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Home , Brazzaville Protocol, Democracy in Africa, Ibrahim Babangida, Lateef Jakande, Moshood Abiola, Sam Mbakwe

Annals of Global History Volume 2, Issue 1, 2020, PP 12-26 ISSN 2642-8172

The Cold War and the Crises of Political Transition and Sustainable Democracy in : The Failed Elections in , Algeria and

Ngozi Caleb Kamalu* Ph.D, Professor of Political Science, Fayetteville State University 1200 Murchison Road, Fayetteville, North Carolina, *Corresponding Author: Ngozi Caleb Kamalu, Ph.D, Professor of Political Science, Fayetteville State University 1200 Murchison Road, Fayetteville, North Carolina, United States. Email: [email protected].

ABSTRACT The dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 marked the end of the cold war where political struggles mirrored east -west ideological divide between capitalism and communism and ushering in the era of „new world order” that marked political shift in Africa from to multiparty democracy. However, most political transitions or handovers of power in Africa, as evidenced in the failed elections in Algeria, Angola and Nigeria were short-lived due to factors such as lack of political reconciliation, conflict over the imposition of religious ideology such as the “sharia”, regional divides and interethnic rivalries that eventually led to military interventions (coup de ‟tat). These failures call for the need for reform in African that would restore and sustain political accountability, multiparty democracy, perception of politics as a win-win endeavor, demilitarize politics, empower women and effectively manage ethnic diversity. The author argues that realization of these political goals would in the final analysis go a long way in permanently restoring and sustaining democratic rule in Africa. This paper aims to give account of these failed elections; identify the reasons why they failed and recommend possible solutions necessary for sustainable democratic rule and governance in Africa. Keywords: Cold War, New World Order, Autocracy, Guided Democracy, Bipolar World, , Sharia, Hidjab, Elites, Brazzaville Protocol, Pius Okigbo Commission, UNITA, MPLA, FLN, Ennahda (Renaissance)), Anarchy, , Koran, Gulf War, Organization of Islamic Conference, MAMSER, UNAVEM, Terrorism, , Single Party Rule, Sustainable Democracy.

INTRODUCTION popular democracy with the election of Jerry Rawlings of the Provisional National Defense The dissolution of the Soviet Union in Council (PNDC). Rawlings had ruled December 1991 marked the end of the cold war. with iron hand since his overthrow of Hilla As such, regional conflicts in Africa and beyond Limann’s democratically elected government in fueled by the superpower relations in the bipolar December 1981. world and characteristic of east-west ideological struggle began to abate. Africa, since then, In October 1992, held its first began to experience a tide of democratic multiparty presidential election since its changes sweeping the continent. Henceforth, a independence from France on January 1, 1960. New World Order marked by permanent and The election was won by with 40% steady transitions of political power from support of the electorate against his strongest autocracy to multiparty democracy began to opposition Ni John FruNdi of the Socialist emerge. It is well-established fact that political Democratic front (SDF) who garnered 36% transitions particularly in Africa often trigger electoral support. violence, tension and anxiety and strains ethnic Kenya experimented with multiparty democracy and religious relationships. on December 31, 1992. It was its first However, examples of successful transitions or democratic election since 1966. Kenya gained handover of political power from dictatorships political independence from Britain in 1963. In to multiparty democracy in Africa are not far- this election which was participated by about fetched. On May 18, 1992, Ghana reverted to two-thirds of Kenya’s registered voters,

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President and his party, Kenya pluralism after 26 years of National Liberation African National Union (KANU) emerged Front’s (FLN) single-party rule. winners. February 21, 1993 saw the reelection of As a result of the revolts, a new social force, in with an overwhelming Islam was unleashed when many Algerians 58.40% of the ballots over his seven rivals, turned to Islamic religious ideology for political inclusing Iba der thiam, Abdoulaye Bathily, salvation and as a practical foundation to the Landing Savane, abdoulaye Wade, Mamadou Lo, vision of modern Algeria. To preempt the rise of Madior Diouf and BabacarNiang. Islamic fundamentalism, a new charter was In spite of these stories of electoral successes promulgated to uphold the principle of a united across Africa, three elections in selected regions and independent Algeria; celebrate the of the continent stand out. They are the elections contributions of Islam in Algeria and promote in Algeria (North Africa), Nigeria () Islam as the true religion of social justice and and Angola (Southern Africa). They serve as equality. testimony that the euphoria about the decade of The growing sentiment shown by Algerians in the 1990s as the “decade of democracy” might embracing Islam gave impetus to the formation of be over. What is interesting about these states is that they share many common characteristics. the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) to participate in First, they are African states. Also, the trios were the December 1991 first multiparty elections. The under European colonial rule prior to party’s platform reflected Islam’s religious independence. For example, Algeria was a ideology of full restoration of Islamic Law, the French colony while Nigeria and Angola were Sharia. This, argued Hermida, Alfred (1992) colonized by Britain and Portugal respectively. would lead to such radical changes as cutting off Furthermore, the three countries’ experiments hand for theft, stoning for adultery, a ban on for transition to democracy proved abortive or alcohol, and the adoption of strict Islamic dress futile. for women known as the “hidjab”. This paper therefore, sets to: All political indicators showed that the FIS  Give accounts of the failed elections in threat to the election was not a bluff. In Angola, Nigeria and Algeria municipal elections held in June 1990, the FIS won 54% of the votes. Even in the December  Determine or identify plausible reasons why 26, 1991 elections, the FIS won 188 seats in they all proved unsuccessful parliament while its next runner-up the Socialist  Discuss the political implications of the Forces Front carried 26 seats. The electoral derailed political transitions to multiparty successes and momentum of the FIS raised democracy to the political stability of the eyebrows about Algeria’s civilian and military respective countries -Nigeria, Algeria and elites who saw an Islamic revolutionary Angola orthodoxy as a threat to the political stability of  Suggest what should be done to mitigate the modern Algeria. Pressure to prevent the FIS situation. That is, recommend possible from coming to power began to build especially solutions to the social and political problems since most of Algeria’s Muslims were part of caused by the undermined elections in the the majority in the Sunni Islamic faith as three African states – Identify ways through opposed to Shiite minority that rules Iran. More which democratic governance can be frightening was the FIS slogan which equated sustained in Africa democracy to blasphemy and called the Koran (word of God) a substitute to the constitution. ALGERIA The fear that Islamic fundamentalism could Since Algeria’s independence from France in threaten the political stability of Algeria was not 1962, its government had changed hand to some liberal-minded leaders like Houari Bourmediene without evidence. In , Algeria’s neighbor and Chadli Bendje did. The pressure for to the North, the government of Habib Bourguiba substantive reforms were never felt until the had been battling its fundamentalist movement, October disturbances in 1988.As Mortimer, Ennahdha (Renaissance) trying to establish itself Robert A. (1990) observed, mounting public as a political party. The Ennahdha which pressure forced President Chadli Bendje did to advocated establishing an Islamic Republic as a rewrite the constitution to permit political substitute to the authoritarian regime of

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Bourguiba was severely repressed by the Systematic steps were taken by the military government throughout the 1980s. rulers to weaken the fundamentalist movement forever. Laws were passed to separate religion In 1986, Nigeria experienced trouble when the from politics. Many Imams who were sympathetic issue of Sharia law was raised with Nigeria’s to the fundamentalist movements were arrested; official membership in the Organization of Islamic and bans on mass religious gatherings around the Conference (OIC). According to Onuaguluchi, capital Algiers were enforced. In some cases, Gilbert (1990), opposition to Nigeria’s perception religious clergy who were allowed to preach as an Islamic State had mounted in its southern were also required to obtain government regions which are predominantly Christian approval. In January 1992, the government enclaves. The south had argued that Nigeria is banned organizations from contributing funds to legally a secular state by virtue of a law passed charity as a way to weaken their base of by the Constituent Assembly. sympathy, support, interaction and recruitment In which enjoys had polarized regional of the masses. The government had argued that governments, controversy arose over the attempts it exclusively regarded that as a vital function of by the ruling north to impose Islam over the the state. predominantly Christian south. The political situation, argued Heraclides, Alexis (1987), was In February 1992. The Algerian Head of State eventually exacerbated when in 1983 the Mohamed Boudiaf sealed the lid on the activities government of Gafaar Nimeiri institutionalized of Islamic fundamentalists when he imposed a the Sharia (Islamic law). This imposition of year-long state of emergency on Algeria. Since northern religious hegemony over the south gave the decision of the Algerian leader to cancel the rise to resistance movements like the Anya-Nya second round of parliamentary elections which II and the Sudan People’s Liberation Army the FIS was poised to win in January 1992. The (SPLA) whose struggles for regional autonomy Islamic Fundamentalist groups intensified their threatened to dismember Sudan. campaigns to overthrow the ruling government With the above negative consequences of through violent means. Thus, a climate of fear, Islamic law to the national integration and terror and intimidation deepened as many stability in many African states, the Algerian Algerian journalists, academics and leading Army was ready to strike. The temptation political figures were assassinated. proved timely when demonstrations against As the security situation worsened, the frustrated electoral irregularities like rigging and voter regime became even more repressive. Special anti- intimidation practices were mounted against the terrorist courts created under the “state of FIS. Many political observers and analysts emergency powers in 1992 handed down hundreds believed that the success of the FIS was due to of death sentences aimed at curbing terrorist protest vote by the Algerian electorate against activities, but with no avail. Once again, the option the National Liberation Front (FLN) because of the latter’s inability to create jobs, control of a negotiated settlement between the ruling inflation, , wide-spread poverty and government and the competing factions appeared other symptoms of social and institutional moral more attractive in resolving the Algerian crisis. decadence. In his first address to the nation on February 7, In order to carry out the plan, the military forced 1994, the new President Lamine Zeroual who Chadli Benje did an accomodationist / Centrist the army appointed expressed the commitment out of office by resignation perhaps to give the of his administration to negotiate with major impression that it was not a staged coup. This Algerian parties, including representatives of the was reinforced by the appearance of the Islamic Salvation Front. President Zeroual’s Algerian Prime Minister Ghozali to assure the promises perhaps then held the last hope for a Algerian people that he was in charge. Of negotiated settlement to the Algerian problem. course, this thinking faded when the Military appointed a 5-man Council headed by Mohamed ANGOLA Boudiaf. The Chairman of the Council, a hero in Angola received its political independence from Algeria’s war of independence against colonial Portugal in 1975 following a grueling war of France was believed to have been selected in independence. After independence, a civil war order to boost the legitimacy of the regime. ensued because of internal power struggle that

Annals of Global HistoryV2 ● I1 ● 2020 14 The Cold War and the Crises of Political Transition and Sustainable Democracy in Africa: The Failed Elections in Nigeria, Algeria and Angola developed among the three main liberation was applied because the fund was designated to movements, namely the Popular Movement for benefit the two main parties to the dispute. the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), the National Although all the parties seemed to agree to Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA) and participate in the election, the issue of security the National Union for the Total independence was primary in the minds of election observers. of Angola (UNITA). Due to lack of external On May 31, 1991, Jonas Savimbi and Angolan support, the FNLA headed by Holden Roberto President Jose Eduardo Dos Santos signed a unraveled and was absorbed by the MPLA peace accord or agreement to integrate their which offered national amnesty to its supporters. armies before the election which would be The MPLA controlled the Angolan central monitored by international observers. Also, the government under the leadership of Augustina Neto; and at the death of Neto, he was agreement provided that all soldiers be required succeeded by Eduardo dos Santos. The MPLA’s to surrender their weapons at internationally rival liberation movement, UNITA came under monitored assembly points throughout Angola. the leadership of Jonas Savimbi. The United Nations provided the funds for Because this era or period was at the heat of the advisement, preparation, implementation and cold war, the conflict took on east-West other technical expertise and logistics for dimension. The MPLA was supported by the monitoring the election. The Angolan Soviet Union and which introduced government was responsible for administering thousands of troops on the ground. In contrast it. To enhance its effectiveness, the UN Angola and with the repeal of the Clarke Amendment in Verification and Election Monitoring Regime 1976 which prohibited clandestine international (UNAVEM) provided helicopters in order to military operation by the United States, the reach the remote parts of Angola. It was hurdle was cleared for America’s full-scale estimated that UNAVEM sponsored up to 1,000 military and financial assistance to UNITA. international monitors in the Angolan elections. According to data provide by Martin, Phillis M. (1989), the United States annual military Although incidents of violence were reported assistance to UNITA between 1986 and 1988 during the election, reports indicated that it was was in the tune of 16 million dollars. a success. In a national population of about 12 With Mikhail Gorbachev at the helm of power in million, 4.8 million were eligible to vote. the Soviet Union, East-West tensions diminished. Among the 18 parties that contested the His “new thinking” philosophy and doctrine, elections, unofficial results indicated that argued Hall, Richard (1990) tended to UNITA won 33% (approximately a third) of the deemphasized ideology as the centerpiece of Soviet vote while the MPLA won 51% (about half). foreign policy or as central to the settlement of The remaining 6% vote went to the minority international disputes. On December 13, 1988 the candidates among who were Holden Roberto pressure from the United States and the Soviet and Daniel Chipenda. A breakdown of the Union, the Brazzaville Protocol was signed in New electoral map showed that a great number of York by Cuba, Angola and . The people of ethnic Ovimbundu areas voted for agreement was intended to demilitarize the region UNITA. In fact, the strength of UNITA’s vote through South Africa’s military disengagement or support matched the ratio of its ethnic from ; evoke the gradual withdrawal of representation in Angola’s general population. Cuban troops from Angola and clear the way for The Ovimbundu ethnic population who the UN supervised election in Namibia, which in inhabited the arid parts of central and southern the view of Baker, Pauline H. (1989), helped restore Angola where the activities of UNITA were relative peace and stability in Angola and set the strong overwhelmingly voted for UNITA. In stage for a democratic election in that country. contrast, the MPLA’s stronghold was among the Mbundu ethnic group which comprised about a The first Angolan democratic election since quarter (25%) of the national population. Also, independence was scheduled for September the MPLA gathered a lot of support from the 1992. To encourage the participation of all urban and rural areas that were heavily mined parties or factions, the United States Congress by UNITA forces. Among this population, the provided 30 million dollars to be spent in MPLA was perceived as a protector party while support of that move. An even-handed approach UNITA was labelled a terrorist party.

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But, the official results of the presidential general was an ally of Savimbi during the cold war. elections proved otherwise. In the official tally, Although UNITA refused to accept the which was released within two days by Savimbi in legitimacy of the elections, the international his headquarters in Huambo before the community tried to impose the popular mandate announcement by the National Electoral Council, on UNITA without any preconditions. Dos Santos won approximately half (49.57%) of The United Nations pursued this strategy in all votes cast; Savimbi won 40.07%, while the many ways. On September 26, 1992 the world other nine candidates and their parties shared the body instituted a sanction on arms and fuel remaining 10.36%. What is clear here is that no supplies against UNITA. This came after about candidate emerged a clear and outright majority a week delay to gamble on a possible change of winner. A clear winner would require more than heart by UNITA in terms of accepting the 50% of the votes. Thus, under normal results of the September 1992 elections and the circumstances, a runoff election by the two top cessation of hostilities against the Angolan vote getters would be required to determine a national government. The delay to impose clear winner. sanctions against UNITA as recommended by However, Finkel, Vicki R. (1993) discovered the then UN Secretary-General Boutros-Boutros that in the parliamentary race, the MPLA Ghali was ended despite Savimbi’s tactical received a clear majority of 53.85 percent to proclamation of September 19, 1993 that form the new government, gaining 129 of the UNITA would observe a unilateral ceasefire and 220 parliamentary seats while the remaining 21 a suspension of a prolonged siege of the seats were divided among 10 third parties. Angolan city of Cuito. Having lost the September 29-30 elections of Despite the unanimous 15-0 UN Security 1992, Savimbi refused to accept the outcome or council vote in support of sanctions, UNITA result. He charged the government with massive and its allies and supporters continued to fraud and withdrew UNITA commanders from smuggle diamond and fuel mined from areas of their new posts in the unified Angolan Army. Angola which it had overrun into Zaire. Sales of He officially threatened that if the results of the these products were designed to weaken election were not annulled, and a runoff election psychologically the diplomatic and economic held, he would resume his insurgency activities. impacts of the sanction. Nonetheless, serious But, under the prevailing state of confusion, and far-reaching actions against UNITA that chaos and violence, it was difficult to undertake might at least cripple its ability to wage war another election within a short space of time. against the Angolan central government Perhaps, it was in the best interest of the continued. Resolution to expel UNITA’s winning party, the MPLA not to accept to hold a representatives from foreign capitals and also new election. freeze the movement’s assets was voted on The MPLA was confronted with a challenge it November1, 1993. At the same time, many could not meet. The government of Dos Santos western countries, including Britain announced immediately ruled out the possibility of a new their willingness to resume the supply of arms to balloting until UNITA disarmed its military the MPLA government which was earlier supporters and gave up all territory its army suspended in compliance with the May 1991 occupied for national control. Furthermore, the peace agreement. MPLA charged UNITA of mounting a coup and NIGERIA arming the Angolan populace for an offensive to root out the armed supporters of UNITA from Since Nigeria’s independence from Britain on Luanda. This it did successfully rendering the October 1, 1960, its two democratic governments chance of a new election impossible. Having – first and second republics existed prior to the been convinced that the election was free and June 12, 1993 failed presidential elections. The fair, the international community recognized first democratic government –the first republic that UNITA constituted a lasting obstacle to had and Alhaji Abubakar peace in Angola. The diplomatic recognition of Tafawa Balewa as its President and Prime Angola by the Clinton Administration in the Minister respectively. Their government reigned United States showed that the kind of behavior from 1960 to January 15, 1966 when it was cut depicted by UNITA could not be tolerated short by the military coup of Major General anymore even though the Bush administration Aguiyi Ironsi.

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Since then, the evolution of Nigerian government Commission (NEC); to be less parochial and to has taken a rocky path. Nigeria has experienced a make their headquarter. series of military interventions, among which 1987 saw the creation of the Directorate of Mass have been the July 29, 1966 coup of Yakubu Mobilization for Economic Recovery and Self Gowon; and the , 1967 – 1970; Reliance and Social Justice (MAMSER). the / MAMSER was designed to embark on mass coup of July 29, 1975, until a multiparty education of the Nigerian electorate for the democratic government was installed on October purpose of inculcating a new political culture 1, 1979. This democratically elected government and attitude consistent with the principles of (second republic) was unfortunately short-lived popular democracy. The measure, argued when its mandate under the leadership of Alhaji Onuaguluchi, Gilbert (1990) was also aimed to and his then Vice-President Alex encourage democratic practices and help sustain Ekwueme was interrupted by the Muhammudu the political system in the post-military era. Buhari’s coup of December 31, 1983; and then As a reform-minded action, decree No. 25 of the takeover of government 1987 was evoked. Its goal was to bar or ban on August 27, 1985. veteran politicians who were widely perceived Hope for Nigeria’s third chance for a democratic as corrupt from active politics in lieu of a new election was raised in January 1986 when the cadre of candidates who were both professionals military government of Ibrahim Babangida and technocrats thought to be more supportive announced its intention to hand over power in of reform movements and good government 1992. This date was continually postponed until crusaders; a practice which contravenes the June 12, 1993 presidential election which was basic tenets of popular democracy; and has been annulled or cancelled on June 23, 1993. condemned by many prominent Nigerian Prior to the election, many steps were taken by politicians and academics, including novelist the Babangida administration to put the Chinua Achebe. This Criterion led to the democratic transition in motion. In 1986, the disqualification of formidable candidates for government formed a political bureau to president like , Alhaji Muhammadu formulate a blueprint compatible with a Abubkar Rimi, and Shehu Musa constitutional form of government. Based on a Yar’adua. one-year study by this body, a two-party system Inspite of all the electoral reshuffles, in terms of was recommended for Nigeria with some degree candidates and calendar, the final date for of government control even though at the time a presidential election was set on June 12, 1993. total of 49 political associations or parties had In national convention held March 26- 30, 1993 emerged. Out of this number, two parties were in , , the NRC through officially selected. Their finances and their its primary balloting nominated Alhaji Bashir platforms were influenced by the government. Othman Tofa its party candidate for President, The official parties were National Republic with Dr. O. Nwobodo as his running mate. The Convention (NRC) and the Social Democratic latter was later dropped, and Sylvester Ugoh Party (SDP), with Tom Ikimi and Baba Gana finally selected as Vice-Presidential candidate. Kingibe as their chairmen respectively. On the other hand, the SDP held its party Both Chairmen were later sacked in consequent convention on June 12, 1993. In its primary political shuffle by the Babangida administration. election process in Jos, Capital of The principle behind the institutional control the party nominated its alluded to here by the report is what has been presidential candidate with Tom Ikimi, a one- dubbed “guided democracy” and occurs when “a time NRC Chairman as his deputy. military regime retains virtually complete control The general elections for President took place over the transition process, which in the words of on June 12, 1993 in defiance of an Abuja High Martin, Guy (1993) is deliberately complex and Court order prohibiting it. But, the National prolonged. This, argued Oyediran, O. & Agbaje, Electoral Commission (NEC) Chairman A. (1991) was followed by a decree promulgated Humphrey Nwosu ignored the order and in May 1989 that prohibited political parties from allowed the election to proceed. This action did accepting campaign contributions; required them not come as a surprise given the fact that the to be registered with the National Electoral Nigerian government had strengthened the

17 Annals of Global HistoryV2 ● I1 ● 2020 The Cold War and the Crises of Political Transition and Sustainable Democracy in Africa: The Failed Elections in Nigeria, Algeria and Angola powers of NEC with Decree No. 48 of 1991 Nevertheless, Chief was sworn which not only exempted the commission from in on August 27, 1993 as the Interim President legal and constitutional constraints, while it with a mandate to organize and administer fresh gave it unlimited powers to determine the faith presidential elections in February 1994. In order of elections. to win public sympathy and support, Shonekan At the conclusion of the elections, results from embarked on incremental public policy strategies. 15 of the 30 states of the federation showed that For example, while ordering the release of Tofa won only 3 states while Abiola led in 12. detained human rights activists, he fell short of Based on this trend and reality, it would appear opening media houses closed by the government that Abiola’s clear victory was indisputable. The on the ground that such actions fell under the incremental release of the election results which province of the national legislature. was officially scheduled June 13 -20 1993 was By November 1993, the malaise that gripped the aborted when the group called Association for nation had taken its toll both politically and Better Nigeria which was also supported by economically. In response, Shonekan on Babangida filed a lawsuit in an Abuja High November 8, 1993 announced a 700 percent fuel Court asking for an injunction to suspend further price hike. The perceived impact of this on electoral activities including the official interest rate and cost of living on an average announcement of the electoral returns from the worker ushered in a new wave of labor unrest. remaining states. The organization had charged The Nigerian Labor Congress (NLC) went on a election malpractices like voter intimidation and prolonged strike after its three-day ultimatum to rigging as the basis for its litigation. The court force the government to rescind the order failed. injunction was obtained bythe group and NEC concurred by postponing election activities till On November 10, 1993, the Shonekan further notice. government’s popularity was undermined by the ruling of Justice Dolapo Akinsanya of the On June 23, 1993 President Babangida annulled High Court that it was illegal. The court had found the election results, dissolved NEC and cancelled in a case filed by Moshood Abiola that Decree 61 the entire transition exercise or program. Both presidential candidates Tofa and Abiola were which established Shonekan’s caretaker or interim then disqualified on a flimsy excuse that based on government was unconstitutional on the basis that an ew set of requirements, each candidate must Ibrahim Babangida lacked the constitutional right not be less than 50 years old, belong to a party for at the time to sign the Decree. at least a year; and not spend money on political By mid-November, the ineffectiveness of the campaigns. It should be noted that Abiola and transitional government was pronounced, and its Tofa reported their ages to be 55 and 46 years old days counted. Thus, the takeover of the respectively. Each candidate was later accused by government on November 17, 1993 by General the government of spending more than 60 million , the Defense Minister under dollars canvassing for votes. Nonetheless, Shonekan was uneventful. Abacha wasted no Babangida promised that two new candidates from time to abolish all the democratic structures the two parties would be picked and that a new already in place in almost a decade of provisional civilian regime would be installed on Babangida’s transition to civilian rule. In an August 27, 1993. This date coincided with the attempt to consolidate power, Abacha purged official timetable to swear in a new President some elements in the military. The undertaking under the transition plan. affected among others, Generals John Shagaya and HaliluAkilu who were retired on The nullification of the elections triggered a November 27, 1993. string of protests organized by the against the Babangida government On December 9, 1993, the government installed on July 5, 1993 which reportedly claimed over Military Governors to head the 30 states of the 100 lives. The second round of this mass federation and the Federal Capital Territory campaign continued from August 12-14, 1993 (Abuja). Surprisingly, Abacha’s federal cabinet paralyzing businesses mostly in the southwest of comprised a number of its opponents, including the country including Lagos and . This Alhaji Baba Kingibe, Abiola’s running mate in region which is inhabited mostly by the ethnic the June elections who had been appointed Yoruba of Nigeria formed the bedrock of Foreign Minister and Dr. OluOnaguruwa who Abiola’s support, their “native son”. was selected as Justice Minister and Attorney

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General of the Federation. Onaguruwa was the Conference. They included , attorney who defended pro-democracy campaigners former Governor of and Shehu arrested by Babangida’s regime in 1992 and an Yar’Adua who represented the Northern District ardent critic of military rule. of Katsina. Other enemies of the administration coopted or Regardless of these political moves, the won over with appointments included Iyorchia Nigerian political impasse which had paralyzed Ayu, a key member of the National assembly its economic activities still lingered. The later sacked for his pro-Abiola views and stance. situation was further exacerbated by the sudden He was appointed Education Minister in the arrest and imprisonment of Abiola on the charge Abacha government. Moreover, for treason in June 1994 after declaring himself and Lateef Jakande, former popular Governors authentic and legitimate . In of State and respectively who support of Abiola’s release, two powerful oil also campaigned and helped Abiola win their unions, Nupeng and Pergasson went on strike. states joined the new administration. Even Alex This episode, argued Versi, Anver (1994) Ibru, publisher of the Guardian Newspaper, a resulted in many factories being idled and mass respected national independent newspaper that public transportation systems reduced to a resisted and continually published stinging grinding halt. According to Africa Business, editorials critical of the annulment of the June Nigeria’s oil production in mid-August 1994 fell elections was inducted into the new regime. by more than a quarter (25%) from the normal quota of 1.95 million barrels of oil per day. While critics saw these developments as mere cooptation by the government and opportunism In October 1994, General Abacha in a televised on the part of the appointees, supporters saw it broadcast to the nation warned that it was time as a strategy of nation-building by the Abacha Nigeria faced up to its international debt regime. However, the allure of a constitutional problems. The announcement took place a few conference to discuss the political future of days after the Pius Okigbo Commission released Nigeria endured. According to Paul Adams its findings on the management of Nigerian (1994), the scenario for selecting members to revenue. The investigation found that the the body would involve the choosing of five previous military administrations squandered candidates from each of the 6,000 (Six the bulk of 12.2 billion Naira of oil windfall thousand) wards in the federation. Then, the realized during the Gulf War. Even, government successful candidates from each group would announcement that the price of gasoline was cut then form an electoral college that would choose was insufficient to restore public confidence in the 270 delegates to the conference on May 28, government. As a matter of fact, 1994. feverishly and in disbelief watched their The exercise to select delegates to the government slowly and quietly drift into anarchy. Constitutional Assembly was a failure in the TOWARD DEMOCRATIC SUSTENANCE IN Western States and Lagos in particular. Here, AFRICA sympathy for Moshood Abiola was very strong. Also, the activities and pressures from the The institutionalization, nurturing and National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) sustenance of true and lasting democratic which opposed the cancellation of the systems of governance in Africa would require democratic elections of June 1993 led to the the enforcement of the following principles: last-minute withdrawal of prominent candidates for the Constitutional Committees, including Instituting Multiparty Democracy former Finance Minister and Ex- There is great need in Africa for political reform Secretary General of the Economic Community that will eventually result or culminate in for Africa Adebayo Adedeji. Also, in broad accountability. In other words, maintaining a coalition with NADECO was the Eastern system of government that holds elected leaders Mandate Union with broad support in the responsible for their conducts while in office in Middle Belt, the East and Southeastern regions order to respond to the needs and wishes of the of Nigeria. On the contrary, select influential masses. This is desirable in the backdrop of the politicians defied the call to boycott the fact that in several African countries, their elections for delegates to the Constitutional political experiences have been under single-

19 Annals of Global HistoryV2 ● I1 ● 2020 The Cold War and the Crises of Political Transition and Sustainable Democracy in Africa: The Failed Elections in Nigeria, Algeria and Angola party or military dictatorships. With lack of have resulted in government delegitimization political competition, separation of power and and therefore a breakdown and erosion of checks and balance instruments at work, these democracy. Hence, civil education is a good regimes have often been marred by corruption, means of encouraging masses to know their suppression of free press, mismanagement of rights and the ways through which they can resources, political instability and ethnic defend them. Also, social contract between rulers division. and their subjects is an effective element and Doing away with Dictatorship, feature of democracy. In a nutshell, while Authoritarianism and the Cult of Personality government is conferred with legitimacy through the votes of citizens the state is obliged to and Most African political leaders appear to always expected to reciprocate in its end with honoring strive under cult of personality. This is a and respecting the social contract by providing political culture that stresses total obedience to a public goods, which reflect or symbolize the will leader which unfortunately makes them to be and wishes of the people. above the law. This type of emphasis on Deemphasizing Zero-Sum Game and political symbols of elevating leaders as “fathers Installing Win-Win Brand or Strand of of the nation” is always exploited by most Politics African leaders during elections. The condition is even worsened by the fact that illiteracy rate In many African nations, the leaders tend to in most African countries is very high. Thus, look at politics in life-and-death prism or lenses. improvement in mass education will be That is, they see politics as a means of enriching themselves, rewarding friends and punishing desperately needed so as to help refocus their real or perceived enemies that can take democracy on guarding institutions rather than place in a win-loss (zero sum game) as opposed or as opposed to personalities (men). This is not to a win-win environment and outcome. Hence, surprising in light of the report by Africa Library these types of mindsets and attitudes have Project (2011) which found that in sub-Saharan resulted in elected leaders sending their political Africa, youth literacy rates (ages 15-24) are the opponents into prison and in some cases, lowest of any region. According to Almond, eliminating them altogether. This type of culture Gabriel A., and Sidney Verba (1963), there is a according to Johnson, Charles A (1976) is what “parochial” political culture at play here, in which Daniel Elazar referred to as “individualistic” citizens are detached and alienated from political culture where citizens and leaders see participating in politics. With little or no politics as a market place in which they education, they are mostly uninformed and participate based on private motivations and unaware of how their government works including need. As opposed to “moralistic” political the “social contract” in terms of their role in culture that stresses or emphasizes politics as government vis-a-vis those of their rulers. In the means to do good in society by serving public end, citizens take no interest in the political interest and establishing good, equitable and just process. In other words, the system is less society on the long run. democratic, and many citizens do not care being The negative effect is that this heightens ethnic citizens. Also, they pay little or no attention to tensions by pitting one ethnic, religious, linguistic problems, and have little knowledge and or regional groups against one another – the information about their government, and thus advantaged versus the marginalized particularly resulting in seldom or rare political participation in multi-ethnic and multilingual complex and feeling of powerlessness. societies such as Nigeria, Cameroon or South Africa. The way to build political consensus The neutralization of the cult of personality will would henceforth involve bargaining, coalition help improve and uphold the basic rights of building, as well as sharing of power, rewards, citizens because good and effective leadership political appointments and even infrastructural needs to obey the rule of law as well as development. Failure to build an inclusive recognize democratic order that sets the government will give rise to unintended boundaries between the ruler and subjects. In consequences such as political instability, ethnic governments where there is an imperial leader and regional strife and conflict that will threaten or king, state monopoly of power and the national integration, consolidation and disregard for individual liberties and freedoms development in Africa.

Annals of Global HistoryV2 ● I1 ● 2020 20 The Cold War and the Crises of Political Transition and Sustainable Democracy in Africa: The Failed Elections in Nigeria, Algeria and Angola

Demilitarization of Politics (Social Democratic Party) against competitor Military intervention has become the Achilles’ Bashir Tofa of the National Republican heel or vulnerability of modern African politics, Convention Party. However, the elections were and thus undermines smooth change of later annulled by military ruler Ibrahim Babangida government and democracy. One solution will who intervened and plunged the Nigerian nation be to control and transform the role of the into a crisis that eventually ended with Sani military in African societies. It will be difficult Abacha leading a coup later in the year. to have a civil society under the cloud of Regional and ethnic bias by leaders who military intervention threats against civilian dominate and control the instruments of elected governments. This has been one of the problems of political transition in Africa, as violence by virtue of their dominance in police were the cases in Nigeria, Algeria and Angola. and military establishments and bureaucracies The plague of military involvement and coups in appears to give rise to societal fragmentation African politics has become one of the biggest and disintegration. In many cases such as the political challenges facing post-independence military coup in Nigeria in 1966 led to temporary African nations since after emerging from Nigerian dissolution and dismemberment when colonial rule. the eastern region broke a way as a sovereign republic of Biafra under Chukwuemeka Many theories have been proposed to justify Odumegwu Ojukwu. It should be noted that the military intervention in Africa. First, the Biafran secession resulted in the Nigeria-Biafra Environmentalist Theory hypothesized by Samuel war 1967 – 1970 and finally culminating in Huntington (1969) argues that in the absence of Biafran surrender and its eventual reunification strong social and political institutions to maintain with Nigeria. law and order, and the rule of law, the military is tempted to jump into politics in order to restore Managing Ethnic Diversity effective, legitimate and stable government. Next, There is broad recognition that ethnic tensions the Custodian theory hypothesis advanced by in Africa have often led to inter-ethnic clashes, Huntington (1976); Finer (1975) and Thompson violence, civil wars and tensions that undermine (2004). The theory states that when the military democratic rule. Cases are not far-fetched but sees itself as the custodian of the state and its evident in Nigeria and etc. African constitution, it engages in coup particularly when countries in transition to democracy must find it feels that the civilian regime is failing the nation; ways to deal with the challenges and menace and as an alternative and as custodian would imposed by ethnic differences. In order to involve in politics to correct the societal promote national integration and consolidation, anomalies. Moreover, the Political Development African nations must desist from suppressing Theory popularized by Huntington (1976); Finer ethnic identities and aspirations especially (1975) and Putnam (1967), believes that the where ethnic minorities and groups demand and propensity, chance or probability for military agitate for equal treatment and access to intervention in government decreases with development and rights to self-determination. increasing popular participation and involvement The politicization of ethnic identities and in electoral politics. repression of some by another are a primary Regardless of the motives of the military in source of conflict. Thus, promoting interethnic African politics, what is indisputable is that coexistence will involve balancing of interests African militaries do not respect the political of competing groups through bargaining, boundaries but rather dabble in politics for a providing equal opportunities in terms of host of reasons and motivations, including education, health and merit-based system of ideology, religion, ethnicity and regionalism. employment and development, contracts, Therefore, they must find a reason within these college admission and appointment to posts and broad rationales to justify their uninvited promotion in the government bureaucracies. In involvement and meddling in African politics. rare cases, affirmative action programs may be In the Nigerian Presidential election case as an needed to ensure or guarantee that disadvantaged example, held in Nigeria on 12 June 1993, and marginalized groups and regions are not results showed victory for Moshood Abiola excluded or left behind from meaningful

21 Annals of Global HistoryV2 ● I1 ● 2020 The Cold War and the Crises of Political Transition and Sustainable Democracy in Africa: The Failed Elections in Nigeria, Algeria and Angola participation in the lives of African societies and endowed with enormous mineral resources that governments. generate wealth. Empowerment of Women In Africa, the faces of inequality and poverty are the women, thus leading to the “feminization of The marginalization and suppression of women is poverty” paradigm. Gender discrimination against one of the major causes of poverty and inequality women is manifested in the career women are among women in Africa. The magnitude of the steered into - low pay, and lack of political power. problem is incomprehensible if one factors in the Other scholars including Acemoglu, Daron & role of women as major care givers and family Robinson, James (2012) take a cultural and guardian. Cultural and religious practices are not religious perspective to explain Africa’s immune when discussing the causes of poverty marginalization. This is where this explanation among women. They include women/ wife and narrative fit in. The cultural hypothesis inheritance practices such among the Igbos of argues that most Africans are culturally Southeastern Nigeria where women are banned socialized into certain behaviors and attitudes from claiming any rights to their parents’ that perpetuate the subjugation of women. property when they die regardless of the Although women are the majority in Africa in presence of testation (written will) by late terms of population, their rate of participation in parents or not. Other practices that shortchange government and the labor force is low. women in Africa include: polygamy – the Logically, the neglect of at least half of Africa’s practice of marrying many wives in the midst population poses a threat to the political many mouths to feed and limited education, development and modernization in Africa. The skills and earning by the breadwinner who is condition of African women especially with mainly the father.; Arranged child marriage, respect to illiteracy affects Africa negatively as where the daughters are usually given out into regards family planning, child care, health, labor marriage with little or no education thereby participation, and income generation. Women in Africa face discrimination both in de facto fueling the “cycle of poverty” in the family. and de jure/ legal sense. In Africa, gender Another customary practice in Africa is the Osu discrimination is not only reinforced but caste system, an ancient practice in Igboland codified by cultural and religious practices that that discourages social interaction and promotes determine their wellbeing and quality of life. discrimination and marriage with a group of Promotion of gender-based equality between persons called Osu and referred to by Igbo of men and women will go a long way in Nigeria as “outcast”). promoting democracy. Effecting change in the fate of women in Africa would involve changes The Osu are dedicated to the deities (Alusi/ in the laws and their vigorous enforcement gods) of Igboland. They and their descendants affirming the equality of men and women. Next are considered inferior beings and are usually will be through socialization that promotes separated from the native/ real born (Nwadiala gender-based equality between men and women. or diala). All these practices no doubt are the Also, public media campaigns emphasizing major threats to poverty and inequality among legal/ constitutional rights of women vis-à-vis women in Africa. These ancient practices top the men should be mobilized. Furthermore, there list of reasons why Africa countries rank at the should be serious efforts to close the gender-gap bottom of Human Development Index rankings. in pay and income designed to elevate and The presence of all these self-reinforcing equalize the pay and earning ability of women mechanisms appear to spell the “poverty trap” in with those of men and enhancing their potentials which they persist from generation to generation to feed and take care of their families. to the extent that the “cycle of poverty” is hard to break particularly among women regardless of Finally, improving education for women in steps taken to eliminate it. Wide-spread poverty every field including STEM will help boost their in Africa has nothing to do with the availability rate of employability and income, and thereby of wealth but unequal distribution and using income as the “great equalizer” where redistribution, hence leading to what many women education would increase their scholars call “poverty paradox” depicting the participation rates in politics, employment and fact that abject poverty in Africa exists in the the economy. Hence, an increase or midst of plenty despite the fact that Africa is improvement in the role women play in modern

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African societies will enormously help the equality as well as prolonged and lasting transition to democratic rule and governance in political and social security. Africa. Increased legitimacy is essential or crucial to Operation and Maintenance of Legitimate democratic success in Africa. This will include Governments the creation of open political space for civil society and help government to resolve crises of Many countries in Africa, such as , the state and its ineffectiveness and , Sudan, and the Democratic incompetence in development. Government Republic of Congo are failed state. Hence, they should be able to withstand the forces that work show characteristics such as loss of physical against it by developing the ability and capacity control of their territories, erosion of legitimate to withstand the test of time – such as the ability authority to make collective decisions; inability to maintain a smooth and orderly political to provide reasonable public service, and failure transition from authoritarianism to democracy. in their foreign policy and relations due to their Hence, it will be able to increase its legitimacy inability to interact with other states as full through the free and fair election of its leaders, members of the international community. as well as operate within the confines of the Furthermore, such countries show manifestations of constitutional frameworks of separation of powers and functions, checks and balances. social indicators for their vulnerable existence – demographic pressures with respect to population A competent government should also maintain and food security; massive refugee movement and its sovereignty and independence by not being internal displacement as evident in Sudan and compromised by virtue of its overreliance on caused by the activities of Sudan People’s foreign aid, debts and entanglements. Hence, there should be reciprocal bargaining between Liberation Army (SPLA) and Nigeria in terms of the state and civil society – churches, the media, . There are also legacies of political parties and trade unions/ lobbies or vengeance-seeking group grievances such as in interest groups that will emerge as a Nigeria and French and English-speaking counterweight to the state. However, civil Cameroon. Other social indicators include society has to be free of political machination, chronic and sustained human flight (emigration) incorruptible, free from cooptation or being won and brain drain. Uneven economic development over because the independence of civil society along ethnic, religious or regional lines; and will help check the excesses or extraordinary sharp and severe economic decline. Moreover, power of the state. Also, strong civil society is there are manifestations of political indicators of desirable because it plays the role of articulating state failure in Africa to include criminalization public values and resisting unnecessary state control and dictatorship. and delegitimization of the states, widespread violations of human rights, security challenges, Furthermore, strong and committed civil society rise of factionalized elites and intervention of is needed because it also promotes or enhances other states. public culture and also serves as pressure group or lobby to help democratize government and To achieve legitimacy – feeling that government create enabling environment for democracy to rule is rightful and therefore should be obeyed, or flourish. – That is, to keep the culture of the voluntary acceptance of one’s authority to act political discourse, questioning and resisting or perform task, African nations should adopt the entrenched authority alive. The presence of a following measures designed to achieve strong and resilient civil society in Africa is a legitimacy: adopting and maintaining fair and free sine qua non or prerequisite for successful elections, good governance, and structure of democracy as well as an indicator of the government conducive to participatory democracy tolerance level of government with respect to such as fair representation in government and the rights of expression and assembly (civil political inclusiveness. Other measures include rights and civil liberties) of citizens. fighting corruption, avoiding a vicious cycle of CONCLUSION violent conflict, fighting mass poverty, good governance with culture of smooth political The end of the cold war ushered in a new era of transition, equality and improved governance democracy in Africa. Democratic successes in environment that guarantees fairness and countries such as Ghana, Cameroon, Kenya and

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Senegal support this claim. Yet, failure of movement as a bulwark to Soviet expansion in democratic experiments in Nigeria, Algeria and Africa. Angola suggest that the post-cold war political However, the threat of Jonas Savimbi and his period has mixed results, and that the era of movement to the Angolan government was dictatorship, absolutism and a steady threat to minimized. First, UNITA, throughout the period multiparty democracy in Africa was not over, the UN supervised elections in Angola was even after the end of the Cold War in 1991. discredited and more international support and In the case of Algeria, the failure of the past sympathy shifted to the MPLA. Also, the civilian governments to manage its social and American policy toward Angola changed in economic problems, and adequately direct its favor of MPLA government under the Clinton social reforms made Islamic faith a promising administration resulting in the recognition of alternative. Thus, when the Islamic movement Angola as an independent and sovereign state. was translated into a formidable political party, Even South Africa, its old ally and neighbors it campaigned on the establishment of a nubbed UNITA under ANC-controlled theocratic form of government based on Islamic government; and was also restrained by the law – Sharia. The revolutionary, radical and Brazzaville Protocol which it signed on unyielding and uncompromising nature of this December 13, 1988 that prohibited it from government as suggested by events and interfering in the internal affairs of its experiences of governments in Nigeria, Iran, neighbors. Tunisia and Sudan appeared to threaten the Due to lack of international support, UNITA national integration and unity of Algeria. This failed to sustain a viable insurgent movement. provided the military with the excuse to stage a Eventually, it gradually fizzled just like its one- coup in order to halt the ascent to power by the time nemesis, rival or archenemy the FNLA of religious fundamentalists who clearly won the Holden Roberto which disbanded in the 1970s. democratic elections. The Nigerian dilemma raised unique questions The solution to this type of injustice would be to about the politics of ethnicity, religion and restore FIS to power. But, it was not likely to be regionalism. On the regional level, the premature due to strict controls placed on Islamic cancellation of the elections had a lot of movements in Algeria. The military had cracked implication for Nigeria. First, it reinforced popular down on supporters of FIS. Ruthless strategies notion that Nigerian politics had been steered in a of unwarranted arrests, imprisonment without way to retain, revolve and consolidate power in due process or trial and other repressive the hands of the Hausa ethnic group of the North. methods and tactics that were adopted by the It is worth mentioning that the winning government backfired. As the regime lost presidential candidate based on the results of the legitimacy, it became vulnerable to popular preliminary ballots counted, was Moshood Abiola, descent. Thanks to the efforts of President a southerner of Yoruba ethnic stock. Many people Lamine Zeroual for seeking a negotiated doubted whether the process could have been settlement to the Algerian challenge. aborted had Tofa, a northerner of Hausa The Angolan scenario presented problems of background had won the election. reconciliation. Two personalities who fought Secondly, various groups in different regions each other in the post-Angolan independence lost faith in the political system which prides civil wars refused to compromise – Savimbi of itself as a promoter and guarantor of justice and UNITA and Dos Santos of MPLA. Savimbi equality. That meant that peaceful institutional declined to concede defeat in the elections. One means might not be regarded as effective means reason might be that he did not want to appear to make demands on the political system or even like a loser because his stature and standing both to change it. Unconventional means like strikes, at home and abroad would diminish particularly demonstrations and riots proved more attractive after withstanding the Angolan national army in and were bound to gain traction as the crisis of battle for almost two decades. It should be confidence grew. recalled that during the cold war, his UNITA movement had dealt with foreign governments. Another implication of the Nigerian political UNITA had also received military, moral and malaise was that it exposed the extremities of financial assistance from the Reagan cooptation and political patronage pertinent to administration in the United States who saw the the system. It showed how the politics of

Annals of Global HistoryV2 ● I1 ● 2020 24 The Cold War and the Crises of Political Transition and Sustainable Democracy in Africa: The Failed Elections in Nigeria, Algeria and Angola integrity and principle (honest politics) had [5] Baker, Pauline H. (May 1989). The American given way to selfishness, opportunism and the challenge in Southern Africa. Current History, pursuit of other parochial interests by majority 88, 538, 210-212; 245-246. of Nigerian politicians. This was demonstrated [6] Finkel, Vicki R. (January/February 1993). in the way subsequent Nigerian administrations Angola: Savimbi’s sour grape. Africa Report, won the loyalty of their enemies and critics by 25-28. nd way of appointments and other kinds of [7] Finer, S.E. (1988). The man on horseback, (2 inducements to the dismay of the masses. An Edition), Boulder, Co.: Westview Press example was the induction or cooptation of [8] Fituni, Leonid l. (July-August 1989). A new Abiola’s supporters, including his running-mate era: Soviet policy in South Africa. Africa Report, 63-65. Baba GanaKingibe into Sani Abacha’s government. [9] Hall, Richard (May 1990). United States policy The damage done to national solidarity brought by in Southern Africa. Current History, 89, 547, the nullification of the June 12, 1993 Presidential 193-196; 228-231. elections left a deep wound in the national psyche [10] Hermida, Afred (1992). Algeria: Democracy that would take a long time to heal. Even, General derailed. Africa Report, March / April 13 -17. Abacha’s promise of a Constitutional Conference [11] Heraclides, Alexis (June 1987). Janus or to discuss the political future of Nigeria which Sisyphus? The southern problem of the Sudan. antagonists saw as a delay tactic designed to Journal of Modern African Studies, 25, 213-231. prolong military rule was not enough to remedy [12] Howell, John F. (July 1978). Horn of Africa this perceived injustice. Lessons for the Sudan conflict. International Relations among the regions and ethnic groups, Affairs, 54, 421- 436. including national solidarity have suffered. The [13] Huntington, S. P. (1969). Reforming civil- long-term implication of this political military relations. Journal of Democracy, 9-7. fragmentation is that the Abacha Administration [14] Ibrahim, Jibrin (1991). Religion and political found it difficult to govern because most people turbulence in Nigeria. The Journal of Modern did not give it the cooperation it needed in order to African Studies, 29, 1, 119. be effective. [15] Johnson, Charles A. (1976). Political culture in Furthermore, wide-spread regional and ethnic- American states: Elazar’s formulation examined. based alienation denied the government needed American Journal of political science, 20, 3: 49. regional support necessary for strong national [16] Kempton, Daniel R. (1990). New Thinking and cohesion. If care is not taken, prolonged regional Soviet policy towards South Africa. Journal of distancing may lead to sustainable regional Modern African Studies, 28, 4, 545- 572. movements, new agitations for regional autonomy [17] Laitin, David D. (1982). The Sharia debate and and possibly secession. Nigeria at this juncture the origins of Nigeria’s second republic. The was at the crossroads and did not need this Journal of Modern African Studies, 20, 3, 411- experience which after all, plunged it into civil war 430. (Nigeria-Biafra War) in 1967, when its Eastern [18] Martin, Guy (1993). Preface: Democratic Region declared itself independent state of Biafra. transition in Africa. Issue: A Journal of The war lasted from 1967 till 1970. Opinion, XXI, 1-2; 6-7. [19] Martin, Phyllis M. (May 1989). Peace in REFERENCES Angola? Current History, 229 – 248. [1] Adams, Paul. (July/August 1994). The [20] Onuaguluchi, Gilbert (1990). The giant in deepening stalemates. Africa Report, 63-64. turbulent storm, New York; Vantage Press, [2] Acemoglu, Daron & Robinson, James (2012). 174-175. Toward a theory of world inequality (in) Why [21] Oyediran, Oyeleye and Agbaje, Adigun (1991). Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, Two partysm and democratic transition in and poverty. (New York: Crown, Nigeria. The Journal of Modern African [3] African Library Project (2011) – Africa Facts - Studies, 29, 2, 47. https://www.africanlibraryproject.org/our- african-libraries/africa-facts [22] Putnam, D. (1967). Toward explaining military intervention in Latin-American politics. World [4] Almond, Gabriel A., and Verba, Sidney (1963). Politics, 20, 1: 83-110. The civic culture: political attitudes and democracy in five nations. Princeton, N.J.: [23] Suberu, Rotimi T. (May 1994). The democratic Princeton University Press. recession in Nigeria. Current History, 213-218.

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[24] Thompson, A. (2004). The military and the [26] Versi, Anver (September 1994). Nigeria burns, future of democracy in Africa. City: Abacha dithers. African Business, 14. Hima & Hima Ltd. [27] Winchester, N. Brian (May 1987). United [25] Tikhomirov, Vladimir I. (November-December States policy toward Africa. Current History, 1989). The USSR and South Africa: An end to 87, 528, 233. total onslaught? Africa Report, 58-61.

Citation: Ngozi Caleb Kamalu " The Cold War and the Crises of Political Transition and Sustainable Democracy in Africa: The Failed Elections in Nigeria, Algeria and Angola", Annals of Global History, 2(1), 2020, pp. 12-26. Copyright: © 2020 Ngozi Caleb Kamalu. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.

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