Rojas-Berscia, LM, & Roberts, S. (2019)
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Enhanced Input in LCTL Pedagogy
Enhanced Input in LCTL Pedagogy Marilyn S. Manley Rowan University Abstract Language materials for the more-commonly-taught languages (MCTLs) often include visual input enhancement (Sharwood Smith 1991, 1993) which makes use of typographical cues like bolding and underlining to enhance the saliency of targeted forms. For a variety of reasons, this paper argues that the use of enhanced input, both visual and oral, is especially important as a tool for the less- commonly-taught languages (LCTLs). As there continues to be a scarcity of teaching resources for the LCTLs, individual teachers must take it upon themselves to incorporate enhanced input into their own self-made materials. Specific examples of how to incorpo- rate both visual and oral enhanced input into language teaching are drawn from the author’s own experiences teaching Cuzco Quechua. Additionally, survey results are presented from the author’s Fall 2010 semester Cuzco Quechua language students, supporting the use of both visual and oral enhanced input. Introduction Sharwood Smith’s input enhancement hypothesis (1991, 1993) responds to why it is that L2 learners often seem to ignore tar- get language norms present in the linguistic input they have received, resulting in non-target-like output. According to Sharwood Smith (1991, 1993), these learners may not be noticing, and therefore not consequently learning, particular target language forms due to the fact that they lack perceptual salience in the linguistic input. Therefore, in order to stimulate the intake of form as well as meaning, Sharwood Smith (1991, 1993) proposes improving the quality of language input through input enhancement, involving increasing the saliency of lin- guistic features for both visual input (ex. -
New Age Tourism and Evangelicalism in the 'Last
NEGOTIATING EVANGELICALISM AND NEW AGE TOURISM THROUGH QUECHUA ONTOLOGIES IN CUZCO, PERU by Guillermo Salas Carreño A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Anthropology) in The University of Michigan 2012 Doctoral Committee: Professor Bruce Mannheim, Chair Professor Judith T. Irvine Professor Paul C. Johnson Professor Webb Keane Professor Marisol de la Cadena, University of California Davis © Guillermo Salas Carreño All rights reserved 2012 To Stéphanie ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This dissertation was able to arrive to its final shape thanks to the support of many throughout its development. First of all I would like to thank the people of the community of Hapu (Paucartambo, Cuzco) who allowed me to stay at their community, participate in their daily life and in their festivities. Many thanks also to those who showed notable patience as well as engagement with a visitor who asked strange and absurd questions in a far from perfect Quechua. Because of the University of Michigan’s Institutional Review Board’s regulations I find myself unable to fully disclose their names. Given their public position of authority that allows me to mention them directly, I deeply thank the directive board of the community through its then president Francisco Apasa and the vice president José Machacca. Beyond the authorities, I particularly want to thank my compadres don Luis and doña Martina, Fabian and Viviana, José and María, Tomas and Florencia, and Francisco and Epifania for the many hours spent in their homes and their fields, sharing their food and daily tasks, and for their kindness in guiding me in Hapu, allowing me to participate in their daily life and answering my many questions. -
Peoples in the Brazilian Amazonia Indian Lands
Brazilian Demographic Censuses and the “Indians”: difficulties in identifying and counting. Marta Maria Azevedo Researcher for the Instituto Socioambiental – ISA; and visiting researcher of the Núcleo de Estudos em População – NEPO / of the University of Campinas – UNICAMP PEOPLES IN THE BRAZILIAN AMAZONIA INDIAN LANDS source: Programa Brasil Socioambiental - ISA At the present moment there are in Brazil 184 native language- UF* POVO POP.** ANO*** LÍNG./TRON.**** OUTROS NOMES***** Case studies made by anthropologists register the vital events of a RO Aikanã 175 1995 Aikanã Aikaná, Massaká, Tubarão RO Ajuru 38 1990 Tupari speaking peoples and around 30 who identify themselves as “Indians”, RO Akunsu 7 1998 ? Akunt'su certain population during a large time period, which allows us to make RO Amondawa 80 2000 Tupi-Gurarani RO Arara 184 2000 Ramarama Karo even though they are Portuguese speaking. Two-hundred and sixteen RO Arikapu 2 1999 Jaboti Aricapu a few analyses about their populational dynamics. Such is the case, for RO Arikem ? ? Arikem Ariken peoples live in ‘Indian Territories’, either demarcated or in the RO Aruá 6 1997 Tupi-Mondé instance, of the work about the Araweté, made by Eduardo Viveiros de RO Cassupá ? ? Português RO/MT Cinta Larga 643 1993 Tupi-Mondé Matétamãe process of demarcation, and also in urban areas in the different RO Columbiara ? ? ? Corumbiara Castro. In his book (Araweté: o povo do Ipixuna – CEDI, 1992) there is an RO Gavião 436 2000 Tupi-Mondé Digüt RO Jaboti 67 1990 Jaboti regions of Brazil. The lands of some 30 groups extend across national RO Kanoe 84 1997 Kanoe Canoe appendix with the populational data registered by others, since the first RO Karipuna 20 2000 Tupi-Gurarani Caripuna RO Karitiana 360 2000 Arikem Caritiana burder, for ex.: 8,500 Ticuna live in Peru and Colombia while 32,000 RO Kwazá 25 1998 Língua isolada Coaiá, Koaiá contact with this people in 1976. -
Text Segmentation by Language Using Minimum Description Length
Text Segmentation by Language Using Minimum Description Length Hiroshi Yamaguchi Kumiko Tanaka-Ishii Graduate School of Faculty and Graduate School of Information Information Science and Technology, Science and Electrical Engineering, University of Tokyo Kyushu University [email protected] [email protected] Abstract addressed in this paper is rare. The most similar The problem addressed in this paper is to seg- previous work that we know of comes from two ment a given multilingual document into seg- sources and can be summarized as follows. First, ments for each language and then identify the (Teahan, 2000) attempted to segment multilingual language of each segment. The problem was texts by using text segmentation methods used for motivated by an attempt to collect a large non-segmented languages. For this purpose, he used amount of linguistic data for non-major lan- a gold standard of multilingual texts annotated by guages from the web. The problem is formu- lated in terms of obtaining the minimum de- borders and languages. This segmentation approach scription length of a text, and the proposed so- is similar to that of word segmentation for non- lution finds the segments and their languages segmented texts, and he tested it on six different through dynamic programming. Empirical re- European languages. Although the problem set- sults demonstrating the potential of this ap- ting is similar to ours, the formulation and solution proach are presented for experiments using are different, particularly in that our method uses texts taken from the Universal Declaration of only a monolingual gold standard, not a multilin- Human Rights and Wikipedia, covering more than 200 languages. -
On the Geographical Origins and Dispersion of Tupian Languages
On the geographical origins and dispersion of Tupian Language s Greg Urban University of Pennsylvania Where did the Tupian languages originate? How did they come to occupy the ir historical homelands? José Brochado (1984), filling in a n1ajor lacuna in Lathrap' s ( 1970) scheme, has added a distinctive voice to the long- standing debates surrounding these questions. Iam grateful to Francisco Noelli for bringing him to my attention. As Noelli indicates, Bro chado ' s work provides the foundations for dialog and coope ration between linguistic s, cultural anthropology, and archaeology. It is in the spirit of cooperation and dialogue that I'll make some friendly criticistns of his resea rch , as well as of the linguistic and cultural work pertinent to the question of Tupian origins. My purpo se will be to pinpoint areas for further research that might provide clue s for solv ing the continuing mystery surroundin g the Tupi. I' ll be conce rned prín1arily with two principal hypotheses put forth by Brochado , the first deriving from Donald Lathrap, the second the nove l contribution of Brochado hi1nse]f: GR EG URI3 AN. ÜN THE GEOCiRAPHICAL ORJGINS ANO DISPERSION OF T UPIAN L ANGUAGES 1 1- Displaced Pe rsons Hypot hes is : that the Tupian stock originated a1ong the 1nain co u rse of the Atna zo n ri ver. Th e hypoth es is is ba sed on the obse rvation that the fami lies of the Tupi an stock (other than the Tupí-Guaraní fan1i]y) occ upy tributarie s of "the upp er co ur se of the Xingu, Tapajós, and Ma deira . -
Languages of the Middle Andes in Areal-Typological Perspective: Emphasis on Quechuan and Aymaran
Languages of the Middle Andes in areal-typological perspective: Emphasis on Quechuan and Aymaran Willem F.H. Adelaar 1. Introduction1 Among the indigenous languages of the Andean region of Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, northern Chile and northern Argentina, Quechuan and Aymaran have traditionally occupied a dominant position. Both Quechuan and Aymaran are language families of several million speakers each. Quechuan consists of a conglomerate of geo- graphically defined varieties, traditionally referred to as Quechua “dialects”, not- withstanding the fact that mutual intelligibility is often lacking. Present-day Ayma- ran consists of two distinct languages that are not normally referred to as “dialects”. The absence of a demonstrable genetic relationship between the Quechuan and Aymaran language families, accompanied by a lack of recognizable external gen- etic connections, suggests a long period of independent development, which may hark back to a period of incipient subsistence agriculture roughly dated between 8000 and 5000 BP (Torero 2002: 123–124), long before the Andean civilization at- tained its highest stages of complexity. Quechuan and Aymaran feature a great amount of detailed structural, phono- logical and lexical similarities and thus exemplify one of the most intriguing and intense cases of language contact to be found in the entire world. Often treated as a product of long-term convergence, the similarities between the Quechuan and Ay- maran families can best be understood as the result of an intense period of social and cultural intertwinement, which must have pre-dated the stage of the proto-lan- guages and was in turn followed by a protracted process of incidental and locally confined diffusion. -
BEATRIZ RODRIGUES Do Brasil Que Escreve: Língua Portuguesa Em
FACULDADE DE CIÊNCIAS HUMANAS E SOCIAIS UNIVERSIDADE ESTADUAL PAULISTA “JÚLIO DE MESQUITA FILHO” UNESP CÂMPUS DE FRANCA BEATRIZ RODRIGUES Do Brasil que escreve: língua portuguesa em debate (c. 1880-1930) Franca-SP 2021 BEATRIZ RODRIGUES Do Brasil que escreve: língua portuguesa em debate (c. 1880-1930) Tese apresentada ao Programa de Pós-Graduação em História da Faculdade de Ciências Humanas e Sociais da Universidade Estadual Paulista “Júlio de Mesquita Filho” como pré-requisito para obtenção do título de doutora em História. Área de concentração: História e Cultura Orientadora: Prof.ª Dr.ª Marcia Regina Capelari Naxara O presente trabalho foi realizado com apoio da Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior – Brasil (CAPES) – Código de Financiamento 001. Franca-SP 2021 BEATRIZ RODRIGUES Do Brasil que escreve: língua portuguesa em debate (c. 1880-1930) Tese apresentada ao Programa de Pós-Graduação em História da Faculdade de Ciências Humanas e Sociais da Universidade Estadual Paulista “Júlio de Mesquita Filho” como pré- requisito para obtenção do título de doutora em História. Banca examinadora: Prof.ª Dr.ª Márcia Regina Capelari Naxara (Orientadora) Prof.ª Dr.ª Karina Anhezini de Araújo (UNESP) Prof.ª Dr.ª Dr.ª Virgínia Célia Camilotti (UNESP) Prof.ª Dr. Daniel Barbosa Andrade de Faria (UnB) Prof. Dr.ª Claudete Daflon dos Santos (UFF) Suplentes: Prof.ª Drª Izabel Andrade Marson (UNICAMP) Profª Drª Jacy Alves de Seixas (UFU) Prof.ª Drª Marisa Saenz Leme (UNESP) Franca, 12 de abril de 2021. AGRADECIMENTOS Escrever uma tese não é tarefa das mais simples, ainda mais quando o corretor ortográfico não compreende que “hontem” se escrevia com “h” e hoje, não mais. -
Língua Geral Amazônica Aidan O’Donnell Overview Língua Geral Amazônica (LGA)
Zoë Barnswell & Língua Geral Amazônica Aidan O’Donnell Overview Língua Geral Amazônica (LGA) ● Other common names: Nheengatu, the Brasílica, coastal or modern Tupi ● Brazil, Colombia, and Venezuela ● Official language in a municipality of Brazil ● Approximately 19,000 present-day speakers ● “Nheengatu has a notable charm. People delight in learning it and regard it with affection” Linguistic Features ● Word Classes: Nouns, verbs, adjectives, adverbs, postpositions, pronouns, demonstratives, and particles ● Borrowings: Nouns, verbs, or particles ● Prenasalized voiced stops (mb, nd, ng) before oral vowels ● Multi-vowel syllables ● Physical temporal expression Academic Theories As Nheengatu has been the subject of much academic study, linguists have presented a number of possible theories on the language, not all of them in agreement. Debates include... 1. Source of borrowings: Tupinamba vs. Portuguese 2. Existence of dialect differences Sample Text Historical Context Portuguese Colonialism ● First contact around 1500 ● Dozens of Tupi-Guaraní languages ● Lingua franca initially needed for trade ● Mestizo population ● Jesuit missionary work Moving from the Coasts to Amazonia ● The Brasílica as the lingua franca for colonial and native peoples ● Language adaptation in LGA (substratum interference) ● The Brasílica still used in liturgy Brazil’s Independence ● Brazil declares independence in 1822 ● Large-scale revolt of Native peoples (Cabanagem) ● LGA, or Nheengatu, shifts from a prominent urban to an isolated rural language Nheengatu Today Tupinamba Resistance and Revitalization ● Movement to reverse the damaging effects of the Cabanagem revolt ● Share oral narratives ● Maintain their connection with nature and other customs ● Feminist space: recognize abuse and reshape community ● Rebuild the indigenous voice Modern Context “The language called today Nheengatu has changed at a rapid rate: the contemporary form would not be mutually intelligible with its form of 400 years ago. -
A Case Study of Amazonian Kichwa
DIVIDED WE STAND, UNIFIED WE FALL? THE IMPACT OF STANDARDISATION ON ORAL LANGUAGE VARIETIES: A CASE STUDY OF AMAZONIAN KICHWA Karolina Grzech* Anne Schwarz** Georgia Ennis*** Abstract This article adds to the discussion on standardisation of minority languages spoken in primarily oral cultures. Focusing on Amazonian Kichwa (Quechuan, lowland Ecuador), we show how the introduction of a written standard can undermine language transmission, prompt contradictory ideologies, and instil conflicting aims within speech communities. Our approach combines descriptive linguistics and ethnography. First, we examine the extent of variation within Amazonian Kichwa and compare the local varieties with the standard. We juxtapose this with the speakers’ perceptions of and attitudes towards variation, evidenced in their linguistic practices and discourse. We show that these perceptions have little to do with the features being standardised, but this does not preclude the speakers’ having clear attitudes towards what the perceived standard. To explain this, we propose that Amazonian Kichwa speakers value authenticity above mutual intelligibility, contrary to ideologies assigning value to languages as potential tools of wider communication. To conclude, we provide policy recommendations grounded in this study, but applicable to minoritised oral varieties in other contexts. Keywords: language standardisation; language variation; language attitudes; Quechua; Kichwa. RESISTIM DIVIDITS O ENS ENFONSEM UNITS? L’impACTE DE L’estANDARDITZACIÓ EN LES VARIETATS LINGÜÍSTIQUES ORALS: UN ESTUDI DE CAS DEL QUÍTXUA AMAZÒNIC Resum Aquest article és una contribució al debat sobre l’estandardització de les llengües minoritàries parlades en cultures predominantment orals. Centrant-nos en el quítxua amazònic (terres baixes de l’Equador), mostrem com la introducció d’una norma escrita pot minar la transmissió del llenguatge, generar ideologies contradictòries i inculcar objectius també contradictoris en les comunitats de parla. -
(REELA) 5-7 September 2015, Leiden University Centre for Linguistics
Fourth Conference of the Red Europea para el Estudio de las Lenguas Andinas (REELA) 5-7 September 2015, Leiden University Centre for Linguistics Fourth Conference of the European Association for the Study of Andean Languages - Abstracts Saturday 5 September Lengua X, an Andean puzzle Matthias Pache Leiden University In the southern central Andes, different researchers have come across series of numerals which are difficult to attribute to one of the language groups known to be or have been spoken in this area: Quechuan, Aymaran, Uru-Chipayan, or Puquina (cf. Ibarra Grasso 1982: 97-107). In a specific chapter headed “La lengua X”, Ibarra Grasso (1982) discusses different series of numerals which he attributes to this language. Although subsumed under one heading, Lengua X, the numerals in question may vary across the sources, both with respect to form and meaning. An exemplary paradigm of Lengua X numerals recorded during own fieldwork is as follows: 1 mayti 2 payti 3 kimsti 4 taksi 5 takiri 6 iriti 7 wanaku 8 atʃ͡atʃ͡i 9 tʃ͡ipana 10 tʃ͡ˀutx Whereas some of these numerals resemble their Aymara counterparts (mayti ‘one’, payti ‘two’, cf. Aymara maya ‘one’, paya ‘two’), others seem to have parallels in Uru or Puquina numerals (taksi ‘four’, cf. Irohito Uru táxˀs núko ‘six’ (Vellard 1967: 37), Puquina tacpa ‘five’ (Torero 2002: 454)). Among numerals above five, there are some cases of homonymy with Quechua/Aymara terms referring to specific entities, as for instance Lengua X tʃ͡ipana ‘nine’ and Quechua/Aymara tʃ͡ipana ‘fetter, bracelet’. In this talk, I will discuss two questions: (1) What is the origin of Lengua X numerals? (2) What do Lengua X numerals reveal about the linguistic past of the southern central Andes? References Ibarra Grasso, Dick. -
Arxiv:1806.04291V1 [Cs.CL] 12 Jun 2018 Hnwrigo Hsfil.Sneidgnu Agae R Di Are Languages Indigenous Since P We field
Challenges of language technologies for the indigenous languages of the Americas Manuel Mager Ximena Gutierrez-Vasques Instituto de Investigaciones en Matem´aticas GIL IINGEN Aplicadas y en Sistemas Universidad Nacional Universidad Nacional Aut´onoma de M´exico Aut´onoma de M´exico [email protected] [email protected] Gerardo Sierra Ivan Meza GIL IINGEN Instituto de Investigaciones en Matem´aticas Universidad Nacional Aplicadas y en Sistemas Aut´onoma de M´exico Universidad Nacional Aut´onoma de M´exico [email protected] [email protected] Abstract Indigenous languages of the American continent are highly diverse. However, they have received little attention from the technological perspective. In this paper, we review the research, the dig- ital resources and the available NLP systems that focus on these languages. We present the main challenges and research questions that arise when distant languages and low-resource scenarios are faced. We would like to encourage NLP research in linguistically rich and diverse areas like the Americas. Title and Abstract in Nahuatl Masehualtlahtoltecnologias ipan Americatlalli In nepapan Americatlalli imacehualtlahtol, inin tlahtolli ahmo quinpiah miac tlahtoltecnolog´ıas (“tecnolog´ıas del lenguaje”). Ipan inin amatl, tictemoah nochin macehualtlahtoltin intequiuh, nochin recursos digitales ihuan nochin tlahtoltecnolog´ıas in ye mochiuhqueh. Cequintin problemas monextiah ihcuac tlahtolli quinpiah tepitzin recursos kenin amoxtli, niman, ohuic quinchihuaz tecnolog´ıa ihuan ohuic quinchihuaz macehualtlahtolmatiliztli. Cenca importante in ocachi ticchihuilizqueh tlahtoltecnolog´ıas macehualtlahtolli, niman tipalehuilizqueh ahmo mopolozqueh inin tlahtolli. 1 Introduction The American continent is linguistically diverse, it comprises many indigenous languages that are nowa- days spoken from North to South America. -
Estudo Lexical Dos Nomes Indígenas Das Regiões De Aquidauana, Corumbá E Miranda No Estado De Mato Grosso Do Sul: a Toponímia Rural
UNIVERSIDADE FEDERAL DE MATO GROSSO DO SUL LUCIMARA ALVES DA CONCEIÇÃO COSTA ESTUDO LEXICAL DOS NOMES INDÍGENAS DAS REGIÕES DE AQUIDAUANA, CORUMBÁ E MIRANDA NO ESTADO DE MATO GROSSO DO SUL: A TOPONÍMIA RURAL Três Lagoas - MS 2011 LUCIMARA ALVES DA CONCEIÇÃO COSTA ESTUDO LEXICAL DOS NOMES INDÍGENAS DAS REGIÕES DE AQUIDAUANA, CORUMBÁ E MIRANDA NO ESTADO DE MATO GROSSO DO SUL: A TOPONÍMIA RURAL Dissertação apresentada ao Programa de Pós- graduação em Letras/ Área de Concentração: Estudos Linguísticos do Câmpus de Três Lagoas da Universidade Federal de Mato Grosso do Sul – UFMS, como requisito final para a obtenção do título de Mestre em Letras. Orientadora: Profª. Drª. Vitória Regina Spanghero Ferreira Três Lagoas–MS 2011 BANCA EXAMINADORA ______________________________________________________________________ Profª Drª. Vitória Regina Spanghero Ferreira – orientadora- UFMS/CPTL ______________________________________________________________________ 1º Examinador – Prof Dr Rogério Vicente Ferreira - UFMS/CPTL ______________________________________________________________________ 2º Examinador – Profª Drª Mônica Veloso Borges – UFG ______________________________________________________________________ 1º Suplente – Prof. Dr Edson Rosa Francisco de Souza - UFMS/CPTL ______________________________________________________________________ 2º Suplente – Profª Drª Maria Vicentina de Paula do Amaral Dick - USP Três Lagoas, Fevereiro de 2011 AGRADECIMENTOS Agradeço a Deus, por ter me concedido sabedoria e discernimento necessários para o desenvolvimento