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Queens in the Anglo-Norman/Angevin Realm 1066–1216

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Queens in the Anglo-Norman/Angevin Realm 1066–1216 Queens in the Anglo-Norman/Angevin realm 1066–1216 Elisabeth vanHouts (Cambridge UK) I. Introduction For most of the eleventh and earlytwelfth century Englandwas acountry underoccupa- tion. It wasfirst occupied by the Danes (1016–1042) and then from 1066 onwards by the Normans. Foreign occupation had far reachingconsequences for the role of king and queen. Special measures were needed to cover the king’s frequent absence across the Channel in terms of delegated royalauthority. WhereasinEngland from the late tenth- century royal power to an extent had been shared withthe queen, her authority and agen- cy in the exercise of this power increased after the Norman conquest. The Anglo-Nor- man/Angevin situation in Europe wasunique not least because it allows us to compare the power of queen in Englandwiththat of duchess or countess in the continental lands. England is exceptional in that it wasbyfar the most centralised administration in Eu- rope only equalled in the twelfth century by Sicily. Therefore the king could rely on dele- gated authority and queenly representation more than other European kings, who might havebeen weary of leaving the nobles in their royal domaine »unattended«. As aresult of centralisation and conquest, medieval England has leftaunique set of sources which al- lows us to trace the nature of queenly power: Domesday book for royal and queenly landholding1);Pipe Rolls for 1130 and continuously from 1154 onwards for her income and debt2);anexceptionally rich number of narrativesources some of which written as a result of conquest3);and of course the charters, especially the writ, the written royal or- der, which wasused by queens as well as kings4). 1) Domesday Book. AComplete Translation. Alecto Historical Editions, ed. Ann Williams/Geoffrey Haward Martin, London 2002. For the Latin text, cf. the individual volumes for each shire edited in the Alecto Historical Editions, ed. Ann Williams/Geoffrey Haward Martin 1992 or the only other printed edition Domesday Book seu Liber CensualisWilhelmi primi regis Angliae, ed. Abraham Farley,2vols., London 1793. 2) The Great Roll of the Pipe for the Thirty First Year of the Reign of Henry IMichaelmas 1130 (Pipe Roll 1), ed. and transl. Judith A. Green (The Publications of the Pipe Roll Society 95) London 2012. All Pipe Rolls from 1154 havebeen edited under the auspices of the Pipe Roll Society (PRS) in the PRS Publi- cations from 1884 onwards. 3) The standard survey is Antonia Gransden,Historical Writing in England,2vols.,London 1974 and 1982. For ashorter but more up-to-datesurvey for our period, cf. Elisabeth vanHouts,Historical Writ- 200 ELISABETH VAN HOUTS In what follows Iwill concentrate on the five themes,which Iplan to discuss wherever possible in comparativeEuropean setting: 1. the queen’s share in royal power, 2. the queen’s relationship to the king’s concubines and their offspring, 3. any previous experi- ence aqueen may havehad as queen consort, 4. the unique presence in England in this pe- riod of awould-be-queen regnant, Empress Matilda, and finally 5. the queen consort as (foreign) heiress. II. Thequeen’s share of royalpower In Anglo-SaxonEngland, especially after the tenth-century reform movement, the queen wascrowned and anointed and given amoredefined role in government.The first record- ed anointmentwas that of the Carolingianprincess Judith who married King Æthelwulf (839–858) in 856 and of an indigenousqueen, Ælfthryth, third wife of King Edgar I (957–975) in 9735).Inthat same year the ›RegularisConcordia‹ assigned to both king and queen the role of defenders of the church6).Inpractice this meant for the queen that she wasthe protector of nunneriesand as quasi abbess entitled to the abbess’ incomedur- ing vacancies. Almost immediately king and queen realised the potential of this income stream so at times vacancieswere leftopen deliberately for the royal couple to exploit this revenue. Although elsewhere in Europe, especially under the Carolingians, lay abba- cies were farfrom being an exception, in England the written record of this role of the queen wasunique. At the same time, we also find the recognition growing that queenship wasanoffice in which the queen sharedpower with the king (regalis imperii […] partici- pem)7).The queen witnessedroyal actsusually secondafter the king and she shared with him acts of patronage. There is, however, no evidence for regency by Anglo-Saxon queens during their husband’s lifetime8).Given the post conquestdevelopment this is particularly ing, in: ACompaniontothe Anglo-Norman World, ed. Christopher Harper-Bill/Elisabeth vanHouts, Woodbridge2003, pp. 103–121. 4) For agood introduction on the writ as document and its uses, cf. Regesta Regum Anglo-Normanno- rum. The Acta of William I(1066–1087), ed. David Bates,Oxford 1998, pp. 43–67. 5) Pauline Stafford,The King’s Wife in Wessex, 800–1066, in: Past and Present 91 (1981), pp. 3–27, at 16–18; Pauline Stafford,Queens, Concubines and Dowagers. The King’s Wife in the Early Middle Ages, Athens 1983; Pauline Stafford,The Portrayal of Royal Women in England, Mid-Tenth to Mid- Twelfth-Centuries, in: Medieval Queenship, ed. John Carmi Parsons,Stroud 1994, pp. 143–167;Pauline Stafford,Emma. The Powers of the Queen in the Eleventh Century, in: Queensand Queenship in Medi- eval Europe. Proceedings of aConference Held at King’s College London April 1995, ed. Anne J. Dug- gan,Woodbridge 1997, pp. 3–26; Pauline Stafford,Queen Emma and Queen Edith. Queenship and Women’s Power in Eleventh-Century England, Oxford 1997. 6) Regularis Concordia Anglicae Nationis Monachorum Sanctimonialiumque. The Monastic Agreement of the Monks and the Nuns of the English Nation, ed. and transl. Thomas Symons,London 1953. 7) Stafford,King’s Wife (as n. 5), p. 18; Stafford,Queen Emma (as n. 5), pp. 13, 14–15. 8) Stafford,Queen Emma (as n. 5), pp. 188–191. QUEENS IN THE ANGLO-NORMAN/ANGEVINREALM 1066 –1216 201 surprising for the reign of Cnut (1016/1017–1035) when one might haveexpected Queen Emma to havestepped in as regentduring his many absencesinDenmark (she accompa- nied him only once in 1027 –1028).Although there is no doubt that Cnut married Emma, the wife of his predecessor Æthelred (978 –1013, 1014–1016),asawaytolegiti- mise his succession and more informallytobenefit from her experience at court, he never lefther (a foreigner of Norman birth) in sole control9).Heprobablydid not trust her quite enough not to recall her sons by Æthelred, Edward and Alfred, who were in exile with her brother RichardII(996–1026) in Normandy. The Anglo-Saxon tradition of sharing power, as representedbythe ›Regularis Con- cordia‹, combined with Carolingian traditions of aconsort’s power in France, laid the foundationsfor amuch more intimate and formal sharing of royal power between king and queen consort after 106610).The reason waspragmatic in that after 1066 the kings of England had to divide their time between their continental patrimony and their king- dom11).However, once apatternofincreased queenly authority had been established it wasapplied even in the periodofStephen’s reign (1035 –1054) when Normandy and Eng- land were separated. William the Conqueror’s son William Rufus wasonly king of Eng- land from 1087 to 1100 as his older brother Robert Curthose (duke, 1087 –1106, d. 1134) had succeeded in Normandy and Maine, nor washemarried –his reign is excep- tional for tworeasons and therefore will not feature in my discussion at all. During King Richard I’s reign Normandy,and indeed the Angevin lands, were cruciallyimpor- tant for the king of England. Yet, RichardI’s queen Berengaria of Navarra is to this day the only queen never to haveset footinEngland; neither during her husband’s lifetime nor during the three decades she survived him12).Finally, aword is needed on the office 9) Ibid.,pp. 117–118; Timothy Bolton,The Empire of Cnut the Great: Conquest and the Consolidation of Power in Northern Europe in the Early Eleventh Century (The northern world 40), Leiden 2009, ig- nores Emma apart from ahandful fleeting remarks. 10) Most recently David Bates,The RepresentationofQueens and Queenship in Anglo-Norman Royal Charters, in: Frankland. The Franks and the World of the Early Middle Ages. Essays in Honour of Dame Jinty Nelson,ed. Paul Fouracre/David Ganz,Manchester/New York 2008, pp. 285–303. 11) The amount of time spent on the Continent cannot be precisely known. Royal absencesare listed in HandbookofBritish Chronology, ed. Edmund B. Fryde/D. E. Greenway/S. Porter/I. Roy (Royal His- torical Society, Guides and Handbooks 2), London 1986, pp. 34–37. For updated information on William the Conqueror and Henry I, who it seems, spent as much of their time in Normandy as they spent in Eng- land, cf. Regesta Regum, ed. Bates (as n. 4), pp. 75–84and Judith A. Green,Henry I, King of England and Duke of Normandy, Cambridge 2006, p. 320; Nick Vincent’s estimation for Henry II is that during his 35 years as king he spent atotal of 5years in Anjou and as much in Aquitaine, but he doesn’t hazard aguess for stays in Normandy (Nicholas Vincent,The Court of Henry II, in: Henry II. New Interpreta- tions, ed. Christopher Harper-Bill/Nicholas Vincent,Woodbridge 2007, pp. 278–334, at 282). In the case of Richard Ihis participation on crusade meant that he certainly spent the majority of his time outside his kingdom,cf. John Gillingham,Richard I, New Haven/London 1999, pp. 101–123. 12) Elizabeth Hallam,Berengaria of Navarra, in: Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, ed. Henry Colin Gray Matthew/Brian Harrison,Oxford 2004, s. v.
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