangle, and martial contribution. War was welcomed by the ministry of the Punjab, in the Legislative Assembly of Punjab the Unionist tabled a resolution to support and cooperate with British in the War. Muslims, except a few insignificant exclusions, stood solidly behind the Punjab premier’s declaration of loyalty and help.7 The majority of ministry made speeches in favour of the resolution even by the opposition speeches were in moderate tone only two members made objections on the resolution. The leader of the House of Punjab Legislative Assembly Sir was pleased with the situation8 he proclaimed his allegiance with the British. All other Assembly members also supported the Sikandar.

The War boosted up the economics of the Punjab. On the one hand, employment regarding agriculture and prices of agriculture products became high because the grains demand was increased to fulfill the British needs, on the other hand rural community joined the army and large amount of the money changed their lifestyle.9 Governor of the Punjab had some apprehensions that response and cooperation from the eastern and central part of Punjab towards the War might would be less enthusiastic.10 Governor’s worries died out when he visited the district of the Hoshiarpur, Gurdaspur and Ferozepore. He was welcomed warmly by the District Board and District soldier Board. He felt enthusiastic and the warmest expression of loyalty and found ample evidence and indications of the desire of all communities to help the Government in the War measures.11 During the Governor’s visit at Gurdaspur, Ferozepur and Hoshiarpur on December 1, 1939, people of the Gurdaspur gave a practical proof of their loyalty and support, they submitted a cash amount of 17,000 subscribed by the leading men of the district and another land lord gave 500/-.The people of Ferozepore gave 26,500 rupees and promised for the more fund for the war.12

In general, many Hindus emphasized the fact that the debate on India in the House of Commons left the door open for further negotiations and urged both government and Congress leaders to take advantages of this open door. The Congress’ opinion was indifferent towards the war. The Congress leader Pandit Nehru had declared in the manifesto of the election 1936 that

7IOR:L/PJ/5/242 Report on the Punjab Situation for the First Half of the September, 1939. 8IOR:L/PJ/5/242 P&J 5989/1939.A letter from Craik to Linlithgow November 16, 1939. 9 Rigbir, Akali Movement, 161. 10IOR:L/PJ/5/242 P&J 5508/1939.A letter from Craik to Linlithgow October 2, 1939. 11IOR:L/PJ/5/242 P&J480/1940 Report on the Punjab situation for the second half of the November, 1939. 12IOR:L/PJ/5/242 P&J 6297/1939.A letter from Craik to Linlithgow December 1st, 1939. 116

Congress will "affirm this opposition to the participation of India in an imperialist war.”13 The Congress was present in Punjab Legislative Assembly as weak opposition just with18 seats.14 The Congress Assembly members kept silence to show their attitude and did not express their opinion towards the war. The Congress leadership demanded explanation on the War aims from British. As result of British arrogance, Congress assured its isolation with War and decided to resign from Ministries. Majority of the Hindus were against the resignation of the Congress Ministries in the Punjab. Hindu newspapers wrote that the resignation of Congress Ministries would be harmful for Hindu interests and leave Muslims in a position to seize power. They advised the Congress Ministers to remain in office and used their position to influence public opinion in their favour rather than to leave the field open to Muslim interests whose position had been strengthened by the pact between Britain, France and Turkey and by the solidarity of the community in backing the British government.15

Despite all assurances of the Sikh leadership in the Punjab, Sikh as a sizeable minority was in critical situation. For the last two decades, their relations with the Government were very hot for the reason of different issues such as Gurdwara Reforms Bill and communal representation. On the question of war contribution British were reluctant to take heavy Sikh recruitment in the army because of confrontational nature of the Sikhs according to General Lockhart’ note on Sikh situation in the Punjab they were separate, and political minded community and on the other side among Sikhs situation was very grim. Sikh political leader ship was vacillating between two poles. The Sikh political parties had fallen apart in many groups; some had desire to cooperate with the British and the others had opinion that they should keep them non-cooperative in the War efforts. As a whole Sikh community proclaimed their unwavering loyalty and readiness for services. The Congressite group of the Sikh politicians followed the Congress as party member but they did not support the Congress stance against the war with enthusiasm. The Communist Sikh group was just trying to create the utmost political unrest in the Punjab although their activities were not open.16 Tara Singh considered communist hypocrites the real cause of chaos and turmoil in Sikhs’ political, religious and social life.17 The

13R.Coupland. Indian Politics 1936-1942:Report on the Constitutional Problem in India Part II(Lodon:Oxford University Press, 1945), 208. 14IOR:L/PJ/7/1142, Elections: P&J 635 1937. 15 IOR:L/PJ/5/242, P&J4599/1939 Report on the Punjab Situation for the Second Half of the October, 1939. 16IOR:L/PJ/5/242 P&J4599/1939 Report on the Punjab Situation for the Second Half of the October, 1939. 17IOR/1/1/3554 Tara Singh Presidential Address in The Open Session of The Akali Conference held at Pherala(Lyallpur) On The 6th April 1940. 117

Sikh Akali leadership was confused because from the election of 1937, they were in the Congress fold.18 Being Nationalist, they had been alloy of the Congress in nationalist movement and the NCM and the Congress had already denounced its support to the British. They had a desire to join hand with British in the War and they wished to cash the situation to gain more benefits for the community in terms of the recruitment in the armed services.19 Although the Akalis(SAD) supported the Congress demand for explanation of the British Government’s intentions about the future of the India but In general the SAD had a view that Sikh should choose a way to enhance the importance of their community in the eyes of the British Government.20 They have been keeping in mind the fruits of Sikh contribution in 1857 War the SAD, in the interest of Sikh community began to organize a volunteer force, called the Akali sena or Akali Fouj along the lines of the Mahabir Dal and the Khaksars. They announced the formation of this semi-military body, as district, city and area regiments. These regiments will provide opportunities for services and improve the physique of the Sikh community. The objects of the force were to serve humanity, inculcate the true spirit of Sikhism and to check the tide of atheism and skepticism.21 But it was also an effort to ready the Sikhs to infuse them in the War efforts. The Sikhs’ efforts to maintain the private army, unite and organize the Sikhs were being continued and after the Cripps Mission further increase was noticed.22

The Akali Sikhs called an All Parties Conference on the first of October 1939 at Amritsar to discuss the attitude of the Sikh community towards the War. This conference was not attended by all Sikh parties. Only the various Akali groups and organizations attended the conference. In the conference divergent views were expressed by different groups and after the long discussion resolution was passed. Resolution was published in press, it was very close to the Congress Working Committee’s point of view.23 This resolution was carried unanimously. Several speakers showed their apprehensions about the possibility of the Russian attack and reduction of the Sikh community representation in the army.24 As regarding the Sikh attitude towards the war, Moon was sent to Laithwaite, with his official letter No. 4907 of the forth October, Copies of the resolution passed by (a) CKD, and (b) the Akali leaders headed by the Shiromani Akali Dal

18IOR:L/PJ/5/242 Report on the Punjab Situation for the First Half of the September, 1939. 19Khuswant Singh, A History of The Sikhs vol 2, 239-40. 20The Tribune October 22, 1939. 21 L/PJ/5/241 Governor’s Report On The Situation Of The Punjab for The First Half Of The April, 1939 P&J2249/39. 22L/PJ/5/245 Governor’s Report on The Situation of The Punjab for The First Half Of The April, 1942. 23IOR:L/PJ/5/242 P&J5508/1939, Report on the Punjab Situation for The First Half Of The October, 1939. 24IOR:L/PJ/5/242 P&J 5239/1939 A letter from Craik to Linlithgow October 13th, 1939. 118

organization at Amritsar on the first of October.25 After the Conference some of their leaders realized if they would take position with Congress and adopt the anti-war measures, such as the propaganda against the recruitments, they might lose support, among the Sikh community and it will be led to Government that they decide to end the Sikh recruitment in the Army26, so the Akali Sikhs had made no further declaration of policy.

The CKD leadership, fought the elections of 1937 with the new name ‘Khalsa National Party(NKP) in the Unionist fold and had ministerial office in the Punjab Legislative Council. The Unionists had already announced the wholehearted support in the War efforts. So The CKD backing Unionists and announced their support for the British. Just before the World War II on 1st September, KNP exhorted the Sikh community “to unite and defend our mother country and the cause of humanity at large at this hour of trail and we solemnly assure His Majesty the King Emperor of our whole-hearted and loyal support.”27

Maharaja of Patiala had great influence among the Sikhs and good reputation in the British officials, according to the Hanry Craik, the Governor of the Punjab, “if the Maharaja of Patiala to take up any movement in which the Sikh community as a whole was interested, he would be in a position to exert remarkable influence and one could feel satisfied by prospect of maximum support from the adherents of the Sikh faith. Broadly speaking, his position as the Premier Sikh Prince placed him in much the same relations to the Sikh community in general as that of Nizam to the Muslim Community.28 The NKP approached the Maharaja of Patiala to force Sikh community for recruitment and secure Sikh interest from British because experiences after First World War were very bitter. The NKP leadership had some apprehensions regarding British Government’s promises regarding the future of the Sikh community because after the first World War Sikhs faced the British Government hatred and Sikh community was deprived of all rewards by the British Government so they desired that being an important community Maharaja of Patiala should secure some privileges for the Sikhs in the future constitutional developments Such as separate section in the army territorial services, representation in the Highier ranks of the army, full liberty to perform their religious rituals and festivals, removal of all restrictions on the use of Jhatka meat and more than all that as important minority

25Ibid,. 26IOR:L/PJ/5/242 P&J4599/1939 Report on the Punjab Situation For The Second Half of The October, 1939. 27Christine Effenbreg. The Political Status of the Sikhs During the Indian National Movement 1935-1947(New Delhi: Archive Publishers, 1989), 110. 28L/PO/10. Letter from Craik to Linlithgow. 119

community, they desired a reasonable representation in the future Federal Government and in provincial Legislature.29The NKP organized a deputation; Lieutenant Raghbir Singh of Rajasani including Jogindhar Singh Mann, MLA, Ranjit Singh of New Delhi, Bishen Singh, MLC, and Master of Sikh Missionary college, Amritsar, met Maharaja of Patiala and appealed to the Maharaja that he should lead the Panth in the hours of dilemma and force the Sikh community to join the army.30 The Maharaja of Patiala committed with them to urge the Sikh community to support the British government in this crucial situation and sink their difference in the greater interest of the community and gather around the British cause.31 In response to Maharaja’s appeal, Sundar Singh Majithia moved a resolution in the Sikh educational Conference on October 1939 and assured the Maharaja that Sikh would support the British with money and provide their services for the army.32 The Maharaja of Patiala ensured the share of Sikhs in the army. A conference was held in January 19, 1941. Various factions of the Sikh community; political and retired Sikh army officer attended the Conference. In the conference all factions unanimously accepted that if the Sikhs participate in the war they would be able to serve their country better in future. An organization ‘Khlasa Defence of India League under the patronage of the Maharaja of Patiala with the objective to prepare the Sikh community for the defence of the India in all possible means was established.33 The Maharaja of Patiala submitted the amount of 51,000 rupees its fund and fix the 1,000 rupees monthly to run this organization.34

The SAD and the NKP were both very enthusiastic to secure the Sikh percentage in the army. Although the Sikhs were scared that if they went overseas, their lands and villages would be seized by Muhammadans, who were already plotting to seize power in Punjab,35 Most of the Alkalis were always being involved in anti-Government agitations, but on the question of contribution in War, they were supporting the Government. Master Tara Singh met Craik to ensure him that Sikhs have given up anti-British policy since the War started and they are now anxious to assist the British in the war effort.36 During the meeting with Craik Tara Singh said: Sikh community should not be suspected because in this War Sikhs’ and British interests are the same. Tara Singh also said to Craik that if Sikhs have desire to maintain their position in the

29Rigbir, Akali Movement, 166. 30Ibid, 164. 31Effenbreg. The Political Status of The Sikhs, 111, And Rigbir, Akali Movement 164-165 32 The Tribune October 25, 1939. 33Rigbir, Akali Movement, 166. 34Ibid,. 35Ibid, 170. 36R/1/1/3884 Craik letter to Viceroy December 4,1942. 120

army, than it is only strong factor which can strengthen their position as a community, despite the fact that Sikhs are a small minority.37

Sikh leadership was trying to match the Sikh contribution in the Second World War with the First World War. The Sikh recruitment was meager in the second War. A deputation led by Sundar Singh Majithia met the Commander-in-Chief and discussed the proportion of the Sikhs in the military and insisted that this proportion should be increased in all military departments and special training classes should be arranged for the Sikhs, furthermore they gave suggestion that sons of the retired army persons should be preferred for the army recruitment. Even the deputation members recommended that disbanded Mazhabi Sikhs regiments should also be reconstituted,38 and suggested to improve the recruitment, British Government should announce the rewards in shape of titles for those persons who would be killed during the expedition and lands and Jagirs for their dependents.

Lahore Resolution and Sikh

The Sikh leadership of the all factions was trying to cash War situation in the favour of the Sikh community and secure the financial gains. A striking move appeared on the political horizon of subcontinent, on March 23, 1940 Muslim League held a meeting at Lahore Minto Park where Yaad Gar-Pakistan was contrcted now called Greater Park. In this meeting A.K Fazal-Haq presented a resolution for the demarcation of the Muslim majority areas’ boundaries which was unanimously passed by the Muslim League and its allies. The Lahore Resolution envisaged the division of India and against the nationalist philosophy. All nationalist minded leaders criticized it as vague statement with absence of any details or specific definition of the area of state or dominion39 but Hindu press added the fuel to the Punjab’s political situation and considered this resolution, first step on the ladder for the establishment of the Muslim dominance on the minorities.40 P.N. Chopra in his book “India’s Struggle for Freedom” argued that “it seems certain that before the Muslim League adopted the Pakistan resolution in 1940, some of its members sounded the Secretary of State for India, Lord Zetland and Viceroy Lord Linlithgow and secured from both some sort of assurance of encouragement which could not however be

37Ibid,. 38Ribbir, Akali Movement, 160-70. 39Tai Yon and Gyanesh Kudaisya,The Aftermath of The Partition in (London: Routledge Taylor & Francis Group, 2000, 102. 40IOR: L/PJ/5/243 Governor Fortnightly Report for the Second Half of the June 1940, 149. 121

given openly.”41 The Lahore resolution was severely condemned by the Hindus and the Sikhs with same enthusiasm.42 Even some Muslim groups stood against the resolution. Gandhi’s Satyagrah Movement started against the demand for separate state. The Ahrars were ready to join the Satyagrah Movement.43 Akalis and the Dr. Satyapal’s groups were so far standing aloof from the movement with a few exceptions but they were also against the Muslim Demand.44

The Sikhs showed their resentment; Sikh political leaders of all factions made public speeches and highlighted the atrocities of the Mughal rulers generally on Sikhs and particularly to provoke Sikhs’ sentiments against Muslims. Pakistan scheme was portrayed as return to unfortunate and ill-fated past of the Sikhs.45 On the one hand, Hindu press had been exhorting on the Muslim demand on the other hand Hindu and Sikh associations had been passing many resolutions against the Lahore Resolutions. The Lahore resolution disturbed the Sikhs more than Hindus because the Punjab was the religious and cultural center of the Sikhs and it was the only region where to some extent they had political power. For the Sikhs, only Punjab was a region where they could have secured their interests because of its demographic ratio and economic prominence. So resolution was condemned by all factions of the Sikhs. They not only opposed it sturdily but in upcoming years encountered the Muslim demand for Pakistan with their same demand for the separate State for Sikhs. The Sikhs exhorted that they will resist the implementation of this scheme in the Punjab “to the last ditch.”46 Soon after the Lahore Resolution meeting, on March 29 the NKP arranged a meeting, condemned the Lahore Resolution and a resolution passed that

In the opinion of the Party the resolution of the Muslim League has created the situation which may mean a parting of the ways for the Sikhs and Muslims with whom the Khalsa National Party has been co-operating in the provincial Autonomy regime in the best interests of province and the Sikh community. The Party hopes that saner counsels will prevail and catastrophe that is staring the country in the face will be averted…. It would be height of audacity for anyone to imagine that the Sikhs would tolerate for a single day the undiluted communal Raj of any community in the Punjab which is not only their homeland but also their holy land.47

41Baldev T. Gajra. Sind’s Role in the Freedom Struggle (ORW, 1987). introduction: Xi. 42IOR:R/3/1/62 A letter to Linlithgow from Henry Craik April 14, 1940. 43IOR:R/3/1/62 A letter to Linlithgow from Henry Craik November 30, 1940. 44Ibid,. 45Tai Yon and Gyanesh Kudaisya, The Aftermath of The Partition in South Asia, 102. 46 IOR:R/3/1/62 A letter to Linlithgow from Henry Craik April 14, 1940. 47O.P.Ralhan, Suresh K. Sharma. Documents on Punjab Vol 6 Part II Sikh Politics (1927-1947), 493. 122

The Lahore Resolution changed the political chess-board. All political giants stood against the Muslim demand. Muslim demand not only united the all factions of the Sikhs but also the SAD and Congress which had parted their ways on issue to support the British in efforts of the World War II. Shiromani Akali Dal organized several conferences in Lahore to condemn the Muslim League’s demand.48 In the presidential address Master Tara Singh declared Muslim demand a “natural outcome of the communal Award.49 Tara Singh said “if India is to be divided, the Sikhs shall demand their proper share. We are prepared to live together, but we are not prepared to sleep down while the fort wall is being bored.”50 Master Tara Singh also declared that Akali Party would fight against Pakistan ‘tooth and nail’ he further said that if the Muslim tried rule, “they would have to cross to ocean of Sikh Blood”51 Politically Sikhs had been divided in different factions since 1937 elections. The CKD was in legislative wing, the KNP had been declared as pro-Government wing from its formation, the CSL was pro-Congress and SAD religio-political body of Sikhs but against the Muslim demand they were all united. A few days before the Lahore resolution Sixty prominent Akali leaders including Tara Singh, Partap Singh and Sampuran Singh attended the Congress session at Ramgarh just with the intention to impress upon the Congress leaders that they would oppose the Muslim demand. In Akali Political Conference March 7, 1940 at Murret, in the presidential address Master Ajit Singh declared that “the only way open to win the hearts of the Sikhs is to make a clear an unequivocal declaration accepting their demands” he also exhorted the Sikhs to unite under the banner of the SAD for the cause of the country. The Akali leader ensured Congress that if Congress yielded to Muslim League’s demand the Sikh would also stand on “their rights as an important minority.”52 Although on the question of recruitment in the war Congress was standing on opposite pole of the Sikhs but on the issue of demand for Pakistan, whole Sikh leader ship unanimously had joined hands with Congress, even there was no common ground between the Congress ideology of non-violence and Tara Singh’s belief on rule of sword.53 Akali Dal had desire to maintain strong bindings with Congress on any cost Sikh –Congress unity continued against the Muslim even though in the last quarter of the 1940 Tara Singh and Congress leadership came into some

48Tai Yon and Gyanesh Kudaisya, The Aftermath of The Partition in South Asia, 102. 49IOR:R/1/1/3554, A Copy Of Tara Singh Presidential Address In the open Session of the Akali Conference held at Pherala(Lyallpur) On the 6th April 1940. 50Ibid,. 51Rajwant Kaur Dhillon, Demand for Pakistan: Role of Master Tara Singh in Verinder Grover,ed, The Story of the Punjab Yeasterday and Today Vol 1 (New Delhi:Deep &Deep Publications 1995), 537. 52The Tribune, March 11, 1940. 53Joseph,T, O’Connett, Milton Israel, Ed. Sikh History and Religion in the Twentieth Century, Indu Banga, The Crisis of Sikh Politics, 1940-1947, 238). 123

clashes. Abul KAlam’s attitude towards Tara Singh was not laudable but insulting. Tara Singh resigned from the membership of the All India and provincial Congress Committees for the reasons of that he could not have committed with the Congress policy of recruitment in war. He articulated that he had some difference with some of the Congress leaders especially Maulana Abul Kalam Azad but it was not immediate reason of his resignation.54 Tara Singh had no desire to split ways with the Congress so he advised his fellow that “to carry on with their duties and responsibilities which they have in the Congress, and not to give much emphasis to the insult which has been offered to me. My own resignation is a sufficient protest.”55 In his letter to president of Punjab Provincial Congress Committee, Lahore he explained that “Though my differences with the Congress I being brought to the forefront on account of my circumstances; but they are not the cause of my resignation just now”56

After the Lahore resolution a significant change in the Sikh attitude was observed that Sikhs’ intentions were diverted from the War efforts and recruitments, the numbers of the Sikh recruitment in the army fell down because after the Muslim demand for separate State Sikh community diverted their struggle towards the political survival. Particularly Sikh Jats were annoying to recruitment. Governor of Punjab visited some places; Jhelum and Mianwali which had fine military traditions, he noticed that “the supply of Jat Sikhs was not equal to demand. The failure to achieve recruitment target in these particular areas could have many other reasons such as anti-Government propaganda but lack of interest to gain political power was the major reason. In the views of the British officials, one of the most important reasons for the less recruitment in the army was financial stability of the Sikhs. The Canal colonies establishment also affected the army recruitment. A retire assistant recruiting officer analyzed the situation that “Canal colonies have brought the prosperity for the Sikh and Sikhs have lost their martial spirit owing to the drinking habit.”57

In spite of all conditions Akali leaders were still in favor of Sikh recruitment, the working committee of SAD unanimously passed a resolution on September 29, 1940 supporting Master Tara Singh ‘stand for the defense of India during the War years and expressed its anger over

54IOR:R/3/1/62 Enclosure(Tara Singh letter to President of Provincial Congress Committee Lahore) of Henry Craik Letter to Linlithgow September 10, 1940. 55IOR:R/3/1/62 Tara Singh letter to President of Provincial Congress Committee Lahore. September 10,1940. 56 IOR:R/3/1/62 Tara Singh letter to President of Provincial Congress Committee Lahore. September 10,1940. 57IOR:R/3/1/62 A letter to Linlithgow from Henry Craik November 15, 1940. 124

Gandhi’s uncalled remarks about the Sikhs.58 Master Tara Singh considered war as golden chance for the Sikhs to regain and consolidate their position.59 In the Akali Conference on 13th October 1940 at Phawanigarh Master Tara Singh said that the Sikh would lose their identity if they lost their military power and martial traditions.60 In his point of view a large number of Muslim recruitment in army was very dangerous especially not in favour of Sikhs.61 He appreciated the war efforts and addressing on May 30, 1941 in 3rd U.P Sikh Parchar Conference said that Sikhs’ selfless services for the nation are need of hour and main object of these services should be to save the oppressed and downtrodden.62

Cripps Proposal

The British position in the War was very weak. The British military situation had deteriorated in Burma and British had been forced to withdraw their forces from Rangoon. The British had lost their control of Bay of Bengal and in to a large extent of Indian Ocean. British forces were in the great trouble. Prime Minister Churchill delivered a speech in the House of Common arose the question “how best to rally all Indian elements to the defense of their native Land.”63 In the light of these conditions British War Cabinet decided that at least one of their members should visit the India with the plan for Indians but indirectly persuade them to support the British in War hours.64 The British had no idea about the response of the scheme but had hope if the scheme was accepted in India that would be all good in favour of the British. In these circumstances, the British Government sent a mission to India. Lord Privy Seal( Sir Stafford Cripps) volunteered his name for the mission.65 Sir Stafford Cripps arrived in Delhi on March 22, 1942, the Cabinet Delegation had an objective to find out a solution of the difficult situation of the India’s partition. The Cripps Mission had a proposal of self-Government and idea of dominion. Their objective was the creation of a new Indian Union which shall constitute a Dominion, associated with the United Kingdom and the other dominions by common allegiance to the Crown. Sir Stafford Cripps held on series of meetings with the leading Indian politicians, not only leaders of the major parties but also with those leaders who were presenting the

58 The Tribune, 30 September 1940. 59 The Statesman, 24 October 1940. 60 The Tribune, 15 October 1940. 61Ibid,. 62 The Tribune, 2 June 1941. 63CAB 65/57/9 Meeting of British Ministers 6 March 1942, and . The Sikhs and Tranfer of Power (1942-1947) 7. 64CAB 65/57/9 Meeting of British Ministers 9 March 1942. 65Ibid,. 125

minorities and scheduled castes. He met with Quaid-i-Azam, Jawaharlal Nehru, Abul Kalam Azad, Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan, A. K. Fazlul Haq, Dr. Ambedkar, V.D. Savarkar and Tej Bhadur Sappru etc. In the meetings, Cripps tried to plead his case in front of these political leaders and tried to convince them to accept his proposals which has the object to create a new Indian Union which shall constitute a Dominion, associated with the United Kingdom and the other dominions by common allegiance to the Crown, it will be equal to them in every respect and in no way be subordinate in any aspect of its domestic or external affairs. The Governor of the Punjab suggested to Tara Singh, Jogendra Singh and Kirpal Singh to meet Cripps.66 Under the Governor’s desire and suggestion Sikh leaders met him on March 27, 1942 and discussed the Sikhs position, demanding redistribution of the Provincial powers in which Sikhs would have influential status and decisive voice.67 A draft of the declaration was submitted by the Sir Stafford Cripps in New Delhi on March 29, 1942.68 The World War II and Muslim demand for separate State created quagmire commonly in the India and especially in Punjab. The British had become more concerned about the future of the India. Situation in the country was very critical particularly in the Punjab, situation had become more complicated. The major parties of the Punjab; Muslim League and Congress were confronting each other on the question of independence. There was no chance to bring both the parties on a common approach.

On the March 30, Cripps during the press conference gave statement that” As soon as the constitution is settled everything will be transferred to India. If some provinces decide not to accede then so far as they are concerned they will not be parties to the constitution.”69 In the press conference Cripps also explained that according to the proposal statement British Government will not impose any restriction on the power of the Indian Union to decide in the future its relationship to the other number states of the British common wealth. The dominion will be completely free either to remain within or to go without the commonwealth of nation.70 Sikhs thought that the British officers were supporting the Muslim demand for Pakistan. The Sikhs were feeling themselves “in danger of the everlasting subjection to an unsympathetic and tyrannical Muhammadan Raj”.71 The Punjab was Muslim majority province according to the

66IOR:R/3/1/64 A Telegram Governor of Punjab to Viceroy on March 16, 1942. 67Kirpal, The Sikhs and Tranfer of Power (1942-1947), 11. 68IOR:L/PJ/10/1; Cripps Files 69IOR:L/PJ/10/3 Cripps Files 70IOR:L/PJ/10/1 71IOR:R/3/1/64 A letter from Glancy to Lord Linlithgow April 14, 1942. 126

Cripps Mission declaration; majority community would acquire the power.72 The Sikhs had extreme desire of Central National Government, and to the continuance of the present unity of the Indian Empire and they understood that no country or community should have any power or authority to be separated or disunited Punjab from the central government. S. Baldev Singh was chosen as Sikh representative for the talks with Mission. Not only Sikh leadership was anxious about the future of Punjab but public was also supporting them. On April 3, 1942 Khazan Singh, a retired army officer wrote a letter to Cripps and submitted his views on the behalf of community; “if the claims of the Sikh are not properly weighed and considered, it would be a great political blunder and the critical problem which might be created would, I am afraid, be rather difficult to solve.”73 Waryam Singh, a Jathedar SAD sent a telegram on March 9, 1942 and showed his resentment with the following words “Sikhs’ demand Punjab’ return, quarter Central Legislature, Rejection Pakistan.”74 At the time of annexation British made promise with the Maharaja Dalip Singh that Punjab will be returned to Sikhs. Sikh community reminded this promise “Until this promise is fulfilled, mind of the Sikhs can never be delighted to give up their lives for the defence of India without any cost.”75As far as war situation was concerned Akalis were officially in the Congress fold but in general Akalis were supporting the War efforts and anxious to maintain the numerical strength in the army. The Akalis believed that future political influence of their community largely depended upon their strength in army.76 National cause was dear to the Akalis but there was no reason to follow a line of action which proved injurious to the cause of their community.77The Akalis desired that their historic role in the army should not be jeopardized. They were not inclined to see their political future left hanging hopelessly in the air when freedom came to rest of the country. Sikh community always put forward their demand on the basis of their military importance, a letter was dispatched to Cripps; “Nearly 25% Sikh soldiers are fighting against enemies, they should therefore be given one quarter of seats in the central legislature. Pakistan scheme must be completely rejected. If Sikh were forced to live in Pakistan Government they would surely be at liberty to change such injurious Government.”78 Tara Singh described the situation critically and exhorted the Sikhs “to prepare, if need be, for a

72Kirpal, The Sikhs and Tranfer of Power (1942-1947), 11. 73IOR:L/PJ/10/11. 74IOR:L/PJ/10/11. 75IOR:L/PJ/10/11. 76Rigbir, Akali Movement, 171. 77Rigbir, Akali Movement, 171. and Quoted in Master Tara Singh, Meri Yaad, Amritsar, 1945, 129-149. 78IOR:L/PJ/10/11. 127

single-handed struggle.”79 Baba Kharak Singh from CAD platform added that “so long as there was a single Sikh there could be no Pakistan in the Punjab.”80

The Cripps Mission was completely proved fruitless and unproductive. It was denounced and criticized by all communities of the Punjab. Meanwhile the Congress started the Quit India Movement and Sikhs also joined hands with the Congress. This situation was very disturbing for the British Government. The British Government had apprehensions of the adverse effects of the Cripps Mission regarding the Indian contribution in the War.81 Meanwhile S.Baldev Singh met with the Premier of Punjab to negotiate for the Sikhs and Unionist cooperation.82 For the improvement of the Punjab political situation it was very important development. Compromise between them was possible because the Governor of Punjab suggested the Premier inclusion of four additional members in the Cabinet.83 Furthermore the inclusion of Sikh members in the Cabinet could be proved useful to settle various outstanding issues between two communities such as restriction of Kirpan and Jkatka meat.84 Baldeve–Sikandar negotiated for an agreement. The Unionist Muslim League offered him office of Development Minister. The reconciliation statements were drafted by the Baldev Singh and The Government of the Punjab to promote the reconciliation process and take some measure to placate the Sikh community such as they adopted liberal policy in the matter of allowing Jhatka meat in official institutions, permitted the use of Gurmukhi Language in the schools and the Sikh share in the services.85 After Baldeve– Sikandar negciations Baldev Singh accepted the Minister Office.86 Although Master Tara Singh and his fellows were not in favour of settlement between the Government and Baldev Singh, but just for the sake of the promotion and strengthening the Sikh candidate as ministerial official these negciations were appreciated by the Tara Singh and Gyani Kartar Singh.87 But by the time Tara Singh and his fellows were convinced with Baldev Singh’s political sagacity, wisdom and

79J.S. Grewal. The Akalis: A short History (Chandigrah: Punjab Studies Publications,1996)., 94. 80Ibid,. 81Kirpal, The Sikhs and Tranfer of Power (1942-1947), 16. 82IOR: Mss Ur. F 125/ 91 Private and Confidential Letter to Linlithgow from Bertrand Glancy Governor of Punjab, May 1st , 1942, 19. 83Ibid,. 84Ibid,. 85Ibid, 26. 86IOR:L/P&J/5/245 Report on the Punjab Situation First Half of the June, 1942. 87Ibid, 29. 128

sincerity for community and also considering him a right true leader of the community who should prefer appropriate to themselves all credit for services rendered to the community.88

The British were not confident about strength and period of the Unionist and Akalis cooperation89 however, they were satisfied with the personal abilities of the Baldev Singh and hoped that he will play positive role in the cabinet.90 They were considering this development a positive sign of improvement as for as the Punjab political strife concerns.91 In the broadcast on May 3, 1942 Stafford Cripps declared that The British Government is finally and completely clear in their intention that at the end of the War India should have complete freedom and self- Government. So Indians would frame a new constitution for themselves at the end of War.92 Prime Minister Churchill in the house of common on September 10, 1942 delivered a speech and declared that all principles of the declaration announced by His Majesty’s Government must be taken as the settled policy of the British Crown and Parliament and would be practiced in their full scope and integrity.93 He further said that no one can add, change or eliminate anything from these principles.94 Mr. L.S. Amery, on the question of India’s freedom replied in the House of Commons on September 11, 1942 “In this country, we want India to be free. We want India to take her place as a freely associating member of wonderful partnership of nations which we all the British …..”95 Under the Government of India Act 1935 due to the Muslim statutory representation the Sikh community suffered politically. Their numerical position and given proportion of the representation in the Punjab Legislative Assembly was meager, so Sikh member of Assembly were inclined to other political powers to strengthen them. Although they all had same demand but they joined different groups such as Congress and Unionist. This situation weakened them. Compartively the SAD position was strong among the other Sikh political parties. The SAD with owing to control on Gurdwaras and their funds tried to secure power in the Legislative Assembly with the help of Congress but the SAD was divided in pro- Congress and anti-Congress groups. Pro-Congress group was led by Udham Sing of Nagoake and stood with the Congress stance against the War. Anti-Congress was led by the Giani Kartar

88IOR: Mss Ur. F 125/ 91 Private and Confidential Letter to Linlithgow from Bertrand Glancy Governor of Punjab, May 1st, 1942, 19. 89Ibid,. 90IOR:R/3/1/64 A letter to Linlithgow from Bertrand Glancy June 10, 1942. 91Ibid,. 92IOR:L/PJ/10/1 Cripps Files 93IOR:L/PJ/10/79 Extract Government Statements and Speeches in Parliament. 94IOR:L/PJ/10/1 Cripps Files. 95Ibid,. 129

Singh,96 Tara Singh was also supporting him. Both leaders; Gyani Kartar Singh and Tara Singh were in the favour of the army but during this time, but Giani Kartar Singh averted the nomination of the Master Tara Singh as president of the SAD97 because Master Tara Singh was trying to maintain balance between Pro-Congress and anti-Congress Akalis, and his speeches tend to construct on the Gandhi model.98 Master Tara Singh after nomination as president of the SAD, promised that he would support the Congress but at the same time he made it clear that Sikhs would not step back on the stance of Sikh recruitment in the Army and as president of the SAD he will support the recruitment.

A set back in the Khalsa College Council elections damaged the Akali party’s position. Kirpal Singh Majithia won the election who was the nominee of the NKP.99 Akali influence in Patiala had been severely shaken by the removal from the office of the Home Minister, Raghbir Singh and the inspector- General of police, Gurdial Singh Dhilon; they were said to be on leave, but unlikely returned. Kirpal Singh Majithia was jubilant about these developments and very hopeful to build up resistance against the Akalis.100 On the other hand, Akalis were continuously trying to establish friendly relations and cooperation with Congress for the accomplishment of their cause, they were on the road to progress but still confrontation was going on within different faction of Sikhs. Sardar Sant Singh combined the Anti-Akali elements and revived the CSL with the name of ‘Progressive Akali Party’. At the same time, the Central Akali Dal under the Baba Kharak Singh had been holding series of the meeting against the Akali leadership.101 The SAD leaders such as Master Tara Singh and Giani Kartar Singh tried to culminate confrontation with CAD, they changed their communal policy for the purpose to conciliate with the Nationalist Akali Group (the CAD). The SAD and Congress alliance smashed when Akali Candidate opposed the Congress candidate in the bye-election of the N.W.F.P.102 Master Tara Singh said that Congress never supported the Sikh interests, but promised to consider a public

96IOR: L/P&J/5/245 Report on the Punjab Situation Second Half of the January, 1942. 97Ibid,. 98IOR: Mss Ur. F 125/ 91 Private and Confidential Letter to Linlithgow from Bertrand Glancy Governor of Punjab, September 30, 1942, 60. 99IOR:L/P&J/5/245 Report on the Punjab Situation First Half of the December, 1942. 100IOR:R/3/1/65 Glancy Private and personal letter to Linlithgow, April 17, 1943. 101IOR:L/P&J/5/246 Report on the Punjab Situation First Half of the July, 1943. 102IOR:L/P&J/5/247 Report on the Punjab Situation Second Half of the February, 1944. 130

declaration “that the Akali Party must maintain its separate political identity though it would support Congress except than Aklai interests were jeopardized.”103

Communist Sikhs Approach

Some British official were in the favour of united India such as Glancy. In the Punjab Congress was in position to bargain with other communities and resolve issue in better way. Governor Galancy’s expectations were linked with Congress concessions for the region. Sikhs were in majority in only one district out of the five districts of the Punjab. A group of Communist Sikhs had dissimilar views against the other Sikh factions. During the by-election SAD was not only in confrontation with the CAD but as well as with the Communists Sikh. In the bye-election two Sikh contestants were nominated in the Montgomery district one by the Baldev Singh who was communist Sikh and other by the SAD. Although popularity graph of SAD was high because it had moved a bill for the amendment of the Gurdwara Act.104 It defeated the Communists in the bye-election of Montgomery.105 However this defeat could not discourage Communist Sikhs and their propaganda against Akalis increased day by day. Communists Sikh leaders made a plane to penetrate into the Akali Party with the view to control the rich Gurdwara funds and undermine their authority; several suggestions were put forwarded and examined by the provincial Organizing Committee of the Punjab Communists Party and Communist Party of the India before the formed the final policy against the Akalis. They severely damaged the Akalis reputation. The Master Tara Singh and the Gayni Kartar Singh had lost the support from many of their fellows due to their opportunist and communal policy and unpopular Azad Punjab Scheme. This position was in the favour of communist plan.106 The Communists realized that they would not stand in the working for the political freedom alone so they were anxious to join not only the Congress but other nationalist organizations.107 Their policy towards the Sikh problems was equivocal and to some extent impracticable because their declared object was the creation of joint front of all Sikh patriotic groups and parties to support Congress its effort to achieve national unity and independence, but while recognizing the Sikh demand for self-determination it stated that a renewal of Congress-League negotiations is only possible on the basis of the self-determination and sovereignty of the Muslim majority zones in

103Ibid,. 104IOR:L/P&J/5/247 Glancy Private and personal letter to Wavell, January 12, 1944. 105IOR:L/P&J/5/247 Report on the Punjab Situation Second Half of the February, 1944. 106Ibid,. 107IOR:L/P&J/5/248 Report on the Punjab Situation First Half of the January, 1945. 131

the North-west. If within this Muslim Federation the cultural and the educational rights of the Sikhs cannot be adequately protected, a separate Sikh State should be formed out of the six Central Punjab Districts.108 Communist leaders seemed more pro-Congress in their propaganda speeches in rural areas.109

Sikh determination to resist Pakistan continued and Sikhs with the exception of the communists were against the any idea of Pakistan.110 On the one hand, Akalis were provoking Muslim enmity through the eclectic past of Mughal-Sikh relations among the rural classes to gain the favour on the Sikh demand for the separate state. Akalis focused that the creation of Separate Sikh State is only remedy for preservation of the political identity of the Sikhs and Government should consider them a separate nation and should differentiate between the other communities.111 On the other hand communists were inculcating their theories to detach the rural Sikh community from the Akalis programme but they could not make progress.112

Internal dissensions among the SAD(Tara Singh Faction) and the CAD (Baba Kharak Singh group)remained acute on Kapurthala issue and Azad Punjab Scheme. Both factions were organizing rival conferences and meetings.113 Particularly the CAD ‘Akhand Hindustan’ Conference was held at Chakwal. Basically in the western part of the Punjab the SAD’ scheme ‘Azad Punjab did not carry out favour so the SAD was focusing on the part. The financial position of the Sad was very weak. They had no more funds for the propaganda tours and for other activities. The SGPC supported the SAD and gave it loan of half lakh.114

All parties Sikh Conference was arranged at Amritsar on August 20 1944 but communist Sikh group did not invite. Master Tara Singh said that “he did not regard Sikh Communists to be Sikhs.”115 A day before meeting the CAD decided boycott and did not attend the conference. Baba Kharak Singh, president of the CAD on same day gave a statement in the press, he said that “the so-called All Parties Conference, which is being held at Amritsar to-day, on the invitation of the Master Tara Singh, is misnomer, because in fact it is only a meeting of the Akali Party, to

108 Ibid,. 109IOR:L/P&J/5/248 Report on the Punjab Situation First Half of the February, 1945. 110IOR:L/P&J/5/247 Glancy Private and personal letter to Wavell, September 20, 1944. 111IOR:L/P&J/5/247 Report on the Punjab Situation Second Half of the September, 1944. 112Ibid,. 113IOR:L/P&J/5/246 Report on the Punjab Situation Second Half of the September, 1943. 114Ibid,. 115Ralhan, Documents on Punjab Vol 6 Part II Sikh Politics(1927-1947), 540. 132

which some others, who are expecting to say yes to the Akalis have also been invited.116 The CKD and many other influential Sikh societies and organizations have also like-wise boycotted this meeting. It is clear from this statement that the said meeting cannot be called ‘All Parties Conference,’ nor can the decisions arrived at this meeting be called the voice of the Panth.117 But matter of fact was a large number of the Sikhs from all political parties such SAD, even CKD which had been titled the ‘NKP’, the Sikh defence of India, Singh Sabhas attended the conference. Master Tara Singh appealed for the unity among the all factions of the Sikhs and said that “if they were united and disciplined they would be able to make themselves heard by those including ,who were refusing to listen to them or even care for them.”118

Congressites Sikhs

Other than these major factions Congressites Sikhs were also playing important role in Sikh politics. The Congressits Sikhs declared the Akali Dal was communal minded and anti- national. Congressit gave opinion against Akalis that Akalis’ views as for as Communal Award concerns and strong resistance against Pakistan were “ridiculous”. Congressit advocacy was in cooperation with the British, who were in alliance with Jinnah.119 The pro-Congress Sikhs revived the Congress Sikh League under the leader ship of Mangal Singh who was stanch Congressite. He condemned the Akali leaders as “traitors.”120 Other Akali members were disturbed with his decision but they all agreed on the Tara Singh’s stand for the Sikh recruitment in the Army they must do every possible effort to maintain and encourage Sikh recruitment.121 However response of other leaders was erratic because Gandhi decided that prominent Congressmen must offer themselves for arrest. The Akalis showed their antipathy for this decision and it led the Akalis to resign from Congress.122

Chakravarti Rajagopalachari Formula

The Sikhs refused the C.R. Formula. According to the formula seventeen district of Punjab should be put into Pakistan and twelve districts should be merged in Hindustan. The Sikh

116Ibid, 548. 117Ibid,. 118Ibid, 542. 119Indu Banga, ‘The Crisis of Sikh Politics, 1940-1947’ in Joseph T. O'Connell, Milton Israel, and W.H.Mcleod, ed. Sikh History and Religion in the Twentieth Century(Manohar Publications, 1990), 233-238. 120The Tribune September 20, 1940, and October 16, 1940. 121IOR:R/3/1/62 Enclosure(Tara Singh letter to President of Provincial Congress Committee Lahore) of Henry Craik Letter to Linlithgow September 10, 1940. 122IOR:R/3/1/62 A letter to Linlithgow from Henry Craik November 15, 1940. 133

were trying to attain absolute political power in the Punjab, this plan would place them under the perpetual slavery of the Muslims and Hindus.123 Master Tara Singh was still very enthusiastic towards the Sikh recruitment in Army. He advised the Sikhs that Sikh must join the army for the sake of Panth. Master Tara Singh considered the strong support for the struggle of separate homeland. Giani Sher Singh also moved the resolution against the C.R. Formula and declared that “Sikh must have equal rights, like brothers and they could be placed under nobody’s domination. If a common rule of all the communities was not possible in India the Sikh would also like to see their own flag flying somewhere in their own territory. Before the British rule the Sikhs were the ruler of the Punjab and they did not want to be put under perpetual subjugation of any community after the British departure.124 In the fifth session of All Parties Conference which was held on 14th and 15th of September 1944, Master Tara Singh moved main resolution and demanded separate State for the Sikhs, he was in favour of united India but in case of division he said that Sikh would have no objection if the Muslims , who were now demanding 50 percent in the center, would accept 50 percent representation in the center of Pakistan or even agree to give 33 percent to each one of the three communities living in the Punjab: the Muslims, Hindus and the Sikhs.125 In the Indian Annual Register, 1944, vol. 2 recorded that Sikh Jubilee Conference was held at Jundiala on November 25, 1944 presided by Sardar Ishar Singh. In the presidential address, he condemned the C.R. Formula and said that “this formula has strengthened the hands of the Pakistanis and has hit those countrymen hard who stand for an Akahand Hindustan”126 Sardar Ishar Singh further said that Pakistan is unacceptable for Sikhs and they would fight against Pakistan cause till it to end.127 He concluded his address with the words that “our ideal is a free India where the Sikhs are also free like all other communities. We stand for the noble idea and we will succeed in attaining it”128

Elections 1946

At the end of World War II Lord Mountbatten paid a generous tribute to the Indians for the Japanese defeat in Burma.129 The British had already promised with Indian people that after the War British Government is convinced to give dominion status to India. At the end of the War

123Ralhan, Documents on Punjab Vol 6 Part II Sikh Politics(1927-1947),542. 124Ibid, 544. 125Ibid, 561. 126Ibid, 571. 127Ibid,. 128Ibid,. 129The Statesman, overseas edition (weekly) January 17, 1946, 134

MJ Wyatt a labour member of the British Parliamentary Delegation toured India and addressed people of India with new idea of for the solution of the Indian problem. At the time of Cripps proposal, British Government was considering idea of an India-British union on the basis of complete equality and in their opinion dominion status would not satisfy the Indians130 but the year of 1946 was completely different. Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru said “the situation was very different now to that of in 1942 and grave danger attended further delay. Political vigilance was increasing among Indians day by day. The viceroy Lord Wavell sent a proposal to Prime Minister in England that British Government should explicitly declare that His Majesty Government intended to give India self -government.131 The Viceroy’s proposal was discussed in the British Cabinet and Viceroy called for personal discussion. Lord Wavell reached London on March 23, and met with Churchill. He returned on June 4 with the Prime Minister’s consent for a conference of the representative of all Indian political parties. The Viceroy called the conference on 25th June 1945 at Simla to resolve the constitutional problem of India. During the concluding session of Master Tara Singh said that establishment of the Pakistan was great danger for Sikhs however Sikhs prepared to agree with the Pakistan scheme if Jinnah would commit a separate state for the Sikhs in Pakistan.132 The British Prime Minister declared in his statement of the June 1945 that India would get freedom at the end of the World War II. The British Government said that “India can have her freedom for the asking but has not come forward with any plan to end its monopoly rule and to give the Indian peoples freedom to frame their constitution democratically.”133 The tangible intentions of the Simla Conference were that the Indians should agree upon the composition of the Executive Council. All Indian political parties should send their nominee’s list to Viceroy.134 At the end of the Simla Conference Viceroy announced that we would consider nominated members of the political parties to inclusion of the Executive Council. Tara Singh ignored all other active leaders and added his

130 The Statesman, overseas edition weekly January 24, 1946. 131V.P.Menon, Tranfer of Power, Oriant Longman, 1993, 181. 132Ibid, 1246. 133Ralhan, Documents on Punjab Vol 6 Part II Sikh Politics (1927-1947), 593. 134A Statement was given by H.E. Viceroy July 14, 1945, in IOL. 1947 a. 1646, H.M.G’s Policy On Inida: Statement was made by Prime Minister, The Secretary of State for India and the viceroy; The Cripps Offer, The Simla Conference, The Parliamentary Delegation, and The Cabnet Mission issued by the Principal Information Officer Government of India New Delhi, 1946. 135

name thrice135 but he was ignored for the selection because British officials favoured the Baldev Singh for his personal ability and loyalty to British.

Elections fever arose in all over the India. Communal relations among the communities were continuously deteriorating. All political parties were concerned in the provincial elections. Situation in all provinces was very grim. Before elections on 16 August 1945 Governor of Punjab Sir Bertrand Glancy notified to Viceroy Wavell that “these elections mean a strengthening of ‘Pakistan demand’ in the Punjab the ‘Pakistan demand’ itself was not clear in its meanings and the non-Muslims, particularly the Sikhs in Punjab would protest strongly against a Muslim governance.136 These elections were mainly fought on the basis of communal factional feelings.137 It was not important that how many seats would get each faction and party in the Legislative Assembly but all parties had their clear agendas which were around their own interest and freedom plan. The Congress was fighting for nationalist cause their slogan was ‘Akhand Hindustan’, Muslim League was led by demand for Pakistan with the slogan of ‘Islam in danger.138 They exhorted the others that Pakistan would soon be in reality. The Sikh community stood in favor of separate Punjab or Azad Punjab as parallel to Muslim demand for Pakistan. Their major slogan were Raj karay ga Khalsa and kut kay dain gay Jaan nah bannay dain gay Pakistan (Khalsa will rule and we will accept death but Pakistan will not come in to being). All communities were divided in factions like Muslim League had rivalry with Ahrars and had some difference of opinion on the question of the Pakistan but Muslim League could have secure its position for two reasons first, Muslim were in majority in the Punjab, they had right of 88 seats in the Punjab, their split was less harmful other than other communities and secondly , among the masses demand for Pakistan had become only one option to save Islam and for the Muslims Islam was more important than their lives, property and all other affiliations. Congress was just frightened of the Unionist Jats in the south-east of Province because Maha Sabha Party had been vanished the scene.139 Situation was very critical for the Sikh community they were vacillating in many options to save the community. In this critical situation, Sikh were divided again in many

135See for detail interesting story of nomination in Kirpal Singh, The Sikhs and The Transfer of Power (1942-1947), 19-21. 136Effenberg, The Political Status of the Sikhs During The Indian National Movement 1935-1947, 153. 137Muhammad Shakeel Ahmed, ‘Changing Dynamic of Electoral Trends in British India: A Case Study of Elections(1946)and Referendum (1947) in NWFP’ in Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, Vol.XXXVI, No. 3, Spring, 2013, 65. 138Anders Bjorn Hansen. Partition and Genocide; Manifestation of Violence In Punjab 1937-1947 (New Delhi: India Research Press, 2002), 86. 139IOR:L/PJ/5/248 A Private and confidential Letter Galancy to Wavell December 27, 1945. 136

factions; the Communist, Kiriti Kisan, and NKP, even within Akalis two factions were active for the past many years CAD(Akalis) and the SAD (Akalis) both factions were neither ready to join each other nor surrender their voice. For Elections 1946 Congress and SAD made agreement to contest the election and in the rural areas where the SAD contested against the Communists, Congress did not nominate its candidate and for other two communists’ seats Akalis did not put up names of their candidate.140

Conflicts among the communities were great opportunity for the British imperialists to make decision according to their own scheme. “The British neither in the favour of Pakistan nor free India and the yoke of the autocracy of Country would keep on unaltered and intact on the necks of the hundred million subjects of the Indian States.141 The communist party contested in election with the aim to resolve the problems between the Congress and Muslim League. Communist leaders announced their manifesto around the League-Congress unity and they also against Quit India movement and Indians’ idea of constitution framing by own self for Indians.142 Among the communists a large number of Sikh leaders were active, they wanted to draw a free India which may justify demand of every community particularly they were enthusiastic about the Sikhs’ future. Sikh community was not enough in numerical strength in any part of the Punjab even not in western Punjab. Sikh population Table in different areas of the Punjab was as follow.143

Sikh Population Table in Different Areas of the Punjab Community Western Punjab Eastern Punjab Sikh 1,683,855 10% 2,073,546 18% Muslim 12,363,659 73% 3,833,573 32% Hindu 2,036,336 12% 4,365,401 37% Indian Christians 423,083 2% 60.945 2% Scheduled Caste 336,943 2% 1,255,377 11% And in the Central Punjab(population is given in Lakhs)144

140Sho Khuwajima. Muslim, Nationalism and the Partition : 1946 Provincial Elections in India(New Dehli : Manohar Publishers,1998), 185. 141Ralhan, Documents on Punjab Vol 6 Part II Sikh Politics (1927-1947),594. 142Ibid, 596. 143The Statesmen Calcutta and Delhi June 6, 1947. 144Ralhan, Documents on Punjab Vol 6 Part II Sikh Politics(1927-1947), 600. 137

Hindu 33.27 Muslims 36.33 Sikhs 34.94 A Provincial Congress Workers meeting was held at Ludhiana in December 1944 and made a plan to circulate the Gandhi’s constructive programme. In the instructions mass and individual civil disobedience were declared parallel to armed rebellion. Exclusion of the Akalis from Ludhiana Conference has accentuated the difference between the two Akali groups. A meeting of Executive Committee of the SAD was held on January 7, 1945 in which Giani Kartar Singh proposed that Sikhs should abandon all connection with Congress. Another member Udham Singh Nagoke and his followers protested and pointed out that Ludhiana decision had not the authority of the Congress High Command and at this time severance of relation with Congress would be suicidal for the Sikhs. In the meeting it was decided that no doubt the SAD always supported the Congress in its struggle for freedom and would continue to do so but no agreement affecting the Sikh rights and Sikh would be accepted unless approved by the Sikhs.145

Sikh rival factions were growling each other. In the party elections Giani Kartar Singh Group in heavy majority against the Udham Singh Nogoke Group. Master Tara Singh was trying to unite both of them because he knew after the defeat Udham Singh Nogoke group would leave the SAD.146 The SAD enlistment activity was continued and about 60,000 to 75,000 members were enrolled during the SAD enlistment campaign. At the same time anti-Communists propaganda was continued. In the Akali meeting budget for the year of 1945-46 of more than one million Rupees passed and decided that half of sum would come from Gurdwars which were under the SGPC control. In this meeting further amendments in Gurdwaras Act suggested to prevent the Communists interference in the Gurdwaras Elections.147 Communist anti-Akalis propganda on the lines of Gurdwars management affairs and unnecessary delay in the Gurdwaras election was continued. The difference between the Kartar Singh Group and the Udham Singh Group had become more widened on the appointments and the proportion of representation on the working Committee of the SAD.Both factions agreed to abide by the Master Tara Singh decision. Master Tara Singh was incined towards Giani Group. Ishar Singh member of the Udham Singh Group criticized the Tara Singh’s decision. Master Tara Singh tried to mollify the both groups but strife remained.148 This internal dissension affected the SAD reputation. In the election of the SGPC Akalis faced the opposition not only from the

145IOR:L/P&J/5/248 Report on the Punjab Situation First Half of the January, 1945. 146IOR:L/P&J/5/248 Report on the Punjab Situation Second Half of the February, 1945. 147IOR:L/P&J/5/248 Report on the Punjab Situation First Half of the March, 1945. 148IOR:L/P&J/5/248 Report on the Punjab Situation Second Half of April, 1945. 138

Communists but within the party. The failure in the SGPC election had damaged the SAD position in Punjab politics sphere.

The Congress and the SAD negotiations on the central election had broken down however the SAD had hopes for some adjustment on the provincial elections and was approaching individuals of the Congress High Command. Dr Gopi Chand was in contact with the SAD. Mr Patel and Gopi Chand both had intentions for some compromise between the provincial Congress and the SAD but some conflicts had been prevailing between the Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and Master Tara Singh for a few months so M.Azad insisted that no compromise should be settled without his permission. The SAD progressive wing leader Udham Singh Nogoke suggested a formula for the alliance of the both Congress and SAD. He suggested that SAD and Congress Parliamani Board must select the candidates jointly to contest the election on the Congress ticket with the provision that nominees would free to safeguard Panthic interests and oppose the Muslim Demand for Pakistan.149 As far as Central Assembly elections some clashes had progressed between the SAD and the Congressite Sikhs.150 The SAD insisted that Congressite Sikhs should support the SAD in all matters affecting the Sikh religion.151 The SAD and the Congress both wanted to do a general compromise on the allotment of seats in different constituencies. In the South-East part of the province Congress put up Jats candidates instead of Banias but still they were feeling that Unionist would hold their ground.152

In the election Sikh could get 13 percent electoral representation however Muslim secured the clear victory but it was unable to form ministry because allied group of Panthic Sikhs, Congress and Unionist collectively had numerical majority than Muslim League. Muslim League’s victory was alarming for the Sikhs because it was vibrant sign against the idea of united India. So Sikhs tried to change their position and in upcoming months they raised their voice for separate homeland. Khizer Hyat Khan was called upon to form a coalition Ministry.153

The British administration always kept last choice in their hands. This situation was ideal to fulfill their desires beneficial for the Raj. They were in position to control whole scenario and impose their own decisions in their colonial Empire. The British declared their policy on

149IOR:L/P&J/5/248 Report on the Punjab Situation Second Half of the November, 1945. 150IOR:L/P&J/5/248 A private and Confidential Letter from Glancy to Wavell December 1, 1945. 151IOR:L/P&J/5/248 Report on the Punjab Situation First Half of December, 1945. 152IOR:L/PJ/5/248 A Private and confidential Letter Glancy to Wavell December 27, 1945. 153L/PJ/5/249 A Letter to Wavell from Glancy March 15, 1946. 139

different occasions such as Prime Minister Attlee in a Broad cast on September 19, 1945 gave this judgment that “the Cripps offer unfortunately not accepted by the leaders of the Indian political Parties; the Government is however, acting in accordance with its spirit and intention.”154 He also said that “The Broad definition of the British Policy towards India contained in the declaration of 1942 which had the support of all parties of the country, stands in all its fullness and purpose.”155 The Prime Minister in the house of Common on March 15, 1946 said that “we are very mindful of the rights of the minorities and minorities should be able to live free from fear. On the other hand, we cannot allow a minority to place a veto on the advance of the majority.”156 Cabinet Mission gave recommendation that “we are therefore unable to advise the British Government that the power which at present resided in British hand should be handed over to two entirely different sovereign states. This decision does not; however blind us to the very real Muslim apprehensions that their culture, political and social life might become submerged in a purely unitary India in which the Hindus with their greatly superior numbers must be dominating element.”157 These statements were illustrating British policy and desires for India.

Nationalist Sikhs also tried to join the Congress and they took a step to form the joint Parliamentary Board in opposition to Panthic Board selections. The Baba Kharak Singh, leader of the CAD had gone step forward and announced that CAD would withheld support if compromise effected with the Akalis furthermore he demanded the written undertaking from Punjab Congress leaders that the Congress will adhere to its resolution of 1929 and will not be a party to any constitution which does not have the approval of Sikhs.158 The SAD leaders Master Tara Singh and Giani Kartar Singh had been addressing number of well attending election meetings to gain the support of community.

Communist Sikh and Elections

A third group was also very popular among the masses, was communist Sikhs’ group. They always supported the British policy and sided the Punjab government rather their community. According to Ishar Singh communist were traitors and they did not consider India as their Mother Land. Furthermore the unionist and the communists are ‘the chips of the same

154IOR:L/PJ/10/79 Extract Government Statements and Speeches in Parliament. 155Ibid,. 156Ibid,. 157Ibid,. 158IOR:L/P&J/5/248 Report on the Punjab Situation First Half of the November, 1945. 140

block’.159 Communist Sikhs were playing from both sides. On the one hand, for the election campaign Communist leader Dr Adhikari supported the separate Sikh State demand just to placate the Communist Sikhs, and on the other hand, Communists party of India was in favour of Muslim demand for separate state.160 They were negotiating with League and were supporting the idea of Pakistan.161

Communist party in Elections

Communists entered the elections with the objective to enable both parties; Muslim League and the Congress be united on the freedom question. They had idea of British policy, Adhikari said that the British imperialists would take advantage of the congress-Muslim League division on the question of the freedom and would not create free Pakistan or free India but dominion states which could survive under the thumb of the British Imperialists.162 Unionist had a vision of the free India in which they would draw the new boundaries on the basis of national units and every one would be free to shape their own sovereign state and to build their language, culture and economic life.

The communists had been trying to make a front against the Akalis. They had Muslim support because Muslim League had considered them loathing headway with the Congress. Communists put up less candidates in the election, that is why their elected strength could not reach a level of influence.163 The most prominent Akali leader was exhorting against those who were under the unionist fold and had communist views. Tara Singh explicitly said that the communist movement has created a chaos in the religious, social and political life of the Sikh community.164 Communist gave a plan as election manifesto that “the area of Central Punjab will have a separate constituent Assembly. If the constituent Assemblies of Sindh, Baluchistan, Pathan land and Western Punjab decided to form themselves into separate Pakistan Federation, the Central Punjab would be free to decide whether it becomes an autonomous unit of Pakistan Federation or of the Hindustan Union.”165

159Ralhan, Documents on Punjab Vol 6 Part II Sikh Politics(1927-1947),570. 160Khuwajima. Muslim, Nationalism and the Partition : 1946 Provincial Elections in India,133. 161IOR:L/P&J/5/248 Report on the Punjab Situation First Half of the November, 1945. 162G. Adhikari. Sikh Homland Through Hindu-Mslim- unity. 1945. 163Shalini Sharma. Radical Politics in Colonial Punjab: Governance and Sedition (New York: Routledge Taylor& Francis Group, 2010), 92. 164IOR:R/1/1/3554, A Copy Of Tara Singh Prsedential Address In the open Session of the Akali Conference held at Pherala(Lyallpur) On the 6th April 1940. 165Ralhan, Documents on Punjab Vol 6 Part II Sikh Politics(1927-1947),600. 141

After elections no party was able to form government independently although Muslim League had almost clean sweep in Punjab but its numbers were not appropriate for Ministry. So British invited Sikandar Hyat to form coalition ministry. This coalition Ministry had a weak team. Its Muslim members distrusted their Congress fellows’ the Congressmen were constantly under fire from their alleged followers within the province and from their party high command outside it, and were absorbed in futile trivialities; and the Sikh though apparently seemed loyal enough to the premier, made no secret of his personal contempt of the two Congressmen but practically Sikh community was divided in three groups they had official links with Congress, some influential Sikh leaders would be reluctant to break the negotiations with Muslims.166 The Sikhs seemed more inclined towards Hindus. The Sikh press and their speakers were both making anti-British and anti-Muslim speeches. It was clear that in case of any serious disturbance Sikh would stand with Hindus.167 Due to weak position of the ministry it was unable to introduce any legislation. Premier had hope from his old Unionist companions that they would join again Unionist. Meanwhile Gurdwara election was in progress and all Sikh factions was fully occupied with the elections. The SAD attitude towards the Congress had become unfavorable; it seemed that Sikh would turn to Muslims after the Gurdwara elections.168

Cabinet Mission Plan

To address and settle issues of constitutional rights among Indian communities and form interim Government British Government sent a mission in India comprised of three members of British cabinet Lord Pethic-Lawrence (Secretary of State for India), Sir Stafford Cripps (President Board of Trade), and A.V. Alexander (First Lord of the Admiralty). Cabinet Mission arrived on 24 March 1946. Cabinet Mission came with following major points:

▪ There would be a union of India comprising both British India and the Indian States that would deal with foreign affairs, defense and communications. The union would have an Executive and a Legislature. ▪ All residuary powers would belong to the provinces. ▪ All provinces would be divided into three sections. Provinces could opt out of any group after the first general elections. ▪ There would also be an interim government having the support of the major political parties.

166L/PJ/5/249, File No11051 A Report to Wavell from Jenkins at the end of the August, 1946. 167Ibid,. 168 L/PJ/5/249, File No12728 A Report on the Punjab situation for the Second Half of November, 1946. 142

Cabinet Mission Plan was criticized and initially rejected by all communities of Punjab. The Congress always claimed that it was representative of all Indians and fighting for the freedom of India and equal rights of the all communities. When Cabinet Mission came forward with its proposal on the 16th of May 1946, Congress accepted the proposal but later on when Cabinet Mission gave its final decision on 16th of June Congress rejected the idea of settlement of the interim Government.169 Cripps had a strong thought that the equality of the two main communities; Muslims and Hindus in the formation of the interim Government should be equal. He suggested 4 members of Muslims and 4 members of Hindus from each province should be included in the interim Government and others selected from scheduled castes and minorities but Congress rejected this proportion and demanded more than Muslim representation. Cabinet Mission assumed that Pakistan would be established as follow:

1. Western Pakistan and Eastern Pakistan. Western Pakistan, consisting of Baluchistan, Sindh, North-West Frontier Province and that part of the Punjab which lies west of the river Sutlej as far north as exclusive Ferozepore, thence due north as far as the River Beas near Kakkar and thence following the line of the River Beas. 2. Eastern Pakistan, consisting of those parts of the Assam and Bangal which lie east of the River Brahmaputra as far South as Rajbari thence due South to the Bay of Bangal.170 Intemperate speeches of the Muslim League, Congress and Sikh leaders against the Cabinet Mission Plan created the uneasiness among the communities. The Sikh community regarding their future also has grave apprehensions and their worries increased after the Cabinet Mission plan. They were claiming why the Sikhs were deprived of the same consideration which was given to Muslims. Master Tara Singh wrote Pathic-Lawrence on May 25, 1946 that in the Cabinet Plan “the Sikhs have been entirely thrown at the mercy of the Muslims.171 The Sikhs all shades of opinion rejected the Cabinet Mission Plan. This plan ascended anti-British sentiments among the Sikhs. In their speeches they made it clear that this plan exculpated the situation and it would leave them at the mercy of the Muslim majority. On the 9th and 10th June well attended meetings were held. All factions of Sikhs such as nationalist, Congressits and even Akalis who had internal differences of opinion on different political issues had divided into two groups one was the SAD controlled by the Kartar Singh and Tara Singh, and second was the CAD headed by the Udham Singh Nagoke and Ishar Singh but both groups attended meeting and gave crystal clear message to the Government that this plan would not be acceptable for the Sikhs. They

169Micro Film IORNEG 10762, and Quaid-I-Azam Papers letter to Wavell on 26th June 1946. 170L/PJ/10/21, Discussion Prime Minister and Cabinet Members. 171Ralhan, Document on Punjab Vol 6, 632. 143

threatened that they would practice ‘guerrilla warfare against the British.172 This situation still grimed for the election and the constitution Assembly Sikhs made decision they should boycott the by-elections. The Sikh leadership was divided not only between two poles but implementing contrast strategies on one hand Nogoke, Ishar Singh and Neranjan Singh under the Congress fold and the meantime the SAD leaders discussion was going with the Muslim League173 and on the other hand to show their political offense Sikhs were executing their old technique prepared ‘Jathas’.174 Niranjan Singh announced the gigantic Sikh gathering and Jathas march in September at Amritsar to protest against the Cabinet Mission.175 On March 26, 1946 during the Cabinet delegation meeting with the Viceroy’s Council Sir Jogendre Singh said “thought that we should start with a new Government at the center. If the start was made with the difficult long- term problem then there would never be settlement. As regard the division of the India: for centuries India had been weak and because of her divisions India requires a strong central Government to protect minorities and carry out the laws given by the British. If the British abandon India to its independence then it will undo all the good achieved in a century and a half. Those who stood by the British Government during the War deserve consideration. If India is divided the Muslim and Hindus will fight with one another. The British connection should be retained until India knows how to use its power.”176 On 12 April 1946 MR Ghulam Hbik177 wrote a letter to members of the Cabinet Mission178

1. If the Muslim can demand a separate state on account of professing a different faith from that of the Hindus, why cannot the Sikhs and Parces etc make a similar demand 2. Some districts of the Bengal and Punjab in which the non-Muslims are in majority not in favour of Pakistan. 3. The frontier province does not want Pakistan.

The Cabinet Mission issued a statement that they now proposed to enter on the next and most important phase of negotiations and making what is in fact an appeal to Indian leaders for their utmost efforts to reach a solution acceptable for all sides.179 Cabinet Mission’s idea was

172L/PJ/5/249, A Letter to Wavell from Jenkins June 15,1946. 173L/PJ/5/249, A Letter to Wavell from Jenkins July 31, 1946. 174L/PJ/5/249, A Letter to Wavell from Jenkins April 15,1946. 175L/PJ/5/249, A Letter to Wavell from Jenkins July 31, 1946. 176IOR: L/PJ/10/25, concluding part of Note on the Cabinet Delegation Meeting with the Viceroy’s Executive Council on 26th of March 1946. 177Syed Ghulam Bhik Nairang ( 1876 -1952), known as Meer Nairang, was a lawyer, a poet and a prominent Muslim League leader. He was member of the Central Legislative Assembly. He was College mate and fellow poet with Allama Muhammad Iqbal. His compilation of poetry - Kalaam-e-Nairang was published in 1980s from Karachi.) 178IOR: POS 10816 File No 1112. 179 The Statesman Overseas Eddition Weekly, April 18, 1946. 5. 144

criticized meanwhile Congress took U turn and on 10th July when Nehru became president of Congress he stated in press conference a Bombay that Congress would join the Constituent Assembly “completely unfettered by agreement and free to meet all situations as they arise”.180 Lord Pethick Lawrence and Stafford Cripps appreciated Nehru and agreed with Congress’ position, while they were addressing in British Parliament. In response to this development a council meeting of Muslim League was arranged on 27 July 1946 and decided that Muslim League would withdraw its previous acceptance and support of the long-term Plan.181 Viceroy didn’t care League’s inclusion in interim government. Viceroy invited Congress for discussion on 6 August 1946, meeting between Congress leadership and Viceroy were held on 8 August 1946. Viceroy announced the names of office holders finally the Interim government was formed without League on September 2, 1946. Muslim League was protesting these developments which were going on between British and Congress. Muslim League announced Direct Action Plan on 16 August 1946 on massive and large scale riots arose in Kolkata. All India Sikh League made three hundred words resolution in which they demanded to British Government that the Government should fix and announce the date of immediate withdrawal of the British forces of occupation. They also suggested that Interim National Government should consist of elected members of the Central Legislature.182 On June 9, 1946 Panthic Conference was held at Amritsar representatives of the all Sikh Parties not only from Punjab but NWFP and United Province attended the conference. This conference was attended by representatives of all Sikh Parties and factions as like Akalis, , Sikhs Chief Khalsa Diwan, All India Sikh youth League, the Sikh Student Federation Singh Sabhas. In the conference almost all speakers rejected the Cabinet Plan and Master Tara Singh made an appeal to all Sikhs “to stand united in this grave hour for the Sikh Panth.”183 He delivered the provocative and stimulating speech, particularly he addressed the Akalis they should emulate the examples of their ancestors sacrifices and “be ready to die.”184 In the Panthic Conference a Council of Action appointed to make best strategy and enforce the British Government unless Cabinet Mission modified which meet the Sikh demands furthermore the Sikhs announced the boycott from the constituent Assembly but after the personal willingness of the Viceroy for the

180Chaudhry Muhammad Ali, Emergence of Pakistan, 67; also see H. M Seervai, Partition of India:Legend and Reality (Bombay: Maneek Davar for Emmennem Publisher,1989), 57. 181Sikandar Hayat, Aspects of the Pakistan Movement (Islamabad: NationalInstitute of Historical and Cultural Research, 1998), 35; also see Seervai,Partition of India, 59. 182Ralhan, Document on Punjab Vol 6, 632. 183Ralhan, Document on Punjab Vol 6, 636. 184Ibid, 636. 145

accommodation of the Sikh view point and assurance of the Congress to safeguard the Sikh rights turned with the condition that if their wills Panthic Board would justify going back stand boycott and direct Action.185 He opposed the Sikh demand for separate state and made it clear that Sikh have no right to demand for separate state because they were numerically less than 2% in whole India, total population of the India including the Indian States is 383,643,745 and Sikh are only 5,691,447 about 1.5 percent of the total population and in the Punjab the Sikh claim is more strong as their religious homeland and hub of the their holy places they are only 13.2% of population; in Punjab total population is 28,418,820 whereas Muslims are 16,217,242, Hindu 6,301,737 and Sikhs 3,757,401.186 These figures have shown that Hindus and Sikhs as combined community are less than half of the Muslims. During the 1946-47 community figures in the Punjab districts were as follow:187

During the 1946-47 Community Figures in the Punjab Districts Ambala Division Total Muslim non-Muslims Sikh only Sikh % Hissar 1,007 285 722 61 6 Rohtak 956 166 790 1.5 .15 Gurgaon 851 286 565 .6 .07 Karnal 995 304 691 20 2 Ambala 848 269 579 156 18 Simla 38 7 31 1 3 Jullundur Division Jullundur 1,127 510 617 299 27 Ludhiana 819 302 517 341 42 Ferozepur 1,423 641 782 479 34 Kangra 899 43 856 5 .5 Hoshiarpur 1,170 281 889 198 17 Amritsar Division Amritsar 1,414 658 756 510 36

185Ibid, 648. 186IOR: POS / 10816 File No 1112. 187IOR: L/PJ/10/21. 146

Lahore 1,695 1,028 667 311 12 Gurdaspur 1,153 590 563 221 19 Sailkot 1,190 739 451 139 12 Gujranwala 912 643 269 99 11 Sheikhupura 852 542 310 161 19

This proportion and percentage of community completely unfavorable for Sikh demand for separate homeland. Conclusion

The British having judgment that Indians will support them during World War II announced Indians inclination with the British without their consent but contrary to the British views they got resistance from almost all mainstream political parties especially Congress opposed it strongly. The Sikh community has always been divided at all decisive periods of their struggle. They neither could unite on the question of their representation nor build strong argument against Muslim demand of separate state. Sikh mainstream political leadership was always vacillating between Congress and British. The Sikh were confused regarding recruitment policy for Second World War even Tara Sing as head of the SAD still vacillating between Congress interests and Community interest.188 He was sailing in to two boats. Majority of the Sikh leadership was in favor of participation in War to protect their economic interests but Congressite Sikhs were against it.

Since beginning of the World War II Sikh had lost Congress support because of their decision as for as participation in War contrary to Congress approach. The British tried to win the Indians’ favor on the promise of free dominions. The Sikh leadership was trying to make their position strong in army for their economic interest during War and status security in British future plan. It was matter of fact that Sikh recruitment ratio in Second World War was meager comparatively in First World War recruitment. The Sikh recruitment was meager from canal colonies because the inhabitants of colonies have had stable economic conditions. To increase this proportion Mazhabi Sikhs allowed joining army. Meanwhile Lahore resolution came as anti-

188Mss Ur. F 125/ 91 Private and Confidential Letter to Linlithgow from Bertrand Glancy Governor of Punjab, February 5, 1942, 8. 147

nationalism plan in 1940. It was striking move which was condemned by all nationalist in all over India. The Punjab as Muslim majority province was pivotal part of Muslim demand, this resolution created frustration among Sikhs about their future. Sagacious and Farsighted leaders considered it dangerous for Sikhs future and an obvious product of Communal Award. These circumstances not only united all Sikh political factions but the SAD who was parting their way with congress on the issue of recruitment again aligned against the Muslim demand. The Lahore resolution also affected the Sikh recruitment policy now they were focused to counter Muslim demand. On arrival of Crips Mission in 1942, situation was very hard for Sikh community, that time Congress was busy in Non- Cooperation Movement and Nationalist Movement. Both movements were also at it peak and Congress expecting Sikhs’ backing but Sikhs were interested to get favors from British. Sikh had apprehensions that as a Congress alloy they could have been deprived from future benefits because despite of all measures Sikh could get 23 seats out of 175 it was 13 percent of total strength of electorates which was exactly equal with their demographic proportion. The Cripps Mission came with proposal of self-Government and establishment of Dominions. This proposal grimed the political situation of Punjab. Different political and non- political figures recorded their concerns to the British and completely denounced the Cripps Mission. The Congrissites and communists Sikh groups always encountered the SAD stance. The Sikandar-Baldev pact was a significant move from communists group because Baldev Singh was considered a sagacious leader and loyal towards community interests among all factions even SAD was also satisfied with him.

The World War ended in 1945 with the British success and British Government intended to grant Self-Government to Indians. The elections held in 1946 and interim government was formed. The communal attentions were most significant in the elections. The Congress entered in election with national approach, Muslims were united for Pakistan and Islam in danger was their pivotal slogan but Sikhs’ vision was not clear they were against separate Muslim state but could not form a concrete plan for Punjab’s division or Azad Punjab. The Cabinet Mission came in India to settle constitutional problems and discuss the idea how the process of Self-Government would be accomplished? The Sikh community could not plead their case effectively because proportion and percentage of community in the purposed areas as Azad Punjab or Khalistan was not enough to support their demand.

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CHAPTER - 5

Khalistan Scheme: Challenges And Opportunities Introduction:

The Second World War ended in 1945. The British Government held elections in 1946. To run the country, an interim Government was proposed by the British. The Muslim League and Congress both parties had got success in the constituencies, where they were claiming their majority. Elections, results granted them right to form coalition self- government in the India but communal conflicts created frustration among communities and affected the British plans as well. The Cabinet Mission was comprised of three members of British Cabinet who came in India with short term and long term plan to resolve Indian problems. According to plan, British divided India in three groups and gave some special rights to provinces to decide their future. This mission received mixed response in all over India particularly in the Punjab. The Sikh community tried to get concessions and present their demand contrary to Muslim demand. The Sikh leadership was considering Cabinet Mission plan as Pakistan plan. The formation of Interim Government was also a matter of great importance. Lord Mountbatten appointed last Viceroy of India on 20 February 1947 and he presumed his chair on 24 March 1947. As his first target, he tried to retain united Indi but after meeting with all Indian leaders he found this mission impossible. He delivered the Clement Attlee declaration that administrative powers would be transferred till 30 June 1948 to Indians. In the declaration he further emphasized that in case of failure of Indians to draw constitution by the 30 June the British Government would decide which party is more expedient to get powers. This news increased chaos and communal tensions in all over India. Communal riots broke out in different areas, particularly in Punjab situation was very critical. The Sikh community was most enthusiastic for their separate state Khalistan. The British was already facing War effects so they found themselves helpless to control situation. The date of transfer of power was changed and just 72 days were given to accomplish partition. In the given period of time Boundary adjustment was very hard task all over the India but in the Punjab it was more difficult because a third community was also demanding its share. To handle these matters different strategies were implemented such as in Baluchistan this matter handed over to ‘Jirga’, for NWFP was decided public plebiscite, Sindh Provincial Assembly had right to decide its affiliation but for the Bengal and Punjab a Boundary Commission was shaped. Cyril Red Cliff was major architect of this boundary adjustment plan. The Sikh community was completely ignored. Antiquity of Separatism among Sikhs

Notion of separatism or the idea of the partition of the Punjab was not new among the Sikhs, although it caught fire after the Lahore resolution when Muslim demand for separate homeland was in the air. The Sikh community voiced for the separate Sikh home land very strongly almost in all Sikh meetings and conferences but from the beginning of the twentieth century it was initiated in different ways. At first in 1906 when the Muslim dignitaries met Lord

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Minto at Simla to present Muslim grievances then the Lord Minto gave a statement to Agha Khan in the favour of communal identity, Minto said that “I claim that in any system of representation whether it effects municipality, a District, or Legislative Council, in which it is proposed to introduce or increase Mohammadan community should be represented as community”1 and approved an idea of separate political platform for Muslims. This statement created a thought among Sikhs that they should also be treated like Muslims. In 1909, the British introduced Minto-Morley Reforms and awarded weighted representation in legislative councils in all over the India. In Punjab representation was divided on the basis of Muslim and Non- Muslim. Sundar Singh was nominated member of Imperial Council. He took major step for his community and put forward Anand Marriage Bill in the Council which was drawn in 1908 by his predecessor Tikka Ripudaman Singh in 1908. A memorandum was also presented by the CKD to Lord Hardinge while he was visiting Punjab to seek representation for Sikhs in the Provincial and Imperial Legislatives. Second time in 1916, when Lacknow Pact appeared on political horizon in which Muslim were awarded various concessions on the basis of distinct community and Congress tried to placate Muslims with 50 percent representation especially where Muslim were in majority such as in Punjab Muslims got 50 percent representation but Throughout all these political changes, Sikh community was being ignored and kept sidelined whereas Sikh had a heavy share in revenue production and military force but Hindu community considered them a sub sect or section of Hinduism. This situation created chaos and confusion among the Sikhs. In response to Lacknow Pact, a Sikh leader Sardar Gajjin Singh who belonged to Ludhiana tabled an amendment titled Subject to the just claims of the Sikhs. The Secretary of the CKD Sundar Singh Majithia wrote a letter to Punjab Government on 26 December 1916 that Sikhs representation in legislative bodies and government job “should be adequate and effective and consistent with their position and importance.”2 The Sikhs demanded protection of constitutional rights but they were continuously ignored. For next reforms of 1919, a committee was organized in which three Indians were included but no one was Sikh among them. After protest, Sundar Singh Majithia as co-opted member was included but 1919 reforms could not satisfy Sikhs although Muslims were awarded their right share. The idea of the partition of the Punjab was awakened among Sikhs at the end of the World War I when Sikhs faced hatred and discrimination from the British. The Sikh soldiers were deprived form the rewards and titles, they found nothing but just came back with injuries. At that time the Gandhi’s Non-cooperation

1Harbans Singh, Heritage of Sikhs (New Delhi: Manohar Publications, 1985), 255. 2http://www.sikhiwiki.org/index.php/Chief_Khalsa_Diwan access 28 February 2019. 150

Movement fascinated them and they joined the Gandhi on the platform of Non-cooperation Movement. With the passage of time, Sikhs were convinced that British Government is deliberately damaging their identity. They established Shrimony Akali Dal and Shrimony Gurdwara Parbhandak Committee and also influenced by Nationalist Movement. During the first week of May 1923, an officer of the Indian Army toured in the recruiting areas of the Punjab and reported about the Sikhs’ nationalism. He wrote in his report that the Sikh national movement has developed a very firm hold everywhere and Sikhs have firm believe and strong conviction that Government has deliberately aimed at damaging their religion. Sikhs have adopted an attitude against to Government in which they are encouraged by the Parbhandak Committee. The term ‘Akali’ was common to denote Nationalist. 3

Second time, the idea of partition resurfaced in October 1923 when a rumor was threatening the Sikhs that Government has intentions to seize the Golden Tample, the Akal Takhat, the Nankana and other Sikh shrines. The SGPC created agitation against the Government consequently many Sikh leaders were arrested but Sikh community was committed to protect their religious places and peace was conditioned with acceptance of Sikh status. A Sikh newspaper ‘Akali’ wrote that “we are neither surprised nor sorry at the dismissal of the Sikh armies. It will be good if the Sikhs do not themselves become slaves and do not by the strength of their sword become the means of putting others into chains of slavery.”4 Another newspaper ‘Babbar Sher’ from Amritsar on 30th September 1923 more clearly explained Sikhs demand in these words:

On the Principle that the Muhammadan demand suzerainty of the over the Jaziratul-Arab as their holy places are situated their ‘the Sikhs claim the Punjab which has been held in trust for Maharaja Dulip Singh’. The trust has been violated. Moreover, the land of the five rivers is complete with Sikh Gurdwaras so that it itself is practically a vast Sikh Gurdwara. So long as the Punjab does not come under the political control of the Sikhs, neither the Sikh community can be relieved of the anxiety about its religion nor can peace be maintained in the country.5 In 1925, Sikh community won their first war against the British and took control of Gurdawars from the hands of mahants. This success gave them a great courage against their rivals and they became more confident to protect their identity. But in the year of 1928, when the

3Extract from weekly Intelligence Summary 1923L/P&J/12/170, J&P 8940 4IOR: L/P&J/12/170, J&P 8952, Weekly Report of the Intelligence Bureau of the Home department, Government of India dated Simla, 17 October 1923,). 5Ibid,. 151

Nehru Report was presented, once again Sikh community was deprived of their right. Meanwhile the RTC 1930-1932 were held in London, Sikh community tabled their demands. During the second session of the RTC, Sikhs put forward a demand for readjustment of the Punjab boundaries and thirty percent representation in legislative which was not according to their numerical strength but was justified with their economic share of the province. The Sikh demand was ignored in the Communal Award. The British fixed their proportion 19 percent in provincial legislative. In upcoming elections, it was necessary that Sikh community might make alliance with any other community of Punjab either with Muslims or Hindus. The Sikh political leadership always had soft corner for Congress despite of its narrow sighted approach against the Sikhs. This alliance proved fruitless for the Sikhs and took them far away from their basic demand and ultimate goal.

By the year 1939, Second World War broke out. The Sikhs considered it an opportunity to prove their loyalty with British. They assured their unwavering support to the British in war efforts beyond Congress will. Two reasons were behind this decision; first British had announced that after War the British government would give the right of self- government to Indians and Sikh had some aspiration and targets from their colonial masters, secondly, it was great opportunity for Sikh recruitment in army to get economic stability. The Sikh Educational Conference was held on 21 October 1939 at , in which Sundar Singh Majithia moved a resolution related to the War and ensured the Maharaja Patiala that Sikh would prepare and support whole heartedly with men and money, the British Government in the Great War in Europe,6 other prominent leaders such as Sohan Singh, Basakha Singh supported the resolution. Loyalist Sikhs would have advantage on this occasion, they desired the Maharaja of Patiala to secure some privileges for the Sikhs such as separate section in the army territorial services, representation in the Highier ranks of the army, full liberty to perform their religious rituals and festivals, removal of all restrictions on the use of Jhatka meat and more than all that as important minority community, they desired a reasonable representation in the future federal Government and in provincial Legislature.7

Meanwhile Muslim League held a grand meeting at Minto Park in Lahore in which Muslim leadership announced their future goal and Indian press especially Hindu press flamed it as Muslim demand for separate homeland ‘Pakistan’. This announcement created anger among

6Rigbir Singh, Akali Movement (1926-1947),(New Delhi: Omsons Publications, 1997), 166. 7Rigbir, Akali Movement, 166. 152

the Sikhs and Congress. Tara Singh in the open session of the Akali Conference held at Pherala in the Lyallpur district on the 6th of April 1940 discussed that British are favouring Muslim League and its attitude specifically after so-called communal award as like a spoiled child. He also said that let the great Muslim community rise to the occasion and convince us that the practical threat of civil war given by the Muslim League or at least some of its leaders is not backed by the community as such. Khan Aurangzeb of N.W.F.P. is reported to have said that “there will soon be Muslim rule in India. If this is the attitude of the Muslims, dark days are yet ahead for the mother country”.8

Meanwhile, the War situation was not in favour of the British; Germany had seized Norway, Denmark, Holand and Belgium. So to avoid this setback and turn the table British looked upon the Indian people on April 3, 1940 Zetland assured them the British conviction on understanding of major identities of India regarding future of Indian people9 and after that L.S. Amery also indicated that the attainment of full and equal partnership in the British Commonwealth was the goal of British policy. On 6th April 1940 Tara, Singh addressed at Pherala (Lyallpur) in case of vivisection of country Sikh community will demand their right and proper share.10

On the 8th August 1940 the British Government appeased Indians with promise of Indian inclusion in constitution making body and the dominion status as soon as possible after the war. The working committee of SAD unanimously passed a resolution on 29th September 1940, Master Tara Singh supported the Sikh’s stand for the defense of India during the War years and expressed its anger over Gandhi’s remarks about the Sikhs.11 Master Tara Singh considered war as a golden chance for the Sikhs to regain and consolidate their position.12 In the Akali Conference on 13th October 1940 at Phawanigarh Master Tara Singh said that the Sikh would lose their identity if they lost their military power and martial traditions.13 In his point of view a

8IOR: R/1/1/3554 A Letter dated 17 April 1940, From His Highness, Maharaja of Kapurthallah, with enclosures, To The Hon’ble The Resident For The Punjab States 9 Rigbir, Akali Movement, 171. 10IOR: R/1/1/3554 Tara Singh presidential address in the open session of the Akali Conference held at Pherala(lyallpur) on the 6th April 1940. 11The Tribune,30 September 1940. 12The Statesman,24 October 1940. 13The Tribune,15 October 1940. 153

large number of Muslim recruitment in army was very dangerous especially not in favour of Sikhs.14 He appreciated the war efforts.

All Parties Sikh Conference was held on 19 January 1941 at Lahore, presided by Lieutenant Ragbir Singh. Conference was attended by large number of Sikhs including the retired Sikh military officers; Jogindher Singh, Mohan Singh, Boota Singh, Lieutenant P.S. Soda Singh, Harbhajan Singh Bhalya,Dalip Singh Doabia, Dr. Randhir Singh and Captain Gurdayal Singh Mann.15 As result of debates in conference a new organization, Khalsa Defense of India League was formed under the patronage of Maharaja of Patiala with the object to prepare Khalsa for defense of India by all possible means and maintain its position in all armed forces, to work for the early indianization of all defense forces and to maintain and promote the martial spirit and tradition of Khalsa.16 Maharaja funded the League with Rs 51,000 thousand for the formation and fixed amount of Rs.1,000 monthly. It was very strange that most of the Alkalis were always being involved in anti-Government agitations, but now they were supporting the Government. Master Tara Singh met Craik to ensure him that Sikh has given up anti-British policy since the war started and are now anxious to assist the British in the war effort and preserve some concessions for Siks regarding army recruitment.17 During the meeting with Craik Tara Singh said: “We should not be distrusted. But I must carry others, who are irresponsible people, with me. In this War our interests and British interests are the same. We want to maintain our position in the army, as this is the only way in which we can strengthen our position as a community, as we are a small minority.”18

The British were reluctant to recruit a large number of Sikhs in the army accordiong to General Lockhart’s note on Sikh situation in the Punjab “they were separate, warlike and political minded community”. On the other hand, some Sikh groups were afraid that if they went overseas, their lands and villages would be seized by Muhammadans who were already plotting to seize power in Punjab,19 but Akali leadership was insisting on Sikhs’ participation in War efforts. On the occasion of 3rd U.P Sikh Parchar Conference held on May 30, 1941 he said the international conditions were changing rapidly, nobody could predict the future. Sikhs’ selfless

14Ibid,. 15Rigbi, Akali Movement, 166. 16Ibid,.. 17R/1/1/3884 Craik letter to Viceroy December 4,1942. 18Ibid,. 19Rigbir, Akali Movement, 170. 154

services for the nation are need of hour and main object of these services should be to save the oppressed and downtrodden.20

In the meantime British sent a representative Sir Stafford Cripps with future plan for Indians, to convince Indians that after war British government is serious to take decision according to the Indians’ will. On March 31, 1942 Akali Sikh deputation submitted a memorandum to the Stafford Cripps and advocated a scheme of Punjab’s partition to attain their rightful position. They explicitly said that their interests could not be protected unless the Punjab is partitioned. They suggested that river Ravi should be considered a boundary between two halves of the Punjab. According to their scheme “two western division Rawalpindi and Multan are predominantly Muslim and two eastern Divisions of Ambala and Jullundur are predominantly non-Muslim. The three central Districts of Amritsar, Gurdaspur and Lahore have a balanced population. If a new province of contiguous area of two divisions of Ambala and Jullundur plus three districts of Lahore, Gurdaspur and Amritsar is carried out, it will have a population with non-Muslims forming 63% and Muslims 37%”21

A Congress leader Lala Lajpat Rai wrote an article “Communal Problem” in The Tribune, in which he said that under communal electorate system democracy could be prevailed if the Punjab is portioned but the British Government had objection on the Sikh demand for the Khalistan for the reason of the numerical strength of the Sikh community. If it would be relied on the census report there was no any of Sikh State with the Sikh majority, Sikh majority was laying only in Malerkotla which was a Muslim State.22 In their views practically it was not possible because “the practical objections to “Khalistan” are even greater than those which lie in the path of Pakistan.”23

By the 1943, Master Tara Singh gave Azad Punjab Scheme as only possible solution which could protect Sikhs interests and from the dominance of any single majority. This term had been used as an encounter of the Cripps Proposal and as vague proposal it was submitted to Gandhi by Tara Singh when Gandhi was nominated for the Hindu representation in the RTC in 1931. Master Tara Singh was trying to convince Sikh public and political elites on the Azad

20The Tribune, 2 June 1941. 21Master Tara Singh Interview memorandum or letter to Cripps. Kirpal Singh, The Sikhs and Transfer of Power (1942-1947), 13. 22IOR: Mss Ur. F 125/ 91 Private and Confidential Letter to Linlithgow from Bertrand Glancy Governor of Punjab, May 1st, 1942. 23Ibid,. 155

Punjab Scheme but his scheme could not attract considerable support and created skirmish between the Jats and non-Jats. A meeting was held in Cambellpur district. Master Tara Singh shared the views in press and private meeting with the critics of the scheme who articulated on the merits of the scheme that “Azad Punjab Scheme has no more anti-national than the creation of province of the North West Frontier province, Sind, Delhi and Orissa and that is an essential and real safeguard against Pakistan since its acceptance would remove from the Muslim majority of the North West of India the valuable material resources of the central Punjab and reduce it to a state of financial importance.”24 On this argument he carried a little conviction to a community.25

After the Cripps Mission situation had changed, as a result of quit India movement eminent Congress leaders had been thrown in to jail and Muslim League became a mass movement as a result of its adoption of the demand for Pakistan. Some compromises on the basis of demand for Pakistan seemed necessary if any progress was to be made towards the goal of independence of India. C. Rajagopalachari formula was presented after the consultation of Gandhi but this formula was rejected by Jinnah. Jinnah said that it would give him “a shadow and a husk, a maimed, mutilated and moth-eaten Pakistan”.26 The Sikhs were puzzled, the Akali Dal as an active political body, made an alliance with the Congress. Mangal Singh met Jenkins, and said that the Sikhs felt that they might have been backing the wrong horse and would like to establish more friendly relations with the British, not because they love them but because they feel that in any compromise between the Hindus and Muslims they may be left out in the cold.27 Achariya formula created apprehensions among the Hindus and the Sikhs in the Punjab. According to formula the Punjab would be divided in two parts, one consisting of Muslim majority districts and the other of Hindu majority districts. The Sikhs were antagonized and upset with the proposal that it was a scheme for fragmentation of Sikh community in to almost two equal parts, one in Pakistan and other in India. The Akali Dal strictly opposed this formula and condemned the Gandhi and those leaders who were associated with the formula. Confrontation between the Congress and Akalis widened further. A memorandum to oppose formula was submitted by 29 Akali leaders to non -official Sapru committee, Master Tara Singh, Jodh Singh, Giani Kartar Singh, , Ujjal Singh and Isher Singh were

24IOR:L/P&J/5/246 Report on the Punjab Situation Second Half of the August, 1943 25Ibid,. 26Baldev Raj Niyar, Minority politics 86. qouted Menon, The Transfer of Power in India(Princeton: Princeton university press, 1957, 163). 27IOR: L/PO/10/21, November 29, 1944. A letter to Amery secretary of State India from Viceroy, 494. 156

signatories of the memorandum. The fifth All India Akali Conference was held at Lahore on October 15, 1944 a resolution was passed in which Master Tara Singh declared that on the matter of vivisection of the India devastation of Sikh community would be undeniable. They should, therefore be treated as major party in the negotiations, but they were nowhere in the picture. Neither in Achariya’s offer to Jinnah, nor in his long correspondence with the Muslim League leaders, has any reference been made to the Sikhs. Thus they have been completely ignored.28

As regard the communal settlement, this session of the All India Akali Conference wishes to unequivocally declare on behalf of Sikh Panth that the Sikhs are prepared and willing to support any scheme of communal settlement which provides for them ample scope for their political, cultural, and religious development to their satisfaction. The conference further declares that along with the Hindus and muslins, they are prepared to live like brothers as equally free community in a free United India and they shall not submit to the domination of any other community.29 The CKD which was known as moderate Sikhs and loyal towards British, purposed a deputation led by Lieutenant Raghbir Singh of Rajasani including Jogindhar Singh Mann, MLA, Ranjit Singh of New Delhi, Bishen Singh, MLC, and Master Sujjan Singh of Sikh Missionary college, Amritsar, met the Maharaja of Patiala and appealed him to lead the Panth at that critical hours and to impress upon the Sikh masses the desirability of joining the army in large numbers. Maharaja of Patiala had great influence among the Sikhs so Hanry Craik, the Governor of the Punjab, wished that the Maharaja of Patiala to lead this movement in which the Sikh community as a whole was interested, because he was suitable option to exert influence on Sikh community and to satisfy British by prospect of maximum support from the adherents of the Sikh faith. Broadly speaking, he was as the Premier or Prince for Sikhs.30 Maharaja made an appeal to the Sikh Panth in favour of British War efforts. In response to his appeal, Panth beyond all personal differences stood around the King Emperor in the critical situation against the grave hours of danger to the civilized world.

The British were in promise that they would announce dominion status for Indians. India was cluster of different religious identities. Establishment of separate dominions was very hard task for the reasons of demographic settlements, Industrial and Agricultural developments in various provinces and areas but Punjab was bone of contention among three religious identities. The Viceroy called all Indian prominent political leaders at Simla. This Conference tended to

28IOR: L/P&J/7/7190. 29IOR: L/P&J/7/7190. 30IOR: L/PO/10. Letter from Craik to Linlithgow. 157

choose Indian members for Executive Council and a new Interim Government was unlikely to be formed unless the details of the long term solution had been settled. The Sikh political leadership was in suspicion to choose the name of the Sikh representatives for the Governor General Executive Council and the Punjab Cabinet. Most commonly mentioned candidates for the Executive Council were Sir Jogender Singh, Baldev Singh and Sardar Buta Singh for the inclusion of the Punjab Cabinet. The British officials were more inclined towards Sardar Baldev Singh to join the Executive Council because he had a good repute of having moderate views among the British officials and they liked S. Baldev Singh steadiness and firmness. Panthic board decided that Baldev Singh Should not join the interim Government.31 Sardar Baldev Singh met the Cabinet delegation on April 5, 1946 and discussed the Sikh proportion in the Government. The Viceroy decided composition of communities after consultation with Nehru and on 24 August. The list of twelve members were announced five members Nehru, Patel, Prasad, Rajagopalachari, and Sarat Bose were from Congress, one member Jagjivan Ram from Scheduled Caste also from the Congress but Muslim presentation was not completely from Muslim League Sir Shafaat Ahmad Khan, Syed Ali Zaheer and M. Asaf Ali all three were non- League, one Sikh Sardar Baldev Singh, one member John Matthai from Indian Christian, and one C. H. Bhabha was Parsi. Muslim League was disregarded for nomination and not a single member was nominated from Muslim League. Jinnah wrote a letter to Viceroy on 13 October and showed his willingness for Muslim League’s inclusion in interim government, Jinnah wrote; “my committee have, for various reasons, come to the conclusion that in the interests of Mussulmans and other communities it would be fatal to leave the entire field of administration of the Central Government in the hands of the Congress. Besides, you may be forced to have in your Interim Government Muslims who do not command the respect and confidence of Muslim India which would lead to very serious consequences; and lastly, for other very weighty grounds and reasons, which are obvious and need not be mentioned, we have decided to nominate five on behalf of the Muslim League…”32 Jinnah nominated five members from League. They were Liaquat Ali Khan, Abdur Rab Nishtar, Ghazanfar Ali Khan, I.I. and Jogendra Nath Mandal. Three non-League members were excluded from Interim Government. Muslim League received five portfolios; Finance, communications, Health, Law and Commerce. Laiquat Ali Khan was on chair of Finance Minister. He presented a budget which is known as Poor Men

31 The Statesman Weekly Overseas Eddition June 27, 1946, 5. 32Moon, Penderel. ed. Wavell: Viceroy’s Journal. (London: Oxford University Press, 1973), 358 158

Budget. He imposed heavy taxes to rich men. In the Punjab, it created panic and distrust among the land owners and Money landers who were mostly Hindu and Sikhs.

After the Election 1946, in the first Ministry Sikh proportion was 1:6 and some development progressed when a pact was signed between the Baldev and Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan. Furthermore Baldev Singh insisted for the safeguard of the rights of the Sikh community before the transfer of powers in the hands of the Indian because he had apprehensions that Sikh community would not achieve anything after the transfer of power.33Master Tara Singh explained that in case if Pakistan was architected, Sikh would stand for their independent state. Sikh representatives submitted a memorandum to Cabinet Mission to reject idea of Pakistan and causes why Sikh demanded separate state.34 The CAD leader Baba Kharak Singh also voted against creation of Pakistan but not favour the notion of independent state for Sikhs.35 In this meeting Cabinet members were also discussed about the areas in case of independent Sikh state. Giani Kartar Singh; leader of SAD demanded whole of the Lahore and Jullunder Divisions with Hissar, Ambala, Karnal and Simla Districts of Ambala Division and Lyallpur and Montgomery Districts. Giani Kartar Singh argued a huge portion of Sikh population settled in areas and five to ten years would require for transfer of population with the help of Government.36 On the suggestions of Cabinet Mission Plan and the formation of Interim Government Master Tara Singh issued a communiqué in The News Time and suggested a new formula to solve the dispute he said that “every community of the Punjab give up their idea of forming exclusive majority Governments. In India differences between the Hindus, Muslim and Sikhs are very deep, perhaps deeper than those between the British and Germans. Here, nationality is based on religion. If the proportion of the religious nationalities is agreed upon, the dispute can end”37 Sardar Baldev Singh discussed the situation with the Governor. British officials concluded that “the Sikh did not know what they wanted and had not defined the boundaries of Sikhistan. The difficulty was that in very few areas did Sikh constitute the majority; for instance in the districts of Amritsar and Ferozepur there were in each case five divisions, but in each case Sikh were in the majority in only one out of the five. At present the Sikhs were demanding a State consisting of eight of the

33IOR:L/PJ/10/25 meeting between Sardar Baldev Singh Minister Punjab Government and Viceroy and Cabinet delegation April 5, 1946. 34Menon, Transfer of Power, VII,a.a.O., Document number 56 meeting with Cabinet Delegation 5 April 1946. 35Sikh Memorandum to Cabinet Mission(given in appendix No. 8 ) 36Menon, Transfer of Power, VII,a.a.O. ,Document number 56 meeting record with Cabinet Delegation 5 April 1946. 37IOR: l/PJ/10/33. Cabinet Mission Files. 159

existing districts but in such a state, though there would be a non-Muslim majority of fifty to fifty-three percent, the Muslim would outnumber the Sikhs.”38 On the return from the Simla Master Tara Singh described the idea of separate state that Sikh State would be in Central Punjab, including Lahore and Amritsar where the Sikh had their holy places.39 Muslim League could not form a ministry. The failure of the Muslim League to take office after the general election of the 1946 was due to their uncompromising communal outlook than to any other cause. Congress broke with them on the old question of the inclusion of a nationalist Muslim in the cabinet, but the underlying suspicion was there, as far as Sikh concerned, Muslim League refused to discuss future of the Sikhs to give any assurance to them.40 On March 28, 1946 the Governor of the Punjab Sir B.J.Glancy discussed whole state of affairs with Viceroy and members of the Cabinet Mission that the Muslim League had won the overwhelming majority of the Muslim seats in the Provincial Legislature. But he observed that some of the League leaders were not in the favor of Pakistan and throughout the journey of their demand for separate homeland, such as to overcome the tense situation among the communities soon after Lahore Resolution Sikandar Hyat Khan made a speech in Legislative Assembly on March 11, 1941 and opposed the notion of Pakistan which would establish Muslim Raj in the region or Hindu Raj elsewhere41 but their insistence on this policy had alienated the other communities and even some Muslims. As the result the other parties had formed the coalition. This coalition commanded a majority of seats in the assembly, and the Governor had therefore called upon League not the League to form a ministry. The Governor did not think that the Sikhs would come to in terms with the League and leave the coalition. Before the elections they had linked with the Muslims, but probably it was just to raise their bargaining power with Congress. The Governor confessed that he had firm believe in idea of a united India even had a question that how Pakistan would work. He suggested that Cabinet delegation should try to persuade Congress to make the maximum possible concessions, and should then face the Muslim League with these, at the same time telling them firmly that they could expect no more. Mr Jinnah could not expect that the whole of the Punjab would be included in Pakistan; the maximum would be the province excluding the Amritsar. Finally the Governor was hopeful that if the Muslim league

38Menon, Transfer of Power, VII, a. a. O., Document number 41 meeting with Cabinet Delegation, Lord Wavel and Nawab of Mamdot April 1946. 39Rajwant Kaur Dhillon, Demand for Pakistan: Role of Master Tara Singh in Verinder Grover,ed, The Story of the Punjab Yeasterday and Today Vol 1 (New Delhi:Deep &Deep Publications 1995, 539). 40IOR: R/3/1/178, A letter to Viceroy Wavell to Evan Jenkins on 15th February 1947. 41Anders Bjorn Hansen. Partition and Genocide; Manifestation of Violence In Punjab 1937-1947 (New Delhi: India Research Press, 2002), 62. 160

was to be confronted with the reasoned arguments against Pakistan, they might agree to compromise.42

The Cabinet Mission had a plan of undivided India but with proper representation of Indian communities and minimum interference but Mission could not satisfy the Indians. In the Punjab three communities showed their aversion against it. Congress completely agreed with the Cabinet Mission Plan on 16th of May 1946 however Muslim disagreed with the partition of Bengal and Punjab and Jinnah said it cannot be justified historically, economically, geographically, and the only ground which is put forward for the partition idea that the areas where the Hindus and the Sikhs are in majority should be separated from the rest of the province, on the ground that the Caste Hindus and Sikhs do not want to be under government in which the Muslims will be in a majority.

All faction of Sikhs had more or less same views they consider it “substance of Pakistan” and liquidation of their position in their homeland.43 The Panthic Conference was held at Amritsar on June 10, 1946 to notify their grievances to British Government because their legitimate rights had gone unheard now they were prepared to give tough time to the British Government. They formed council of the Action and before the starting morcha against the Government they were ready to negotiate with both parties Congress and Muslim League. Master Tara Singh and his companions met Cabinet Mission members. Cripps said, if power was to be transferred to two bodies then Sikh would have a choice of selection of which part they want to choose. Master Tara Singh made it clear that he stood for the united India and some sort of coalition Governments unless Muslim demand for separate state is accepted. He added that if vivisection of Punjab was inevitable than Sikh would prefer separate independent state with right to federate with in India rather autonomous part in any part of India.44The demand for the separate Sikh state had been intensified with the holding number of the meetings and supporting resolutions by the Panthic Assembly Party and the executive committees of the SAD and SGPC.

Non-Muslim majority areas of the Punjab were the main issue of the partition. Sikhs were insisting on the new settlement of the provincial boundaries but the on Viceroy’s question on the formation of new boundaries Nawab Mamdot replied that in the present situation it will not be

42IOR: L/PJ/10/25 Meeting between the Viceroy, the Cabinet Delegation and the Provincial Governors on March 28, 1946. 43Indu Banga, ‘Crisis of Sikh Politics, 1940-47’ in Sikh History and Religion in the Twentieth Century, 251 44J.S. Grewal. The Akalis: A short History (Chandigrah: Punjab Studies Publications,1996)., 101. 161

workable after the existence of Pakistan there could be readjustment of frontiers, if considerable number of the Hindus and Sikhs were including in the Pakistan on the other side, it should be remembered that there would be included reasonable numbers of Muslims in Hindustan. Nawab Mamdot said it should not be assumed that Hindus and Sikhs would not be well treated in Pakistan. Pakistan was being to established as democratic state and for the settlement of the problem Muslim League was prepared to meet the Sikhs on reasonable terms but Sikh were not ready to negotiate on the issue because the Sikhs neither united and made clear that what they wanted and nor had any idea of well-defined boundaries of the ‘Sikhistan’ which they were demanding. In fact they had no majority in any district of the Punjab, only Ludhiana was with the 47 percent population. The Sikhs were demanding a state consisting on eight districts it should be definite that in those districts their majority should be at least fifty percent but it was a fact that Muslims were out there in numbers.45 G.M Sayed M.L.A, leader of the opposition in Sindh Assembly although gave suggestion that in Western India each constituent State should be represented in the Federal Government on an equal basis and not to proportion to population. There should be smaller Federation of Muslim areas in Eastern India. A part from these two Federations, the remaining provinces of what is now British India should form a Hindu federation and there should be a fifth Federation consisting of such of the larger States as might be able to retain a measure of autonomy. The smaller States should be merged either in the Muslim or Hindu Federations or in larger states. But as far as Sikh State was concerned he said that a separate Sikh State was impracticable unless there were extensive transfers of population, since the Sikh were not in a majority in any district.46

After the meeting with all prominent political leaders of all identities In the 16th June statement, Mission decided that proportion of seats in the Interim Government would be 5:5:2. It means that 5 on the behalf of the Muslim League, 5 for Congress and one for Sikh and one for Indian Christians or Anglo Indians but it was not acceptable for the Congress. Pundit Nehru wrote letter on 30th July to Viceroy, and suggested that Interim Government will consist of 6 members including one scheduled castes nominated by Congress, 5 members nominated by Muslim League and three nominated by viceroy and one of these nominee will be kept for

45IOR: L/PJ/10/25 Meeting between the Viceroy, The Cabinet Delegation and the Nawab Iftakhar Hussain Khan of Mamdot, M.L.A. Leader of the opposition Punjab. 46IOR: L/PJ/10/25 Meeting between the Viceroy, The Cabinet Delegation and the G.M Sayed M.L.A, leader of the opposition in Sindh Assembly 2nd April, 162

Sikhs.47 Baldev Singh gave his consent to accept office in Interim Government with certain reservations especially he asked the question would he be taking part in the coming elections. Giani Kartar Singh gave his view on the Baldev Singh acceptance that Baldev Singh as a Sikh should take guarantee that he would “must be free to work to have the statement of May 16th modified to meet the claim of Sikh community”48 Baldev Singh’s selection for the Interim Government was not just as nominee of the influential Sikh party Akali Dal but it was on the basis of loyal Subject of British.49 Tara Singh was rejected for the selection. The CAD and the Nationalist Sikhs decided to arrange a conference against the SAD and to advocate the views of the nationalist. Partap Singh and Surdal Caveeshar were major character of the conference.50

Sikh community wanted to participate in national outlook. The Sikhs were most anxious to contribute their share in reaching a solution of their political problems to satisfy all their interests. They had in the past co-operated whole-heartedly in national life; they are anxious to do so now. They were hoping that the future constitution set-up of the country would be based on such principles which will eliminate the conflicts and aggressive communalism in the India but in the Cabinet plan Sikh community could not find it. Sardar Baldeve Singh clearly argued in his letter that “Sikh community however has looked in vain for any indication of the Delegation’s desire to help them as it has undoubtedly done for the Hindus and the Muslims.”51 According to the census 1941 Sikh had no clear and absolute majority in any district of Punjab. Their largest population was in the Ludhiana districts where they were just 41.7%. The Sikh leadership actually was dealt as foolish and using as a pawn on Indian chessboard by Hindus. Hindus considered them a sect of the Hindus.52 Ghulam Bhik made it clear in his letter to Cabinet Mission that:

“The Sikh demand for the Khalistan is intended merely as a counter blast of the Muslim claim to Pakistan. The protagonists of Khalistan deceive themselves or went to deceive the world into believing that Sikh demand for the Sikh state in the Punjab is on the same footing as that of the Muslamans. As regards the sanction of the history and geography and logic of events leading up to the demand for the Muslim state they forget a seem to forget that the Muslimans are hundred million in India,

47 IOR: NEG 10762, Micro Film Pundit Nahru wrote a letter on 30th July 1946. 48Kirpal Singh, The Sikhs and Transfer of Power, 23. 49Kirpal Singh, The Sikhs and Transfer of Power, 23. 50IOR:L/P&J/5/249 Report on the Punjab Situation Second Half of the March, 1946. 51IOR:L/PJ/10/33, Baldeve Letter To Pethick Lawrence 26th May 1946. 52IOR: POS/ 10816 FILE NO 1112. 163

while the Sikhs are less than six million, the Muslamans have a separate culture and code of social conduct of their own.”53 The Census figures were not supporting any community to rule over the Punjab unless readjustment of boundaries was done. Governor Punjab Jenkins supported formation of two or three states for the peace and stability in the Punjab.54 Muslim League policy was concerned to establish undulated Muslim rule in the Punjab. Sikh community had exhorted repeatedly that they would not tolerate domination of any community.

The CKD Amritsar submitted the separate memorandum to the Cabinet Mission. Surjit Singh Majithia said that “regarding Pakistan, the CKD is definitely of the opinion that creation of such a state will not solve the communal question because there is set no part of India which is entirely peopled by mohammedans”55 the CKD believed on the sound contribution of the Sikhs representatives in the constitution making process so for the safeguards of the Sikh interest. The CKD argued in the same memorandum that “whatever political machinery in the form of constituent assembly be set up for making out the constitution of India an adequate representation of the Sikhs be made in that constitution making body.”56 According to proposal for the transfer of power during the interim Government presented that “there should be one or two sovereign states in India, the Executive of each part should take over power in responsibility to its respective constituent Assembly, again on dominion status basis” and transfer of power to one or two states should be on the basis of India act of 1935.57 In the proposal, H.M.G has given long and careful consideration to the position of the Sikhs. The partition of the Punjab, if it takes place as a result of the decisions of Legislative Assembly member, will have the effect of dividing the Sikh almost equally between the Muslim and non-Muslim areas. As the Sikhs constitute only 13% of the population of the Punjab and are not in majority in even one district, it has proved impossible to provide a separate State for them. The only way to Sikhs could be kept together would be to avoid the partition of the Punjab58 but Sikh community did not agree to united Punjab because it was Muslim majority province. Master Tara Singh said that “the Sikhs

53IOR: POS/ 10816 FILE NO 1112. 54L/PJ/5/250 A Letter to Wavell from Jenkins February 15, 1947. 55Kirpal Singh, The Sikhs and Transfer of Power,32. 56Ibid,. 57IOR:NEG 15551, File No 119A, proposal for the transfer of power during the interim Government 58 IOR:NEG 15551, File No 119A, proposal for the transfer of power during the interim Government. 164

think Jinnah is right in his desire not to accept Hindu majority rule, but he does not apply the same principle to Sikh minorities in Muslim majority province”59

A meeting between Cabinet Delegation and the Viceroy and representatives of Sikh community members; Master Tara Singh, Sardar Ghani Kartar Singh and Sardar Harnam Singh was held on Friday, 5th April 1946. Sardar Hrrnam Singh said that “the question n of the areas to be given to the Sikh State must not be considered only on the Basis of counting of heads. The Muslims had no objection to the separation of Ambala and Jullundur Divisions from the Punjab. In the Lahore District, total value of land revenue was fourteen lakhs out of which the Sikhs paid eight lakhs and the Muslim majority paid only four lakhs about sixty percent of the land was in Sikh possession, and though the Muslims were sixty percent of the population, they hold only thirty percent of the land. A large part of the Muslim population did not belong there but came in for labour purposes. The Sikhs recognized the right of labour to political influence but not the right of non-indigenous migratory labour. In the Amritsar district the total land revenue was fifteen and three quarter lakhs out of which the Sikhs paid nearly twelve and Muslims only three. The Sikhs suggested that there should be transfer of power both of population and property and their people in other districts of the Punjab would be willing to migrate. If India was portioned, it would be against the will of the Sikhs and a divided India would be a prey to foreign invasion.60

On 22 March 1946, Jinnah conceded Khalistan while he was interviewing to Mr Sarup and Sardar Amar Singh, president of the All India Sikh Students Federation, on Thursday and discussed with them the question of establishment of Azad Sikh State for 90 minutes Jinnah was convinced that the Sikhs as nation are entitled to a State of their own and he did not opposed to it but asked them where it can be created?, Quaid further assured that “I assure the Sikhs, I am ready and willing to do everything I can to bring about settlement between the Sikhs and the Muslims”61 General elections of 1946, basically were accomplished on communal basis. Congress and Muslim League were crystal clear on their aspirations and strategy, the Muslim League took its stand on the plank of Pakistan and ‘Islam in danger’ and its appeal touched the hearts of the Muslim masses. The Congress fought the elections on the basis of ‘Nationalism’ and staunch favor of undivided India and of independence and won the favor of the majority of the Hindus. Among Sikhs situation was confusing and leadership split in different directions

59IOR: PJ/10/33 60 IOR: PJ/10/33 61IOR: L/R/5/205 Newspapers cutting collection. 165

some were with Congress as nationalist and some were favoring the separate homeland. Muslim League emerged as single largest party with 75 members, with the Congress coming next with 51.62 Sikh leader ship had no desire to division of Punjab. On the basis of election result British Government was not expecting a stable political situation in the Punjab.63 Although Muslim League swept out the Unionist and Congress but it was not in the position to form Ministry. Unionist 17 consisting of 11 Muslims, 2 Hindus, and 4 scheduled Castes, Congress 51, Panthic 23, Indian Christians 02, Independent 01 , Total 94, Muslim league party adherents were 78 Muslim scheduled Castes 01,Indian Christians 01,Total 80.64 On the 25 June 1946, Lord Wavell invited the Indian leaders at Simla to discuss the plane of interim Government. Master Tara Singh representing the Sikh community he said “he was quite prepared to agree to Pakistan if Jinnah on his part would agree to a separate state for Sikh”.65

Third June Plan

On the February 20, 1947 British Government announced the future plan and intention of transferring of power in British India to Indians hands by June, 1948. In the announcement it made clear that power would be transferred “whether as a whole to come form of central Government for British India or in some areas to existing provincial Governments”.66 The H.M.G had desire to cooperate all Indians major parties in the working of the Cabinet Mission Plan to progress a constitution for India which might be acceptable to all concerned identities.67

In the Punjab all communities showed their resentment, All political parties did not fulfill H.M.G’s desires. Khizar said “it was the work of injustice” on the 21st February, he met Governor and said that he took it to be nothing more than “a threat”. The Sikhs were also very disturbed at this announcement. They did not want partition of the Punjab except that they would have no other choice. The Sikh leaders had been quick in voicing condemnation on the score of broken promises and accusation against the British on the ground of allegation that it is the British purpose to create communal strife. On 26th February Giani kartar Singh met Macdonald,

62IOR:L/PJ/8/472, Sep 1945-Jan 1947. 63IOR: L/PJ/8/472, Sep 1945-Jan 1947. 64 IOR/L/PJ/8/472, Sep 1945-Jan 1947. 65Rajwant, Demand for Pakistan: Role of Master Tara Singh in Verinder Grover,ed, The Story of the Punjab Yeasterday and Today Vol 1, 539. 66Statement of 20th February by British Government. Quoted in Anders Bjorn. Partition and Genocide; Manifestatio 107. 67IOR:L/PJ/10/79; Telegram from Viceroy to Secretary of State India interim Government Lord Mountbatten Papers political Department 10510. 166

the home secretary, and said that “the Sikhs were prepared for an alliance with the Muslims, but only on suitable terms”. Another Sikh leader Swaram Singh met Governor and said that the announcement of the 20 February destroyed the formations of everything and had removed the possibility of any effective sanctions to settlement. The Sikh had been profoundly moved by the obvious desire of the Muslims to seize the Punjab for them and would not permit them to do so. The agitation had shown Pakistan in all nakedness and was a fair example of the kind of treatment that minorities, including the Sikhs, might except from the Muslim extremists. Swaram Singh also admitted that civil war would lead to widespread misery. Although Sikh disliked the idea of the partition the Punjab, but they felt that a partition with all its disadvantages might prove to be only remedy.68

Sikh had fear that they might find themselves outnumbered by Hindus in a new State owing allegiance to Hindustan and deprived of much of the advantages which the Sikh hoped Khalistan would give them because in the past years on number of occasions Sikhs were deceived by Congress. But it was very interesting that it had not effected the Sikh-Congress relations and Sikhs always stood with Congress. On the May 2, 1947 Hindu and Sikh members of the Central and provincial Assemblies met in Delhi and unanimously passed a resolution keeping in view of Muslim demand of division of India and the brutal happenings in the Punjab:

at the hands of those who believe in the creed of the Muslim League, the only solution of the political problem in the Punjab lies in a just and equitable division of the province, assuring the non- Muslim population of firstly, such territories and assets as they are entitled to, according to their numbers and stake in the province; secondly, such a total area by drawing a line along the river Chenab, including districts of the three divisions of Ambala, Jullundur and Lahore or of Montgomery-an area in which non-Muslims are in a substantial majority, and providing for the preservation of the integrity and homogeneity of the Sikh community, the great bulk of the whose population is concentrated in this area.69 According to their Resolution they would dissect themselves into almost equal half, this distribution will provide assurance of reasonable distribution of the irrigation system and state lands and other provincial assets.70 Under this principle dissection of Punjab in equal numbers of

68IOR: R/3/1/178, A letter to Evan Jenkins to Wavell February 27, 1947. 69 IOR:L/PJ/10/79 Mountbatten papers. 70 Ibid,. 167

Muslim and Non-Muslim was not possible and it was also impossible that the Sikh could have kept the Sikhs together. 71

A serious law and order situation had been created in the Punjab. Especially in Amritsar and Lahore communal relations had entered in critical phase. In Lahore Police tried to control this situation but on 4th of March the police men were attacked by aggressive Hindu and Sikh students outside the district courts and police causalities occurred.72 It was first show of antipathy of masses against the police. At afternoon of the same day communal rioting broke out in Lahore accompanied by cases of stabbing and arson.73 By the 6th of March both Amritsar and Multan were gravely affected and much damaged. Lives of people and property were at risk. Muslims were not only initiators of disturbance because neither Amritsar was Muslim majority area and nor Lahore district had more than four million of Muslim population but other communities were three millions in both areas, disturbance was initiated by Hindus and Sikhs. In Rawalpindi, a Muslim majority province riots broke out on 8th of March and thousands Hindu and Sikh casualties occurred. Till the end of the March Government of Punjab overcome whole situation. Sikhs were still in aggressive mood and Master Tara Singh violent statements and provocative speeches were setting things off worst even the Sikhs made a plan to Sikh parade with kirpans.74 After the mass killing in Rawalpindi member of the Guru Nankana Sahib Committee held meeting and expressed their deep concern on the event. They provoke the sentiments of the Sikhs. All Muslims are enemy of Sikhs. The Muslims have made all preparations to fight with Sikhs…you should never trust upon the Muslims; they are our traditional rivals. Whenever and wherever they get chance; they would get revenge from the Sikhs.75

Despite the Sikandar- Jinnah Pact, Muslim League had not strong hold in Punjab’s political affairs. Sikandar’s political vision didn’t give them way but after the death of the Sikandar Muslim league retained strong hold on the Unionist. Jinnah had a desire to establish Muslim League Ministry in the Punjab. Sikh and Hindu cooperation was very important to establish the Muslim Ministry. Since the 1940, idea of Pakistan was in the air. Sikh and Hindu

71IOR:L/I/1/1467 Mountbatten papers. 72L/PJ/5/250 Report on Punjab situation First Half March 1947 , 73Ibid. 74Ibid,., 75Ian Talbot, ed. The Independence of India and Pakistan(New York: Oxford University Press, 2013. 102 , The Punjab Police Abstract of Intelligence, Week ending 5 April. 1947, 156. 168

both were offering their conditional cooperation to the Khizar’s ministry that the Muslim League should withdraw its idea of separate state.76 Khizar could not appease all communities so Punjab situation forced him to resign. After the resignation of the Khizar a new ministry was under process, Muslims were thinking about the single party Government with the claim that they have a majority in assembly and election outcome gave them to prove their strength. Hindu in this political disturbance aligned with Sikhs and they were ready to help them with money and effective propaganda as well.77 So Sikhs have a support of Hindu Congress leaders and Hindu Sabha leaders. Sikhs were feeling that without partition no settlement could provide solution of communal unrest and turmoil. They were organizing themselves for the future trouble and strife. The Sikhs were being regimented they were being armed and inflamed by oral or written propaganda against the situation. Their efforts were organized and disciplined.78 They had already organized Akal regiments (Akali Fouj) in 1940 then Tara Singh explained in his address on 6th April 1940 that Akali Fauj just to serve community for any useful purpose and to win love and confidence of others through righteous services. The Sikh leadership recruiting the Sikh military voluntaries in the Akali Fauj according to the Punjab Secret intelligence reports membership of the voluntaries was very high. Sikh leaders were exhorting the Sikh community “to prepare for all sacrifices in the future”79 Almost twenty-five Sikhs who had influence among the Sikhs were active in each district and pledged not to return to their homes so long as their community require their services. On the Baisakhi Day two hundred and eighty Sikhs including Master Tara Singh took the oath at Akal Takhat in connection of loyalty with their community. They titled themselves Shahidi Jatha.80 At the event of the celebration of the Panthic party in the general elections Giani Kartar Singh the demand of separate state declared as official demand of the Sikh community. Giani Kartar Singh disagreed with Mulana Azad who gave suggestion that Sikhs should take guarantee from Khizar Hyat that all ministers in the cabinet and parliamentary secretaries should be taken from Panthic party.81 Shrimoni Akali Dal issued a circular that “Pakistan means total death to

76Kirpal Singh, ed. Select Documents on Partition of Punjab 1947, xix. 77IOR: L/PJ/5/250 Report on Punjab situation Second Half of March 1947. 78Ibid,. 79Ian Talbot, ed. The Independence of India and Pakistan, 102. 80IOR: L/PJ/5/250 Report on Punjab Situation First Half of April 1947. 81The Statesman, Overseas edition weekly, 21 March 1946, 11. 169

Sikh Panth and that Sikh determined on a free sovereign State with the Chenab and the Jamna as its border; and it calls on all Sikhs to fight for this idea under the flag of the Dal.”82

The Sikh press expressed strong opposition to H.M.G’s Statement of 3rd June 1947, more moderately, continued to remind the Sikhs of their duty towards the Panth, at the most crucial time of its existence. The demand for separate Sikh homeland was voiced constantly by Sikh papers of all complexions.83 The Sikhs realized that their insistence on partition gravely damaged the Panthic solidarity. This sense of realization turned their approach and they intensified them on the demand for Sikh sovereign State to exclude the Ambala Division but including a large area of the Canal Colonies.84 In the canal colonies the achievements in terms of agricultural growth output, cultivated area, excessive trade volume and revenue return were commendable.85 So the Sikhs were not ready to make compromise on the Canal colonies area. The Akalis’ rejection of the 3rd June Plan followed out-spoken criticism from Sikh society and political organization considered it political incompetence of the SAD. Although Sikhs rejected the plan but they were affirmed to present their case to boundary commission.86

The Sikh considered the division of the Punjab essential and any division of the province which does not take into consideration the rights of the Sikh community in respect of their landed property, other assets, their holy shrines and does not secure for major part of the Sikh community a national home is likely to provoke stiff opposition.87 It will be most unfair to both Sikh and Hindus if division made for Punjab is made merely on the basis of incidence of population by ignoring all other factors such as the relative share of various communities in national assets and relative contribution to prosperity of province and desirability of making the divided units self-contained.88 Among the Sikhs, feelings were very tense. Viceroy wrote a letter to Secretary of State for India that according to feelings and response of Sikh community it will be necessary to give a due consideration to legitimate rights of Sikh community and division of

82L/PJ/5/250 Report on Punjab Situation for the First Half of June 1947 83IOR:L/PJ/5/250 Punjab situation Second Half of the June 1947. 84Ibid,. 85Indu Agnihotri ‘Ecology, Land use and Clonisation: The Canal Colonies of the Punjab’ in The Indian Economic and Social History Review Vol. XXXIII Number 1, January-March 1996, 56. 86IOR:L/PJ/5/250 Punjab situation Second Half of the June 1947. 87IOR:L/PJ/10/79 telegram from Viceroy to Secretary of State India interim Government Lord Mountbatten Papers political Department 10529. 88IOR:L/PJ/10/79 telegram from Viceroy to Secretary of State India interim Government Lord Mountbatten Papers political Department 10529. 170

Punjab should be on the basis which might be fair and just to the Sikhs.89 The failure of the Cabinet Mission had broken the British’s belief that with the reasonable measures and goodwill among the communities, a unified India would be by far the best solution of the problem. In these circumstances the Third June plan came as situational restorative and alternative plan to resolve the problem. The 3rd June plan was not an ideal plan and it was far from being satisfactory to all parties concerns.90 Master Tara Singh after the announcement of the third June Plan defined that for the Sikhs, partition is not just question of political power. It has importance for their existence in all spheres.91 The seven Indian leaders from Muslim League , Congress and Sikh in the meeting on June 4, with Viceroy accepted the Government Plan.92 Within the Sikhs leaders informal discussion were continued, major spokesmen were Ujjal Singh, Baba Harkishan Singh, Master Tara singh and S.Sawram Singh. After the discussion Master Tara Singh issued a statement that “the British Government Plan is unsatisfactory and disappointing. Even His Excellency Viceroy in his broadcast felt obliged to admit that the solidarity of the Sikhs will be impaired. No doubt there is saving the feature that the plan has conceded on the principle of partition of the Punjab, but the whole things depends on the terms of the reference of the boundary Commission. Tara Sing further said the Sikhs and the Hindus of the Punjab cannot be satisfied unless the dividing line is the River Chenab. Sikh political leaders exhorted that they will continue their struggle unless they achieve their objective.93

After the announcement of the 3rd June plan, the idea of the “Khalistan” which was floating among the Sikhs since many years caught fire. They demanded west Punjab which would safeguard the canal colony areas and the Sikh historic sites. This area termed the Shahidi Bar and consisted of the tracts of land in Lyallpur, Sheikhupura, Montgomery and Gujranwala where Sikh had property and number of religious shrines. So this area would be demanded for an original Khalistan Scheme94 and Sikh community would be prepared to fight for them.95 To safeguard historic sites was only a trap to exploit feelings of the Sikh community in favor of Khalistan, it was matter of fact that their real interest to safeguard the canal colonies settlement for the economic reasons. Sikhs want to change the demographic composition of the Shahidi Bar

89Ibid,. 90IOR:L/I/1/1467 Mountbatten papers 91Civil and Military gazette, June 5, 1947. 92Ibid,. 93Ibid,.. 94P.P.A.I. Week Ending 24 May. 1947 262. 95P.P.A.I.Week Ending 3, May. 1947, 217, and Ian Talbot, ed. The Independence of India and Pakistan, 103. 171

area. The president of the local SGPC, Jathedar Mohan bounced off an idea that the Sikhs should migrate from Mianwali, , Jung and Muzafergarh districts and should be settle down in where the Sikh have a majority such as Nankana Sahib, Bhai Pheru, and Lyallpur districts. 96 An Akali leader Giani Kartar Singh, was very anxious to develop the Sikhs interests in the Shahidi Bar area because of its economic strength. On 28 March he visited the Shahidi Bar area and proposed an idea to safeguard the Sikh community that a central group should be formed which would comprise of Gujranwala, Lyallpur, Montgomery and Sheikhupura.97 Sikh Panthic Board meeting was held on 22 June 1946, meeting was presided by Col. Niranjan Singh and Sardar Singh was also present other than 14 Panthic M.L.A.s., three Sikh Congress M.L.A.s of the Punjab and three Central M.L.A.s all members decided that Sardar Baldev Singh should not join the Interim Government. They instructed Baldev Singh to write the Viceroy declining his invitation to join the Interim Government. On the one hand, Giani Kartar Singh was showing his inclination towards the settlement between Muslims and Sikhs98 on the other hand he was provoking the Sikh community against the Muslims and reminding them that Muslims are their traditional rivals.99 Sikhs were being involved in the futile demonstrations and outrages such as shooting up trains, such as they attacked on train at Tangra Railway Station between Amritsar and Beas100 hartals were also going on in Nankana Sahib, Amritsar, Gurdaspur and other part of province. Jawahir Lal Nehru wrote to Mountbatten that “All of sympathies are very greatly with the Sikhs and would like to help them as much as possible in their predicament. But I do not feel competent, in a matter affecting them intimately, to say anything on their behalf or to commit them.”101

British officials were making decisions on the basis of facts and ground realities to award Sikhs’ share according to their numerical representation. Sir Penderal Moon who was the Secretary, Development Board of Government of wrote a letter to Lord Ismay on 27th June and explained his observation on the situation he wrote “it will considerably facilitate matters if it can be so arranged that the new Eastern Punjab has the strongest possible Sikh complexion and does not, therefore include Gurgaon, Hassar, Rohtak and Karnal. The Sikhs have already put this demand to Congress who hesitates to accept it. I would suggest that this Sikh demand should be

96P.P.A.I. Week Ending 29 March. 1947, 141. 97P.P.A.I.Week Ending 7 June. 1947, 287. 98Menon, Transfer of Power Vol. Xii Jenkins to Mountbatten, July 10, 1947, 74. 99P.P.A.I Week ending 5 April. 1947, 156. 100IOR:L/P&J/5/304 Jenkins Report to Mountbatten dated 30 July 1947. 101IOR:NEG 15551 Jawahir Lal Nehru secret and personal letter to Mountbatten, 17 May 1947. 172

encouraged and conceded. If the Sikhs are taken out of Hindu clutches as they want to be- and put in a more or less independent position of their own, they are much more likely to gravitate in the end towards their natural alignment with the rest of the Punjab and Pakistan.”102 Penderal suggested a buffer state for Sikhs he suggested “The next stop would be to indicate that it is optional for the Sikh Eastern Punjab to join either Hidustan or Pakistan and that there is no presumption that it must join one rather than the other. The Sikh will probably make this clear to themselves, but if they ask for some pronouncement from HMG, it will probably be advisable to accede to their request.”103 On 6 June Master Tara Singh and Baldev Singh were met with Viceroy and the Cabinet delegation, Master Tara Singh said that “there was much alarm among the Sikhs over the statement which the Cabinet Delegation had issued. The Sikhs were hopelessly in a minority in Group B where they had only four seats out of a total 36.”104 Baldev Singh opposed the group system given in Cabinet Mission; he said if the group system, presented in the delegation statement implemented than Sikh will remain completely at the mercy of an increased Muslim majority.105 Sardar Baldev Singh asked what would happen if Sikh walk out of the Group Constitutional Assembly? Viceroy and the members of delegation clearly stated that this would be most mistaken thing for Sikhs to do and Group would have to proceed to frame a constitution without Sikhs.106

All these proposed areas had industrial strength and were considered backbone of the economic stability of the province. During his visit he called upon “the Sikh community to be prepared to fight for them and thundered offence is better than defence”.107 By the mid of May 1947 the Sikh Shahidi Jathas (war bands) were being organized and trained in every Sikh village particularly in the Lyallpur and Shaikhupura districts where the Sikh had hold strong economic position.108 The Working Committee of the SAD Amritsar held a meeting on April 4, 1947 many resolutions passed and copies were forwarded to the Viceroy. In this meeting one was most significant from all of other resolutions that before the transfer of power in the hands of the Indians the province of Punjab should be divided in two halves and for the settlement of the provincial boundaries a boundary commission should be appointed. They also demanded the

102Menon, Transfer of Power Vol XI, 692. 103Ibid,. 104IOR:L/PJ/10/33 105IOR:L/PJ/10/33, Baldeve Letter To Pethick Lawrence 26th May 1946. 106Ibid,. 107P.P. A.I. Week Ending Report July 12,. 1947, 366. 108Ian Talbot, ed. The Independence of India and Pakistan, 103. 173

facilities for the safe exchange of the population. The SAD pointed that other than landed property, land revenue and population the sacred places should be secured.109 Although in the resolution The SAD did not mark the areas of demand however it gave clear message about the boundaries of the Punjab. They were as much interested on possession of the revenue generating area as like religious inheritance.

The Congress suggested the Sikhs that their demand should be a link-up with the Ambala division with Meerut Division and other contiguous areas, because a Sikh sovereign State which would construct on as the result of the amalgamation of the Ambala, Rohtak, Meerut and Saharan Pur divisions would act as useful buffer between Pakistan and India. Muslims encountered the Congress suggestion with a suggestion to the Sikhs that they should demand the Ambala and Jullundur divisions as their homeland. The SAD was propagating in favor of exclusion of Ambala but inclusion of Canal Colonies.110 Sikh community was expecting that Boundary Commission would meet the Sikh territorial demands keeping in view the factors other than population. The Hindu newspapers generally backed the Sikh demand.111

Sikh community was very aggressive, in Gujranwala on the 5th July many incidents accrued there. These riots also infected the rural areas of the Amritsar and many cases of Muslims’ murder were reported. This situation had given rise to the belief that despite the Sikh exhortation of local Sikh peace committees, Sikh Jathas have been ordered to carry on communal warfare.112

The Sikhs demanded a large part of the area where they owned most of the landed property and hub of their holy places113 because they had no right of demand on the basis of numerical strength, according to the census reports they were not in majority any wherein the Punjab whereas Muslims were in majority. In fact their demand was around the financial benefits. Their holy places were also a source of large income as like lands and agriculture. A bird eye view in Sikh political struggle depicts that control over the Gurdwaras management and s funds always remained bone of contention among the Sikhs’ political factions.

109Kirpal ed. Select Documents on Partition of Punjab 1947 The Resolution No 11 adopted by Working Committee of the SAD Amritsar, 44. 110IOR:L/PJ/5/250 Punjab situation Second Half of the June 1947. 111Ibid,. 112IOR:L/PJ/5/250 Punjab Situation First Half of the July 1947. 113Larry Collins. Dominique Lapier, Mountbatten and the Partition of India: 16 August 1947- 18 June 1948 (New Delhi: Vikas Publishers 1982), 125. 174

Boundary Commission

Boundary Commission partition plan was dividing Sikh community into two halves of Punjab in minority. By the June 23, almost two Halves of the Punjab Assembly reached the decision for the partition. Swaran Singh pointed broadly on June 23, 1947 that partition could not be very far until the boundary had been determined.114 The Sikhs were still on boil about the boundary Commission. The SAD published a report on June 25, 1947 and indicated that they might go back on the plan or forced the British to go slow.115 In the Mountbatten Plan, it was decided that Boundary commission members would be taken as follow two Muslim from Western Punjab and One for Eastern Punjab, Sikh members one form each part and congress one from eastern Punjab. Boundary commission final decision would be taken on the basis of majority.116A partition Committee was formed, members of committee was taken from three distinct communities and both parts; Eastern and Western of the Punjab. The members were Zahid Husain117 (Non- Punjabi) and Daultana for the Western Punjab, Gopal Chand Bhargava and Swaran Singh for the Eastern Punjab.118

Cyril Redcliff came in the Punjab as chairman of the boundary commission on 8th July. Giani Kartar Singh, during his tour of Shahidi Bar on 25 June called upon the Sikh community that 8th July should be observed the as protest day.119 Giani Kartar Singh during the meeting with Governor cleared the Sikhs’ intentions and made it clear that if the decision of the boundary commission went against the Sikhs’ liking and new Government would set up before the Boundary Commission decision they must create trouble. The Baldev Singh also expressed his views with same lines in the public.120 The Governor of Punjab Jenkins wrote a letter to Viceroy on July 10 1947 and gave his views about the intentions of the communities specially Sikh

114IOR NEG 15551 Mountbatten Papers, File No 123 Governor of Punjab Report to Viceroy June 25, 947. 115Ibid,. 116IOR:L/PJ/10/79 Interime Government Lord Mountbatten Papers political Department 10529. 117Zahid Husain was nominated by Jinnah. He was not Punjabi and politician as well. He was retired from audit and accounts services and currently Vice-Chancellor of Aligarh University. He had served as financial adviser of Governor and in the supply department at Delhi Province. 118IOR NEG 15551 Mountbatten Papers , File No 123 Governor of Punjab Report to Viceroy June 30, 947. 119Ian Talbot, ‘The August 1947 violence in Sheikhupura City’ in Ian Talbot ed. The Independence of India and Pakistan, 104 120IOR NEG 15551 Mountbatten Papers, File No 123 Governor of Punjab Report to Viceroy Mountbatten July 10, 1947. 175

regarding the partition of the Punjab he suggested peaceful negotiations among the parties means settlement out of the court.121

According to the 1941 census, Muslim majority district were in Lahore Division: Gujranwala, Gurdaspur, Lahore, Sheikhupura and Sailkot, in Rawalpindi Division Attock, Gujrat, Jhelum, Mianwali, Rawalpindi and Shahpur, in Multan division Dera Ghazi Khan, Jang, Lyallpur, Montgomery, Multan and Muzaffargrah,122 Sikh demand from all three divisions focused on canal Colonies areas which were best known for their revenue output even there were Muslim majority areas. Giani elaborated the Sikh claim and insisted that they must have at least one canal system; they must have also Nankana Sahib; finally the arrangements must be such as to bring three quarters or at least two-thirds of the Sikh population into the Eastern Punjab. An exchange of population on a large scale was essential- he thought that at least 50000 or 60000 Sikhs should be moved to the East and one million Muslims to the West. The fate of the Sikhs was a vital issue in the proceedings for the transfer of power, there would be trouble.123 The Boundary Commission Award was ready on August 10, 1947 by Sir Cyril Redcliff but it was need to reconsider whether it would be desirable to publish straight away. Lord Ismay gave his opinion that it would be best to defer publication of the award until the August 14, 1947, although Jenkins had desire to early publication of Award for the administrative advantages.124 Viceroy’s Assistant Mr John Cristy wrote in Dairy under the date August 11, 1947 that Viceroy was pressurizing the Red Cliff to change the line of division of Punjab. In the first draft of the boundary commission District Feroze pore and Zeera were part of the Western Punjab.125 At the last moment Viceroy met the Sir Red Cliff in the presence of the Lord Asmay at his residence. Red Cliff changed the Boundary line on the advice of Viceroy who was under pressure of the Pandit Nehru and Maharaja of Bakanir. Maharaja of Bakanir Sadul Singh had already shown his interest to join the constituent assembly of India, he issued a public appeal in April 1947.126 It was an example of other native states so Pandit Nehru had not lost the state of Bakanir.127 In fact inclusion of Ferozpore with western Punjab was the channel of affiliation between Bakanir State

121Ibid for detail see appendix 11,. 122IOR:L/PJ/10/79 Interim Government Lord Mountbatten Papers political Department 10529. 123IOR NEG 15551 Mountbatten Papers, File No 123 Governor of Punjab Report to Viceroy Mountbatten July 10, 1947. 124IOR:NEG 15562 Mountbatten Papers, File No 203 Viceroy Staff Meeting August 9, 1947. 125Nadeem, Ather. Taqsim-i- Punjab ka Khufiya Rikard. 126Ramachandra Guha, India After Gandhi: The History of the World’s Largest Democracy(India: Harper Collins,2007). 127Nadeem, Ather. Taqsim-i- Punjab ka Khufiya Rikard. 176

and Pakistan because Ferozpore Head Works was back bone for agriculture of Bakanir State. Baldev Singh wrote a letter to Mountbatten to explain Sikh feelings and to suggest some measures as for as partition concerns. Baldev expressed that feeling amongst the Sikh community undoubtedly continues to be tense and there is complaint that some authorities in the Punjab have openly followed a pro-Muslim undivided policy. He will maintain close contacts with Sikh members and will do his best to obviate trouble so far as the Sikhs are concerned. In the meantime, it will be helpful if effective measures are taken in the Punjab to remove the suspicion that balance has been titled against the minorities because of partisanship of some of civil policy of employees of the Punjab Government.128

On 27th of July 1947, the Sikhs chose a religious center Nankana Sahib in the Sheikhupura district to hold a political meeting for sharing their views and concerns about the boundary between the west and East Punjab. Governor of Punjab beefed up the security of the Nankana Sahib and publically declared that meeting illegal and took every possible step to restrict the attendance of the public; bus services were stopped and sale of the tickets at number of the railway stations including Nankana Sahib was suspended. Nankana Sahib was a town with fair number of the Sikh population so many of the Sikhs had collected in the Gurdwara before meeting day. Despite of all measures about 1500 to 2000 outsiders attended this meeting. Jenkins wrote in his fortnightly reports that it seemed that “we were in for Civil disobedience movement”. Sikh leader ship from the other areas arrived but faced difficulty even Giani Kartar Singh reached on 27 July at evening but disguised. Sikh dispersed on 28th morning.129 These measures has shown that British Government strictly against the Sikh meetings against the Boundary commission. Jenkins admitted in his report to Mountbatten he writes that “on the whole I think we achieved our objective, which was to prevent a gigantic rural gathering and to make it clear to the Sikhs that mass demonstrations about the boundary are not considered a good thing.” The Sikhs intended to organize an all Punjab strike for the 5th August. They were very puzzled and unhappy, and did not quite know what to do.130

Sikh-Muslim cultural and religious indifference had past history of decades. Both communities indulge the religious hatred for example Sikh arranged a procession on the birthday

128IOR:L/PJ/10/79 telegram from Viceroy to Secretary of State India interim Government Lord Mountbatten Papers political Department 10529. 129IOR:L/P&J/5/304 Jenkins Report to Mountbatten dated 30 July 1947. 130Ibid,. 177

of the Guru Gobind Sing in Rawalpindi on 28th December 1938, a year back the Sikhs annoyed the Muslims of the Talagang in the Attock district by playing music in front of the mosque while procession was going on. Muslims were unhappy on such type of demonstration and ready to create problems for Sikhs. British administration took special measures for peaceful demonstration but in spite of all measures stones were thrown on the procession and general riot was followed in which 34 persons injured.131 At the eve of the partition situation was very strange Muslims obviously were happy at the birth of the new State for them but Panjabis (Muslim, Sikh and Hindu)all over the Punjab wanted united Punjab. Hindu and Sikh communities were most reluctant to leave Lahore and other areas of Punjab where they had strong hold on economics. Boundary line between the two parts of Punjab was not acceptable for the Sikh for two reasons, firstly they were deprived of the canal areas and secondly their holiest place Nankana Sahib, birth place of their Guru, Kirtarpur and Punja Sahib were being snatched. They were reluctant to leave their home, property and businesses. It was very difficult to windup all business. Communal situation was very critical, the appointment of the Jinnah as the future Governor General of Pakistan was popular with the Muslim community.132 So, Muslim community had lost the British favours. British Government kept close their eyes as for as riots concerns. Every community wanted the transfer of power to take place quickly.133 It was also matter of fact that by the time risk of riots could have more increase so British decided for the early transfer of power.134 3rd June plan was reflection of critical law and order situation which was continued from first quarter of 1947. Within the 72 days transfer of power was very difficult for a country of about 30 million people which has been governed as a unit for the period of century even all concerned matters would have been solved friendly and with the urge of the progress. On the eve of the partition evaluation of the assets, division of services, collection of pre-partition data and many other connected issues were exigent to resolve. The three main political parties Muslim League, Akalis and Congress were much concerned with the selection of members for the Security Council and Partition Committee.135 Sikhs were numerically meager and scattered population Giani kartar Singh met Governor Jenkins on 30th July and handed him a copy of Sikh memorandum to boundary commission, another document titled ‘The Hindu- Sikh Case for Nankana Sahib Tract’

131IOR: L/PJ/5/240, Report Second Half of December 1938, 132IOR:L/PJ/5/250 Punjab situation First Half of the July 1947. 133IOR:L/I/1/1467 Mountbatten papers. 134Ibid,. 135IOR:L/PJ/5/250 Punjab situation First Half of the July 1947. 178

and a map. During the meeting he went over all the old grounds; the importance of the integrity of the Sikh community, the demand for the exchange of the 85% of Sikh population of the west Punjab and the Sikh claim on Nankana Sahib and other historical Gurdwaras. During the meeting Jenkins made it clear that obvious that Sikh community would suffer by partition. Giani Kartar Singh and other leaders who were convinced of partition and had accepted the announcement of the 3rd June and agreed on the Report of the Boundary Commission turned around and totally denied the previous argument and said that they would not accept the Boundary Commission report as final Award.136 Jenkins was surprised on their divergence on the Boundary Commission recommendations. On the one hand Sardar Baldeve Singh, member of the Interim Government in the association with Mr Jinnah, Mr Liaqat Ali Khan, Sardar Patel and Rajendra Parsad, had said that the Award would be accepted, whenever it might be; on the other hand Giani Kartar Singh and others were saying in the Punjab they would not accept the Award unless they liked it. Giani Kartar Singh said that Baldeve Singh had no authority to make any statement without consultation of the Party and he would soon consider it ‘a mistake’ He blamed that the Viceroy simply sent for him “to get his thumb impression”137 Jenkins had opinion that the Sikhs would have to accept the Award, and that there was no point whatever they were pretending that they would not do so. If the two dominions were united in accepting the Award and determined to enforce it, the Sikh would have to come into line. Jenkins criticized on Giani that he would be wise to get extravagant ideas out of his head. Jenkins also said the partition issue is important for Sikhs, as he had already explained, but by no means as bad as they thought. They would have a big share in the administration of East Punjab, and there was no reason why their position in west Punjab should be seriously impaired. Jenkins also gave opinion that there could be little change in the national boundary because of population ratio factor.138 Although Giani Kartar Singh agreed that the Sikh demonstrations were futile, but he did not agree to accept the commission he remarked that “if no substantial modification in the national Boundary was intended, there was no need for a commission at all”.139 He objected on Commission members that they know nothing about the Punjab and its communities, so Sikh could not accept this position and will not give any guarantee or statement in the favour of the Partition Council decision. On the question of Sikh-Muslim cooperation, Quaid -i-Azam tried his best and gave them guarantees of 30

136IOR:L/P&J/5/304 Jenkins Report to Mountbatten dated 30 July 1947. 137Ibid,. 138Ibid,. 139Ibid,. 179

percent representation in Pakistan constitutional assembly. “Quaid-i-Azam endeavored his best to persuade the Sikhs to see reason, not to press for a tiny state but to join hands with the Muslims and share their good or bad fortune. He guaranteed all the freedom that they wanted and assure them a life free from the fear of over lordship, a life of peace and prosperity”140. Liaqat Ali Khan sit together with his cabinet fellow Mr Baldev Singh and discussing all matter and tried to make friendship channel between Sikh and Muslims. Jinnah also assured Sikh leaders that Sikhs’ alliance with Muslims would prove fruitful because as vigilant leader of Muslims he was ready to give a right to establish a small State within the new Muslim State which gradually could be independent and self-directed in administrative matters.141 Despite of Jinnah’s assurance as for as protection of minorities financial and personal freedom concerns especially for Sikhs in west Punjab Giani Kartar Singh and other Sikh leaders were threatened about their future. Giani Said that “he had no confidence in Jinnah.”142 Giani provides some interesting information about the future of the East Punjab. He said that the Sikhs favoured the amalgamation of the non-Punjabi speaking districts with the U.P. or with another new province. They would then try to organize what remained of East Punjab as a Sikh majority province. The Sikh states would come in with them on this- they had not of course given the Hindus any idea of their intentions, as they wanted Hindu help over the boundary question. Finally the Giani bursts into tears, as his last interview with Governor and said that it was my duty to protect his small and oppressed community. But Jenkins refused his plea and replied that the question of the boundary was not in his hands and he had no power to interfere. Giani requested to appraise the situation to viceroy but Viceroy was already very well informed with Sikh point of view because of Sardar baldev Singh who was always available to him. According to the Penderal Moon, Lord Wavell role towards the evolution of partition was significant. Jenkin wrote that “I got impression that Giani kartar Singh was still unhappy and extremely puzzled. He and Master Tara Singh have certainly made a great mess of the whole Sikh question. The real solution was to get rid of the non-Punjabi districts and to keep the rest of the Punjab in Pakistan. I think the Sikhs appreciate this now; but it is too late to do anything about it.”143 According to the Governor Reports Baldev Singh accepted the boundary commission plan and Giani himself insisted the Partition. Giani Countered the Baldev Singh attitude and said he had

140M. A. H. Ispahani, Quaid-i-Azam Jinnah as I Knew Him (Karachi:Ferozsons, 1959), 258. 141Ibid,.. 142IOR:L/P&J/5/304 Jenkins Report to Mountbatten dated 30 July 1947. 143Ibid, and see also in R/3/1/178,. 180

urged the Baldeve Singh to publish the letter in which he had communicated his acceptance of the plan of the viceroy. The Governor of Punjab Jenkins went on to say that “unless the principal party leaders wholeheartedly agreed with partition plan and publically announce their agreement forthwith large scale riots would be inevitable, probably culminating in civil war”.144

Distrubance in Punjab

The Sikhs readiness to aggression against the Pakistan was growing since birth of its notion. Akali Fuje was organized in 1940 and further on January 7, 1945 a Sant Ashram(Ashram of Warrior Saints) was established by Master Tara Singh at Sangrana in Amritsar District for the training of the paid students selected to oppose Communism and Pakistan in the rural areas. This Ashram was administrated in terms of funds by a Trust independent of the SAD.145 Sikhs’ frustration was continued since March 1947, it again intensified during the first week of the August 1947. The situation in the Boundary areas of the Punjab was very serious and Jenkins asked for the Army reinforcement.146Some serious incidents occurred in the Amritsar city and in the Gujranwala even main roads had become unsafe in all districts of Amritsar. There have been several attacks on the trains. Most of the rural casualties have been caused by Sikhs working in fairly large bands and raiding Muslim villages or Muslim pockets in mixed villages. The Muslims in the Amritsar districts occasionally hit back, a village near Jalalabad near the Beas have been eliminated by a local Hindu minority, killing over 70 people. Sikhs behaved brutally. Police was dis armed in Amritsar. A large number of the immigrants arrived at Lahore. In response of Amritsar riots, on the 11 and 12th of August Muslim community reacted and there were over hundred causalities, almost all non-Muslims and over fifty fired. Property was destroyed which was almost non- Muslim. For the first time police showed indiscipline in Lahore. Curfew imposed on 11th of August. According to deputy Commissioner who met the many people; people were more concerned with the fate of the Amritsar Muslims than with the fate of the Lahore non-Muslims and the police men have actually taken part in looting houses. About 15 Sikhs were killed in the Gurdwara of Lahore.147

During the dissection of the Punjab who was responsible for brutal riots has enigma itself, because everyone tried to exculpate from this tragedy. Might be that no one had intentions

144IOR:L/PJ/10/79 telegram from Viceroy to Secretary of State India interim Government Lord Mountbatten Papers political Departmet. 145IOR:L/P&J/5/247 Report on the Punjab Situation First Half of the January, 1945. 146IOR:NEG 15562 Mountbatten Papers, File No 203 Viceroy Staff Meeting August 9, 1947. 147IOR:L/P&J/5/304Jenkins Report to Mountbatten dated 13th August 1947. 181

to murder looting or arson but it happened. In the London Press Conference Mr Ghulam Muhammad, the Pakistan Finance Minister placed the almost whole blame for the grave disorder and brutal killings which followed the Partition of India on the shoulder of Mountbatten, indirectly he was blaming on British His Majesty Government. Mr Ghulam Muhammad explicitly said that

The Punjab disturbances were the result of the deep laid conspiracy by a militant section of the Sikhs to establish Sikh rule there and to the sinister aims of the RSS to throttle Pakistan by eliminating the Muslim population; before partition the Government of the India definitely had information of these activities but no action was taken; Lord Mountbatten knew as the Viceroy that trouble was being organized; Lord Mountbatten knew that arms were being smuggled; Lord Mountbatten knew that Sikh were doing that Muslims were being molested; the C.I.D Reports were before Lord Mountbatten and Muslim colleagues in his cabinet continually argued him to take action; Lord Mountbatten promised that he would take action ‘next week or the week after’ but he never did.148 East Punjab was less facilitated in terms of roads, trade, and irrigation system. Sikhs were mostly linked with military and agriculture. Line of division snatched all canal colonies areas those were most fertile areas of Punjab. These cultivated areas were best for cotton and wheat production and had 69 percent income share of the whole Punjab.149 Almost 20 percent of whole migration was from canal colonies150 that were facing deprivation from best opportunities of economic stability. This situation created resentment which triggered them to violence.

Most of the population of the Punjab was abiding law and order but people who their personal interest had involved in unlawful activities, such as looting and killing. Many things were going well out of the billions population only thousands were involved.151 Right minded citizens wanted nothing more than peace, they were sick of the killing and destruction.

The Congress and the Muslim League made a joint peace appeal. After appeal Amritsar and Lahore Cities had improved but the apprehensions of the minorities in western Punjab and Lahore had not abated in any marked degree.152 The Sikh community’s struggle proved fruitless. After partition when Sikh came under direct control of Hindus then they realized that Sikh Community has missed the train, Pakistan could have been best option rather India. Before

148IOR:L/I/1/1467 Mountbatten papers. Dawn July 7, 1948. 149Tan Yong, Gyanesh Kudaisya,The Aftermath of Partition in South Asia,(Routledge 2004), 127. 150Ibid,. 151IOR:L/I/1/1467 Mountbatten papers. Dawn July 7, 1948. 152IOR:L/PJ/5/250 Punjab situation First Half of the July 1947. 182

partition they were meager in numbers but almost two million Sikhs migrated and now their numbers were considerable. They continued their struggle and in 1966 got partial victory and Punjabi Soba structured but community is still in crisis.

Conclusion:

The Punjab was divided into two halves between two sovereign states Pakistan and India in 1947. The Sikh community who was playing as third player in the Punjab was completely ignored and deprived of their demand. The Sikhs struggled for separate homeland but either Azad Punjab or Khalistan could not be accomplished and Sikhs found nothing as for as their demand concerns because the Sikh leadership neither could concrete on idea of separatism nor provide a common platform. Their demand was result of their colonial masters and two larger communities; Muslim and Hindus discriminations regarding their religious freedom and rights. Firstly they were ignored while Lacknow Pact was progressing despite the fact they had large share in economic growth of region and military services during the World War I. Secondly they were disregarded when their Gurdwaras were given in the control of Mahants whereas they had distinct values from Hinduism. The Communal Award proved last and final hit to throw them far from destiny. They were an important minority on the basis of many aspects. They recognized themselves in various epochs of time as distinct entity but were divided in factions. Their factional politics damaged their demand. The Sikh community always showed unreliable attitude. During the World War II on group was in favor of contribution in War and other was with Congress approach. In the elections 1946 Sikh community was also divided in factions. Before elections they just increased their weight to show their corporation with Muslim League but at the last moment they joined Congress.

The Cabinet Mission came with the plan of united India with limited and less interferences of British but Indian communities were not satisfied with British plan. All communities of Punjab met with Cabinet Mission members with their proposals. The British suspected that how their plan would be executed and communities would be satisfied especially Sikh community because they were fighting for unjustified demand. On the future of Punjab all communities were in doubt, that Punjab would be divided or whole Punjab would merge in Pakistan. The Sikhs leaders have had opinion that their demand is not practical and has many flaws but they insisted on in contrast to Muslims and wanted to cash Muslim efforts for demand of separate homeland. They could not unite their whole leadership on one proposal. British have

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understanding of future problems of Sikhs and have an idea as buffer state between India and Pakistan they would not sustain their position they would must opt any one either Pakistan and India.

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Conclusion:

The study was conducted to re-reevaluate the Sikh’s struggle for freedom. Therefore, it attempted to explore, investigate and analyze how and why the Sikh community of India could not achieve their goal of Khalistan in 1947. There were number of factors which impeded the achievement of Khalistan but study has emphasized that the Sikhs were minority not only in India but also in Punjab, therefore the main challenge for the British, Congress and those who could help the Sikhs for Khalisatan were constrained to accede to this demand of a separate homeland in India. However, the hypothesis of study was that though the Sikh community was fully conscious of their political and legal rights but remained disunited on their objectives, demands and efforts for the Khalistan and as a result they could not achieve separate homeland in 1947 however they have been dreaming and making untiring efforts for the creation of Khalistan. But this study focused only on Sikh’s struggle for achievement of Khalistan from 1932 to 1947.

Though the Sikh’s ruling period in the province of Punjab had been stretched over half of the nineteen century, however, as pointed out earlier that the study has examined and found that the Sikhs were in minority in South Asia Punjab was the last province which lost its sovereignty and was seized by British in 1849. The Punjab has had significance for various aspects such as fertile land, martial races, and variety of communities. This province was also backbone of economic and military power as well. On the one hand due to its fertility of land and unlimited natural resources, it became supply center for the British industry, militant force. It retained its position till then the end of the British rule, on the other hand it turned into politically storm center because of communal variety. Two major communities; Muslim and Hindu were in conflict and griming political situation in all over India but in the Punjab a third community; Sikhs were also part of political game. This communal variation affected the Punjab in all spheres of life. Contrast nature leadership such as pro-British, religious and militant appeared among all communities and led them according to their own ways. The Muslim and Hindu had comprised of majority different areas of region but Sikh community was not more than 13% anywhere of India even in their religious homeland ‘Punjab’ but the Sikh had some significant specific qualities and at the top of it the British consider Sikhs a warlike and martial race.

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After annexation of the Punjab Punjab the British East India Company and subsequently the colonial administration snubbed and dishonored Sikhs strictly. Though it seems that military reesistence agains the British empirilsm in India was not offered but the Sikhs were fighting for the economic and political rights for their social and religious survival. The British recruited them in the arm forces, entrusted them lands, titles etc. anyhow one sizeable section of the Sikh society kept on resisting again the British. Their confrontation was not only with the British but at the same time they were trying to save their religious and political identity and their absorption with Hindus and Muslims. Muslims highlighted their political identity through religious slogan and zeal but Sikh were trying to save their religion through political strength.

A number of Sikh parties with political and religious outlook such as Chief Khalsa Diwan(1902 ), Central Sikh League(1919), Akali Dal(1920), and Shrimonoy Gurdawara Parbandak Committee(1920), came of political scene and tried to safeguard the religio social and political rights of the Sikh community. Inter communal interests particularly economic centered interests always over- shadowed their political struggle. Not a single party could unite the Sikh community in Punjab consequently the Akali Dal, Chief Khalsa Diwan and Central Akali Dal were not representative of whole community, they were representing likeminded section of community.

The Sikhs as united community had achieved success in first (1919-1925) and second phase( 1932-1940) of their struggle. In first phase they recognized their social status and racial identity, in second phase they won the battle against mahants and protected their religious rights and struggled with their distinctive techniques Morch and Jatha and as Gandhi said they ‘won the first battle’ when they got control of their Gurdwaras from Hindu pundits and Mahanats but in third phase which was most important to protect their religious and political identity, they had been divided different factions. In fact Factional differences kept them away from their goal. At the end of Second World War when Congress and Muslim League both parties had clear vision on their demands, Sikh community was facing internal disagreements and dissentions.

Found themselves handicapped in carving out a separate homeland on the demographic and population strength in a geographically contagious districts and divisions, the Sikh always claimed that their political right should be protected on the basis of their economic, religious and military position rather than numerical strength in the region. Sikh also had heritage of rule in the Punjab and rivalry with Muslims. Sikh community always kept them away from Muslim 186

coalition because of historical rivalries and future insecurities only when as result of Baldev- Sikander demoted the Muslim demand for separate state both communities came close and communal tension lessened. Sikh-Muslim Cooperation was broken down after sudden death of Sikander.

The Hindu and Sikh had some cultural similarities and common political benefits, they tried to work together and Sikhs always relied on Hindus and joined hands with the Congress. But it was a matter of fact that Congress always manipulated the Sikhs and never voiced in favour of the Sikhs either it was Lacknow Pact or Nehru Report. Thee Congress always cheated them even Sikh chose Gandhi as representative of Sikh community in the RTC but The Congress always cheated them. The RTCs were concluded with the issuance of British White Paper. The British Prime Minister Ramsay Macdonald announced the Communal Award and progressed the scheme for the framing of a new constitution. The scope of this scheme was purposely confined to the arrangements to be made for representation of the Indian communities in the Central and Provincial Legislature. It proved a turning point in the Indian politics. It greatly affected the Sikh community. This Award neither satisfied any Community nor could solve the conflicting claims of the Muslims and Sikhs in the Punjab. In the RTC Sikhs’ demand of 30% share in the Punjab legislative but awarded with 19 percent. According to the Communal Award India Act of 1935 was introduced which was also refused from all Indian political leader ship however elections 1937 held under this Act. Unjust Communal Award increased the inter-communal tensions and changed the political alliances. According to the Act of 1935 the Sikh community was awarded by thirty-three seats in a house of 175 in the Punjab legislative assembly and six seats in a house of 250 in the federal Legislative Assembly.

Since 1940, Sikh community responded against the Muslim demand for separate homeland with various planes and tactics. In the year of the 1945 the Sikh demand for separate State further increased. The Sikhs’ first choice was that Punjab remained multi-religious region and undivided unless Muslims demand was accepted. The numerical strength and geographical settlement were not supporting their demand for Azad Punjab, they were claiming on the basis of their contribution in military and agriculture. The Nationalist and moderate Sikhs adopted all possible means to secure the integrity of the Punjab, they supported Congress and even they were ready to explore the possibility of some understanding with the Muslims. Baldev-Sikandar Pact was an effort to settle their problem. Master Tara Singh and his supporters seemed to realize that

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a separate Sikh State is not really possible and that transfer of population, about which they talk glibly and superficially enough and it would be very difficult indeed. The right line for the Sikhs is undoubtedly to act as good Punjabis. If they did this wholeheartedly, they would almost certainly have done very well for themselves. Disintegration of Sikh political leadership on the question of Azad Punjab movement which was leading to Khalistan kept them away from their destination. Although the Sikh leader ship had not difference of opinion about British decisions against community, Muslim and Hindu attitude against the representation issue but they could not prove them a powerful political bloc due to lack of solid strategy and unanimous struggle on road of representation question. They found themselves handicapped in carving out a separate homeland on the demographic and population strength in a geographically contagious districts and divisions, the Sikh always claimed that their political right should be protected on the basis of their economic, religious and military position rather than numerical strength in the region. Sikh also had heritage of rule in the Punjab and rivalry with Muslims. Sikh community always kept them away from Muslim coalition because of historical rivalries and future insecurities only when as result of Baldev-Sikander demoted the Muslim demand for separate state both communities came close and communal tension lessened. Sikh-Muslim Cooperation was broken down after sudden death of Sikander.

The British always adopted the policy of ‘divide and rule’ to create, strengthen and prolong their rule in India. Even, during the RTC, 1930-1932, they remained determined on their unwavering policy and to impose imperial order. A scheme of readjustment of Punjab boundaries to resolve communal rift among the communities of Punjab was put forth by Geoffrey Corbett who was finance Commissioner of Punjab. Infect the colonial administration implanted the Sikh community as a third player in the Punjab politics. Geoffrey’s suggestion of division about Ambala separation from Agra and Meerut was on linguistic and cultural basis. The Sikhs altered this suggestion and made their demand on the basis of economic growth. He also suggested readjustment of Multan and Rawalpindi to reduce the Muslim majority and carve out probably a separate homeland for the Sikhs but it was unacceptable for the His Majesty Government in England because these major recommendations not only could speed up the demand of the Indian for transfer of power but also proposal of Allama Iqbal for creation of a separate homeland could gain strong hold in the north-western region of India.. .

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In the crucial period from 1932 to 1947, has observed that the Sikhs could not decide about their trued friends. Mostly they stood with Congress but Congress fell short of their expectiation when it came to the creation of a Sikh state.. Even, the Congress did not openly accept Sikhs a distinct community in Lucknow Pact just placate them with future support. The Hindu Mahant took control over of their Gurdwaras as it brought wealth and power to the Hindus. The Congress did not consider the demands of the Sikhs worth considering in the Nehru Report. So much so when the RTC held in London Master Tara Singh submitted a memorandum to Gandhi requesting him nominate him as Sikhs representative but the Congress Committee turned down his request.

A heavy volume of literature is available on politics of India and on Punjab as well. Much has been written about partition of India and Punjab. Almost every account of history evolved around the question of ‘How’. A little number of books addressed question of ‘why’ specifically Sikhs’ struggled for separate homeland. Some historian considered it nothing but just in contrast to Muslims’ demand for Pakistan and a few tagged it with religious radicalism but matter of the fact was Sikh always struggled for economic gain. During the War of 1857, Sikhs tried to attach with British because since the annexation of Punjab Sikh were deprived in fields of life. They had lost not only their power but sources of bread and butter also. In the beginning of the twentieth century Sikhs got a chance again and offered their services as soldiers to improve their economic conditions and throughout the War period their families enjoyed social and economic status. After the War British reversed their policy and did not give them rewards according to Sikhs’ hopes they turned their struggle towards Gurdawars. Their Gurdawara movement was not for the revival of Gurdawars because all Gurdawars were functioning and managed. Sikhs only fought for desire to get control on funds. SGPC members constantly remained influential because of control on funds. In Upcoming years Sikh always made alliances with Congress and stood shoulder to shoulder with them against Muslims but when World War II broke out almost all Sikh political groups united on the notion of partnership with British in War efforts. Evidence also provided in history from the areas of canal colonies settlement recruitment remained meager even number of recruitments could not be achieved. During the war, the Sikhs adopted pragmatic approach and fought for economic stability of the community. All faction united on the economic gains, they forced Sikh proportion in army. In some areas where Sikhs’ contribution as military employ was meager infects in those areas Sikhs had strong position in agriculture. 189

The map of Khalistan was only covering progressed areas either on the basis of agriculture or industry. Economy based partition line was not possible because economy of the land was mainly dependent on canal system almost all colonies, areas and Muslim majority areas. Sikh demand was not for sake of protecting religious sanctity but to secure economic sources for them.

This study is focused on the Sikhs struggle and political standing after the annexation of the Punjab. The formation of the Sikh political parties or groups, their activities, achievements and interest in different phases of struggle British attitude with Sikh political organizations will be discussed. The British policy as colonial masters adopted divide and conquer decree. In respect of the social economic and political situation of the Punjab British were least bothered about Indians. The British had no interest in the welfare of native people of India, their all efforts for development of the country in terms of agriculture, communication and transportation were just for their own interests. Some historians have an opinion that the British were ruler of the India and ‘divide and rule’ just is the principle of battle field. But the British rulers were neither like Mughals who had their all stacks in India nor invaders like Ahmad Shah Abdali or Nadir Shah who came here and after looting and plundering went back. The British just established here an administration office and their all stacks were reserved in their own country. They were just interested in the natural wealth of India and martial character of Indian nations. When they observed that Indians might be united under the nationalist movement they played ‘divide and rule’ card. Practically the Communal Award was a visible implication of their policy. At first they sent Simon Commission for the preparation of the political war field. Through the commission they enhanced the communal consciousness among the community, after that arranged the RTC(1930-1932) and a scheme for division of Punjab was suggested by the British official. Through these steps they achieved obvious results that all three communities could not reach at the common point and British prime minister announced the communal award and divided the communities in electoral blocs.

In short, partition of India in 1947 was not end of the story of Khalistan as the Sikh community continued to struggle for a separate homeland in independent Bharat (India). In a bid to achieve their goal of Khalistan almost two millions Sikhs left Pakistan and settled in East Punjab. This masss migration of population to East Punjab would have made possible a considerable strength in East Punjab. Thus, fulfilling one of the prerequisite for the creation of Khalistan on

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basis of population in the province the Sikhs thought they had stronger case now. But the Sikhs were given only a Punjabi province after fragmentation of the Punjab in 1966. The decision of a separate province shelved the case for the Sikh community but the Sikh leaders were deprived of a separate homeland. Consequently their urge for Khalistan continued to intensify. There have been many factors which caused the failure of the Sikh to achieve Khalistan but one sizeable section of Sikh historian’s maintian that the Sikhs had made serious blunders on counting on the Congress promises and refusing Jinnah’s offer to join Pakistan. This study by adopting holistic approach has explained that there were multiple factors which deprieved the Sikhs to achieve their promised homeland in independent India in 1947.

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First suggested demarcation by boundary commission

Muslim Suggestion for divission to Boundary Commission for demarcation of Punjab

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Final

division of Punjab by Boundary Commission.

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Appendices

Appendix No: 1

Punjab Ministry composition 1938-1945

Years Unionist KNP NPP ML Congress/ Akali Indepen Ahrar PUSP

Independent dent (Baldev

allies Singh)

July 1938 100 16 12 2 29 10 2 03 -

June 6,1939 97 13 04 - 29 10 19 02 -

June 7, 1941 95 13 05 - 29 10 20 02

November 30,1942 97 10 04 26+17 =43 10 3 - 07

March 6,1944 97 - 04 26+17 =43 10 3 17

May 5, 1945 75 04 23 23+22 =54 10 02 17

November 3, 1945 104 22 33+13=46 02

including all

allies

Source: IOR/L/PJ/8/472

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Appendix No: 2

A Scheme of Redistribution of the Punjab

Memorandum by Sardar Ujjal Singh according to 1921 census, the Punjab has a totoal population of 20, 685,024. The Muslim and Sikh population in the five divisions into which Punjab is divided for administrative purpose is as follows:-

Divisions Muslim population percent Sikh population percent

Ambala Division 1,006,000 26.3 158,000 4.2

Jullundur Division 1,370,000 32.8 886,000 21.0

Lahore Division 2,849,000 57.0 813,000 16.2

Multan Division 3,246,000 76.9 290,000 6.9

Rawalpindi Division 2,973,000 86.0 183,000 4.9

It is clear from the above table that Rawalpindi and Multan divisions are overwhelmingly Muslim divisions. There are teo districts, however, in Multan Division, namely, Lyallpur and Montgomery, which are colony districts. A considerable population of the central Punjab has settle down there. The Sikhs being good colonisis have settled in fairly large numbers in those two districts, as they constitute 13.4 percent of the population in Montgomery district and 16.4 percent in the Lyallpur District. The Muslim population in these two districts is 71 and 60 percent respectively. A great portion of the Muslim population in these two districts also has migrated from the Central Punjab.

A glance at the map of the Punjab and N.W.F.P. will clearly show that all the districts excepting Lyallpur and Montgomery, which are more centrally situated in the two divisions of Rawalpindi and Multan, run along the N.W.F. Province and Baluchistan. In some of these districts people speak language which is almost similar to the language of adjoining Frontier district. Dera Ghazi Khan district is inhabited by people who have common language, custom and religion with the population in Baluchistan, Campbellpur, Mianwali and Muzaffarghar districts have little if any difference from the people of the adjoining Frontier district of Dera Ismail Khan. Punjab Province as we find it to-day was never one province consisting of all these districts prior to its annexation by the British. same of these Western districts were conquered and brought under then Lahore Government by Maharaja Ranjit Singh.

It is suggested therefore that the Western divisions of Rawalpindi and Multan, minus the Lyallpur and Montgomery districts, be detached fron the Punjab and amalgamated with N.W.F.P.

Such a redistribution of the Punjab will serve a double purpose. It will in the first instance give the Sikhs such a proportion of population as well provide for them a protection without claming any weightage or reservation. The population of the province after excluding these two Western divisions will be more evenly distributed among three communities. The Mussalmans will be 43.3 percent, Hindu 42.3 percent , and the Sikh14.4 percent. In such proportions parties on other than communal lines will find ample scope for development. The Sikh in that case will claim no weightage nor any reservation of seats,and at the same time will not grudge any weitage to be given to Muslim minorities in other provinces. Of course an equivalent weitage will be allowed to the Hindu and Sikh minorities in the N.W.F.P. and Sind, if separated.

It will be seen that in such a redistribution the Sikhs will not be gainers so far the amount of their representation goes. The Muslims will still be the strongest individual group. But Sikhs do not want any 195

gain or domination. What they want is that their representation should be such as to enable them to make an effective appeal to the other community if any one of these groups tries to tyrannies over them.

The second advantage of this redistribution would be that N.W.F.P. by the addition of ten districts with a population of 6 million will become a fairly large province, fully entitled to the status of Governor’s Province. The total population of this enlarged Frontier Province will be cover 8 million, with Muslims forming 87 percent of population. It will be able to bear its burden of expenditure which provincial self –Government will necessitate and which the exiting N.W.F.P cannot possibly meet. If however amalgamation with N.W.F.P be not acceptable, these Western districts can from a separate Province.

All section of the Sikh community are unanimously of the opinion that they will in no case agree to the domination of single community in the Punjab, if it is not reconstituted on the above lines. Their population has risen from 11 to 13 percent which responds approximately to the Muslim population in U.P. whereas Muslim of the U.P. are enjoying over 30 percent representation, the Sikhs have had to put up with an 18 percent representation on the Punjab Council. The Sikhs have been rightly claiming 30 percent representation. Their claim has been strengthened by the rise in their population. The Mussalmans should not in justice deny to the Sikhs the same rights which they are enjoying in their minority Provinces and are trying to strengthen further in India as whole by other proposals.

The Sikhs have suggested an alternative and give the choice to the Muslim brethren. Either weightage to an extent of 30 percent with no single community in majority or the redistribution of the Punjab.

If neither of the two solutions is acceptable the Sikh will not accept any constitutional advance in the Punjab. Let the rest of India go ahead and let the Punjab be administered by the Central Government. This is the considered opinion of the entire Sikh community whether Nationalists, moderates or loyalists.

The sentiments were expressed to Mahatma Gandhi in Delhi and were conveyed to the Viceroy in the address presented to His Excellency by the Sikhs in July last.

1921 CENSUS FIGURES

Total population

Multan Division 4,218,360

Rawalpindi Division 3,460,710

Multan Division minus Lyallpur and Montgomery 2,525,111

979 963 + 713 786, 5,985,821

1693,249

PUNJAB WHEN RECONSTITUTED

Divisios Total population Muslims Sikhs Hindus and others

Ambala Division 3,826,615 1006,159 158,208 -----

Jullundur Division 4,181,898 1,369,648 879,653 -----

Lahore Division 4,997,441 2,848,800 813,310 ------

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Lyallpur District 979,463 594,917 160,821 ------

Montgomery District 713,786 513,055 95,520 ------

______

Total 14,699,203 6,332,579 2,107,512 ------

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43.3% 14.4% 42.3%

N.W.F PROVINCE ENLARGED

Existing N.W.F.P. 2,471,527 2,250,389 47,935 173,203 Total 221,138 9%

Rawalpindi Division 3,460,710 2,973,371 152,956 334,383

Multan Division minus Lyallpur and Montgomery 2,525,111 2,138,371 33,639 353,101

______

Total: 8,457,348 7,362,131 234,530 860,687

______

Total 1,095,217 : 13%

October 8th , 1931.

Source: IOR: Q/RTC/2: Round Table Conference (Secons Session) Third Report of Federal Structure Committee November 1931.

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Appendix No: 3

Sikh Demand: Transfer of Population and Property.

Civil Military Gazette, Lahore, 15 June 1947.

NEW DELHI, June 14, -- The following resolution has been passed by the joint meeting of the Panthic Assembly Party, the Working Committee of the Shiromani Akali Dal and the Panthic Parinidhi Board on the partition of the Punjab.

Under the new plan of H.M.G. of June 3 the province of the Punjab has to be partitioned into the Eastern and Western Punjab. This partition has followed the division of the country into two sovereign States as a solution of the long standing communal tangle created by the Muslim League.

In the opinion of this conference, the Boundary Commission should be given express directive to make recommendations for the transfer of Hindu and Sikh population and property from the western part of the Punjab to the eastern part after the partition has been affected on an equitable basis.

This conference apprehends that in the absence of provision of transfer of population and property, the very purpose of partition would be defeated. – API.

(Quoted in Kirpal Singh, Select Documents on the Partition of the Punjab, 108).

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Appendix No: 4

Viceroy Mountbatten note on Maintaining the Unity of the Sikh People.

It must point out that the people who asked for the partition were the Sikhs. The Congress took up their request and framed the resolution in the form they wanted. They wanted the Punjab to be divided in two predominantly Muslim and non-Muslim areas. I have done exactly what the Sikhs requested me to do through the Congress. The request came to me as a tremendous shock as I like the Sikhs, I am fond of them and I wish them well. I started thinking out a formula to help them but I am not a magician. I am an ordinary human being. I believe it is the Indians who have got to find out a solution. You cannot expect the British to solve all your problems. I can only help you arrive at the correct solution. A lot can be done by a Chairman but he cannot impose a decision on any one. It is up to the Sikhs who are represented on the Committee to take up the case. It is not I who is responsible for asking for partition.

Source: Justice Din Mohammad 5 August 1947, in Kirpal Singh, Select Documents on the Partition of the Punjab, 377.

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Appendix No: 5

The Copy of Resolution No: 1 passed by 5th All India Akali Conference held at Lahore on 15, October, 1944.

A. This resolution of All India Akali Conference is of the opinion that the last eight year’s working of the provincial autonomy set up under the such scheme of the Government of India Act 1935, with an unalterable statutory Muslim majority as a result of the Communal Award, has adversely affected the vital Sikh interests and has seriously injured the Sikh community. The Sikh interests have suffered greatly in economic, political, religious and cultural spheres. Even the reserved powers of the Governor given to him under the constitution have failed to protect them. It is for the first time after the annexation of the Punjab by the British that the Sikhs have been reminded that their home-lands are being again passed over to the Muslims under the protection of the British bayonet. The Sikh masses feel very keenly that they have been sacrificed at altar of political expediency to appease the Muslims. B. Mahatma Gandhi’s offer of Pakistan to Mr. Jinnah and subsequent talks for communal settlement without taking the Sikhs into confidence notwithstanding the assurance given to the Sikhs by the congress in its resolution of 1929 have greatly perturbed them. When the proposal to vivisect their very home-lands is under active consideration. It is undeniable that in this matter the Sikh are the most vitally affected community in India. They should, therefore be treated as major party in the negotiations, but they are nowhere in the picture. Neither in his offer to Mr Jinnah, nor in his long correspondence with the Muslim league leaders, has any reference been made to the Sikhs. Thus they have been completely ignored. Mahatma Gandhi has also followed the policy of Muslim appeasement at the expense of the Sikh community. C. As regard the communal settlement, this session of the All India Akali Conference wishes to unequivocally declare on behalf of Sikh Panth that the Sikhs are prepared and willing to support any scheme of communal settlement which provides for them ample scope for their political, cultural, and religious development to their satisfaction. The conference further declares that along with the Hindus and Muslims, they are prepared to live like brothers as equally free community in a free United India and they shall not submit to the domination of any other community. D. This conference after full consideration of the various terms of the Raja-Gandhi formula, as well as the proposal of Mahatma Gandhi contained in Gandhi-Jinnah correspondence, have come to the conclusion that this scheme of the communal settlement is greatly detrimental to the interest of the Sikhs to carry on ceaseless agitation unless the scheme is finally dropped and the Sikhs are assured that no similar proposal will be put forward.

The conference further declares that no communal settlement will be acceptable to the Sikhs unless it is approved by the shironani Akali Dal.

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Source: IOR: L/PJ/7/7190 file 8395/1944

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Appendix No: 6 A Letter to Mountbatten from Baldev Singh May 1, 1947. I have in my letter of the 27th April given you my views about the division of the Punjab. In the talks I have had with your advisers I got an impression that a proposal was under consideration somewhat on the following lines, viz. to make two arbitrary divisions of the province in the first instance and then let the present members of the legislature belonging to the respective areas elect one member per million to decide: i. Whether Punjab is to be portioned, ii. In case of partition of the Punjab, which Union the area voting will join, when and if India is divided. The procedure is not quite clear though it looks as if it might be tried. Your advisers, however also conveyed that impression that this arbitrary division would include, in the East, the divisions of Ambala, and Jullundur plus Amritsar district and the rest of the Punjab in the west. This, I must emphasis, will be most objectionable as it is bound to create an impression that the final division of the Punjab will also be on this basis. Such an impression, as your Excellency will have seen , from my last letter, must be avoided at all costs in the interests of the province as a whole and particularly the Sikhs. It will also be unjust to the minorities. I am therefore strongly opposed to this basis of division and would suggest instead that if the plan of your advisers is to be at all adopted, the Eastern Zone, should include in addition to the Divisions of Ambala and Jullundur the districts of the Gurdaspur, Amritsar and Lahore as well. Such a division will be approximately as near as the alternatives I suggested in my previous letter and will not create the complications I fear. I would reiterate with all the emphasis I command that as the division of India is being planned at Mr. Jinnah’s insistence, he cannot be allowed to impose his will on the minorities. The partition of the Punjab is necessitated by Sikh case. The Sikh cannot and will not be dominated by Muslims and no partition will meet the ends of justice if it does not exclude from Muslim area as large a percentage of Sikhs population as possible. I have in my last letter shown how best this can be done. I am also told that for the Interim period, pending the final division of the punjb, two ministries are to be setup each for the area arbitrarily marked out, namely, the divisions of Ambala and Jullundur plus Amritsar district in the East and the rest of the Punjab in the west. This again will be unjust to the minorities and I can not to agree to it. Justice and fair play demand that if Interim arrangement is to be made the Eastern Zone should include all the three divisions of Ambala, Jullundur and Lahore. If on the other hand, the Muslim League’s intransigence is still to be placated, the Eastern Zone should in no case be less than the divisions of Ambala and Jullundur plus three out of the six districts of Lahore Division namely Gurdaspur, Amritsar and Lahore. The proposed interim Ministerial arrangement for the two respective Zones I have suggested should continue till the Boundary Commission has given its award for final partition , and machinery is devised to give effect to its decision. Your Sincerely, Source: IOR/3/1/178 Sd/-BALDEV SINGH

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Appendix No: 7 According to the Census Report 1941 Land Revenue in Districts of The Punjab

District Muslims Sikhs Hindus Others Total Percent(Sikh)

Lahore 463,448 841,921 109,745 4,341 1,419,455 59.31

Amritsar 298,163 1,194,574 82,308 2,086 1,577,131 75.74

Gujranwala 808,703 374,676 299,267 2,225 1,415,571 26.46

Sheikhupura 1,044,905 915,992 216,416 18,334 2,195,047 41.72

Lyallpur 3,453,784 2,313,663 271,0152 8,894 6,067,356 38.13

Hissar 147,985 267,248 699,045 41,245 1,155,519 23.12

Rohtak 170,979 12 1,480,515 1,566 1,653,072 0.00

Gurgaon 476,380 26 924,234 26,625 1,437,265 0.00

Karnal 371,806 38,415 961,680 2,494 1,374,395 2.79

Ambala 307,523 344,932 547,611 639 1,200725 28.72

Simla 146 27 19,736 286 20,195 0.13

Kangra 11,064 1,913 922,574 10,794 946,345 0.20

Hoshiarpur 596,632 381,855 344,987 1,370 1,324,844 28.82

Jullundur 771,410 893,346 234,898 4,03 1,923690 46.43

Ludhiana 340,670 1,069,662 84,352 468 1,495,152 71.54

Ferozepur 461,030 1,120,689 195,864 1,081 1,778,664 63.0

Gurdaspur 616,193 696,801 457,046 7,522 1,777562 39.19

Sailkot 787,994 343,839 397,816 4,717 1,534,366 22.41

Gujrat 1,590,983 52,485 64,457 102 1,708,027 3.07

Shahpur 1,954,985 259,395 125,896 2,597 2,342,873 11.07

Jhelum 3166,583 6,050 17,443 - 340,07 1.77

Rawalpindi 607,628 22,365 39,024 577 669,59 3.34

Attock 792,050 13,437 23,656 277 829,42 1.62

Mianwali 486,484 4,449 50,712 131 541,776 0.82

Montgomery 1,174,805 477,472 355,523 97,170 2,104,970 22.68

Jhang 1,208,348 11,214 126,556 4,778 1,350,896 0.83

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Multan 1,661,933 1,31,017 515,702 9,855 2,318,507 5.65

Muzaffargarh 566,480 640 157,167 1353 725,640 0.00

D.G. Khan 460,707 36 125,10 - 585,844 0.00 Source: Harnam Singh, Punjab the Homeland Of The Sikhs, 1945, 16.

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Appendix No: 8

Sikh Memorandum to the Cabinet Mission

The following is the text of the Memorandum submitted by Master Tara Singh to the Cabinet Mission:-

The position of the minorities has changed since Cripps Mission as conceded by Major Attlee, Indian cannot be made responsible for governing themselves and the same time power restrained in the hands of an authority outside India for intervention on behalf of such minorities for ensuring their proper treatment by the majority. This makes it all the more necessary for the Sikhs to safeguard in the constitution itself their political status in the future policy of the country.

The draft declaration provides for the right fo non-accession of provinces. The Sikhs make it plain that they are opposed to any possible partition of India as envisaged in the draft declaration. As stated above, the Sikh are from a compact cultural nationality of about six millions. They further maintain that, judged by any definition or test, the Punjab is not only their homeland, but their holy land. They were the last ruler of the Punjab and before the advent of the British they enjoyed in the Punjab independent economic and political status which has gradually deteriorated under British rule.

They wish, however, to point out that, with the inauguration of provincial Autonomy on the basis of the Communal Award, they have been reduced to a state of complete helplessness. If the existing provincial political set-up is continued, the transference of power to the people would perpetuate the coercion of the Sikhs under what in practise has come to the Muslim rule. That set-up is unjust almost exasperated the Sikhs to the point of revolutionary protest. The intervention of war conditions alone has been responsible for the Sikhs acquiescing temporarily in this communal tyranny. They cannot be expected to continue to submit to it as permanent arrangement in any new scheme of Indian policy.

Akali Demands

The statutory Muslim majority in the legislature of the province must go and the position of the Sikhs must be strengthened by inviting representation therin so as to ensure to the Sikhs an effective voice in the administration of the country.

In the alternative, out of the existing province of the Punjab a new province may be carved out as an additional provincial Unit in the United India of the future in such a way that all the important Sikh Gurdwaras and shrines may be included in it as also a substantial majority of the Sikh population in the existing province of the Punjab.

The Sikhs cannot, however, blind themselves to the fact that the Muslims have declared that they were a separate nation as distinct from the Sikhs, the Hindus and others, and that on the basis they are entitled to Pakistan. We have already expressed unequivocally our position to the 206

establishment of such a State. In view of the rumours that are current we are obliged to take note of the possibility of the Cabinet Mission giving serious consideration to the Muslim League claim.

Before the Mission arrives at a decision on this question, we would emphasise that the Sikhs have as good a claim for the establishment of a separate sovereign Sikh State as the Muslims for Pakistan without conceding at the same time the claim for separate State made on behalf of the Sikhs. The Sikhs are in favour of a single constitution making body in which they should be represented as already indicated above.

In case the Mission should think of taking into serious consideration the proposal that has been made for two constitution making bodies, one for Pakistan and other for the rest of India, we wish, in the light of what has been said by us above, to make our position clear that there should be separate constitution-making body also for Sikh State.

Source : N.N. Mitra(ed.), Indian Annual Register, VOL. I, 1946, S. 200-201) given in Christine Effenberg, The Political Status of the Sikhs During The Indian National Movement 1935-1947.(New Delhi: Archives Publishers PVT.LTD. 1989) as Appendix No 13.

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Appendix No: 9

A Copy of Tara Singh Presidential Address In The Open Session of The Akali conference held at Pherala(Lyallpur) on the 6TH April 1940 from Ajit Singh to Maharaja Sahib Bhadur Kapurthalla.

My brethren,

Finding myself in this huge gathering composed mostly of Lyallpuris, a thrill has passed through my body, for I have great hopes in you and I always claimed to be as good a Lyallpuri as any one of you. I began my Panthic career from here, where I spent some six years of the best part of my life working day and night in the service of the Panth and winning confidence of may of you. Now here amongst you, I believe, I am entering into a life and death struggle. We are passing through very critical times and our very existence is threatened. The European War is letting loose force which will surely bring a great change. Our brethren of Muslim League has given us a notice of Civil War and the policy of the British Government towards the Sikhs is not encouraging but worst of the dangers is that we have become religiously very weak. The communist movement amongst us has created a chaos in our religious, social and political life. The Sikhs are essentially religious people. The Sikh Panth is an organization of the religious people. Take away faith from us and you take away our very life. It is for this reasons that I always felt the preaching of atheuism as the worst of the dangers which we are facing.it is eating away the kernel of the Panth. Unless you eradicate the best of the humanity from amongst you, you cannot hope to be strong and you cannot live very long. We are politically much weaker than we were in the years between 1920-1925. The reason for this is that we have become religiously weak. Our faith has been undermined by the preaching of those who do not believe in God, in morality and sanctity of any sentiments. The real danger to us is not from outside but from inside. There is not the least doubt that Sikhism cannot live unless it kills the so-called communalism amongst us. I do not fear those who have already cut off their keshas under the influence of doctrine, which I do not understand, but the working of which I am seeing, all the Sikh communist are hypocrites. They do not believe in God and yet they pose themselves as good Sikhs when they come in the Sikh societies. Brethren remember those who wish to exploit Sikh religion for politics, will certainly exploit politics for other ends of theirs. At the recent general meeing of the S.G.P.C. one of such shameless creatures when cornered said openly that they pass resolutions in their committees with the object that those may not be accepted and they might exploit this fast. What despicable creatures these hypocrites are. They say that they do not mean what they say. Will you trust those who admit that they are untrustworthy? All hypocrites are cowards. Those who do not dare to admit their religious faith or no faith, are certainly cowards and when time comes they will”as bravely” deny their “political faith or no faith”. I warn you, my brethren against the hindeous type of humanity which has recently grown in our beautiful park of Sikhism.

Your first and immediate duty is to finish these apostates and anti-Guru people amongst us. Unless you do it you will be stabbed in the back at the critical moment. We must and we have 208

to embark on a gigantic scale to revive the drooping spirit of our community. You cannot do it as long as you do not get rid of these snakes in your lap. But you cannot purify your religion without purifying yourself. In the rising tempest, let the great Guru Gobind Singh’s religious writings(Bani) unparalleled sacrifices and selfless life serve as a light house to us.

Another obstacle in our way are the traitors of our cause. I mean those who have sold their body their body and soul to the Unionists. I do not attach much importance to them.you have almost finished them for you have recognized them. They cannot betray you like the old dogras of Lahore Darbar. The recent declaration of the Muslim League have given them the lst blow. If there were any amongst them who were still under the spell of the clever magician of the magicians they will also dehypnotized. Those who still go on supporting the nationalists and creat bogus reasons for their support should be finally dubbed as traitors of the Panth.

Sikh States

Now a word to the patit maharajas of the Sikh States. This is another set of traitors. If you let them continue now, they will finish you.

The first step of our preparations to face the coming crisis, is to finish Panthic traitors. You have yet the time to embark on a gigantic struggle of finishing patits. When you mean to fight against the hidden traitors, why not fight these open traitors of the Panth. The S.G.P.C . has decided that our first attack should be against the new traitors of the Sikh faith. I mean the Patit Tikka Partap Singh of Nabha. The struggle is to begin on 26th of May, as decided by the S.G.P.C . this is not easy task. It may involve innumerable secrifices and untold sufferings. The dangers are great, but unless we face them, we are finished. If Tikka Partap Singh becomes the ruler of Nabha, it will be great blow to the very existence of the Sikh community. There is no doubt that the government of India is responsible for this transformation of the Sikh States into anti-Sikh States; for these rulers can dare to cut off their keshas simply because they can rely upon the support of the British Government. But the rulers should not count too much upon this support. I see no reason why the British Government shall continue its present unreasonable attitude. I have been told that the Government of India will stand aloof when we begin the struggle. But this is ot possible. Supposing we dethrone Tikka Partap Singh and install another upon Gaddi, will Government stand aloof? If it does, it looses its rights of paramount power. We of course, shall welcome this. But the Government cannot do this. Patit Partap Singh’s sycophants are trying to create an impression amongst the Government officials that the Sikh of Nabha state have no objection to Yikka Partap Singh’s apostacy. This is shameful lie. Do they mean to say that the Sikhs of Nabha are in favour of becoming Patits, or in other words, that they have all ceased to be Sikhs? Of course, the Sikh of Nabha are cowed down, but they will muster courage as soon as they find that the Panth is serious. I wish to give this warning to the old Patit Maharajas that they must not suppose that their turn will come only after the Nabha. The rising strom may take turn in any other direction at any moment. Besides, nobody knows that the present demand of the Panth from the old Patiti Maharajas to become Amridhsri Sikhs will continue. Thedemand may change. It is not true that the Sikhs before starting the Gurdwara Movement, demanded simply

209

that the manger of the Golden Tample and the Patit Sarbrah of the Mahant of Babe-di- Ber Sialkot should be changed and that theMahant of Nankana Sahib should stop his religious deeds. With the rise in the agitation the demand went on rising. Let the Patit Maharajs of Sikh States take this warning in time lest they be too late.

I do not wish to debate uon the non-Sikh and the anti-Sikh administration in the Sikh States under the Patit Maharaja’s rule. This is only natural. The Sikh character of these States I being deliberately and systematically finished. So to wait any longer will be suicide. Let us rise “Now or never”.

Muslim League’s demand

The plain fact is that the Muslim League is not to end Swaraj; and I believe it has given below. I do not wish to debate upon the subject, but I can say that the present attitude of the Muslim League is a natural outcome of so-called communal award and the policy of the favouring the Muslims, followed by British Government. The Muslim League is acting like a spoilt child. Let the great Muslim community rise to the occasion and convince us that the practical threat of civil war given by the Muslim League or at least some of its leaders, is not backed by the community as such. Khan Aurangzeb of N.W.F.P. is reported to have said that there will soon be Muslim rule in India. If this is the attitude of the Muslims, dark days are yet ahead for the mother country.

The Sikh community is an organization of the servant of humanity and as such, it has always been ready to sacrifice for the sake of common good and nationalism. I must repeat here now again the attitude of the Sikhs. The Sikhs are prepared to yield to aggression or to communal rule. Let Mahatma Gandhi, the Government and everybody concerned understand that the Sikhs will not brook differential treatment. They are an important minority, and they mean to maintain their staus. I say this, because after reading the writings and speeches of some of the Indian leaders, suspicions in my mind has arisen that they think that the Sikh are spent up and they can be ignored while dealing with minority problem. Is it not a fact that a high personage a few days ago wrote the representation upon the proposed constituent assembly should be given to the Muslims and some other minorities by separate electorates, but to the Sikhs by joint- Electorates. Does it mean that the Sikhs representatives should be selected by Hindu votes? Lets nobody miss-understand. The Sikhs never desired joint electorates; though they never actively opposed them. They may be prepared to accept them if with some safeguard to ensure that the Sikhs representatives are genuine Sikhs, provided further that this system of joint electorates is carried out in an atmosphere conductive to nationalism. The Sikhs are not prepared to lose their individuality as separate political entity except for the sake of pure unadulterated nationalism.

Let the Government, the Congress, the Hindu Mahasbha, the Muslim League and everybody else concerned understand that if India is to be divided, the Sikhs shall demand their proper share. We are prepared to live together, but we are not prepared to sleep down while the fort wall is being bored. If the muslimLeague persists in its present attitude and the Muslim community backs it, chaos and anarchy are sure to rule for some time. Will the Muslim 210

community revise its attitude? If not I say the Britishers have no better basis of dividing India, except that they may return the territories they conquered to the communities and the dynasties from which they took. This principal shall of course apply to the territory taken away illegally from Maharaja Dalip Singh, with still greater.

Akali Fauj

The Punjab Government has banned Military Drill. The Khaksars and other organizations used to march in military formation in the bazaars almost daily to over awe people. This was objectionable and the Government should have stopped it long before. But to stop drill in private places and in villages is not proper. The ban was put just after our Attari Conference which means that it was really meant to stop our organization. we did not defy the order, for it did not stop all the activities of the Akali Fauj and also because we did not like to create another complication in the situation of the Akali Fauj and does not prohibit uniform. It prohibits only military drill, but it does not stop usual processions or marching in regular formations. I, therefore, ask you to go on strengthening Akali Fauj. Increase its number and meet daily for and other manly games. But I forbid you to do everything with the object of overawing others. Do not march through the bazaars except on ceremonial occasions or in religious processions. Object of Akali Fauj is not to frighten but is to serve. We must gain love and confidence of others, if we are to serve any useful purpose. Go on with this organization in a most humble religious attitude.

I should advise Punjab Government to modify its ban as not to stop the drill which is meant to train and discipline our young men.

Our Press

There is no doubt that we are working under a great handicap for we have no press. “the Akali” is the only daily national paper of ours and that is in Hurmukhi. We need badly a paper in Urdu and another in English. We have made up our mind to grid up our loins to start a daily Urdu paper, as early as possible. To make it first class paper we need one lakh of rupees. We have considered this and we think we shall be able to collect these funds if we can collect Rs. 25,000 from the Punjab. Most of this shall come from poor people and from Lyallpur. Is it not a fact that you Lyallpuris started “The Akali” which has done such great services to the Panth. Will you not now maintain your position and start an Urdu daily also. I know you can easily give us one rupee per square and if you collect yourself and send us that will be good beginning.

Appeal to the Panth

Time has come when Guru Gobind Singh’s Sikhs shall have to sacrifice their all for the Guru Panth. I therefore appeal to you to light the touch and run on throughout the country. Wake people. We must finish these Patit Maharajas first. Rise, roar like lions and like lightening.

Source: IOR: R/1/1/3554

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212

Appendix No: 10

Declaration of Cripps Mission submitted on 29 March 1942

a) Immediately upon the cessation of hostilities, steps shall be taken to set up in India, in the manner described hereafter, an elected body charged with the task of framing new constitution for India. b) Provision shall be made, as set out below, for the participation of the Indian states in the constitution making body. c) His Majesty Government undertake to accept and implement for with the constitution so framed subject only to:- i. The right of any province of British India that is not prepared to accept the new constitution to retain its present constitutional position, provision being made for its subsequent accession if it decides. With such non-acceding provinces, should they so desire, His majesty’s Government will have prepared to agree upon a new constitution, giving them the same full status as the Indian Union, and arrived at by a procedure analogous to that here laid down. ii. The signing of the treaty which shall be negotiated between Majesty Government and constitutional making body. This treaty will cover all necessary matters arising out of the complete transfer of responsibility from British to Indian hands; it will make provisions, in accordance with the undertakings given by His majesty’ Government, for the protection of the racial and religious minorities; but will not impose any restriction on the power of the Indian Union to decide in the future its relationship to the other number states of the British commonwealth. Whether or not an Indian state elect to adhere to the constitution, it would be necessary to negotiate a revision of its treaty arrangements, so far as this may be required in the new situation. d) The constitution making body shall be composed as follows, unless the leaders of the Indian opinion in the principle communities agree upon some other form before the end of hostilities: Immediately upon the result being known of the provincial elections which will be necessary at the end of hostilities the entire membership of the lower house of the provincial legislatures shall as a single electoral college, proceed to the election of the constitution making body by the system of proportional representation. This new body shall be in number about one-tenth of the number of Electoral College. Indian state shall be invited to appoint representatives in the same proportion to their total population as in the case of the representatives of British India as a whole, and with the same powers as the British Indian members. e) During the critical period which now faces India and until the new constitution can be framed, his majesty’s Government must inevitably bear the responsibility for and retain control and direction of defence of India as a part of their world war efforts, but the task of organizing to the full the military, moral and material resources of India must be the responsibility of Government of India with the co-operation of the peoples of India. His Majesty’s Government desire and invite the immediate and effective participation of the leaders of the principal sections of the Indian people in the councils of their country, of the commonwealth and of the United Nations. Thus they will be enabled to give their active and constructive help in the discharge of task which is vital and essential for the future freedom of India. Source: Cripps files; IOR:L/PJ/10/1.

213

Appendix #11 Extracted from Governor of Punjab Report to Viceroy Mountbatten July 10, 1947.

The Boundary problem cannot be solved in any rational way, and that the only solution which will give the two new provinces a peaceful start will be one negotiated by the parties. In other words a settlement out of the court, I believe that there is a quite a lot in the claim of the Sikhs- and for that matter of other residents of the Eastern Punjab. For the share in the canal Colonies, and the Giani’s idea that the Montgomery District should be allotted to the East is by no means as ridiculous as it sounds. The district, if so allotted, could be “recolonized” so as to concentrate the non-Muslims there and to transfer Muslims to Lyallpur, which is agriculturally on the whole a better proportion. But with the Sikhs demanding the Chenab as the Western boundary and the Muslim hoping to stretch their tentacles as far east as Ambala, and every one behaving as though they had just been at war and were going to have a new war within a few weeks.

Source: IOR NEG 15551 Mountbatten Papers , File No 123 Governor of Punjab Report to Viceroy Mountbatten July 10, 1947.

214

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JOURNALS:

The Concept, Monthly Magzine devoted to Debate on Perceptions and Projection of National ideolog’s true dimentions.

Journal of Asian Studies, Karachi: 1998, 2000, 2001.

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Journal of Dharma 2000, 2001

Journal Of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, 2000- 2002.

NEWSPAPER:

Civil and Military Gazette Lahore 1932-1947.

Capital Calcutta 1932-1935, 1940, 1945-47. Microfilms

Contact. England 1946 produced by an all-Services man staff on behalf of the India Command in New Delhi.

Daily Express

Dawn Delhi, and Karachi.

The Eastern Times Lahore.

The Evening News of India. 1944 (Sunday Addition) 238

The Hindu

Hindustan Times.

Khalsa Advocate.

The Leader, Allahabad

The Observer. Weekly newspaper London1932, 1940-47.

The Pioneer 1933-1948 Lacknow Microfilms

Punjab-Past and Present.

The Statesmen,Calcutta Micro Films 1940-47

New York Herald Tribune. France (European edition) 1936, 1940,

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Jang Lahore.

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Zamindar

OFFICIAL PUBLICATIONS:

Geography of India. London: WM .H. Allen & Co 1870.

The Imperial Gazetteer of India: The Indian Empire Vol IV, Vol XXII published under the Authority of His Majestys Secretary of Stater for India Council. London:Oxford Press, 1908.

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