5. U.S. Policy Toward Africa
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Voting Without Choosing?
Institute of African Studies Carleton University (Ottawa, Canada) 2019 (7) Voting without Choosing? Ethnic Voting Behaviour and Voting Patterns in Nigeria’s 2015 Presidential Election and Implications for Institutionalisation of Social Conflicts Kialee Nyiayaana1 Abstract: Nigeria’s 2015 Presidential Election was widely seen as competitive, fair and less violent than other elections since the transition to democracy in 1999. This paper does not argue otherwise. Rather, it problematizes ethnic voting behaviour and voting patterns observed in the election and raises questions about their implications for institutionalisation of democracy and social conflicts in Nigeria. It argues that while scholarly examinations portray the presidential election results as ‘victory for democracy’, not least because an incumbent president was defeated for the first time in Nigeria, analysis of the spatial structure of votes cast reveals a predominant pattern of voting along ethnic, religious and geospatial lines. It further contends that this identity-based voting not only translates into a phenomenon of ‘voting without choosing,’ but is also problematic for social cohesion, interethnic harmony and peacebuilding in Nigeria. The relaxation of agitations for resource control in the Niger Delta throughout President Jonathan’s tenure and its revival in post-Jonathan regime is illustrative of the dilemmas and contradictions of ethnic voting and voting without choosing in Nigeria. This observation draws policy attention to addressing structural underpinnings of the relationship between ethnicity, geography and voting behaviour in Nigerian politics so as to consolidate democratic gains and enhance democratic peace in Nigeria. Nigeria’s 2015 Presidential election has been described as a turning point in the country’s political history and democratic evolution. -
Buhari Presidency and Federal Character in Nigeria: a Human Needs Theory Perspective
Science Arena Publications International Journal of Philosophy and Social-Psychological Sciences Available online at www.sciarena.com 2017, Vol, 3 (1): 74-90 Buhari Presidency and Federal Character in Nigeria: A Human Needs Theory Perspective Eme, Okechukwu Innocent1, Okeke, Martins Ifeanyi2 1Department of Public Administration and Local Government University of Nigeria, Nsukka Email: [email protected] 2Department of Political Science, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka Abstract: The broad objective of this study is to examine the problems of imbalance in our national life between/ among states and ethnic/religious groups in relation to the recent appointments made by the Buhari Presidency on diversity in Nigeria. This is because those from the Southern part of Nigeria have continued to express concern over the appointments made so far by President Muhammadu Buhari. They posit that the appointments were lopsided and not in the best interest of the country. President Buhari is from Katsina State, Senate President Bukola Saraki and House of Representatives Speaker, Yakubu Dogara are from Kwara and Bauchi states respectively. The judiciary is led by Justice Mahmud Mohammed from Taraba State. Of the seventeen appointments made by Buhari so far, seventeen are from the North, while five are from the South. The appointments, however, drew the ire of Nigerians who asked Buhari to respect the country’s principle of federal character. Already, the Internet, particularly the social media and blogs, are agog with reactions and counter-reactions on the matter. For those who are opposed to his appointments so far, they smack of tribalism, nepotism, religious bigotry and a pointer to his ill- motivated aspiration to Islamize the country, which must be resisted. -
Armed Conflicts Report - Chad
Armed Conflicts Report - Chad Armed Conflicts Report Chad (1965 - first combat deaths) Update: January 2009 Summary Type of Conflict Parties to the Conflict Status of Fighting Number of Deaths Political Developments Background Arms Sources Summary: 2008 In February, rebel forces attempted a coup d’etat in the capital N’Djamena. Although unsuccessful, the attempted coup resulted in several hundred deaths, displaced tens of thousands and prompted the Chadian government to declare a state of emergency. A joint-international mission was deployed in Chad, including an EU military component (EUFOR) and a UN humanitarian component, the United Nations Mission in Central African Republic and Chad (MINURCAT). However, the relative ineffectualness of these missions, in combination with rebel proxy violence in the Sudan/Darfur-Chad border regions, hampered potential developments towards security. The humanitarian situation deteriorated as insecurity hampered the efforts of aid organizations. Citing Chad’s continued failure to use oil revenues for poverty reduction, the World Bank finally ended its involvement there by recalling loans from the Chad-Cameroon oil pipeline. 2007 The governments of Chad, Sudan and the Central African Republic signed an agreement to not support rebels in their territory attacking the other signatories, however, cross border attacks continued in 2007 and led to the death and increased displacement of Chadian citizens as well as Sudanese refugees living in Chad. Despite the signing of a ceasefire agreement by the government and four main armed opposition groups, no lasting peace agreement has been reached and armed resistance to President Idriss Deby’s leadership continued to intensify. Ethnic violence also continued and led UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon to propose two possible military operations for Chad, in combination with the European Union peacekeeping mission that is set to deploy in early 2008. -
National Flag and Emblem Locator Map TEXT HIGHLIGHTS: Diaries
GABON National Flag and Emblem Locator Map TEXT HIGHLIGHTS: Diaries updates, key events, brief analysis and relating news articles in timeline Overview France ruled what was to become Gabone from 1839. In 1849 slaves freed by the French founded the Gabonese capital Libreville French meaning for Free Town. In 1910 Gabone became one of the 4 territories of the Federation of French Equatorial Africa (AEF) along with Chad, Congo (Brazzaville), and the Central African Republic. Gabon achieved independence in 1960, with Leon Mba elected President in 1961. He was deposed in the only coup in Gabon's history in 1964, but was restored after French intervention. His Vice-President and hand-picked successor, Albert-Bernard Bongo, took over on his death in 1967 and declared Gabon a one-party state, which it remained until 1990. President Bernard Bongo converted to Islam in 1973, taking the name Al-Hadj Omar Bongo. Gabon enjoyed political stability throughout the 1970s, due largely to the rapid oil-driven economic growth that has given Gabon one of the largest per capita incomes in sub-Saharan Africa. But by the 1980s the oil boom was over and opposition grew. A government-in-exile was formed in Paris, and in response to a number of strikes, continued deterioration of the economy, and continued pressure for greater democracy, President Omar Bongo has convened a National Conference in March, 1990 to establish the principles for change. The country’s long serving president, Omar Bongo Ondimba, died on 8 June 2009. Following Presidential elections, Omar Bongo’s son, Ali Ben Bongo, was inaugurated as the new President of Gabone on 16 October, 2009. -
Amending the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999
African Journal of Legal Studies 4 (2011) 123–148 brill.nl/ajls Amending the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 Nat Ofo* Senior Lecturer and Sub-Dean, College of Law, Igbinedion University Okada, Edo State, Nigeria Abstract The amendment of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 has not been free of contro- versies. The latest controversy dogging the amendment relates to whether or not it is necessary for the President to assent to the Bill of the National Assembly amending the Constitution, even after the amend- ment has been ratified by at least two-thirds of the Houses of Assembly of the States of the Federation. There are two schools of thought on this issue; each with sound arguments in support of their respective position. A dispassionate and realistic consideration of the issue has been undertaken in this article. The conclusion is reached that the provision of the constitution dealing with its amendment is not free from ambiguity. Its lack of clarity on its amendment procedure has made it obviously in dire need of amend- ment. Consequently, necessary suggestions on how to resolve the issues, including the amendment of the amendment-provision of the constitution have been proffered. Keywords constitutional law; constitutional amendment; 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria; assent of the President; interpretation of statutes; National Assembly; Senate; House of Representatives 1. Introduction Amending the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 19991 has ab ini- tio not been free from controversies. The latest controversy on the amendment of the 1999 Constitution relates to whether the assent of the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria is necessary before any purported amendment to the consti- tution can become effectual.2 As can be imagined, there are two views on the matter. -
The Burundi Peace Process
ISS MONOGRAPH 171 ISS Head Offi ce Block D, Brooklyn Court 361 Veale Street New Muckleneuk, Pretoria, South Africa Tel: +27 12 346-9500 Fax: +27 12 346-9570 E-mail: [email protected] Th e Burundi ISS Addis Ababa Offi ce 1st Floor, Ki-Ab Building Alexander Pushkin Street PEACE CONDITIONAL TO CIVIL WAR FROM PROCESS: THE BURUNDI PEACE Peace Process Pushkin Square, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Th is monograph focuses on the role peacekeeping Tel: +251 11 372-1154/5/6 Fax: +251 11 372-5954 missions played in the Burundi peace process and E-mail: [email protected] From civil war to conditional peace in ensuring that agreements signed by parties to ISS Cape Town Offi ce the confl ict were adhered to and implemented. 2nd Floor, Armoury Building, Buchanan Square An AU peace mission followed by a UN 160 Sir Lowry Road, Woodstock, South Africa Tel: +27 21 461-7211 Fax: +27 21 461-7213 mission replaced the initial SA Protection Force. E-mail: [email protected] Because of the non-completion of the peace ISS Nairobi Offi ce process and the return of the PALIPEHUTU- Braeside Gardens, Off Muthangari Road FNL to Burundi, the UN Security Council Lavington, Nairobi, Kenya Tel: +254 20 386-1625 Fax: +254 20 386-1639 approved the redeployment of an AU mission to E-mail: [email protected] oversee the completion of the demobilisation of ISS Pretoria Offi ce these rebel forces by December 2008. Block C, Brooklyn Court C On 18 April 2009, at a ceremony to mark the 361 Veale Street ON beginning of the demobilisation of thousands New Muckleneuk, Pretoria, South Africa DI Tel: +27 12 346-9500 Fax: +27 12 460-0998 TI of PALIPEHUTU-FNL combatants, Agathon E-mail: [email protected] ON Rwasa, leader of PALIPEHUTU-FNL, gave up AL www.issafrica.org P his AK-47 and military uniform. -
Leaders' Dialogue on Africa COVID-Climate Emergency
LEADERS’ DIALOGUE ON THE AFRICA COVID-CLIMATE EMERGENCY Agenda Tuesday, 6 April, 2021 – 1 – 3 p.m. (GMT) CONTEXT The Covid-19 pandemic and climate change have combined to create compound crises for the world. For Africa, besides fighting the pandemic, this also amplifies the need to rapidly adapt to climate change. Although Africa did relatively well to shield itself from the worst of the health crisis in 2020, the impact of the pandemic on Africa’s development is already clear: the first recession in 25 years, with economic activity expected to have dropped by more than 3% in 2020, and as many as 40 million people falling into extreme poverty. African countries will need a comprehensive support package that drives growth and investments, and reaps the full benefits of healthy and decent jobs to re-start their economies and embark on a low carbon, resilient and inclusive recovery. Improved access to finance, at scale, will be key to simultaneously address urgent development needs including renewable energy access for all and to implement climate action plans. To keep the 1.5°C temperature goal of the Paris Agreement within reach all countries, including the G20 and other major emitters, will need to do their part by setting and translating net zero by mid-century commitments as stipulated in the Paris AGreement into ambitious and credible 2030 tarGets. This will be critical to limit the most extreme impacts of climate change on the African continent and its people. The African Development Bank and the Global Center on Adaptation (GCA) have responded to the urgent call by African leaders for a new and expanded effort to shore up momentum on Africa’s climate adaptation efforts. -
DANISH INSTITUTE for INTERNATIONAL STUDIES STRANDGADE 56 • 1401 COPENHAGEN K • DENMARK TEL +45 32 69 87 87 • [email protected] •
DANISH INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL STUDIES STRANDGADE 56 • 1401 COPENHAGEN K • DENMARK TEL +45 32 69 87 87 • [email protected] • www.diis.dk CAN NEPAD SUCCEED WITHOUT PRIOR POLITICAL REFORM? Ian Taylor DIIS Working Paper no 2005/23 © Copenhagen 2005 Danish Institute for International Studies, DIIS Strandgade 56, DK-1401 Copenhagen, Denmark Ph: +45 32 69 87 87 Fax: +45 32 69 87 00 E-mails: [email protected] Web: www.diis.dk Cover Design: Carsten Schiøler Printed in Denmark by Vesterkopi as ISBN: 87-7605-112-9 Price: DKK 25.00 (VAT included) DIIS publications can be downloaded free of charge from www.diis.dk Ian Taylor, Dr., Lecturer at University of St. Andrews, Department for International Relations CONTENTS Nepad Elites and their Democratic Qualifications............................................................................4 The African Peer Review Mechanism................................................................................................10 The Great Retreat .................................................................................................................................13 Concluding Remarks ............................................................................................................................19 Bibliography...........................................................................................................................................23 DIIS WORKING PAPER 2005/23 Can NEPAD Succeed without prior Political Reform? Ian Taylor The New Partnership for Africa’s Development or Nepad has -
The AU and the Search for Peace and Reconciliation in Burundi and Comoros
Th e AU and the search for Peace and Reconciliation in Burundi and Comoros The Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue (HD Centre) is an independent mediation organisation dedicated to helping improve the global response to armed confl ict. It attempts to achieve this by mediating between warring parties and providing support to the broader mediation community. The HD Centre is driven by humanitarian values and its ultimate goal to reduce the consequences of violent confl ict, improve security, and contribute to the peaceful resolution of confl ict. It maintains a neutral stance towards the warring parties that it mediates between and, in order to maintain its impartiality it is funded by a variety of governments, private foundations and philanthropists. © Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue, 2011 Reproduction of all or part of this publication may be authorised only with written consent and acknowledgement of the source. Front cover photography: © African Union, 78th PSC Meeting on Comoros, 9 June 2007 | © Lt. TMN Turyamumanya / Afrian Union, TFG Soldiers in Somalia queue for their fi rst organised payment exercise supervised by AMISOM troops in Mogadishu | © African Union, Water provision to neighbouring villagers in Mogadishu Th e AU and the search for Peace and Reconciliation in Burundi and Comoros Table of contents Part I Foreword 02 Acknowledgements 04 — Burundi case study Introduction 05 Part I: Burundi case study 09 Part II Executive summary 09 1.1 Context 10 case study — Comoros 1.2 OAU/AU intervention in the Burundi crisis 12 Part II: Comoros -
Leadership Turnovers in Sub-Saharan Africa
Analysis No. 192, August 2013 LEADERSHIP TURNOVERS IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA: FROM VIOLENCE AND COUPS TO PEACEFUL ELECTIONS? Giovanni Carbone Many African countries replaced their military or single-party regimes with pluralist politics during the early 1990s. This led to the introduction and regularisation of multiparty elections for the selection of a country’s president or prime minister. Of course, in many places, elections were not enough to start genuine democratization processes, as non-democratic rulers rapidly learned how to manipulate the vote and survive in the new political environment. Yet empirical evidence from our new “Leadership change” dataset – covering all 49 sub-Saharan states since 1960 (or subsequent year of independence) to 2012 – shows that elections did alter quite profoundly the way ordinary Africans can influence the selection and ousting of their leaders. Coups are now a rarer phenomenon, leadership turnovers have become more frequent, and peaceful alternation in power through the ballot box, if still uncommon, is part of a new political landscape. Giovanni Carbone, Associate Professor of Political Science, Università degli Studi di Milano ©ISPI2013 1 The opinions expressed herein are strictly personal and do not necessarily reflect the position of ISPI. The ISPI online papers are also published with the support of Cariplo The Arab Spring protests brought to the fore, once again, the issue of how to oust immovable authoritarian leaders. Tunisia’s Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali had been in power for 24 years. Hosni Mubarak ruled Egypt for 30 years. Muhammar Ghaddafi reigned over Libya for 42 years, while Syrians are still to see the end of the 43-year long rule of the al-Assad family. -
17 August 1960, Former French Colony Leader: Omar Bongo, B 1935
GABON (1) BASIC FACTS lndependence: 17 August 1960, former French colony Leader: Omar Bongo, b 1935, president since 1967 Capital: Libreville (main seaport and international airport) Other major cities: Port-Gentil (seaport), Franceville Area: 267 667 km2 Population: 1,5 mn (1995-2000) Population growth: 2,8 % Urbanization: 54 % (1995-2000) Languages: French (official), Fang-Mbeti, Shira-Punu HDl rank: 120 (1997) Life expectancy at birth: 54 years (1994) Adult literacy rate: 63,2 % (1995) Gross enrolment ratio (all educational levels): 60 % (1992) GNP: $3 759 mn GNPlcapita: $3 490 (1995) GDP (average annualgrowth rate): -2,5 % (1990-95) Foreign debt: $4 492 mn (1995); as % of GNP: 1 19 % Development aid: $143 mn (1995); as % of GNP: 4 % Comments: With its small population, Gabon rates among the highest income per capita economies in Africa. In addition to oil (the main export), the country produces manganese, uranium and timber. In September 1990, Gabon was the first of Africa's former single-party states to hold multi-party legislative elections. President Bongo's Democratic Party won by gaining a majority of 12 seats in the 120-seat National Assembly; and in December 1993 Bongo won the presidential election with 51 % of the votes cast. The country was destabilised, after both elections, by vehement opposition protest over alleged electoral fraud. In the most recent legislative elections, held in December 1996, the ruling party retained its majority. (2) COUNTRY REPORT No country report on Gabon has yet been published in this Series. (3) CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS ON HUMAN RIGHTS Amendments were made to the 1991 Constitution of Gabon (Law no 3/91 of 26 March 1991) by Law no 01/94 of 18 March 1994 and Law No 001/97 of 22 April 1997. -
On the State of Peace and Security in Africa
On the State of Peace and Security in Africa BY OLUSEGUN OBASANJO ecent developments and security threats in Mali, Central African Republic and Nigeria are alarming. And we cannot forget South Sudan and the endless conflicts in Somalia R and the Great Lakes. The African Union (AU), at its 50th Anniversary Solemn Declaration, pledged not to bequeath to future generations of Africans a legacy of wars and conflicts, by silenc- ing the guns by 2020. But 2020 is around the corner. What is the way out of this situation? Background to Today’s Security Concerns The African continent has no doubt witnessed many transformations in the last several decades, ranging from advances in the use of communication technology, to rapid economic growth trig- gered by an expanding market for Africa’s commodities, and a burgeoning youth population able to innovate in this environment. At the same time, our potential to translate these transformations into stable peace and development for African people is hampered by the continuing threat of armed conflict, along with its transmutations. Armed conflicts have become a recurrent reality in Africa since independence. From 1960 until the present day, fifty percent of Africa’s states have been ravaged by one form of conflict or another. The post-Cold War conflict resurgence is particularly disturbing. Peace and security scholars have attempted to classify armed conflicts on the continent into various catego- ries – some of which understandably only feature in our discourses in a historical sense. Categorization at this point is necessary, if only as an indication of how far we have come as a continent.