Coups: the Victims, the Survivors

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Coups: the Victims, the Survivors COUPS THE VICTIMS THE SURVIVORS Page 1 of 12 COUPS: THE VICTIMS, THE SURVIVORS THE mere mention of coup d’etat, the unconstitutional and violent overthrow of incumbent governments, sends down shivers and evokes traumatic memories from any country’s nationals. It recreates those anguished images that overwhelmed the populace when the finger pulled the trigger. Every citizen is haunted by mortal fear of the day’s uncertainty and discusses it in hushed tones, cautious that nobody eavesdrops. The penalty for participation is maximum: death. It, therefore, makes it a condemnable high risk venture. But some initiators still damn the consequences. It is all because it possesses limitless attractions and guarantees inexhaustible opportunities. Its charm is almost irresistible. Those who get hooked hardly would divorce their other collaborators. They, somewhat, lose every sense of reason and would muster whatever resources to actualise such a dream. When successful, they become instant heroes. Conversely, they are society’s villains once the plot is aborted by superior strategies or gun-power of the man in the saddle. Curiously, the coupists seek escape routes. Once arrested, investigated and convicted, they begin the final journey to the firing range or long periods of incarceration. Suddenly, the world invokes sympathy from all quarters to avoid blood-letting. Coups have their prizes and the other prices. Usually, in every attempt, there are victims and the survivors. Afterall, human beings in authority are the targets. The mission is almost always to eliminate the regime’s henchmen and take over power or to simply shove them aside without wasting lives. In this case, a coup can either be bloody or bloodless. Coup making is, certainly, not a Nigerian creation. Neither is it an African origination. According to Encyclopaedia Americana, one of the first modern coup d’etats was initiated and executed by Napoleon Bonaparte 200 years ago, precisely on November 9, 1799. Showing awesome trickery, he deceived the first French Republic to a Paris suburb where they were surrounded by battle-ready soldiers and the council sacked. Africa was initiated into the coup cult 47 years ago. The ugly monster reared its ugly head on July 23, 1952 when Lt. Col Gamal Abdel-Nasser led the putsch which terminated the reign of King http://www.nigerdeltacongress.com/carticles/coups_the_victims_the_survivors.htm 7/21/2008 COUPS THE VICTIMS THE SURVIVORS Page 2 of 12 Farouk in Egypt, ironically the cradle of civilization. Two years later, Gen. Mohammed Naguib’s administration became history, no thanks to Nasser again. Suddenly, the flood-gate of coups had been thrown wide open. Sudan embraced it in 1958 before Gnassingbe Eyadema, a sergeant pushed aside the government of Mr. Sylvanus Olympio. Thus, mutinies found their ways into the West African sub-region in 1963. The whirlwind was to swirl to the Central African Republic two years after to allow East Africa taste the bitter pill. Between 1952 when Nasser’s experiment put the continent on world focus and September 1, 1969 (a period of 17 years), African nations had incredibly witnessed 26 forceful take-overs! There were expressed worries: Is Africa, indeed, the Heart of Darkness or is it being taken back to the dark age? From Sudan to Benin Republic (then Dahomey), Algeria, Zaire, Burkina Faso (then Upper Volta) and on to Liberia and Ghana among others, the nationals woke up to martial music highlighting the coming of a new government. In 1980, Sergeant Samuel Doe had stormed the stage to "liberate Liberians" but the whole globe was perplexed when the octogenarian former President, William Tolbert and members of his family were tied to the stakes and primarily executed! Nine years later, Doe was killed in such ridiculous fashion. Within the same period, Capt. Thomas Sankara who commanded amazing followership from Burkinabes, was similarly killed in a coup that brought the incumbent President, Blaise Compaore to power. Today, Nigerians are celebrating the release and selective pardon granted convicts of the 1990, 1995 and 1997 alleged coup plots by the Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar-led regime. From Lagos to Odogbolu, Ilorin, Kaduna and Ehor (Edo), families and relatives of the freed men have been rejoicing and supplicating to God for sustaining the lives of their beloved ones until this day. Though, the Yar’Aduas and the Akinyodes were not as lucky. But these aborted plots, as declared by the last two military administrations, did not herald the introduction of coup making in Nigeria’s political lexicon. Rather, it all began in the early hours of January 15, 1966 when Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu conspired with four other majors to strike. And with the summary sacking of the First Republic by these Five Revolutionaries, the course of Nigeria’s political history was irreparably altered. Soon after that intervention, Nzeogwu offered reasons to justify their action. His broadcast identified as enemies "the political profiteers, the swindlers, the men in high and low places that seek bribes and demand ten per cent, those that seek to help the country divided http://www.nigerdeltacongress.com/carticles/coups_the_victims_the_survivors.htm 7/21/2008 COUPS THE VICTIMS THE SURVIVORS Page 3 of 12 permanently so that they can remain in office as ministers or VIPs at least, the tribalists, the nepotists, those that make the country look big for nothing before international circles, those who have corrupted our society and put the Nigerian political calendar back by their words and deeds." Nigerians, today, harbour sundry perceptions about the Nzeogwu coup which marked the beginning of a new era in Nigeria’s history, certainly negatively. However, there is still an agreement that before the putsch, there were barely tolerable acrimonies and dichotomies along tribal lines. Commentators continue to question the propriety and timeliness of that action even as the topic remains open to individual interpretations and rationalisations. However, ascertainable facts can only aid our collective appreciation of where coups have left Nigeria as a nation. Prior to January 15, 1966, there were blatant electoral malpractices. There was palpable distrust and tribal hatred. The future was uncertain. Then dramatically, five army majors decided that it was time to effect change at the centre. When they finally struck, it was damn bloody. Victims of Jan. 15, 1966 coup The citizens were terribly shocked when top-ranking government functionaries including the Prime Minister, Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, were killed in a selective elimination that tended to give the whole exercise an ethnic coloration. Others who died were the premier of Northern Region, Sir Ahmadu Bello; the premier of Western Nigeria, Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola and the Finance Minister, Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh. Also, Brig. S.A. Ademulegun, Major S.A. Adegoke, Lt. Col. J.Y. Pam, Brig. Zakari Maimalari and Col. Kur Mohammed died. Others who lost their lives included Lt. Col. Largema, S/Lt. James Odu, Col. S.A. Shodeinde and Lt. Col. A.G. Unegbe. Survivors Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe was at this time the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria but he had shortly left for overseas shortly before the coup. This way, he survived. But tongues were sent wagging as to whether his trip was a result of any privileged information. Dr. Michael Okpara, the premier of Eastern Region was also a survivor of the first military intervention in Nigeria, among others. But despite the resistance mounted by troops loyal to the incumbent regime, Chief Nwafor Orizu who was the then Senate President and acting President would not be convinced that there was enough peace for democratic governance. As a result, he handed over power to Major-Gen. Thomas Umunnakwe Aguiyi-Ironsi. The latter’s introduction of a unitary system of government was most ill-advised and roused some ill-tempers. http://www.nigerdeltacongress.com/carticles/coups_the_victims_the_survivors.htm 7/21/2008 COUPS THE VICTIMS THE SURVIVORS Page 4 of 12 Owing to the high number of Northern casualties, the intervention was seen as one directed at that tribe. And when the North took its pound of flesh on July 29, 1966, it was such a colossal tragedy for the Igbos. Victims (July 29, 1966) The then Head of State, Ironsi was assassinated in Ibadan with his host, Lt. Col. Adekunle Fajuyi, the governor of Western Region who would not give up his guest. Other officers of Igbo extraction suffered similar fate. They comprised Lt. Col. I.C. Okoro, Majors Dennis Okafor, Nzegwu, P.C. Obi, J.K. Obienu and lieutenants E.C.N. Achebe, Ekedingyo, Ugbe, S.A. Mbadiwe and A.D.C. Egbuna. Equally sent to the great beyond were other officers in J.O.C. Ihedigbo, E.B. Orok, I. Ekanem, A.O. Olaniyan, B.Nnamani, A.R.O. Kasaba, F.P. Jasper, H.A. Iloputaife, S.E. Maduabum and J.I. Chukwueke. In addition to these 42 officers killed plus no less than a hundred non-commissioned officers who died, thousands of innocent civilians mostly of Eastern Nigeria origin lost their lives as a consequence of this coup. Survivors Yakubu Gowon, a 32-year-old lieutenant colonel then and Chief of Army Staff was to mount the throne. He was one main survivor and key beneficiary. Add to this list other Northern officers of the same rank in Murtala Muhammed and Theophilus Danjuma. As Major-Gen. David Ejoor, the Chief of Staff, Nigerian Army between 1972 -1975 was to react later; "the reaction of the Igbos to this coup culminated in the bloody civil war that lasted for about 30 months." For nine years, Gowon pioneered the affairs of the country. During the days of the oil boom, he occasioned some developments even though there were whispers about corrupt enrichment by some of his officials.
Recommended publications
  • Johnson Gbende Faleyimu-Master Thesis
    UNESCO CHAIR OF PHILOSOPHY FOR PEACE UNIVERSITAT JAUME I MILITARY INTERVENTION IN NIGERIAN POLITICAL SYSTEM: ITS IMPACT ON DEMOCRATIC DEVELOPMENT (1993-1999) MASTER THESIS Student: Johnson Gbende Faleyimu Supervisor: Dr Jose Angel Ruiz Jimenez Tutor: Dr Irene Comins Mingol Castellón, July 2014 Abstract Key words: Military, intervention, democracy and Nigerian politics A study of literature on civil-military relations in Nigeria reveals a question: why does the military intervene in the politics of some countries but remain under firm civilian control in others? This thesis delves into military intervention in Nigerian Politics and its general impact on democracy (1993-1999). The military exploits its unique and pivotal position by demanding greater institutional autonomy and involvement when the civilian leadership fails. The main purpose of this study is to discourage military intervention in Nigeria politics, and to encourage them to focus their primary assignment of lethal force, which includes use of weapons, in defending its country by combating actual or perceived threats against the state. i Dedication This thesis is dedicated to my late parents High Chief J.F Olijogun and Olori Meminat Marian Olijogun ii Acknowledgements My sincere gratitude goes to God and all who contributed to the successful completion of this thesis work. Very special thanks to my supervisor, Dr Jose Angel Ruiz Jimenez of University of Granada, for his brilliant guidance and encouragement-what a wonderful display of wealth of experience-without which this thesis would not have been possible. My profound appreciation goes to the lecturers and staffs of the International Master’s Degree Program in Peace, Conflict and Development studies at the Universitat Jaume I, who gave me all the skills and knowledge that are required to carry out an academic research and other academic endeavours.
    [Show full text]
  • Nigeria Apr2001
    NIGERIA COUNTRY ASSESSMENT APRIL 2001 Country Information and Policy Unit CONTENTS 1. SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 - 1.5 2. GEOGRAPHY 2.1 3. ECONOMY 3.1 - 3.3 4. HISTORY Post - independence historical background The Abacha Regime 4.1 - 4.2 4.3 - 4.8 Death of Abacha and related events up until December 1998 4.9 - 4.16 Investigations into corruption 4.17 - 4.21 Local elections - 5 December 1998 4.22 Governorship and House of Assembly Elections 4.23 - 4.24 4.25 - 4.26 Parliamentary elections- 20/2/99 4.27 Presidential elections - 27/2/99 4.28 - 4.29 Recent events 5. HUMAN RIGHTS: INSTRUMENTS OF THE STATE POLITICAL SYSTEM 5.1 - 52 THE CONSTITUTION 5.3 - 5.5 THE JUDICIARY 5.6 - 5.8 (i) Past practise 5.9 - 5.13 (ii) Present position 5.14 - 5.15 5.16 - 5.19 LEGAL RIGHTS/DETENTION 5.20 - 5.22 THE SECURITY SERVICES 5.23 - 5.26 POLICE 5.27 - 5.30 PRISON CONDITIONS 5.31 - 5.35 HEALTH AND SOCIAL WELFARE 6. HUMAN RIGHTS: ACTUAL PRACTICE WITH REGARD TO HUMAN RIGHTS (i) The Abacha Era (ii) The Abubakar Era 6.1 - 62 6.3 - 66 (iii) Current Human Rights Situation 6.7 1 7. HUMAN RIGHTS: GENERAL ASSESSMENT SECURITY SITUATION FREEDOM OF ASSEMBLY/OPINION: 7.1 - 7.3 (i) The situation under Abacha: 7.4 (ii) The situation under General Abubakar 7.5 - 7.8 (iii) The present situation 7.9 - 7.14 MEDIA FREEDOM (i) The situation under Abacha: 7.15 (ii) The situation under General Abubakar 7.16 (iii) The situation under the present government 7.17 - 7.26 7.28 - 7.30 Television and Radio FREEDOM OF RELIGION 7.31 - 7.36 (i) The introduction of Sharia law, and subsequent events.
    [Show full text]
  • Chieftaincy and Security in Nigeria: the Role of Traditional Institutions
    Chieftaincy and Security in Nigeria Past, Present, and Future Edited by Abdalla Uba Adamu ii Chieftaincy and Security in Nigeria Past, Present, and Future Proceedings of the National Conference on Chieftaincy and Security in Nigeria. Organized by the Kano State Emirate Council to commemorate the 40th anniversary of His Royal Highness, the Emir of Kano, Alhaji Ado Bayero, CFR, LLD, as the Emir of Kano (October 1963-October 2003) H.R.H. Alhaji (Dr.) Ado Bayero, CFR, LLD 40th Anniversary (1383-1424 A.H., 1963-2003) Allah Ya Kara Jan Zamanin Sarki, Amin. iii Copyright Pages © ISBN © All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the editors. iv Contents A Brief Biography of the Emir of Kano..............................................................vi Editorial Note........................................................................................................i Preface...................................................................................................................i Opening Lead Papers Chieftaincy and Security in Nigeria: The Role of Traditional Institutions...........1 Lt. General Aliyu Mohammed (rtd), GCON Chieftaincy and Security in Nigeria: A Case Study of Sarkin Kano Alhaji Ado Bayero and the Kano Emirate Council...............................................................14 Dr. Ibrahim Tahir, M.A. (Cantab) PhD (Cantab)
    [Show full text]
  • And Violations of This Right in Nigeria
    Reference: Nigeria's initial report submitted to the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights under articles 16 and 17 of the Covenant (E/1990/5/Add.31) The right to adequate food (Art. 11) and violations of this right in Nigeria Parallel report to the initial report of Nigeria concerning Economic, Social and Cultural Rights enshrined in the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Submitted at the occasion of the 18th session of the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (27 April - 17 May, 1998) by FIAN International, an NGO in consultative status with ECOSOC, working for the Human Right to Feed Oneself, in collaboration with Shelter Rights Initiative, the Nigerian NGO for Economic Rights. Parallel information to the initial report of Nigeria concerning the right to adequate food as enshrined in the the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Preface I. Introduction A) Economy B) Population C) Geography D) The right to an adequate standard of living E) The right to trade unionism F) Education G) Health II. Documentation on violations of the right to adequate food A) The Ajaokuta steel complex B) Forcible evictions of city dwellers C) The Shiroro dam project D) The activities of oil companies and the case of the Ogoni E) The Right to work under just and favourable conditions III. Possible questions to the government of Nigeria FIAN International Secretariat Heidelberg, Germany, April 1998 Parallel information concerning the right to adequate food in Nigeria 3 Preface FIAN, the International Human Rights Organization for the Right to Feed Oneself, would like to present a parallel report to the periodic report on Nigeria submitted by the Nigerian Government.
    [Show full text]
  • S/No Placement 1
    S/NO PLACEMENT ADO - ODO/OTA LOCAL GOVERNMENT SECRETARIAT, SANGO - OTA, OGUN 1 STATE AGEGE LOCAL GOVERNMENT, BALOGUN STREET, MATERNITY, SANGO, 2 AGEGE, LAGOS STATE 3 AHMAD AL-IMAM NIG. LTD., NO 27, ZULU GAMBARI RD., ILORIN 4 AKTEM TECHNOLOGY, ILORIN, KWARA STATE 5 ALLAMIT NIG. LTD., IBADAN, OYO STATE 6 AMOULA VENTURES LTD., IKEJA, LAGOS STATE CALVERTON HELICOPTERS, 2, PRINCE KAYODE, AKINGBADE CLOSE, 7 VICTORIA ISLAND, LAGOS STATE CHI-FARM LTD., KM 20, IBADAN/LAGOS EXPRESSWAY, AJANLA, IBADAN, 8 OYO STATE CHINA CIVIL ENGINEERING CONSTRUCTION CORPORATION (CCECC), KM 3, 9 ABEOKUTA/LAGOS EXPRESSWAY, OLOMO - ORE, OGUN STATE COCOA RESEARCH INSTITUTE OF NIGERIA (CRIN), KM 14, IJEBU ODE ROAD, 10 IDI - AYANRE, IBADAN, OYO STATE COKER AGUDA LOCAL COUNCIL, 19/29, THOMAS ANIMASAUN STREET, 11 AGUDA, SURULERE, LAGOS STATE CYBERSPACE NETWORK LTD.,33 SAKA TIINUBU STREET. VICTORIA ISLAND, 12 LAGOS STATE DE KOOLAR NIGERIA LTD.,PLOT 14, HAKEEM BALOGUN STREET, OPP. 13 TECHNICAL COLLEGE, AGIDINGBI, IKEJA, LAGOS STATE DEPARTMENT OF PETROLEUM RESOURCES, 11, NUPE ROAD, OFF AHMAN 14 PATEGI ROAD, G.R.A, ILORIN, KWARA STATE DOLIGERIA BIOSYSTEMS NIGERIA LTD, 1, AFFAN COMPLEX, 1, OLD JEBBA 15 ROAD, ILORIN, KWARA STATE ESFOOS STEEL CONSTRUCTION COMPANY, OPP. SDP, OLD IFE ROAD, 16 AKINFENWA, EGBEDA, IBADAN, OYO STATE 17 FABIS FARMS NIGERIA LTD., ILORIN, KWARA STATE FEDERAL AIRPORT AUTHORITY, MURTALA MOHAMMED AIRPORT, IKEJA, 18 LAGOS STATE FEDERAL INSTITUTE OF INDUSTRIAL RESEARCH OSHODI (FIIRO), 3, FIIRO 19 ROAD, OFF CAPPA BUS STOP, AGEGE MOTOR ROAD, OSHODI, LAGOS FEDERAL MINISTRY OF AGRICULTURE & RURAL DEVELOPMENT, FOOD & STRATEGIC GRAINS RESERVE DEPARTMENT (FRSD) SILO COMPLEX, KWANA 20 WAYA, YOLA, ADAMAWA STATE 21 FRESH COUNTRY CHICKEN ENTERPRISES, SHONGA, KWARA STATE 22 GOLDEN PENNY FLOUR MILLLS, APAPA WHARF, APAPA, LAGOS STATE HURLAG TECHNOLOGIES, 7, LADIPO OLUWOLE STREET, OFF ADENIYI JONES 23 AVENUE, IKEJA, LAGOS STATE 24 IBN DEND, FARM, KM.
    [Show full text]
  • African Coups
    Annex 2b. Coups d’Etat in Africa, 1946-2004: Successful (1), Attempted (2), Plotted (3), and Alleged (4) Country Month Day Year Success Leaders Deaths Angola 10 27 1974 2 Antonio Navarro (inter alia) 0 Angola 5 27 1977 2 Cdr. Nito Alves, Jose van Dunen 200 Benin 10 28 1963 1 Gen. Christophe Soglo 999 Benin 11 29 1965 1 Congacou 0 Benin 12 17 1967 1 Alley 998 Benin 12 13 1969 1 de Souza 998 Benin 10 26 1972 1 Maj. Mathieu Kerekou 0 Benin 10 18 1975 2 Urbain Nicoue 0 Benin 1 16 1977 2 unspecified 8 Benin 3 26 1988 2 Capt. Hountoundji 0 Benin 5 1992 2 Pascal Tawes 0 Benin 11 15 1995 2 Col. Dankoro, Mr. Chidiac 1 Burkina Faso 1 3 1966 1 Lt. Col. Sangoule Lamizana 0 Burkina Faso 11 25 1980 1 Col. Saye Zerbo 0 Burkina Faso 11 7 1982 1 Maj. Jean-Baptiste Ouedraogo 20 Burkina Faso 8 4 1983 1 Capt. Thomas Sankara 13 Burkina Faso 10 15 1987 1 Capt. Blaise Campaore 100 Burkina Faso 10 20 2003 4 Norbert Tiendrebeogo, Capt. Wally Diapagri 0 Burundi 10 18 1965 2 unspecified 500 Burundi 11 29 1966 1 Capt. Micombero 999 Burundi 5 1972 4 unspecified 100000 Burundi 11 1 1976 1 Lt. Col. Jean-Baptiste Bagaza 0 Burundi 9 3 1987 1 Maj. Pierre Buyoya 0 Burundi 3 4 1992 2 Bagaza? 0 Burundi 7 3 1993 2 officers loyal to Buyoya 0 Burundi 10 21 1993 2 Gen. Bikomagu, Francois Ngeze 150000 Burundi 4 25 1994 2 Tutsi paratroopers 999 Burundi 7 25 1996 1 army 6000 Burundi 4 18 2001 2 Lt.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons Or Profiteers?
    Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons or Profiteers? By Jo-Ansie van Wyk Occasional Paper Series: Volume 2, Number 1, 2007 The Occasional Paper Series is published by The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD). ACCORD is a non-governmental, non-aligned conflict resolution organisation based in Durban, South Africa. ACCORD is constituted as an education trust. Views expressed in this Occasional Paper are not necessarily those of ACCORD. While every attempt is made to ensure that the information published here is accurate, no responsibility is accepted for any loss or damage that may arise out of the reliance of any person upon any of the information this Occassional Paper contains. Copyright © ACCORD 2007 All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISSN 1608-3954 Unsolicited manuscripts may be submitted to: The Editor, Occasional Paper Series, c/o ACCORD, Private Bag X018, Umhlanga Rocks 4320, Durban, South Africa or email: [email protected] Manuscripts should be about 10 000 words in length. All references must be included. Abstract It is easy to experience a sense of déjà vu when analysing political lead- ership in Africa. The perception is that African leaders rule failed states that have acquired tags such as “corruptocracies”, “chaosocracies” or “terrorocracies”. Perspectives on political leadership in Africa vary from the “criminalisation” of the state to political leadership as “dispensing patrimony”, the “recycling” of elites and the use of state power and resources to consolidate political and economic power.
    [Show full text]
  • Odo/Ota Local Government Secretariat, Sango - Agric
    S/NO PLACEMENT DEPARTMENT ADO - ODO/OTA LOCAL GOVERNMENT SECRETARIAT, SANGO - AGRIC. & BIO. ENGINEERING 1 OTA, OGUN STATE AGEGE LOCAL GOVERNMENT, BALOGUN STREET, MATERNITY, AGRIC. & BIO. ENGINEERING 2 SANGO, AGEGE, LAGOS STATE AHMAD AL-IMAM NIG. LTD., NO 27, ZULU GAMBARI RD., ILORIN AGRIC. & BIO. ENGINEERING 3 4 AKTEM TECHNOLOGY, ILORIN, KWARA STATE AGRIC. & BIO. ENGINEERING 5 ALLAMIT NIG. LTD., IBADAN, OYO STATE AGRIC. & BIO. ENGINEERING 6 AMOULA VENTURES LTD., IKEJA, LAGOS STATE AGRIC. & BIO. ENGINEERING CALVERTON HELICOPTERS, 2, PRINCE KAYODE, AKINGBADE MECHANICAL ENGINEERING 7 CLOSE, VICTORIA ISLAND, LAGOS STATE CHI-FARM LTD., KM 20, IBADAN/LAGOS EXPRESSWAY, AJANLA, AGRIC. & BIO. ENGINEERING 8 IBADAN, OYO STATE CHINA CIVIL ENGINEERING CONSTRUCTION CORPORATION (CCECC), KM 3, ABEOKUTA/LAGOS EXPRESSWAY, OLOMO - ORE, AGRIC. & BIO. ENGINEERING 9 OGUN STATE COCOA RESEARCH INSTITUTE OF NIGERIA (CRIN), KM 14, IJEBU AGRIC. & BIO. ENGINEERING 10 ODE ROAD, IDI - AYANRE, IBADAN, OYO STATE COKER AGUDA LOCAL COUNCIL, 19/29, THOMAS ANIMASAUN AGRIC. & BIO. ENGINEERING 11 STREET, AGUDA, SURULERE, LAGOS STATE CYBERSPACE NETWORK LTD.,33 SAKA TIINUBU STREET. AGRIC. & BIO. ENGINEERING 12 VICTORIA ISLAND, LAGOS STATE DE KOOLAR NIGERIA LTD.,PLOT 14, HAKEEM BALOGUN STREET, AGRIC. & BIO. ENGINEERING OPP. TECHNICAL COLLEGE, AGIDINGBI, IKEJA, LAGOS STATE 13 DEPARTMENT OF PETROLEUM RESOURCES, 11, NUPE ROAD, OFF AGRIC. & BIO. ENGINEERING 14 AHMAN PATEGI ROAD, G.R.A, ILORIN, KWARA STATE DOLIGERIA BIOSYSTEMS NIGERIA LTD, 1, AFFAN COMPLEX, 1, AGRIC. & BIO. ENGINEERING 15 OLD JEBBA ROAD, ILORIN, KWARA STATE Page 1 SIWES PLACEMENT COMPANIES & ADDRESSES.xlsx S/NO PLACEMENT DEPARTMENT ESFOOS STEEL CONSTRUCTION COMPANY, OPP. SDP, OLD IFE AGRIC. & BIO. ENGINEERING 16 ROAD, AKINFENWA, EGBEDA, IBADAN, OYO STATE 17 FABIS FARMS NIGERIA LTD., ILORIN, KWARA STATE AGRIC.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons Or Profiteers?
    Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons or Profiteers? By Jo-Ansie van Wyk Occasional Paper Series: Volume 2, Number 1, 2007 The Occasional Paper Series is published by The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD). ACCORD is a non-governmental, non-aligned conflict resolution organisation based in Durban, South Africa. ACCORD is constituted as an education trust. Views expressed in this Occasional Paper are not necessarily those of ACCORD. While every attempt is made to ensure that the information published here is accurate, no responsibility is accepted for any loss or damage that may arise out of the reliance of any person upon any of the information this Occassional Paper contains. Copyright © ACCORD 2007 All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISSN 1608-3954 Unsolicited manuscripts may be submitted to: The Editor, Occasional Paper Series, c/o ACCORD, Private Bag X018, Umhlanga Rocks 4320, Durban, South Africa or email: [email protected] Manuscripts should be about 10 000 words in length. All references must be included. Abstract It is easy to experience a sense of déjà vu when analysing political lead- ership in Africa. The perception is that African leaders rule failed states that have acquired tags such as “corruptocracies”, “chaosocracies” or “terrorocracies”. Perspectives on political leadership in Africa vary from the “criminalisation” of the state to political leadership as “dispensing patrimony”, the “recycling” of elites and the use of state power and resources to consolidate political and economic power.
    [Show full text]
  • Journal of African Elections Special Issue West Africa
    VOLUME 10 NO 2 i Journal of African Elections Special Issue West Africa GUEST EDITOR Abdul Rahman Lamin ARTICLES BY Abdul Rahman Lamin David Dossou Zounmenou Jasper Ayelazuno Ben Simon Okolo R Okey Onunkwo Isaaka Souaré Khabele Matlosa Volume 10 Number 2 October 2011 i ii JOUR na L OF AFRIC an ELECTIO N S Published by EISA 14 Park Road, Richmond Johannesburg South Africa P O Box 740 Auckland Park 2006 South Africa Tel: +27 (0) 11 381 6000 Fax: +27 (0) 11 482 6163 e-mail: [email protected] ©EISA 2011 ISSN: 1609-4700 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the written permission of the publisher Copy editor: Pat Tucker Printed by: Global Print, Johannesburg Cover photograph: Reproduced with the permission of the HAMILL GALLERY OF AFRICAN ART, BOSTON, MA, USA www.eisa.org.za VOLUME 10 NO 2 iii Editor Peter Vale, University of Johannesburg MANAGING Editor Jackie Kalley Editorial BOARD Acting chair: Denis Kadima, EISA, Johannesburg Jørgen Elklit, Department of Political Science, University of Aarhus, Denmark Amanda Gouws, Department of Political Science, University of Stellenbosch Abdul Rahman Lamin, UNESCO, Accra Tom Lodge, Department of Politics and Public Administration, University of Limerick Khabele Matlosa, UNDP/ECA Joint Governance Initiatives, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Roger Southall, Department of Sociology, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg The Journal of African Elections is an interdisciplinary biannual publication of research and writing in the human sciences, which seeks to promote a scholarly understanding of developments and change in Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • Election Management Bodies in West Africa a Comparative Study of the Contribution of Electoral Commissions to the Strengthening of Democracy
    Election Management Bodies in West Africa A comparative study of the contribution of electoral commissions to the strengthening of democracy By Ismaila Madior Fall Mathias Hounkpe Adele L. Jinadu Pascal Kambale A review by AfriMAP and the Open Society Initiative for West Africa Copyright © 2011, Open Society Initiative for West Africa. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form, or by any means, without the prior permission of the publisher. Published by: Open Society Foundations For more information contact: AfriMAP / Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa (OSISA) P O Box 678 Wits, 2050 Johannesburg, South Africa [email protected] www.afrimap. org Open Society Initiative for West Africa (OSIWA) BP 008, Dakar-Fann, Dakar, Senegal www.osiwa.org Layout and printing: COMPRESS.dsl, South Africa Contents Preface v Methodology and acknowledgments vii 1 Overview: The contribution of electoral management bodies to credible elections in West Africa – Pascal Kambale 1 A. Introduction 1 B. Colonial legacy 2 C. Elections and constitutional reforms 3 D. Membership of EMBs and appointment of Electoral Commissioners 4 E. Independence and effectiveness 4 F. Common challenges to electoral management 8 G. Conclusion 9 H. Recommendations 10 2 Benin – Mathias Hounkpe 12 A. Summary 12 B. Historical background 13 C. The Autonomous National Electoral Commission (CENA) 19 D. Funding of elections in Benin 31 E. Electoral disputes in Benin 34 F. Critical assessment of the CENA’s performance 36 G. Recommendations 47 3 Cape Verde – Ismaila Madior Fall 49 A. Summary 49 B. Constitutional development, party politics and electoral history 51 C.
    [Show full text]
  • The Military and the Challenge of Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria: Positive Skepticism and Negative Optimism
    Journal of Military and Strategic VOLUME 15, ISSUE 4, 2014 Studies The Military And The Challenge Of Democratic Consolidation In Nigeria: Positive Skepticism And Negative Optimism Emmanuel O. Ojo Introduction This paper is an attempt to consider the role of the military in Nigeria’s democratic transitions. The paper has one major thrust – an in-depth analysis of military role in democratic transitions in Nigeria - the fundamental question, however, is: can the military ever be expected or assumed to play any major role in building democracy? The reality on the ground in Africa is that the military as an institution has never been completely immune from politics and the role of nation-building. However, whether they have been doing that perfectly or not is another question entirely which this paper shall address. The extant literature on civil-military relations generally is far from being optimistic that the military can discharge that kind of function creditably. Nonetheless, perhaps by sheer providence, they have been prominent both in political transitions and nation-building in Africa. It is against this backdrop of both pessimism and optimism that necessitated this caption an ‘oxymoron’- a figure of speech which depicts the contradictory compatibility in terms of civil-military relations in Nigeria. It is important to note that Nigeria’s democratization march has been a chequered one. Ben Nwabueze identified five different phases of Nigeria’s ©Centre of Military and Strategic Studies, 2014 ISSN : 1488-559X JOURNAL OF MILITARY AND
    [Show full text]