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Home , Panopeus (mythology), Peisistratos

BABesch 65 ( 1990)

Patronage and the Pisistratidae

Josine Blok

Research into Greek antiquity often findsitself CHARACTERISATION OF PISISTRATIDAN PATRONAGE greatly hindered by the strict boundariesbetween the disciplines of archaeology,art history andAlthough ancient historians rightly make history 1. These boundaries a distinc- are not only attribu-tion between the undertakings ofPisistratus and table to the various types ofsources drawn on bythose of and , these disciplines, but also indicate on the grounds fundamentalthat these not only succeed each otherchronologi- differences in the methods andconcepts used tocally, but also differed in aims and interpret these sources. It would be attractive approach, I in theshall make very little distinction betweenthe two case of the archaic period especially if we couldgenerations here. Suchnuances matter little consi- appeal to concepts which would forma link be-dering the nature ofmy questions. The plural tween these very separate sectors, and thus offerPisistratidae" is in anycase sufficient for the more insight into the ancient mentality than couldgreater part of my argument. be had from a purely disciplinary reading of theIt is beyond dispute that thePisistratidae, like a material. number of fellow- in other poleis, Patronage" is such a concept. It entails stimulated a parti-the presence of poets, philosophersand artists. The cular relationship within which variousmanifesta-cultural activities of the Pisistratidae tions of power interact: are credited one partner is rich inby many scholars, however, withparticular impor- earthly goods and often also in social influence;the tance. In their work frequent reference is other is a master of wordsor of images which made to patronage", and one notes the followingsuccess- afford the patron pleasureor spiritual contentment.ful achievements of the Pisistratidae: If the artist can also work the theme of the power I. Pisistratus brought the festival ofDionysus and authority of his protector into hisartefact, then the identity of the patron enters into from Eleutherae to and developedthis a dif- into the famous city , in whichpoetry ferent, literary or visual order that wouldotherwise was recited and drama was performed in the be inaccessible to him. The patronengages in . The first thus severaltransactionsduringthis came to be process:he written for the Dionysia, probably byThespis converts his wealth into emotional riches (aesthetic, ca. 535. Within the framework of the Panathe- narcissistic, religious or political satisfaction), and naea, which was organised by Pisistratusor with his temporal earthly influence heobtains for himself a permanent position in Hipparchus, the reciting of the Homericepic a symbolic world became a competitive event. The Iliadand the which far exceeds the limitations of ordinary must have obtained their human life. The concept of patronage" present form represents at about this timeeither by being transcribed, therefore an exceptional combination of theprivate or already existing manuscripts being revised. and the public, of socio-political relationshipsand Atticisms in the extant text suggest the of the arts, each of which is, influence as a rule, considered a of an Attic context,even though it is not pos- separate realm, and which are therefore difficultto sible to date this to within reunite with one another. a century. But more particularly, the figure of Pisistratus,youngest The hypothesis that the Attictyrants Pisistratus son of , who accompanies Telemachus and his sons Hippias and Hipparchus on (561-510) his journey in the Odyssey, wouldhave been a fulfilled the role of patron seems able thereforeto homage to the , a literary reflection cut across the disciplinary boundaries. The primary of the aim of this article is to providea critique of current interpretationsof thispatronage, adopting a combinationof archaeological M. Maaskant-Kleibrink, P. Mason, H.S.Versnel and M.A. Wes andhistorical have read a previous draft of this article; Iam much indebted to approaches. In doing so, I would like alsoto bring them and to the editors of BABesch fortheir stimulating to attention once again the need foran interdisci- criticism. Translation: Julie Pearson. plinary perspective. 1 The same difficulty is apparent in thedistinction made be- tween language and literature and history, but toa less extent, as the literary character of the majority of thewritten sources from antiquity has required at least some dialoguebetween literature and historiography.

17 patron's influence and the immortalisation ofpoetry 5. Pisistratus was even attributed withsign- his persona in the epic2. ificant textual alterations. 2. The stimulation of artistic production by theThere are many tales ... of , ... of how she Pisistratidae led to increased employment. Thewas deserted by becauseof his love for construction of new stone temples and otheranother woman: 'for a mighty love for , edifices supplied the growing number of the city daughter of , overcame him'. Hereas of proletariat with a source of income. The enor- says that Pisistratus consequently had this mous growth in the market forAttic potteryverse taken out of the work of " 6. provided a large number of small workshopsClisthenes would have had difficulty having the with employment. These were situated in theArgives taken out of , because there would potters' quarter, the Kerameikos, where many then have been very little left of the epic at all. Why types of pottery were produced and painted.InPisistratus should have wanted to protect Theseus' short, the emphasis here lies mainly on thereputation in such a remarkable manner, and what economic aspect of patronage, which in turn must have inspired him to do so remains, however, made possiblethefollowinginstancesofunclear. The passage does not, for that matter, tally influence on subject matter3. with the supposition that it was who 3. The political success of the Pisistratidae andenjoyed the tyrant's favour, nor with the fact that, their role as cultural patron became a source ofnot so very much later, Theseus' role as anabduc- iconographical themes for artists. The Pisistra-tor of women would be further compoundedwith a tidae would have chosen the hero Heracles inspectacular coup. The account of this alteration is particular as their representative, their patronnot overly convincing. saint". Depictions of this hero had a particular,The following questions are of greater importance: political significance. The conflict with Tritonwere the great epic poems available, ordid they symbolised the victory at Megara and the cap-become available at the time, in written form, and ture of Salamis in ca. 566, when Pisistratusfirst isit reasonable to assume that they would be gained political success but had not yet begunreacted to in such a way (consciously political his reign. A strange, hybrid monster, depictedreaction; intentional alterations in the text)? The opposite a representation of Heracles on adebate concerning the development of the Homeric limestone pediment from the Acropolis, mightepics and the increase in the use of the written word represent the three factions of which were subjected by Pisistratus to his rule. The presen- tation of Heracles on Olympus, in a chariot 2 This argument occurs with great regularity in the publications that attach a crucial significance to the so-called Pisistratidan driven by , recalls the triumphal entry of recension in the transcribing of the epic. For this debate since Pisistratus into Athens in a chariot, flanked by a the introduction of M. Parry's oral-formulaic theory see Merkel- young girl attired as Athenaa political piece of bach, R. 1952, Die Pisistratidische Redaktion der Homerischen bravura that was intended to earn the tyrant Gedichte, RhM 95, 25-47; for opposition to this argument see Davison, J.A. 1955, Peisistratus and Homer, TAPA 86, 1-21; for new authority in the city (ca. 557)4. a more recent and more extensive argumentationin favour of it, This line of reasoning stresses pre-eminently the see Jensen, Minna S. 1980, The Homeric Questionand the Oral- political tenor of the art content, that is, the new Formulaic Theory, Copenhagen; critical discussion by West,S. significance that, influenced by the patronage, had 1981, Sul testo dell'Odissea, in Omero. Odissea, vol.I, LibriI- IV. A. Heubeck and S. West, eds., xli-lix Rome. West concen- been given to existing, iconographical themes. This trates mainly on the pro-Athenian tenor of Homeric passages, shift in meaning seems to parallel in pictorial terms and does not actually concern herself so greatly with the role of the insertion of the figure of Pisistratus into tradi- the tyrant(s). Schnapp-Gourbeillon, A. 1988, Homere, Hip- tional Homeric poetry. parque et la bonne parole, Annales ESC 43, 805-821, seesin the ascribing of the Homeric recension to Hipparchus the attribu- Although these three themes come together under tion of a philosophical programme on Platonic lines. the notion of patronage", it is better thatthey be tells, however, that Pisistratus was deliberately named after dealt with separately in a critical analysis.This is Nestor's son, because the tyrant's family would also have come especially so for the problem of Pisistratidan from (V, 65). For iconographical material about Pisistra- tells tus' descent see Shapiro, H.A. 1983, Painting, Politics, and influence on the Homeric epics. Herodotus Genealogy: and the Neleids, in Moon I983b, 87-96. how, at the beginning of the 6th century, the tyrant 3 For a selection of representative views, see below, Historio- Clisthenes of Sicyon forbade the recitalof the graphical context" and literature cited in notes 8-13. Homeric epics, because their praise of theArgives 4 Hdt. I, 60. For description and interpretation of this icono- graphy see below, and also note 16. did not please him politically (V, 67). This account s West, M.L. 1988, The Rise of the Greek Epic, JHS 108, 151- presumes a localised, explicitlypolitical reaction in 172; 172. this period to the Homeric epic, whichis now 6 Plut. Thes. 20. Here Pisistratus' meddling with Homer is predominantly seen as evolved to Panhellenic mentioned as well.

18 in archaic and classical has, certainly within this brief outline, the growing influence of socio- regard to the question of Pisistratidan recension,economic interpretations and, more particularly, not yet led to a consensus ofopinion'.The possibi-the preoccupation with urbanisation andconcen- lity of some recension should not be ruled out, buttrated populations. Schachermeyer takes thisas a there is still a lack of any really convincing argu-starting-point, but gives it a very specific twist. mentation. That a political tenor was given to thePisistratus appears in the unmistakable guise of content of the epic in this way is, however, lessMussolini or Hitler, and the new concept of cultu- likely. If it had indeed been possible to make theral policy" is given a totalitarian significance. written version fit political ends, then we mustIn the 1950s this association had clearly to be accept that this was done remarkably seldom and disposed with 9 before the historical significance of unobtrusively. the tyrannis as a factor in the socio-economic and The discussion concerning Pisistratidan patronage,constitutional changes of the 7th. to the 5th. centu- however, clearly places the greatest emphasison ries could once again be brought under discussion. building activities and the visual arts. The questionThe blossoming of the arts, which is, after all,so as to whether a political meaning could be given tostriking in many tyrannies, but particularlyso traditional motifs in the late archaic period, and inunder the Pisistratidae, should now likewise be particular by the Pisistratidae, will therefore bereinterpreted. Is there a direct causal link between discussed in the light of this material. phenomena that occur simultaneously (and not consecutively)? Did Pisistratus simply help to fur- ther the conditions required for (ceramic)art pro- HISTORIOGRAPHICAL CONTEXT OF THESE INTERPRETA- duction", or may one speak of a deliberate cul- TIONS turalpolicy?"Jeffery (1976, 96-98) discerns a spectacular building programme" anda propa- The idea that tyranny as such was closelyconnec- gandic drive for culture" in literature and the visual ted with population growth, economic expansionarts, whilst the improved trading conditionswere and social change has been steadily developed sinceresponsible for the growth in ceramic production. the beginning of this century. In 1906, P. N. UreIn 1977 the archaeologist F. Kolb systematically pointed out the importance of the changing eco-refuted the idea of a cultural policy. He refers in nomy with the introduction of coined money andthis context to results of the excavationson Samos, the role of a rich, enterprising commercial sector,where a water-conduit from thesame period, from which the tyrants would also have emerged.dating from thetyrannyof ,was In 1936 M. P. Nilsson placed great emphasis on thefound12. The number of people needed tocarry out growth of the towns, and the resulting pressureson social relationships. He did not regard the tyrants themselves as entrepreneurs, but he was certainly of the opinion that they employed their military 7For a brief survey of the orality debate see my De Homerische power to protect trade. The Pisistratidae also took epen tussen oraliteit en schriftcultuur, 1989, (in Dutch), in De steps to benefit the populace by building temples Neeve P.W. and Sancisi-Weerdenburg, H. eds., Kaleidoscoopvan and water-conduits, and to keep them pleasantly de Oudheid, Groningen, 14-27. Of the authors involved in the discussion on Pisistratidan recension mentioned in note 2, diverted with splendid festivals and games. Jensen bases her views on arguments provided directly by the But the essential shift towards the notion ofa debate on orality. For a different view see Heubeck, A. 1979, brotlos Stadtsproletariat" and of an all-embra- Schrift (Arch.Hom.111,10),Göttingen and in particular its review by Ruijgh, C.J. 1983, Mnemosyne 36, 162-167. cing cultural policy appeared in 1937 in F. Scha- 8 Schachermeyer, F. 1937, Pisistratos, RE XIX,1, 156-191; chermeyer's fascicle on Pisistratus in the Real- throughout the tyrant is coined as Fiihrer", his rule asFiihrer- Enzyklopaedie. turn".For Schachermeyer's career and opinions see Losemann Der Staat als verantwortlicher Pfleger und For- 1977, passim. derer der kulturellen Belange, Kultur als Aufgabe 9 Berve, H. 1954,Wesenszugedes Griechischen Tyrannis, HZ 177, 1-120; Oliva, P. 1960, in Der dltere Tyrannis 1979, 236; einer total gerichteten Staatsauffassungall das ist briefly in Andrewes, A. 1956; 19742, The Greek Tyrants, 7. das Ideengut der älteren Tyrannis... Peisistratos Berve's contribution is historiographically interesting as mar- war in der Durchsetzung der kulturentschlossenen king a turning-point. He wants to strip Hitler of his Fiihrer- Staatsideebahnbrechendfuralle guise, whilst also maintaining the concept of cultural policyas athenische the expression of powerful, personal leadership. For further Zukunft. Die Initiative des Diktators galt dem comments on Berve see also Losemann 1977, passim. Religiosen, der Dichtung und deniibrigen Kilns- 10 Oliva 1979, 240. ten, welche sich allerdings weitgehendst wieder in "White, Mary E. 1955, Greek Tyranny, Phoenix 9, 1-18, in den Rahmen des Religiosen DerdltereTyrannis, 1979, 200. einordneten."8 12 Jantzen, U., R.C.S. Felsch, H. Kienast 1973, Samos 1972. The historiographical literature on tyranny reflects, Die Wasserleitung des Eupalinos, AA 88, 401-414. Thecon-

19 such a construction can be approximated. Deci-life. Patronage certainly helped keep social rela- dedly few, in fact: roughly a few dozen per con- tionships running smoothly in too, struction and, therefore, little more need be said ofalthough less obviously and systematically than in an employment programme along the lines of those Rome during the Principate. But was the Greek of Hitler or Mussolini. Kolb rightly argues that the form of patronage in the 6th. and 5th. centuries cultural activities of the tyrants in no way consti-B.C. of a similar nature? tuted a cohesive, deliberate policy, but instead must be understood as contributing to the furthering of individual prestige. He makes only oblique refe- There is a large consignment of pottery, generally rence to the possibility of iconographical influence. of a high quality and decorated with various ico- He mentions the approval with which many ar- nographical themes, which dates from ca. 520 and chaeologists have met these proposals, but refrainswas probably commissioned by a certain Leagros. from further comment 13. At least his name, usually with kalos added to it, appears on the pottery, which was primarily in- tended for private use. This could be an example of THE USE OF ANALOGIES IN THE INTERPRETATION OF PATRONAGE The motivation to interpret the above-mentioned iconographical themes politicallyis due to the struction of water-conduits ranks as a typical activity of the 1975,1978, tyrants, see also Auberson, P. 1975, A propos d'un puits public archaeologist J. Boardman (1972, Erétrie,BCH 99, 789-799. 1982).HispublicationsonthePisistratidan "Kolb, 1977, 133, n. 83. He writes in reaction to Boardman influence on the visual arts began with an extremely 1972. cautious essay (1972)14, but gradually (1975, 1978) 14 ..some effort of creative imagination is required to bring us at least close to comprehension. It is in this spirit that the his tone has become more certain (1982). This present essay has been written and, with the hope that the process can certainly be attributed to the favour- border between fair speculation and fantasy has not been able reactions his proposals have received. His crossed too often,itis offered for the entertainment and interpretations have not only been warmly embra- criticism of Pierre Devambez, a master in iconography." Board- man 1972, 72. ced by many, but have also been accepted by many "Moon 1983a, 116 gives a citation that I quote here. He refers as definitive. The concept of a Pisistratidan patro- to the recent exponential increase in the number of studies in nage has thereby not only been maintained, buthas this area, and the following remark is representative of the been imbued with new life. Even the identification argument therein: ... the most recent interpretation investi- gates the possibility of myth-symbolism, examining changes in of Pisistratus (and his sons) with Heracles is taken their historical background. It is now accepted that Heracles as an established fact, upon which newinterpreta- was the hero of Peisistratean Athens, and that once the tyrant tions and conclusions can subsequently be based". family has been driven out, it was Theseus who became the hero Criticism of his proposals" seems inadequate in of the democracy." Glynn, R. 1981, Herakles, Nereus and Triton: A Study of Iconography in Sixth Century Athens, AJA the face of such a sympathetic reaction. We should 85, 121-122, 130. It is particularly in those publications with a consider why thesepolitical interpretations of broader scope that these mythical political statements occupy an mythological iconography strike such a sympathe- important place; thus this line of reasoning is essential in Tyrrell tic chord. An important cause seems to me to lie in 1984. 16 Cook 1987; Cook notes that Though the propaganda the presuppositions of this interpretation". Board- theory has by now quite a literature, it is surprising that there man's ideas rely on, among other things, a number has been little objection, at least inprint." (167). ToCook's note ofapparentanalogies, indications of (political) Boardman has written a reply, Boardman 1989; see also below. patronage with which his audience is familiar, and The criticism that has been published includes, apart from upon which its approval is based. These should Cook's above-mentioned article, a fuller, detailed iconogra- phical criticism by MoonI983a;Bazant, J. 1982, The case of therefore first of all be discussed. symbolism in classical Greek Art, Eirene, 18, 21-22, sees no reference to an external subject matter in classical art, while a according to Osborne, R. 1983-1984, The myth of propaganda and the propaganda of myth, Hephaistos 5/6, 61-70, the vase In principle, patronage is not unfamiliar in Anti- paintings possess an iconographical programme which is far too quitythe concept indeed finds its origin there". detailed to serve as political propaganda. I agree with Cook Gaius Maecenas' patronage of writers such as 1987, 167 n.3 that these last two arguments are not convincing, Vergilius, Horatius and Propertius, and their glori- "What is more, Boardman's excellent reputation as an archa- eologist has, for obvious reasons, contributed to this positive fying of him and their most important patron, reaction. Augustus, in their works, reflect the system of"This origin is reflected in the Dutch word maecenaat, the patronage relationships which were so essential to GermanMiizenat,the French mécénat indicating in particular patronage itself, and so decisive in Roman political patronage in the arts.

20 6th. century patronage" if that term can beject-matter-his battle with the Amazons in fact applied; perhaps it is better to regard Leagros as andisappears totallyand that Theseus became the exceptionally good customer of an independentmost popular choice of subject. These representa- workshop. There is in these vase paintings, how-tions are mostly derived from the public monu- ever, no evidence of direct political allusion, rather ments 24. one sees the feting of a prominent Athenian". Itis generally agreed that Theseus played an Leagros here is simply an individual, to whom noimportant role in the identity of Athens towards mythical paraphernalia or significanceisattri-the middle of the 5th. century. He became the buted. Whether or not Leagros could curry politi-object of new cults, and, in the afore-mentioned cal favour at symposia with his sumptuous dinner public representations in the city, he served as a service cannot be inferred. sort of vignette-image of the . A particular function of the Theseus figure for the polis is attested to in written sources only in the course of The idea that leading individual aristocrats adop- the fifth century; he then becomes the undisputed ted a mythical protector has, in discussions con-hero of the Attic synoikismos. The question is, cerning the hero Theseus, an important precedent. however, when Theseus began to play this role, and In the last decennium of the 6th. century, theto whom or to what his remarkable rebirth is to be Alcmaeonidan Clisthenes supposedly took thisascribed. This problem concerns the delineation of fairly insignificant trickster" figure, or local hero, a definite change, a complete break in fact, in the and made of him a pater patriae. What is essentialdepictions of the hero, understanding this as a new in this thesis is that the intended political functionmanifestation of his persona, and then finding of Theseus wasprimarilyan Alcmaeonidandefinite evidence to link this manifestation with manoeuvredirectedagainstthetyranny,a another phenomenon. According to the Schefold- manoeuvre which towards the second quarter ofBoardman reasoning, this phenomenon is the Alc- the fifth century gained relevance for the polis as a whole21. This issue is so fundamental to the whole 14 Commissions such as that of Leagros have not been explicitly argument that further consideration is necessary discussed in the discussion about Pisistratidan patronage. I do here. not therefore know for certain whether this factor has actually In the second half of the 6th. century a tale must played a part in the argumentation. I mention this point have arisen about the rape of the Amazon Antiope however, as those involved in the debate are so well-acquainted with the world of Attic pottery that it is possible that this type of by Theseus, who already had a reputation as an commission is unconsciously taken into account. Whether or abductor of women. This tale was further embel- not series as the Leagros-group were specially ordered, and to lished with an epilogue, in the year 460 at the very what extent customers could influence the choice of subject in latest22: the Amazons are supposed to have in- the vase-painting are much disputed questions; see Cook 1987, 167. vaded Attica in order to avenge Antiope, and after 20 The Leagros series earns a special place, simply on its scope initial successthey struck camp right in front of alone; see Webster 1972, 297-298. Although some patrons" the Areopagusthey suffered a crushing defeat at from the middle of the 6th. century can be identified, the the hands of Theseus and the Athenians. Portrayals Pisistratidae are missing from this group, at least as far as of this Attic battle of the Amazons, such as the ceramics is concerned. In the Pisistratidan period a certain Onetorides appears and his name is regularly qualified bykalos frescos in the Stoa Poikile, the metopeson the on various pots between 560 and 530, Webster 1972, 65. Parthenon, and the relief-work on the shield of 21 This interpretation was initiated by Herter, H. 1936, Theseus Athena Parthenos on the Acropolis, were erected in der .,RhM 85,177-191 and 193-239; idem, Theseus, in RE, suppl. XIII, 104-123; idem, 1941, Griechische Geschichte im the city of Athens. For most researchers itis Spiegel der Theseussage,Antike17, 209-228; but owes its promi- beyond dispute that this Amazonian episode isa nence chiefly to Schefold 1946. Thereafter taken in numerous reflection of the conflict with the Persians; both the studies as an undisputed fact, the most recent, to my knowledge, Amazons and the Persians are depicted as oriental Tausend, K. 1989, Theseus und der Delisch-Attischen Seebund, RhM 132, 225-235, featuring Theseus as the favourite hero of figures23. Whether this interpretation is in itself Pisistratus(!), and Athens, 225-228. correct will not be discussed here. The fact that this 22 Boardman gives a convincing argument for the development epilogue acquired greater importance than the and dating of this tale, Boardman 1982, 10-12. abduction episode, and eventually superceded it 23 Gastaldi, E.C., 1977, L'Amanonomachia'teseia'nell'elabora- zione propagandistica ateniense,AttiAcTorino,283-296; critical altogether, can be inferred from the disappearance remarks in Hölscher, T. and Simon, E. 1976, Die Amazonen- of the abduction motif from art after ca. 470. The schlacht auf dem Schild der Athena Parthenos, AA 91, 115-148; numerous vase paintings show that towards the with more theoretical arguments in DuBois, P. 1982, Centaurs middle of the 5th. century Heracles, who had been and Amazons: Women and the Pre-history of the Great Chain of Being, Ann Arbor, 54-56; unreservedly in Tyrrell 1984, 10-13. the most popular hero in the 6th. century, hadnow 24 This development in the depiction of Theseus can be been pushed completely into second placeas sub- followed inLIMC,s.v. Amazones.

21 maeonidan family, and Clisthenes in particular. Isfooting with the . Cimon, his son, this reasoning convincing? had, it is true, an Alcmaeonid as his second wife, Even though the identification of representationsbut, just like his protector , he did not up to ca. 600 is generally somewhat uncertain,it isbelong to the extreme democratic wing. Aristides' definitely established that in the 6th. century The-surname is not known, but he is referred to as a seus was frequently depicted withAriadne, as thecousin of Callias and a friend of Clisthenes before slayer of the Minotaur and as the abductor ofhe joined Miltiades30, and was thus almost cer- Helen". The first striking increase in popularity tainly not an Alcmaeonid himself. Whilst the posi- takes place about 570; the highpoint of the Mino- tion of leading politician thus kept moving from taur representations occurs about 540-53026. Theone family to the other, the bodypolitic", how- metamorphosis in the depiction of Theseus isever, gained in scope. According to H.W. Singor, sought in the last quarter of the 6th. century. the expansion of the armed forces from a relatively Reference is made in this connection to the meto-small, rich group to a broader contingent of hop- pes in the Treasury of the Athenians atDelphi, lites was the most important change that resulted where a series of Heracles' deedsitself a mid-6thfrom Clisthenes' reorganisation in 508/507. A truly century developmentappears with a series show-extensive citizen army first came into being in ing Theseus (dating uncertain; 510?), and also toconnection with the Persian Wars, creating thence- the first depictions of the rape of Antiope (ca. forth the bond between citizenship and soldiership 520)27. Theseus' connection with the battle atfor the male population of the polis31. Marathon (490) is somewhat vague. This is whereThis perspective on the leading political elite on the he is thought to have displayed himself in fullone hand and the establishing of thebody politic" armour to the battling Greeks". Interestin The-on the other is much more inaccordance with seus isclearly demonstrated by the fact thatTheseus' attested public image. His new" identity Cimon, after having consulted the oracle at Delphihad a particular significance for citizen soldiers (476-475), moved Theseus' remains to Athens29.from the second quarter of the fifth century, while The supposed change in Theseus' function is his cult emphasised his descent from Poseidon and brought about therefore within about half a cen-the right of sanctuary at his shrine32. The first tury. Did the Alcmaeonidae indeed play the deci-attested political manipulation the moving of sive role in all this? Theseus' boneswas carried out by Cimon in his If we turn our attention to the politicians who were struggle to gain popularity over after involved in all the important changes in this period,the Persian Wars. And it was precisely so that the material available, which can only be brieflyCimon won the contestno other deed than this discussed here, paints the standard picture of acould have succeeded more in making him popular group of aristocrats who, related toand on goodwith the people, according to (Cimon 8). terms with one another, co-operating with and The fact that Cimon's manoeuvre could be effective rivalling one another, dominated the political sphere. Including the time of the tyranny, in which

the same group of aristocrats manifested itself, this 25Neils 1987(2); Neils 1981; Brommer 1982. image displays an undeniable continuity, in spite of 26Neils 1987(2), 25, 30. Clisthenes' constitutional changes. Until Hippar- 27 LIMC,Antiope (II) no. 8 and 9, a.r.f. drinking cups by Oltos. The identity of the figures on a bronze shieldstrip relief chus was murdered in 514, the Pisistratidae had not from ca. 570 is disputed, L/MC, Antiope no,1, see also excluded the rest of the aristocrats in any way from Boardman 1982, 10, n. 33 for references. The identification of influential functions such as the archontate; the the figures as Theseus and Antiope seems to me to be out of the tyranny was in control, but there was no exclusi- question, even if only because, in my opinion, the tale concerned is that he was not in existence at that time. veness. All that is known of Clisthenes 28This story is given in Plut.Thes.35, but Herodotus makes no too carried out important functions under the mention of it, although he does give another tale of a miraculous Pisistratidae until after the death of Hipparchus. rescue on the battlefield by a ghostly, anonymousfigure (VI, 117). This curious incident was also depicted, nearly thirty years He then, with the help of Delphi, persuaded the later, in the painting of the battle in the Stoa Poikile, as Spartans to drive out the tyrant, only succeeding in Pausanias tells us (I. 15.1-4; I. 21). A battle such as the one at this due to fortunate circumstances, and proposed Marathon inevitably generated numerous miraculous tales, as reorganisations in order to regain the popularity he Gould, J. 1989 emphasises inHerodotus,London, 35-37, had lost to his rival Isagoras. There are no explicit 29Plut.Thes.36;Cimon8. 30 Plut. Arist. 2ff. facts which suggest any relationship to Theseus. 31Singor, H.W. 1988,Oorsprong en betekenis van de hoplieten- , the strategos at Marathon, was a Phi- phalanx in het archaIsche Griekenland,diss. Leiden, in particular laid; after his rupture with Hippias he turned 300ff. against the Pisistratidae, but he was also on a bad 32See Plut.Thes.36.

22 points to an already-existing need for a new idol; recognised as being artificial. This image had the- moreover, this innovation fitted in with the gradualreby lost some of its original meaning, and could expansion of Theseus' mythical programme fromnow be used in new ways. It is a different matter the end of the 6th. century33, the interpretation ofwhen recognisable individuals are presented by which, however, still remains open. The mostspecial devices as figures from the contemporary important indication of Theseus in a political rolereligious world. The few examples of religious comes therefore in the years 470-460; after that,annexation in the Christian period, such as the this function of the hero is manifested in variousportrait of Agnes Sorel as the Virgin Mary and the ways. self-portrait of Dfirer as Christ, have just one There is nothing, however, to indicate a specialparallel in the Greek classical period: in The Per- bond between Theseus and the Alcmaeonidae34. sians (472) , by means of the style and This lack of evidence also removes one problem genre devices of , raised the protagonists of that Theseus as the prospective polis-hero would bethis conflict to the level of the heroic world. But the emblem of a family which, since the violation ofthis representation is of a different character than the right of sanctuary by its forefather ,that intended byBoardman". had been considered to be cursed or polluted a reputation that regularly frustrated the enormous political ambitions of the Alcmaeonidae. More- CONCEPTUAL PROBLEMS over, it follows from this conclusion that the por- trayals of Theseus from the last quarter of the 6th. The interpretations of Pisistratidan patronage that century no longer need to be dated, either implicitlyhave been discussed seem therefore to be con- or otherwise, after 510 or even" 508/507, but canstructed as follows. In the first place, the lack of be discussed in the more usual manner. correlating concepts that I mentioned at the begin-

Boardman's approach is to a great extent deter- 33 On the development of Theseus' cycle" in the visual arts in mined by modern conceptions of patronage. The these decades see Brommer 1982. portrayal given of Pisistratus' patronage strongly 34 Whoever critically re-reads Schefold 1946, which was the first reminds me of the politics of Colbert and Louis to strongly propose this supposition and which since then has XIV; the Kerameikos thus taking the place of the been invariably given as a reference, will find it impossible to imagine how his interpretation might still be acceptable. Sche- Gobelins, as these are depicted in the well-known fold's main argument concerns Clisthenes' character, which he painting by C.LeBrun(between 1663 and 1675),portrays as a combination of liberalism, moderation and where the king's presence embodies political, eco- modesty (ein massvolles Zurficktreten"). From this reconstruc- nomic and artistic power. The employment-motif tion (?) of Clisthenes' personality, Schefold goes on to deducea number of the politician's decisions, including his involvement was, for that matter, not based on reality here with the hero Theseus. Schefold's approach illustrates all too either:about 250 people worked in the Gobelins clearly the post-war tendencya tendency that has frequently where, apart from tapestries, other sorts of arte- arisen in the period following upon a dictatorship to seek out facts were produced36. The idea that mythical heroes of liberty.This perception, althoughfully under- iconographical themes were used to magnify the standable, is yet totally speculative. "For illustration see below and notes 41 and43. patron was in any case inspired by examples from 36 Blunt, A. 1973(3), Art and Architecture in 1500-1700, the Renaissance37. Boardman explicitly states at Harmondsworth, 322ff; depiction of the gobelin after LeBrun, the beginning of his first article that the possible 323. " The title of Webster's monograph Potter and Patron is taken parallels between the Renaissance and archaic from a lecture by Sir John Beazley 1942, 'Potter and Painter in Greece indicated to him the potential political Ancient Athens', Webster 1972, 1, but is also a forceful reminder significance of iconographical themes". By means of Haskell, F. 1963, 1971(2), Patrons and Painters. Art and of this analogy he goes on to relate as much as Society in Baroque Italy, New York. 38 Boardman 1972, 57. In support of his argument he refers to possible in the depictions of Heracles to Pisistratus Clisthenes of Sicyon's banning of the recitation of Homer and, himself, in order to see the first tyrant in an inevitably, to the political significance of Theseus. iconographical light as the founder of a dynasty. 39 In these examples the characters retain, formally at least, But the differences between the two periods are their own identity (name, function). Their significance changes, however, by dint of the context in which they are portrayed, enormous, as were the ways in which the mythical whereby their identity also takes on a different tenor. The first symbolism could be used. It was, for example, quiteGreek, as far as is known, to achieve divine status during his possible to represent Elizabeth I in words and own lifetime was the general Lysander in 404 B.C. Cook 1987, images by the goddess Diana, because Diana no 167, rightly calls this event elevation to divine or heroic status rather than equation with a particular deity or hero"; the longer possessed any real religious significance, but manner in which imagery was used in this case is still an open belonged to a well-defined signworld that was question.

23 ning of thisarticleexercisesgreatinfluence; Boardman attempts moreover to consolidate the attempts to link the visual arts and politics can relyrelationship between politics and mythical imagery on being gratefully received. For this reasontheby repeatedly relating particular depictions of notion of a Pisistratidan cultural policy has re-Heracles to political events. The dating of the mained commonplace, even in a carefully-formu-various artefacts and the possibility of linking these lated version that tries to distance itself from theto political events therefore form the framework of totalitarian background of this notion. We shouldhis interpretation. The motif of Theseus and thus also note that Kolb's criticism has had littleAntiope", which plays such an important role in effect. This notion forms, as it were, an implicitthe overall argument, offers a clear example of his prerequisite to the more specific question of theapproach and also of the problems which arise political significance of iconology. Putative analo-from this. Boardman and others see in the ap- gies also play an important role in that theypearing of this typically Attic motif on the temple support and flesh this out. In particular the appa-of Apollo Daphnephoros in a token of rent precedent of Theseus and the Alcmaeonidaeappreciation. The motif itself might therefore also carries great weight, the weaknesses of the Clisthe-have a political purport, in which Theseus and nes-hypothesis being totally forgotten. The ratherAthena represent the polis of Athens and her ally, high-flung conjecture has evolved into an accepted and the Amazon Antiope represents the target of fact. The interpretations of the 5th. century works their combined forces. Co-operation between Ere- in which Theseus figures, which in turn do nottria and the various Athenian political leaders escape the charge of exaggeration, are moreoveroccurred regularly during the 6th. and 5th. cen- taken out of context and applied to earlier, diffe-turies. To which event did the choice for this rent circumstances. temple pediment refer? Boardman (1982, 9, n. 29) The cohesion aimed at between symbolism andopts for a joint victory over the Boeotians and the society in this argument brings conceptual pro-Chalcidians in 506. The motif supposedly was later blems sharply to the fore. Hence we can raise some to be given a new connotation on a vase-painting more general questions: is it likely that the Greeksby Myson41. The rape of Antiope is depicted on in the archaic period had such a conception ofone side, and on the other is the famous depiction politics" that they would express it in this mannerof the Lydian king Croesus on the funeral pyre42. through their mythical imagery? Boardman worksBoth depictions, which doubtless bear some rela- from the hypothesis that political power did nottion to one another, must refer, according to only influence this imagery but that, more particu-Boardman, to the aid that Athens and Eretria had larly, a contemporary political meaning could bejointly offered to the Ionian rebels in 499, and to given to the mythical image. Was then, to look at itthe destruction of Sardes, the chief city of Lydia, from the opposite viewpoint, the mythical imageryduring this action43. Do these interpretations have such that it lent itself to such a transformation inany sound basis? meaning? It is usual in archaeology to classify images in We should first of all note that the nature ofchronological order, on the basis of (decreasing) Boardman'sattributingof meaningremains certainty as to the identity of that which is depict- somewhat vague. He sometimes speaks of sym- bolism", then of identification", and sometimes simply of interest"40. Interest in cults and myths 4° For example, in his opening article Boardman 1972, 57, 72 can hardly be contradicted, but before we can and passim symbolic", symbolism"; 59, 56 and passim, consider the issue of manipulation of mythical identification". images, we have to establish that symbolism and 41 This vase painting by Myson is dated by Boardman at ca. 490; Webster 1972, 74 speaks, however, of the very end of the identification are not one and the same. My deeds sixth century". The LIMC, Antiope (II) no. 10 gives ca. 510. are watched over by Heracles"; My deeds arelike 42 For a totally different approach to this vase painting see those of Heracles"; Heracles' deeds are like Burkert 1985. mine"; I am like Heracles"; I am in this picture 43 Boardman 1982, 15-16. Croesus was defeated by the Persian king Cyrus in 546 BC. and Sardes was captured. During the Heracles"; this new deed of Heracles is actually Ionian uprising (499) the Greek allies in turn laid Sardes waste. one of my political successes" these are all Tyrrell 1984, 8-9, sees clear signs of the Alcmaeonidae as utterances which display varying gradations of possible commissioners of the vase. According to Tyrrell, as meaning, and in which an existing arsenal of ima- with Boardman, the same theme illustrates on the pediment the individual. The battle of 507/506 (Tyrrell 1984, 7). Thus, within the space of a ges is appropriated to project an few years, the Amazon Antiope represents the male opponents first and last utterances differ greatly from each of Athens (including the Spartans, according to Tyrrell) as well other in degree of identification, but Boardman as the pliant, rich, feminine Orient without any argumentwhy uses them as equivalents. and how this radical shift in meaning might have come about.

24 ed, and the range and type of material used. Theexcesses of power and lust, a culture hero" who ordering in the case of Antiope usually begins withactually moved outside the limits of culture was a mention of the temple sculpture (large, public),directed primarily towards his role asa protector and ends with the vase paintings (small scale; theagainst evil (alexikakos); he was certainlyno aris- last pieces simply fragments)44. The dating of the temple and the dating of the pediment whichwas built onto it at a later date comprise a much- " In Von Bothmer, D. 1957, Amazons in Greek Art, Oxford, ch. discussed issue. These datings are based ona VII. The LIMC, Antiope (II) begins with the oldest piece,a cohesive system of style indications, inscriptions, bronze shieldstrip relief, identification disputed, see note 27; coindatings and writtentestimonials.These after that the pediment (no. 2) and the other pieces in thesame sequence. datings, which first of all lead to a relative chrono- 45 The chronology as proposed by E.O. Francis and M. Vickers logy and which are subsequently tied to an absolute in an extensive series of publications is discussed by Cook, R.M. chronology, have recently been subject to funda- 1989, The Francis-Vickers Chronology, JHS 109,164-170. mental criticism". The temple of Apollo Daphne- Cook's criticism is both precise and fair. My aim here, however, phoros dated till recently ca. 530-520 B.C.46 is not to enter into the debate on the plausibility of the Francis- Vickers chronology, but to show that dating as such is inevitably was, according to recent research by the archaeolo- a weak base for inferring important conclusions on the rela- gists Francis and Vickers, built47 in ca. 470. What tionship between politics and the arts. is also important is that the iconographyon the 46Auberson, P. 1968, Temple d'Apollon Daphnephoros: archi- tecture. (Eretria. Fouilles et recherches, I.) Bern. pieces concerned differs so greatly from piece to 41 Francis, E.D. and M. Vickers 1983, Signa priscae artis: piece that there is no indication at all of the large Eretria and Siphnos', JHS 103, 49-67. Boardman, indeed, would pediment influencing the vase paintings". As far probably applaud this instance of a later dating (after the as can now be assumed, the fairly raredepic- Persian Wars) as a more favourable occasion for constructing such a pediment, rather than the victory in 506, see Boardman tions of the Theseus-and-Antiope motif are chro- 1982, 9, n.29. The relationship that Tyrrell stressed between the nologically spread over the period from ca. 520 (the Antiope motif, the pediment in particular, and Clisthenes, is earliest vases)49 to 470 (the final fragments), and hence no longer viable in the light of these opinions. the pediment comes somewhere between these two 48 To mention only a few points in brief: LIMC, no.2 pedi- datesin other words, the period concerned covers ment: frontal view, Greek dress, Athena; vases, no.4: facing left, Antiope in Oriental dress, Poseidon; no.5: facing right, Antiope the zenith of the Pisistratidae as well as that of the and Theseus as hoplites, Poseidon; no.6: Antiope in chiton, so-called democratic backlash. There is thus littlephrygian cap, Pirithous; no.8: facing left, Phorbas and Piri- occasion to link the figure of Theseus to either the thous; No.9: facing left, Theseus as hoplite, Antiope as oriental tyrants or the democrats, and that disposes once archer, chariot: no.10 like no.9 but on foot plus Pirithous. " LIMC, Antiope (II), no.8 and 9, ca. 520; Neils 1981, 177-179. again of the argument to consider this heroas an s° The murder of the tyrant Hipparchus by Harmodius and individual, or familial, political emblem. The chro- Aristogiton in 514 BC. is depicted on four vases; these date from nology of the depictions themselves, and the conti- ca. 475-460 and were probably inspired by a new statuary group nuity of the Theseus-and-the-Amazons theme, the- of the Tyrannicides, which was produced by Critius and Nesiotes in 476 (the earlier statuary group had been removed by Xerxes refore form an argument against any political inter- in 480). The images in vase painting may indeed document the pretation of this motif". painter's awareness of Athenian pride in Chronology also offers little support to the heart of soon after the Persian Wars" (Webster 1972, 77), but they also Boardman's thesis, that is, a special relationship show that the vase painters did not react immediately to political events. According to (VI, 53-59), writing in the last between the Pisistratidae and Heracles. Thepre-quarter of the 5th. century, the action of Harmodius and sentation of Heracles to the gods appearsas a Aristogiton was the result of a love conflict; it was only later theme even before Pisistratus' second tyranny, and that Hipparchus' death assumed a political significance. There reaches its peak of popularity towards the end of were, therefore, at least two competing views of the tyrannicide in the 5th century. How certain can we be that this had anything the 6th. century; it was, therefore, not very effective to do with the artist's pride in democracy"? as a political theme 51, And, if indeed the Pisistra-"Overview of datings in Cook 1987, 168, based particularly on tidae had a preference for this hero, then thiswas MoonI983a.It appears that in this matter Boardman displays certainly not exclusive, as Theseus and various little precision in his descriptions. The presentation on Olympus, the journey with Athena in the chariot and a literal apotheosis cults such as the mysteries of and the shrine with a funeral pyre are distinctive themes. M. Maaskant-Klei- of Artemis in , which borderedon Pisistra- brink has pointed out to me an overview of these types of tus' estate, had apparently also been patronised by images, Shapiro, H.A. 1983, The Death and Apotheosis of the tyrants 52. Heracles, Classical World 77, 7-18. She notes here that the first depiction of Heracles, where he is ascending Olympus ina But even if we accept the idea that Heracleswas the chariot with a pyre in the foreground, in this way achieving favourite of the Pisistratidae, we encounter the divine status, only dates from the second half of the 5th. question of whether they were capable of imposing century;she sees a link with theatrical conventions in this their political stamp on the available imagery. The depiction, namely the use of different levels, which is seenon the worship of Heracles vase as an illustration done in two registers. a hero characterised by his 52 See, for example, Jeffery 1976, 97-98;Kolb 1977, passim.

25 tocratic hero in this capacity, but appealed rather " Cook 1987, 167 rightly remarks that the choice of Heracles to represent Pisistratus is not an obvious one" because he was a to the ordinary man". This Heracles-worship was notoriously violent and aggressive hero, while Pisistratus was already popular before the tyranny of the Pisistra- sedulously mild, preferring peace and prosperity." In general tidae 54. As one of the most widespread cult heroes Heracles is not a figure who fits very easily into the community of Greece, Heracles had therefore just as little life of the polis. See for example Galinsky, G.K. 1972, The exclusive meaning as the Virgin Mary in Christian Herakles Theme: the Adaptations of the Hero in Literature from Homertothe Twentieth Century, Oxford; Kirk, G.S. 1977, Europe ". The image of this hero therefore couldMethodological Reflexions on the Myths of Heracles, in not be perceived simply as a symbol of the tyrant Detienne, M. ed., 11 Mito: guida storica e critica, Bari, 285-297; alone. Heracles was not specific enough, as com- Pike, D.L. 1977, Heracles: the superman and personal relation- ships, Acta Classica 20, 73-83. An interesting observation on pared with the fact that, 2000 years later in Rome, the role that Heracles plays in the sense of identity of Greek the bee could become the emblem of the Barberini, male citizens in Beye, C.R. 1982, Epic and Romance in the and of no-one else. It is then that the question Argonautica of Apollonius, Carbondale, 53-56. Beye is of the arises: how could the Pisistratidae ensure that opinion that Heracles' rOle as an outsider manages to meet the as need for escapism. In a society so confining, where family, Heracles would immediately be recognised group, tribe, and city exerted so overwhelming an influencethat representing the tyrants? And, moreover, in doing the individual was always submerged, Heracles appears as the so, how could they force Heracles into themould appealingly antisocial criminal personality." (55). For attempts of a figure that would fit in with their political to adapt Heracles to the world of the epic see Effe, B. 1988, Die objectives (and which objectives?)? There is not a Aristie des Herakles: zur Homerrezeption des 'Aspis', 116, 156-168. single clue remaining to show how the Pisistratidae 54 For older depictions of Heracles see for example Fittschen, could have effected this". K. 1969, Untersuchungen zum Beginn der Sagendarstellungen bei den Griechen, diss. Tubingen, Berlin, and Brommer, F. 1972(2), Herakles: die:wolfTaten des Helden in antiker Kunst und Literatur, Darmstadt. IN CONCLUSION " The same problem arises in connection with the god Apollo, who, in the approach criticised here, is considered to have a special connection with the Alcmaeonidae, and therefore to be a The activities of the Pisistratidae in the realm of the political emblem of the family; see for example Tyrrell 1984, 7. arts and architecture, and their favouring ofwriters Even if the Alcmaeonidae had maintained political relations and philosophers, have often been characterised as with the shrine at Delphi, the figure of the god Apollo could still a form of patronage. In so far asthe pursuit of not be marked out as an exclusive representative of this family. The Pythian Apollo was favoured equally by Croesus, by personal satisfaction and prestige are considered, Hippias' son Pisistratus II and by the Alcmaeonidae, to which this concept is fully justified. The idea of a definite, family Clisthenes belonged. For the ambivalent traditions cohesive political programme being part of the concerning Apollo's relationship to Croesus, see Burkert 1985, tyrant's patronage is, however, out of the question. 10ff. Replying to Cook 1987, Boardman 1989 agrees with many critical comments offered by Cook. Yet he maintains the close In this respect the notion of patronage" is too connection between the goddess Athena and Heracles as fit for modern and refers moreover to very specific exam- deliberate use of Athena/Herakles to mirror the fortunes of the ples of more recent patronage. That is particularly Athenian state, and sometimes its leaders, in the manner well true for the notion that a political message couldbefamiliar to us in the manipulation of myth to suit various purposes in other periods and places" (158). I still perceivethe worked into the artefacts themselves. That is, by following problems: a) to mirror the fortunes of the Athenian identifying leadingpoliticians withtraditional state, and sometimes its leaders" is far different from the heroes whether this be the Alcmaeonidae and previously proposed grades of identification; b) what kind of Theseus or Pisistratus and Heracles. This last Athenian state was feasible at the time, as an institution distinctive from the people (leaders, citizens) inhabiting the option, which has been defended by Karl Schefold polis? c) the manner well familiar to us... in other periods and and John Boardman respectively, deserves still places" reemphasises the impact of analogy, which I try to call further comment, however.Iwill concentrate into question here; d) what exactly is the meaning of the mainly on Boardman's hypotheses, as these not connection Pallas Athena Heracles, compared with the connections of Athena with other heroes on the one hand, the only have been more widely-accepted, but also relations of Heracles to other god(desse)s on the other hand and have an objective that deserves great attention. thirdly with the allover prominence of Athena in Athens. Boardman's hypotheses rely on, as we have seen, a Finally, Boardman 1989, 158 quietly pushes Theseus and one systematic attempt to link artefacts decorated with family" out of the back door, thus removing one of the I have previously important foundations of his thesis. mythical images to political incidents. " Diane de Poitiers could be represented by the moon" attempted to show very briefly that this attempt is because she was called Diana, after the goddess of the Moon frustrated by, firstly, discrepancies in the chrono- who was so well-loved in the Renaissance. Louis XIV could only logy of the images on the one hand and in politics take a very general image such as the sun, and change it into an the recalcitrant exclusive emblem by (re)presenting himself repeatedly and cons- on the other, and secondly, by piciously as the sun". Pisistratus' only action that is at all nature of the mythical images in not easilyletting comparable to this is the aforesaid triumphal entry with the so- themselves be used as a political emblem. These called Athena in a chariot. Apart from the much-vaunted two obstacles show that Boardman's interpreta- question as to whether the Athenians would have taken this

26 tions exhibit interlocking problems as regards rela- BIBLIOGRAPHY tive chronology and the content of the mythical image. Boardman, J. 1972, Herakles, Peisistratos andsons, RA, This is not the place for detailed semiotic theories. 57-72. The concept of the content of the mythical image Boardman, J. 1975, Herakles, Peisistratos and Eleusis, can here, for brevity's sake, be divided into a sign JHS 95, 1-12. (such as the iconographical scheme, which in itself Boardman, J. 1978, Herakles, Delphi and Kleisthenes of carries meaning), and the relevance of this sign (the Sikyon, RA, 227-234. phenomena with which the sign is associated). Boardman, J. 1982, Herakles, Theseus and Amazons, in Boardman has rightly tried to link these separate D. Kurtz and B. Sparkes (eds.), The Eye of Greece. aspects"; my criticism is primarily concerned with Studies in the Art of Athens, Cambridge, 1-28. Boardman, J.1989, Herakles, Peisistratos and the his choice of the relevance. His choice is, perhaps, Unconvinced, JHS 109, 158-159. explicable. The traditional division into discipli- Brommer, F. 1982, Theseus: die Taten desHeidenin der nary fields of inquiry meant that such huge sectors attischen Kunst und Literatur, Darmstadt. of ancient culture fell to archaeology and languageBurkert, W. 1985, Das Ende des Kroisos: Vorstufen and literature respectively, that the realm of politics einer herodoteischen Geschichtserzahlung, in Chr. was all that was left for the notion of history" in Stiiublin (ed.), Catalepton: Festschrift fiir Bernhard the main. And, moreover, a very limited Wyss zum 80. Geburtstag, Basel, 4-15. concep- Cook, R.M. 1987, Pots and Pisistratan Propaganda, tion of the notion of politics, namely the field of JHS 107, 167-169. (semi-)institutional power and allits associated Jeffery, L.H. 1976, , London. military issue. If it is then asked whether artistic Kinzl, K.H. (ed.) 1979, DiealtereTyrannis bis zu den production was also historically relevant, we inevi- Perserkriegen:Beitragezur Griechischen Tyrannis, tably come back to politics for the answer-which, (WdF 510) Darmstadt. in view of the above, can lead to misunder-Kolb, F. 1977, Bau-, Religions- und Kulturpolitik der standings. I therefore regard Boardman's proposi- Pisistratiden, Jdl, 99-138. tion primarily as a renewedplea for a broader Losemann, V.1977, Nationalsozialismus und Antike: Stu- approach to ancient cultural history. dien zur Entwicklung des Faches Alte Geschichte 1933- We can infer that same plea from the problem of 1945, Hamburg. Moon, W.G. 1983a, The Priam Painter:some iconogra- relative chronology. Boardman, in order to be able phic and stylistic considerations, in Moon I983b, 97- to forge a link between image and politics, has 118. deliberately '8 ignored the fact that mythical ima- Moon, W.G. (ed.) I983b, Ancient Art and Iconography, ges possess a strong autonomous element. But it is Madison. precisely by choosing to do this that a discrepancy Neils, J. 1980/1987(2), The Youthful Deeds of Theseus: arises between semiotic processes and the speed of iconography and iconology, Princeton, Rome. political change. Mythical images do evolve, butNeils, J. 1981, The loves of Theseus:an early cup by fairly slowly and always maintaining fundamental Oltos, AJA 85, 177-179. elements. The relative autonomy with the emphasis Nilsson, M.P. 1936, The Age of the Early Greek Tyrants, Belfast (The Queen's University of Belfast; Dill on both of these components, of myths and of the Memorial Lecture). images in which they are couched, is what formsOliva, P.1960, Die Bedeutung der friihgriechischen the core of the concept myth". Whenevernew Tyrannis, Klio 38, 81-86. social phenomena are assimilated into the mythical imagination, they have to adapt themselves to the existing signifying iconographical system in order to be able to function within it. Conversely, some historical factors lend themselves better to this translation into mythical image than others;one is more likely to find indications of the contemporary masquerade seriously, this incident could only with difficulty have served as the means by which a complete identification mentality than of important political events in with Heracles could be achieved; compare Cook 1987 and mythical iconography. It is impossible to divide Boardman 1989, 158-159. It is much more likely that riding ina these problems between archaeology and historyas chariot under the protection of Athena" (if thiswas meant to distinct disciplines. They can only be approached be taken seriously) would raise the tyrant to the level of the from a perspective that does justice to the relative Trojan heroes. 57 ... we have no reason to believe that Archaic GreekArt, autonomy of mythical tales and images, and to any more than Archaic Greek literature, is to be taken at its face their flexibility as well, and to this end thatperspec- value only", Boardman 1972, 72. tive must cut across the disciplinary boundaries. 58 Does he consider the realm of mythical imageryas being self- evident at its face value" because he identifies it with icono- graphy in the strict sense of the word?

27 Tyrrell, W.B. 1984, Amazons: a study in Athenian myth- Ure, P.N. 1906, The Origin of the Tyrannis, JHS 21 making, Baltimore. 142. Schefold, K. 1946, Kleisthenes: der Anteil der Kunst an Webster, T.B.L. 1972, Potter and Patron in CI der Gestaltung des jungen attischenFreistaates, Athens, London. MusH 3, 59-93.

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