Armed Conflicts Report - Chad
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Economics of Ethnic Cleansing in Darfur
The Economics of Ethnic Cleansing in Darfur John Prendergast, Omer Ismail, and Akshaya Kumar August 2013 WWW.ENOUGHPROJECT.ORG WWW.SATSENTINEL.ORG The Economics of Ethnic Cleansing in Darfur John Prendergast, Omer Ismail, and Akshaya Kumar August 2013 COVER PHOTO Displaced Beni Hussein cattle shepherds take shelter on the outskirts of El Sereif village, North Darfur. Fighting over gold mines in North Darfur’s Jebel Amer area between the Janjaweed Abbala forces and Beni Hussein tribe started early this January and resulted in mass displacement of thousands. AP PHOTO/UNAMID, ALBERT GONZALEZ FARRAN Overview Darfur is burning again, with devastating results for its people. A kaleidoscope of Janjaweed forces are once again torching villages, terrorizing civilians, and systematically clearing prime land and resource-rich areas of their inhabitants. The latest ethnic-cleans- ing campaign has already displaced more than 300,000 Darfuris this year and forced more than 75,000 to seek refuge in neighboring Chad, the largest population displace- ment in recent years.1 An economic agenda is emerging as a major driver for the escalating violence. At the height of the mass atrocities committed from 2003 to 2005, the Sudanese regime’s strategy appeared to be driven primarily by the counterinsurgency objectives and secondarily by the acquisition of salaries and war booty. Undeniably, even at that time, the government could have only secured the loyalty of its proxy Janjaweed militias by allowing them to keep the fertile lands from which they evicted the original inhabitants. Today’s violence is even more visibly fueled by monetary motivations, which include land grabbing; consolidating control of recently discovered gold mines; manipulating reconciliation conferences for increased “blood money”; expanding protection rackets and smuggling networks; demanding ransoms; undertaking bank robberies; and resum- ing the large-scale looting that marked earlier periods of the conflict. -
Sudan: Interaction Between International and National Judicial Responses to the Mass Atrocities in Darfur
SUDAN: INTERACTION BETWEEN INTERNATIONAL AND NATIONAL JUDICIAL RESPONSES TO THE MASS ATROCITIES IN DARFUR BY SIGALL HOROVITZ DOMAC/19, APRIL 2013 ABOUT DOMAC THE DOMAC PROJECT focuses on the actual interaction between national and international courts involved in prosecuting individuals in mass atrocity situations. It explores what impact international procedures have on prosecution rates before national courts, their sentencing policies, award of reparations and procedural legal standards. It comprehensively examines the problems presented by the limited response of the international community to mass atrocity situations, and offers methods to improve coordination of national and international proceedings and better utilization of national courts, inter alia, through greater formal and informal avenues of cooperation, interaction and resource sharing between national and international courts. THE DOMAC PROJECT is a research program funded under the Seventh Framework Programme for EU Research (FP7) under grant agreement no. 217589. The DOMAC project is funded under the Socio-economic sciences and Humanities Programme for the duration of three years starting 1st February 2008. THE DOMAC PARTNERS are Hebrew University, Reykjavik University, University College London, University of Amsterdam, and University of Westminster. ABOUT THE AUTHOR Sigall Horovitz is a PhD candidate at Faculty of Law of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. She holds an LL.M. from Columbia University (2003). Ms. Horovitz worked as a Legal Officer at the United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, during 2005-2008. She also served with the Office of the Prosecution in the Special Court for Sierra Leone, in 2003-2004 and in 2010. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author would like to thank the interviewees and the anonymous reviewer for their valuable input. -
Genocide in Darfur - How the Horror Began - Sudan Tribune: Plural News and Views on Sudan
2/28/2019 Genocide in Darfur - How the Horror Began - Sudan Tribune: Plural news and views on Sudan Print HOME | COMMENT & ANALYSIS SATURDAY 3 SEPTEMBER 2005 Genocide in Darfur - How the Horror Began By Eric Reeves September 3, 2005 — In one of the most remote places in Africa, an insurgency began unnoticed under the shadow of the war in Iraq in 2003, killing 350,000 to 400,000 people in 29 months by means of violence, malnutrition, and disease in the first genocidal rampage of the 21st century. The insurgeny began virtually unnoticed in February 2003; it has, over the past two years, precipitated the first great episode of genocidal destruction in the 21st century. The victims are the non-Arab or African tribal groups of Darfur, primarily the Fur, the Massaleit, and the Zaghawa, but also the Tunjur, the Birgid, the Dajo, and others. These people have long been politically and economically marginalized, and in recent years the National Islamic Front regime, based in Sudan’s capital of Khartoum, has refused to control increasingly violent Arab militia raids of African villages in Darfur. Competition between Arab and African tribal groups over the scarce primary resources in Darfur-arable land and water-has been exacerbated by advancing desertification throughout the Sahel region. But it was Khartoum’s failure to respond to the desperate economic needs of this huge region (it is the size of France), the decayed judiciary, the lack of political representation, and in particular the growing impunity on the part of Arab raiders that gave rise to the full-scale armed conflict. -
The Burundi Peace Process
ISS MONOGRAPH 171 ISS Head Offi ce Block D, Brooklyn Court 361 Veale Street New Muckleneuk, Pretoria, South Africa Tel: +27 12 346-9500 Fax: +27 12 346-9570 E-mail: [email protected] Th e Burundi ISS Addis Ababa Offi ce 1st Floor, Ki-Ab Building Alexander Pushkin Street PEACE CONDITIONAL TO CIVIL WAR FROM PROCESS: THE BURUNDI PEACE Peace Process Pushkin Square, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Th is monograph focuses on the role peacekeeping Tel: +251 11 372-1154/5/6 Fax: +251 11 372-5954 missions played in the Burundi peace process and E-mail: [email protected] From civil war to conditional peace in ensuring that agreements signed by parties to ISS Cape Town Offi ce the confl ict were adhered to and implemented. 2nd Floor, Armoury Building, Buchanan Square An AU peace mission followed by a UN 160 Sir Lowry Road, Woodstock, South Africa Tel: +27 21 461-7211 Fax: +27 21 461-7213 mission replaced the initial SA Protection Force. E-mail: [email protected] Because of the non-completion of the peace ISS Nairobi Offi ce process and the return of the PALIPEHUTU- Braeside Gardens, Off Muthangari Road FNL to Burundi, the UN Security Council Lavington, Nairobi, Kenya Tel: +254 20 386-1625 Fax: +254 20 386-1639 approved the redeployment of an AU mission to E-mail: [email protected] oversee the completion of the demobilisation of ISS Pretoria Offi ce these rebel forces by December 2008. Block C, Brooklyn Court C On 18 April 2009, at a ceremony to mark the 361 Veale Street ON beginning of the demobilisation of thousands New Muckleneuk, Pretoria, South Africa DI Tel: +27 12 346-9500 Fax: +27 12 460-0998 TI of PALIPEHUTU-FNL combatants, Agathon E-mail: [email protected] ON Rwasa, leader of PALIPEHUTU-FNL, gave up AL www.issafrica.org P his AK-47 and military uniform. -
5. U.S. Policy Toward Africa
GREA1918 • FOREIGN POLICYT ASSOCIATION DECISIONS EDITION 2015 5. U.S. policy toward Africa Acronyms and abbreviations Omar al-Bashir: He became the president of Sudan in 1989 after a bloodless military coup and has been under AFRICOM—U.S. Africa Command scrutiny for corruption and other abuses of power. AFISMA—African-led International Support Mission to Mali Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali (Tunisia): General Ben Ali AGOA—African Growth and Opportunity Act who was serving as prime minister, became president af- AMISON—African Union Mission in Somalia ter Habib Bourguiba was forced to step down after being APRRP—African Peacekeeping Rapid Response Part- declared mentally unfit. Ben Ali ruled until Jan. 2011, nership when he left the country following continued violent AU—African Union demonstrations in the country. CAR—Central African Republic CBC—Congressional Black Caucus Boko Haram: A militant Islamist movement based in CPA—Comprehensive Peace Agreement Nigeria that gained international attention in 2014 when DRC—Democratic Republic of the Congo it kidnapped over 200 girls, planning to sell them into ECCAS—Economic Community of Central African States slavery. ECOWAS—Economic Community of West African States ICC—International Criminal Court Omar Bongo: President of Gabon for 41 years until his LRA—Lord’s Resistance Army death in 2009. Despite periodic accusations of corruption, NTC—National Transitional Council he maintained relative stability during his time in office, PEPFAR—President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief and, at the time of his death, was the longest-serving head USAID—U.S. Agency for International Development of state in Africa. Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA): A set of agreements seeking to end years of civil war in Sudan. -
Darfur Destroyed Ethnic Cleansing by Government and Militia Forces in Western Sudan Summary
Human Rights Watch May 2004 Vol. 16, No. 6(A) DARFUR DESTROYED ETHNIC CLEANSING BY GOVERNMENT AND MILITIA FORCES IN WESTERN SUDAN SUMMARY.................................................................................................................................... 1 SUMMARY RECOMMENDATIONS.................................................................................... 3 BACKGROUND ......................................................................................................................... 5 ABUSES BY THE GOVERNMENT-JANJAWEED IN WEST DARFUR.................... 7 Mass Killings By the Government and Janjaweed............................................................... 8 Attacks and massacres in Dar Masalit ............................................................................... 8 Mass Executions of captured Fur men in Wadi Salih: 145 killed................................ 21 Other Mass Killings of Fur civilians in Wadi Salih........................................................ 23 Aerial bombardment of civilians ..........................................................................................24 Systematic Targeting of Marsali and Fur, Burnings of Marsalit Villages and Destruction of Food Stocks and Other Essential Items ..................................................26 Destruction of Mosques and Islamic Religious Articles............................................... 27 Killings and assault accompanying looting of property....................................................28 Rape and other forms -
Nomads in Chad Attack Darfur Refugee ALFRED De MONTESQUIOU Associated Press
Nomads in Chad attack Darfur refugee ALFRED de MONTESQUIOU Associated Press GAGA, Chad - Fatma Daoud wrapped a plastic bag as a makeshift bandage around her hand - using a corner of brightly colored robe to wipe the blood from the deep, gaping knife wound that had cut her down to the bone. The 36-year-old woman, a refugee from Sudan's war-torn Darfur, had left her camp in eastern Chad to gather firewood when she was attacked by young Chadian nomads. "They were three boys, camel herders. They told me to stop collecting wood and then they stabbed me," Daoud said, calm despite the attack that had happened only minutes before outside the Gaga refugee camp. At least 230,000 ethnic Africans have fled Darfur to take refuge in camps in neighboring Chad - and their numbers are growing. But the refugees crowded into 12 camps are facing increased tensions with Chadians in a competition for scarce resources in the large, barren border region. The friction comes despite the fact that both the refugees and the Chadians belong to tribes that straddle the border. Daoud, for instance, said she recognized her assailants. They weren't the Arab Sudanese janjaweed militiamen who attacked her home in Darfur, but herders from the ethnic African Zaghawa tribe. On the Sudanese side of the border, the Zaghawas are among the tribes that have been targeted in Darfur and they form the backbone of some rebel groups battling the janjaweed and government troops. But in Chad, they are affluent camel herders with close ties to power, since President Idriss Deby and most of the top military are Zaghawas. -
Sudan Liberation Army-Abdul Wahid (SLA-AW)
Sudan Liberation Army-Abdul Wahid (SLA-AW) Origins/composition The SLA was formed in 2001 by an alliance of Fur and Zaghawa. From the start, the two had markedly different agendas. The Fur leaders of the SLA supported the democratic, decentralized ‘New Sudan’ advocated by the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) and envisaged their rebellion as being essentially anti-government. Most Zaghawa wanted to organize not against the government but against the Arab militias with whom they were in competition in North Darfur, including over the lucrative camel trade. By the end of 2002, tensions were running deep. In mid-2004, the Zaghawa attacked the Fur heartland, Jebel Marra. Since then the movement has split into a dozen factions, largely along tribal lines. All attempts to reunify it have failed. Leadership Abdul Wahid Mohamed al Nur, the original chairman of the SLA, is a Khartoum- educated lawyer who since the beginning of the insurgency has spent more time outside Darfur than inside. Increasingly contested by his own commanders because of his erratic, micromanaging style of leadership and failure to establish institutions, Abdul Wahid settled in Paris when the Abuja peace talks ended in 2006. Despite France’s support, he refused to engage in internationally-sponsored peace talks and often refused even to meet high-level visitors—including prominent members of his own tribe who had travelled from Sudan for the sole purpose of engaging with him. Abdul Wahid remained in Paris until the end of 2010, when he moved to Nairobi and began shuttling between Kenya and Uganda. Although his departure from Paris was depicted as a move to engage SLA commanders in consultations to reorganize the movement, it was in reality prompted by a French government decision not to renew his residency. -
The AU and the Search for Peace and Reconciliation in Burundi and Comoros
Th e AU and the search for Peace and Reconciliation in Burundi and Comoros The Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue (HD Centre) is an independent mediation organisation dedicated to helping improve the global response to armed confl ict. It attempts to achieve this by mediating between warring parties and providing support to the broader mediation community. The HD Centre is driven by humanitarian values and its ultimate goal to reduce the consequences of violent confl ict, improve security, and contribute to the peaceful resolution of confl ict. It maintains a neutral stance towards the warring parties that it mediates between and, in order to maintain its impartiality it is funded by a variety of governments, private foundations and philanthropists. © Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue, 2011 Reproduction of all or part of this publication may be authorised only with written consent and acknowledgement of the source. Front cover photography: © African Union, 78th PSC Meeting on Comoros, 9 June 2007 | © Lt. TMN Turyamumanya / Afrian Union, TFG Soldiers in Somalia queue for their fi rst organised payment exercise supervised by AMISOM troops in Mogadishu | © African Union, Water provision to neighbouring villagers in Mogadishu Th e AU and the search for Peace and Reconciliation in Burundi and Comoros Table of contents Part I Foreword 02 Acknowledgements 04 — Burundi case study Introduction 05 Part I: Burundi case study 09 Part II Executive summary 09 1.1 Context 10 case study — Comoros 1.2 OAU/AU intervention in the Burundi crisis 12 Part II: Comoros -
Leadership Turnovers in Sub-Saharan Africa
Analysis No. 192, August 2013 LEADERSHIP TURNOVERS IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA: FROM VIOLENCE AND COUPS TO PEACEFUL ELECTIONS? Giovanni Carbone Many African countries replaced their military or single-party regimes with pluralist politics during the early 1990s. This led to the introduction and regularisation of multiparty elections for the selection of a country’s president or prime minister. Of course, in many places, elections were not enough to start genuine democratization processes, as non-democratic rulers rapidly learned how to manipulate the vote and survive in the new political environment. Yet empirical evidence from our new “Leadership change” dataset – covering all 49 sub-Saharan states since 1960 (or subsequent year of independence) to 2012 – shows that elections did alter quite profoundly the way ordinary Africans can influence the selection and ousting of their leaders. Coups are now a rarer phenomenon, leadership turnovers have become more frequent, and peaceful alternation in power through the ballot box, if still uncommon, is part of a new political landscape. Giovanni Carbone, Associate Professor of Political Science, Università degli Studi di Milano ©ISPI2013 1 The opinions expressed herein are strictly personal and do not necessarily reflect the position of ISPI. The ISPI online papers are also published with the support of Cariplo The Arab Spring protests brought to the fore, once again, the issue of how to oust immovable authoritarian leaders. Tunisia’s Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali had been in power for 24 years. Hosni Mubarak ruled Egypt for 30 years. Muhammar Ghaddafi reigned over Libya for 42 years, while Syrians are still to see the end of the 43-year long rule of the al-Assad family. -
June 2020 Query Code Q10-2020 Contributing EU+ COI -- Units (If Applicable)
COI QUERY Country of Origin Sudan Main subject Rapid Support Forces Question(s) 1. Are there any reports on the cooperation between the Rapid Support Forces/Janjaweed and the Sudanese intelligence services (NISS) in the period of April 2019 – March 2020? - Introductory note on the Rapid Support Forces 2. Is there any information on members of particular ethnic groups, religions or professions being targeted by the Rapid Support Forces/Janjaweed in Darfur and the Two Areas (South Kordofan and Blue Nile) in the period of April 2019 – March 2020? If yes, is there any information on the means of monitoring of such people? - Targeting by the RSF - Examples of incidents attributed to the RSF in the reference period - Monitoring by the RSF Date of completion 2 June 2020 Query Code Q10-2020 Contributing EU+ COI -- units (if applicable) Disclaimer This response to a COI query has been elaborated according to the EASO COI Report Methodology and EASO Writing and Referencing Guide. The information provided in this response has been researched, evaluated and processed with utmost care within a limited time frame. All sources used are referenced. A quality review has been performed in line with the above mentioned methodology. This document does not claim to be exhaustive neither conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to international protection. If a certain event, person or organisation is not mentioned in the report, this does not mean that the event has not taken place or that the person or organisation does not exist. Terminology used should not be regarded as indicative of a particular legal position. -
17 August 1960, Former French Colony Leader: Omar Bongo, B 1935
GABON (1) BASIC FACTS lndependence: 17 August 1960, former French colony Leader: Omar Bongo, b 1935, president since 1967 Capital: Libreville (main seaport and international airport) Other major cities: Port-Gentil (seaport), Franceville Area: 267 667 km2 Population: 1,5 mn (1995-2000) Population growth: 2,8 % Urbanization: 54 % (1995-2000) Languages: French (official), Fang-Mbeti, Shira-Punu HDl rank: 120 (1997) Life expectancy at birth: 54 years (1994) Adult literacy rate: 63,2 % (1995) Gross enrolment ratio (all educational levels): 60 % (1992) GNP: $3 759 mn GNPlcapita: $3 490 (1995) GDP (average annualgrowth rate): -2,5 % (1990-95) Foreign debt: $4 492 mn (1995); as % of GNP: 1 19 % Development aid: $143 mn (1995); as % of GNP: 4 % Comments: With its small population, Gabon rates among the highest income per capita economies in Africa. In addition to oil (the main export), the country produces manganese, uranium and timber. In September 1990, Gabon was the first of Africa's former single-party states to hold multi-party legislative elections. President Bongo's Democratic Party won by gaining a majority of 12 seats in the 120-seat National Assembly; and in December 1993 Bongo won the presidential election with 51 % of the votes cast. The country was destabilised, after both elections, by vehement opposition protest over alleged electoral fraud. In the most recent legislative elections, held in December 1996, the ruling party retained its majority. (2) COUNTRY REPORT No country report on Gabon has yet been published in this Series. (3) CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS ON HUMAN RIGHTS Amendments were made to the 1991 Constitution of Gabon (Law no 3/91 of 26 March 1991) by Law no 01/94 of 18 March 1994 and Law No 001/97 of 22 April 1997.