Nigeria Relations in Historical Perspective
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Downloaded from Brill.Com09/27/2021 03:14:16PM Via Free Access 88 Anthony
Journal of African Military History 2 (2018) 87–118 brill.com/jamh “What Are They Observing?” The Accomplishments and Missed Opportunities of Observer Missions in the Nigerian Civil War Douglas Anthony* Franklin & Marshall College, Lancaster PA [email protected] Abstract Three separate observer missions operated in Nigeria during the country’s 1967–1970 war against Biafran secession, charged with investigating allegations that Nigeria was engaged in genocide against Biafrans. Operating alongside UN and OAU missions, the four-country international observer group was best positioned to respond authorita- tively to those allegations, but problems with the composition of the group and its failure to extend the geographical scope of its operations beyond Nigerian-held terri- tory rendered its findings of limited value. This paper argues that the observer missions offer useful windows on several aspects of the war and almost certainly delivered some benefits to Biafrans, but also effectively abdicated their responsibility to Biafrans and the international community by allowing procedural politics to come before commit- ment to the spirit of the Genocide Convention. Keywords Biafra – genocide – Igbo – international observers – military observers – OAU – Nige- rian Civil War – United Nations * The author wishes to thank Jeffrey Kempler, whose initial foray into the United Nations archive seeded the research central to this article; the Franklin & Marshall College Hackman Fellows program; and Franklin & Marshall College for support for faculty research. © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2018 | doi:10.1163/24680966-00202001Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 03:14:16PM via free access 88 anthony 1 Introduction Three separate observer missions monitored Nigerian military operations dur- ing that country’s 1967–1970 war against the secessionist Republic of Biafra, a conflict remembered by some as the Nigerian Civil War and others as the Nigeria-Biafra War. -
Voting Without Choosing?
Institute of African Studies Carleton University (Ottawa, Canada) 2019 (7) Voting without Choosing? Ethnic Voting Behaviour and Voting Patterns in Nigeria’s 2015 Presidential Election and Implications for Institutionalisation of Social Conflicts Kialee Nyiayaana1 Abstract: Nigeria’s 2015 Presidential Election was widely seen as competitive, fair and less violent than other elections since the transition to democracy in 1999. This paper does not argue otherwise. Rather, it problematizes ethnic voting behaviour and voting patterns observed in the election and raises questions about their implications for institutionalisation of democracy and social conflicts in Nigeria. It argues that while scholarly examinations portray the presidential election results as ‘victory for democracy’, not least because an incumbent president was defeated for the first time in Nigeria, analysis of the spatial structure of votes cast reveals a predominant pattern of voting along ethnic, religious and geospatial lines. It further contends that this identity-based voting not only translates into a phenomenon of ‘voting without choosing,’ but is also problematic for social cohesion, interethnic harmony and peacebuilding in Nigeria. The relaxation of agitations for resource control in the Niger Delta throughout President Jonathan’s tenure and its revival in post-Jonathan regime is illustrative of the dilemmas and contradictions of ethnic voting and voting without choosing in Nigeria. This observation draws policy attention to addressing structural underpinnings of the relationship between ethnicity, geography and voting behaviour in Nigerian politics so as to consolidate democratic gains and enhance democratic peace in Nigeria. Nigeria’s 2015 Presidential election has been described as a turning point in the country’s political history and democratic evolution. -
War Prevention Works 50 Stories of People Resolving Conflict by Dylan Mathews War Prevention OXFORD • RESEARCH • Groupworks 50 Stories of People Resolving Conflict
OXFORD • RESEARCH • GROUP war prevention works 50 stories of people resolving conflict by Dylan Mathews war prevention works OXFORD • RESEARCH • GROUP 50 stories of people resolving conflict Oxford Research Group is a small independent team of Oxford Research Group was Written and researched by researchers and support staff concentrating on nuclear established in 1982. It is a public Dylan Mathews company limited by guarantee with weapons decision-making and the prevention of war. Produced by charitable status, governed by a We aim to assist in the building of a more secure world Scilla Elworthy Board of Directors and supported with Robin McAfee without nuclear weapons and to promote non-violent by a Council of Advisers. The and Simone Schaupp solutions to conflict. Group enjoys a strong reputation Design and illustrations by for objective and effective Paul V Vernon Our work involves: We bring policy-makers – senior research, and attracts the support • Researching how policy government officials, the military, of foundations, charities and The front and back cover features the painting ‘Lightness in Dark’ scientists, weapons designers and private individuals, many of decisions are made and who from a series of nine paintings by makes them. strategists – together with Quaker origin, in Britain, Gabrielle Rifkind • Promoting accountability independent experts Europe and the and transparency. to develop ways In this United States. It • Providing information on current past the new millennium, has no political OXFORD • RESEARCH • GROUP decisions so that public debate obstacles to human beings are faced with affiliations. can take place. nuclear challenges of planetary survival 51 Plantation Road, • Fostering dialogue between disarmament. -
International Conference on Development in Honor of Professor Kwabena Gyimah-Brempong
International Conference on Development in Honor of Professor Kwabena Gyimah-Brempong March 18 and 19, 2016 Day 1: Friday, March 18, 2016 Time Event 8:15-8.45 Registration Room: ISA Atrium 8:45-9:30 Opening Ceremony-Welcome Statements Room: ISA 1061 John Karikari US Government Accountability Office, Washington D.C Donna J Petersen Professor and Dean of the College of Public Health, Senior Associate Vice President, USF Health University of South Florida, Tampa Elizabeth Asiedu Professor, University of Kansas, Lawrence President, Association for the Advancement of African Woman Economists (AAAWE) Akua Agyen Research Associate, AAAWE 9:30-10:15 Keynote Address Room: ISA 1061 Kaye Husbands Fealing Professor and Chair, School of Public Policy Georgia Institute of Technology, Georgia Title: Governance and Growth: When Does Policy Matter? 10:15-10:30 Coffee Break Concurrent Sessions 10:30-12:30 Session 1: Room: ISA 3048 Session 2: Room: ISA 3051 Chair: Belinda Archibong Chair: Tewodaj Mogues Foreign Aid and FDI Gender Issues in Developing Countries Paper S1.1: The impact of the sectoral Paper S2.1: Reducing the gender gap in education: allocation of foreign aid on gender inequality Female teachers as Role Models Lynda Pickbourn, Hampshire College, Neepa Gaekwad Babulal, AAAWE and University of Amherst Kansas, Lawrence 10:30-12:30 Paper S1.2: A synthesis of market size, Paper S2.2: Female managers, attitudes toward women remittances and FDI flows to Sub-Sahara and the gender wage-gap: An empirical study of three Africa Sub-Saharan countries William -
Civil War 1968-1970
Copyright by Roy Samuel Doron 2011 The Dissertation Committee for Roy Samuel Doron Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Forging a Nation while losing a Country: Igbo Nationalism, Ethnicity and Propaganda in the Nigerian Civil War 1968-1970 Committee: Toyin Falola, Supervisor Okpeh Okpeh Catherine Boone Juliet Walker H.W. Brands Forging a Nation while losing a Country: Igbo Nationalism, Ethnicity and Propaganda in the Nigerian Civil War 1968-1970 by Roy Samuel Doron B.A.; M.A. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin August 2011 Forging a Nation while losing a Country: Igbo Nationalism, Ethnicity and Propaganda in the Nigerian Civil War 1968-1970 Roy Samuel Doron, PhD The University of Texas at Austin, 2011 Supervisor: Toyin Falola This project looks at the ways the Biafran Government maintained their war machine in spite of the hopeless situation that emerged in the summer of 1968. Ojukwu’s government looked certain to topple at the beginning of the summer of 1968, yet Biafra held on and did not capitulate until nearly two years later, on 15 January 1970. The Ojukwu regime found itself in a serious predicament; how to maintain support for a war that was increasingly costly to the Igbo people, both in military terms and in the menacing face of the starvation of the civilian population. Further, the Biafran government had to not only mobilize a global public opinion campaign against the “genocidal” campaign waged against them, but also convince the world that the only option for Igbo survival was an independent Biafra. -
Buhari Presidency and Federal Character in Nigeria: a Human Needs Theory Perspective
Science Arena Publications International Journal of Philosophy and Social-Psychological Sciences Available online at www.sciarena.com 2017, Vol, 3 (1): 74-90 Buhari Presidency and Federal Character in Nigeria: A Human Needs Theory Perspective Eme, Okechukwu Innocent1, Okeke, Martins Ifeanyi2 1Department of Public Administration and Local Government University of Nigeria, Nsukka Email: [email protected] 2Department of Political Science, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka Abstract: The broad objective of this study is to examine the problems of imbalance in our national life between/ among states and ethnic/religious groups in relation to the recent appointments made by the Buhari Presidency on diversity in Nigeria. This is because those from the Southern part of Nigeria have continued to express concern over the appointments made so far by President Muhammadu Buhari. They posit that the appointments were lopsided and not in the best interest of the country. President Buhari is from Katsina State, Senate President Bukola Saraki and House of Representatives Speaker, Yakubu Dogara are from Kwara and Bauchi states respectively. The judiciary is led by Justice Mahmud Mohammed from Taraba State. Of the seventeen appointments made by Buhari so far, seventeen are from the North, while five are from the South. The appointments, however, drew the ire of Nigerians who asked Buhari to respect the country’s principle of federal character. Already, the Internet, particularly the social media and blogs, are agog with reactions and counter-reactions on the matter. For those who are opposed to his appointments so far, they smack of tribalism, nepotism, religious bigotry and a pointer to his ill- motivated aspiration to Islamize the country, which must be resisted. -
African Coups
Annex 2b. Coups d’Etat in Africa, 1946-2004: Successful (1), Attempted (2), Plotted (3), and Alleged (4) Country Month Day Year Success Leaders Deaths Angola 10 27 1974 2 Antonio Navarro (inter alia) 0 Angola 5 27 1977 2 Cdr. Nito Alves, Jose van Dunen 200 Benin 10 28 1963 1 Gen. Christophe Soglo 999 Benin 11 29 1965 1 Congacou 0 Benin 12 17 1967 1 Alley 998 Benin 12 13 1969 1 de Souza 998 Benin 10 26 1972 1 Maj. Mathieu Kerekou 0 Benin 10 18 1975 2 Urbain Nicoue 0 Benin 1 16 1977 2 unspecified 8 Benin 3 26 1988 2 Capt. Hountoundji 0 Benin 5 1992 2 Pascal Tawes 0 Benin 11 15 1995 2 Col. Dankoro, Mr. Chidiac 1 Burkina Faso 1 3 1966 1 Lt. Col. Sangoule Lamizana 0 Burkina Faso 11 25 1980 1 Col. Saye Zerbo 0 Burkina Faso 11 7 1982 1 Maj. Jean-Baptiste Ouedraogo 20 Burkina Faso 8 4 1983 1 Capt. Thomas Sankara 13 Burkina Faso 10 15 1987 1 Capt. Blaise Campaore 100 Burkina Faso 10 20 2003 4 Norbert Tiendrebeogo, Capt. Wally Diapagri 0 Burundi 10 18 1965 2 unspecified 500 Burundi 11 29 1966 1 Capt. Micombero 999 Burundi 5 1972 4 unspecified 100000 Burundi 11 1 1976 1 Lt. Col. Jean-Baptiste Bagaza 0 Burundi 9 3 1987 1 Maj. Pierre Buyoya 0 Burundi 3 4 1992 2 Bagaza? 0 Burundi 7 3 1993 2 officers loyal to Buyoya 0 Burundi 10 21 1993 2 Gen. Bikomagu, Francois Ngeze 150000 Burundi 4 25 1994 2 Tutsi paratroopers 999 Burundi 7 25 1996 1 army 6000 Burundi 4 18 2001 2 Lt. -
Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons Or Profiteers?
Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons or Profiteers? By Jo-Ansie van Wyk Occasional Paper Series: Volume 2, Number 1, 2007 The Occasional Paper Series is published by The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD). ACCORD is a non-governmental, non-aligned conflict resolution organisation based in Durban, South Africa. ACCORD is constituted as an education trust. Views expressed in this Occasional Paper are not necessarily those of ACCORD. While every attempt is made to ensure that the information published here is accurate, no responsibility is accepted for any loss or damage that may arise out of the reliance of any person upon any of the information this Occassional Paper contains. Copyright © ACCORD 2007 All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISSN 1608-3954 Unsolicited manuscripts may be submitted to: The Editor, Occasional Paper Series, c/o ACCORD, Private Bag X018, Umhlanga Rocks 4320, Durban, South Africa or email: [email protected] Manuscripts should be about 10 000 words in length. All references must be included. Abstract It is easy to experience a sense of déjà vu when analysing political lead- ership in Africa. The perception is that African leaders rule failed states that have acquired tags such as “corruptocracies”, “chaosocracies” or “terrorocracies”. Perspectives on political leadership in Africa vary from the “criminalisation” of the state to political leadership as “dispensing patrimony”, the “recycling” of elites and the use of state power and resources to consolidate political and economic power. -
Amending the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999
African Journal of Legal Studies 4 (2011) 123–148 brill.nl/ajls Amending the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 Nat Ofo* Senior Lecturer and Sub-Dean, College of Law, Igbinedion University Okada, Edo State, Nigeria Abstract The amendment of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 has not been free of contro- versies. The latest controversy dogging the amendment relates to whether or not it is necessary for the President to assent to the Bill of the National Assembly amending the Constitution, even after the amend- ment has been ratified by at least two-thirds of the Houses of Assembly of the States of the Federation. There are two schools of thought on this issue; each with sound arguments in support of their respective position. A dispassionate and realistic consideration of the issue has been undertaken in this article. The conclusion is reached that the provision of the constitution dealing with its amendment is not free from ambiguity. Its lack of clarity on its amendment procedure has made it obviously in dire need of amend- ment. Consequently, necessary suggestions on how to resolve the issues, including the amendment of the amendment-provision of the constitution have been proffered. Keywords constitutional law; constitutional amendment; 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria; assent of the President; interpretation of statutes; National Assembly; Senate; House of Representatives 1. Introduction Amending the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 19991 has ab ini- tio not been free from controversies. The latest controversy on the amendment of the 1999 Constitution relates to whether the assent of the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria is necessary before any purported amendment to the consti- tution can become effectual.2 As can be imagined, there are two views on the matter. -
5. U.S. Policy Toward Africa
GREA1918 • FOREIGN POLICYT ASSOCIATION DECISIONS EDITION 2015 5. U.S. policy toward Africa Acronyms and abbreviations Omar al-Bashir: He became the president of Sudan in 1989 after a bloodless military coup and has been under AFRICOM—U.S. Africa Command scrutiny for corruption and other abuses of power. AFISMA—African-led International Support Mission to Mali Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali (Tunisia): General Ben Ali AGOA—African Growth and Opportunity Act who was serving as prime minister, became president af- AMISON—African Union Mission in Somalia ter Habib Bourguiba was forced to step down after being APRRP—African Peacekeeping Rapid Response Part- declared mentally unfit. Ben Ali ruled until Jan. 2011, nership when he left the country following continued violent AU—African Union demonstrations in the country. CAR—Central African Republic CBC—Congressional Black Caucus Boko Haram: A militant Islamist movement based in CPA—Comprehensive Peace Agreement Nigeria that gained international attention in 2014 when DRC—Democratic Republic of the Congo it kidnapped over 200 girls, planning to sell them into ECCAS—Economic Community of Central African States slavery. ECOWAS—Economic Community of West African States ICC—International Criminal Court Omar Bongo: President of Gabon for 41 years until his LRA—Lord’s Resistance Army death in 2009. Despite periodic accusations of corruption, NTC—National Transitional Council he maintained relative stability during his time in office, PEPFAR—President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief and, at the time of his death, was the longest-serving head USAID—U.S. Agency for International Development of state in Africa. Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA): A set of agreements seeking to end years of civil war in Sudan. -
Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons Or Profiteers?
Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons or Profiteers? By Jo-Ansie van Wyk Occasional Paper Series: Volume 2, Number 1, 2007 The Occasional Paper Series is published by The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD). ACCORD is a non-governmental, non-aligned conflict resolution organisation based in Durban, South Africa. ACCORD is constituted as an education trust. Views expressed in this Occasional Paper are not necessarily those of ACCORD. While every attempt is made to ensure that the information published here is accurate, no responsibility is accepted for any loss or damage that may arise out of the reliance of any person upon any of the information this Occassional Paper contains. Copyright © ACCORD 2007 All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISSN 1608-3954 Unsolicited manuscripts may be submitted to: The Editor, Occasional Paper Series, c/o ACCORD, Private Bag X018, Umhlanga Rocks 4320, Durban, South Africa or email: [email protected] Manuscripts should be about 10 000 words in length. All references must be included. Abstract It is easy to experience a sense of déjà vu when analysing political lead- ership in Africa. The perception is that African leaders rule failed states that have acquired tags such as “corruptocracies”, “chaosocracies” or “terrorocracies”. Perspectives on political leadership in Africa vary from the “criminalisation” of the state to political leadership as “dispensing patrimony”, the “recycling” of elites and the use of state power and resources to consolidate political and economic power. -
African Warrior Culture
African Warrior Culture: The Symbolism and Integration of the Avtomat Kalashnikova throughout Continental Africa By Kevin Andrew Laurell Senior Thesis in History California State Polytechnic University, Pomona June 10, 2014 Grade: Advisor: Dr. Amanda Podany Laurell 1 "I'm proud of my invention, but I'm sad that it is used by terrorists… I would prefer to have invented a machine that people could use and that would help farmers with their work - for example a lawnmower."- Mikhail Kalashnikov The Automatic Kalashnikov is undoubtedly the most recognizable and iconic of all weapon systems over the past sixty-seven years. Commonly referred to as the AK or AK-47, the rifle is a symbol of both oppression and revolution in war-torn parts of the world today. Most major conflicts over the past forty years throughout Africa, Asia, the Middle East, and South America have been fought with Kalashnikov rifles. The global saturation of Kalashnikov weaponry finds its roots in the Cold War mentalities of both the Soviet Union and Western powers vying for ideological footholds and powerful spheres of influence. Oftentimes the fiercest Cold War conflicts took place in continental Africa, with both Moscow and Washington interfering with local politics and providing assistance to one group or another. While Communist-Socialist and Western Capitalist ideologies proved unsuccessful in many regions in Africa, the AK-47 remained the surviving victor. From what we know of the Cold War, millions of Automatic Kalashnikovs (as well as the patents to the weapons) were sent to countries that were willing to discourage the threat of Western influence.