June 2020 Query Code Q10-2020 Contributing EU+ COI -- Units (If Applicable)
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Darfur Genocide
Darfur genocide Berkeley Model United Nations Welcome Letter Hi everyone! Welcome to the Darfur Historical Crisis committee. My name is Laura Nguyen and I will be your head chair for BMUN 69. This committee will take place from roughly 2006 to 2010. Although we will all be in the same physical chamber, you can imagine that committee is an amalgamation of peace conferences, UN meetings, private Janjaweed or SLM meetings, etc. with the goal of preventing the Darfur Genocide and ending the War in Darfur. To be honest, I was initially wary of choosing the genocide in Darfur as this committee’s topic; people in Darfur. I also understood that in order for this to be educationally stimulating for you all, some characters who committed atrocious war crimes had to be included in debate. That being said, I chose to move on with this topic because I trust you are all responsible and intelligent, and that you will treat Darfur with respect. The War in Darfur and the ensuing genocide are grim reminders of the violence that is easily born from intolerance. Equally regrettable are the in Africa and the Middle East are woefully inadequate for what Darfur truly needs. I hope that understanding those failures and engaging with the ways we could’ve avoided them helps you all grow and become better leaders and thinkers. My best advice for you is to get familiar with the historical processes by which ethnic brave, be creative, and have fun! A little bit about me (she/her) — I’m currently a third-year at Cal majoring in Sociology and minoring in Data Science. -
Sudan: Freedom in the World 2020
4/8/2020 Sudan | Freedom House FREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2020 Sudan 12 NOT FREE /100 Political Rights 2 /40 Civil Liberties 10 /60 LAST YEAR'S SCORE & STATUS 7 /100 Not Free Global freedom statuses are calculated on a weighted scale. See the methodology. https://freedomhouse.org/country/sudan/freedom-world/2020 1/24 4/8/2020 Sudan | Freedom House Overview The military leaders and civilian protesters who ousted the repressive regime of Omar al-Bashir and his National Congress Party (NCP) in 2019 are uneasy partners in a transitional government that—if successful—will be replaced by an elected government in 2022. Civic space is slowly opening to individuals and opposition parties, but security personnel associated with the abuses of old regime remain influential, and their commitment to political freedoms and civil liberties is unclear. Key Developments in 2019 President Omar al-Bashir, who came to power in a coup d’état in 1989, was overthrown by the military in April, after a protest movement beginning in December 2018 placed growing pressure on the government. The military initially attempted to rule without the input of civilian protesters, who originally demonstrated against rising commodity prices and pervasive economic hardship before calling for al-Bashir’s resignation as the year opened. Security forces killed 127 protesters in the capital of Khartoum in June, sparking a backlash that forced the short-lived junta to include civilian leaders in a new transitional government as part of a power-sharing agreement reached in August. Al-Bashir was arrested by the military junta and charged with corruption by the succeeding transitional government in August. -
Sudan in Crisis
Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Faculty Publications and Other Works by History: Faculty Publications and Other Works Department 7-2019 Sudan in Crisis Kim Searcy Loyola University Chicago, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.luc.edu/history_facpubs Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Searcy, Kim. Sudan in Crisis. Origins: Current Events in Historical Perspective, 12, 10: , 2019. Retrieved from Loyola eCommons, History: Faculty Publications and Other Works, This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Publications and Other Works by Department at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in History: Faculty Publications and Other Works by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. © Origins: Current Events in Historical Perspective, 2019. vol. 12, issue 10 - July 2019 Sudan in Crisis by Kim Searcy A celebration of South Sudan's independence in 2011. Editor's Note: Even as we go to press, the situation in Sudan continues to be fluid and dangerous. Mass demonstrations brought about the end of the 30-year regime of Sudan's brutal leader Omar al-Bashir. But what comes next for the Sudanese people is not at all certain. This month historian Kim Searcy explains how we got to this point by looking at the long legacy of colonialism in Sudan. Colonial rule, he argues, created rifts in Sudanese society that persist to this day and that continue to shape the political dynamics. -
The Economics of Ethnic Cleansing in Darfur
The Economics of Ethnic Cleansing in Darfur John Prendergast, Omer Ismail, and Akshaya Kumar August 2013 WWW.ENOUGHPROJECT.ORG WWW.SATSENTINEL.ORG The Economics of Ethnic Cleansing in Darfur John Prendergast, Omer Ismail, and Akshaya Kumar August 2013 COVER PHOTO Displaced Beni Hussein cattle shepherds take shelter on the outskirts of El Sereif village, North Darfur. Fighting over gold mines in North Darfur’s Jebel Amer area between the Janjaweed Abbala forces and Beni Hussein tribe started early this January and resulted in mass displacement of thousands. AP PHOTO/UNAMID, ALBERT GONZALEZ FARRAN Overview Darfur is burning again, with devastating results for its people. A kaleidoscope of Janjaweed forces are once again torching villages, terrorizing civilians, and systematically clearing prime land and resource-rich areas of their inhabitants. The latest ethnic-cleans- ing campaign has already displaced more than 300,000 Darfuris this year and forced more than 75,000 to seek refuge in neighboring Chad, the largest population displace- ment in recent years.1 An economic agenda is emerging as a major driver for the escalating violence. At the height of the mass atrocities committed from 2003 to 2005, the Sudanese regime’s strategy appeared to be driven primarily by the counterinsurgency objectives and secondarily by the acquisition of salaries and war booty. Undeniably, even at that time, the government could have only secured the loyalty of its proxy Janjaweed militias by allowing them to keep the fertile lands from which they evicted the original inhabitants. Today’s violence is even more visibly fueled by monetary motivations, which include land grabbing; consolidating control of recently discovered gold mines; manipulating reconciliation conferences for increased “blood money”; expanding protection rackets and smuggling networks; demanding ransoms; undertaking bank robberies; and resum- ing the large-scale looting that marked earlier periods of the conflict. -
Activist Brief: Sudan’S New Army of War Criminals
Activist Brief: Sudan’s New Army of War Criminals The first six months of 2014 have brought devastating death and destruction in Sudan, on par with the height of the genocide in Darfur from 2003-2005. Despite the United Nations Security Council mandating that the Sudanese government disarm its Janjaweed militias a decade ago, it never did. Now, as the International Criminal Court’s chief prosecutor says, a new iteration of the Janjaweed have taken the country by storm. A new Enough Project Report, “Janjaweed Reincarnate,” traces the movements of these fighters -- newly trained, heavily armed, and re-branded as “Rapid Support Forces.” Who are the Rapid Support Forces? The Rapid Support Forces (RSF) is a “new security force” launched by the Sudanese government. Many of the same men who were once a part of the Janjaweed are now members or leaders within this new force. The Sudanese government says these forces are tasked with defeating rebels. However, in the past nine months, the RSF has been spotted around the country burning civilian areas to the ground, raping women, and displacing non-Arab civilians from their homes. Many of their attacks have been committed in tandem with aerial bombardments by the national army, the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF). These lethal combinations have directly targeted life-saving medical facilities, schools, humanitarian infrastructure, and entirely civilian areas where no rebels were present. How do the RSF differ from the Janjaweed? The RSF are an upgraded version of the Janjaweed that the world came to fear in Darfur during the height of the genocide. -
1 His Excellency Donald Tusk, President of The
His Excellency Donald Tusk, President of the European Council Rue de la Loi/Wetstraat 175 B-1048 Bruxelles/Brussel Belgique/België By email: [email protected] Cc: President of the European Commission, Mr. Jean-Claude Juncker President of the European Parliament, Antonio Tajani High Representative of the European Union, Federica Mogherini Concerning: Appeal for an EU external policy framework based on European values Brussels, 18 June 2019 Dear Mr. President, We write to convey our congratulations to your contribution to the European project, as Europeans at heart and African people of goodwill, deeply committed to the brotherhood and long history between our two continents. During your term as President of the European Council, the European Union and its member states have externalised migration policy through direct and indirect cooperation with regimes and militia forces that are entirely unaccountable. Processes such as the EU-Horn of Africa Migration Route Initiative established in 2014, better known as the Khartoum Process, have provided the framework for such cooperation. Since the start of the Khartoum Process, organisations have therefore raised concerns about this policy and the European Union’s complicity with systematic and severe human rights abuses conducted by such ‘partners’, the lack of transparency of the cooperation agreements and the lack of civil society participation in the projects and dialogues. As part of this policy, both the European Union and individual member states have indirectly relied on external security forces and funded initiatives to train border guards, among others in Sudan and indirectly strengthened capacities to fulfil this role. The European Union has hidden behind the execution of such programmes by third parties. -
Armed Conflicts Report - Chad
Armed Conflicts Report - Chad Armed Conflicts Report Chad (1965 - first combat deaths) Update: January 2009 Summary Type of Conflict Parties to the Conflict Status of Fighting Number of Deaths Political Developments Background Arms Sources Summary: 2008 In February, rebel forces attempted a coup d’etat in the capital N’Djamena. Although unsuccessful, the attempted coup resulted in several hundred deaths, displaced tens of thousands and prompted the Chadian government to declare a state of emergency. A joint-international mission was deployed in Chad, including an EU military component (EUFOR) and a UN humanitarian component, the United Nations Mission in Central African Republic and Chad (MINURCAT). However, the relative ineffectualness of these missions, in combination with rebel proxy violence in the Sudan/Darfur-Chad border regions, hampered potential developments towards security. The humanitarian situation deteriorated as insecurity hampered the efforts of aid organizations. Citing Chad’s continued failure to use oil revenues for poverty reduction, the World Bank finally ended its involvement there by recalling loans from the Chad-Cameroon oil pipeline. 2007 The governments of Chad, Sudan and the Central African Republic signed an agreement to not support rebels in their territory attacking the other signatories, however, cross border attacks continued in 2007 and led to the death and increased displacement of Chadian citizens as well as Sudanese refugees living in Chad. Despite the signing of a ceasefire agreement by the government and four main armed opposition groups, no lasting peace agreement has been reached and armed resistance to President Idriss Deby’s leadership continued to intensify. Ethnic violence also continued and led UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon to propose two possible military operations for Chad, in combination with the European Union peacekeeping mission that is set to deploy in early 2008. -
Sudan: Interaction Between International and National Judicial Responses to the Mass Atrocities in Darfur
SUDAN: INTERACTION BETWEEN INTERNATIONAL AND NATIONAL JUDICIAL RESPONSES TO THE MASS ATROCITIES IN DARFUR BY SIGALL HOROVITZ DOMAC/19, APRIL 2013 ABOUT DOMAC THE DOMAC PROJECT focuses on the actual interaction between national and international courts involved in prosecuting individuals in mass atrocity situations. It explores what impact international procedures have on prosecution rates before national courts, their sentencing policies, award of reparations and procedural legal standards. It comprehensively examines the problems presented by the limited response of the international community to mass atrocity situations, and offers methods to improve coordination of national and international proceedings and better utilization of national courts, inter alia, through greater formal and informal avenues of cooperation, interaction and resource sharing between national and international courts. THE DOMAC PROJECT is a research program funded under the Seventh Framework Programme for EU Research (FP7) under grant agreement no. 217589. The DOMAC project is funded under the Socio-economic sciences and Humanities Programme for the duration of three years starting 1st February 2008. THE DOMAC PARTNERS are Hebrew University, Reykjavik University, University College London, University of Amsterdam, and University of Westminster. ABOUT THE AUTHOR Sigall Horovitz is a PhD candidate at Faculty of Law of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. She holds an LL.M. from Columbia University (2003). Ms. Horovitz worked as a Legal Officer at the United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, during 2005-2008. She also served with the Office of the Prosecution in the Special Court for Sierra Leone, in 2003-2004 and in 2010. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author would like to thank the interviewees and the anonymous reviewer for their valuable input. -
Genocide in Darfur - How the Horror Began - Sudan Tribune: Plural News and Views on Sudan
2/28/2019 Genocide in Darfur - How the Horror Began - Sudan Tribune: Plural news and views on Sudan Print HOME | COMMENT & ANALYSIS SATURDAY 3 SEPTEMBER 2005 Genocide in Darfur - How the Horror Began By Eric Reeves September 3, 2005 — In one of the most remote places in Africa, an insurgency began unnoticed under the shadow of the war in Iraq in 2003, killing 350,000 to 400,000 people in 29 months by means of violence, malnutrition, and disease in the first genocidal rampage of the 21st century. The insurgeny began virtually unnoticed in February 2003; it has, over the past two years, precipitated the first great episode of genocidal destruction in the 21st century. The victims are the non-Arab or African tribal groups of Darfur, primarily the Fur, the Massaleit, and the Zaghawa, but also the Tunjur, the Birgid, the Dajo, and others. These people have long been politically and economically marginalized, and in recent years the National Islamic Front regime, based in Sudan’s capital of Khartoum, has refused to control increasingly violent Arab militia raids of African villages in Darfur. Competition between Arab and African tribal groups over the scarce primary resources in Darfur-arable land and water-has been exacerbated by advancing desertification throughout the Sahel region. But it was Khartoum’s failure to respond to the desperate economic needs of this huge region (it is the size of France), the decayed judiciary, the lack of political representation, and in particular the growing impunity on the part of Arab raiders that gave rise to the full-scale armed conflict. -
Sudan 2012 Scenarios for the Future
Sudan 2012 Scenarios for the future Jaïr van der Lijn Contents Introduction .................................................................................................. 1 Methodology.............................................................................................. 2 A Sudanese future history 2009–2012......................................................... 4 Sudan in this scenario in 2012 .................................................................... 5 Suggestions and policy options for the international community in this scenario in 2012......................................................................................... 6 Border Wars (War – Secession)...................................................................... 7 A Sudanese future history 2009-2012 ......................................................... 7 Sudan in this scenario in 2012 .................................................................... 8 Suggestions and policy options for the international community in this scenario in 2012......................................................................................... 9 CPA Hurray! (No War – United) ................................................................. 10 A Sudanese future history 2009-2012 ....................................................... 10 Sudan in this scenario in 2012 .................................................................. 11 Suggestions and policy options for the international community in this scenario in 2012...................................................................................... -
Q&A: Sudan's Pardon of Militia Leader Musa Hilal – and Future
Q&A: Sudan’s Pardon of Militia Leader Musa Hilal – and Future Accountability? This Q&A was prepared by Rifaat Makkawi, director of the People’s Legal Aid Clinic (PLACE) and REDRESS. On 11 March 2021, in accordance with a pardon by Sudan’s Sovereign Council, Musa Hilal was released from military detention, in a move that was described by those within political circles as supporting transitional justice processes. In dropping all charges against Hilal, the military court cited the fact that the “blood guardians” reached a comprehensive settlement regarding Hilal’s case, including a decision regarding the payment of blood money (“dia”), and the criminal proceedings against Hilal were closed. This questions-and-answers document addresses key issues surrounding the pardon of Musa Hilal, including challenges to seeking accountability for past serious crimes Hilal and others are alleged to have committed in Sudan. • Who is Musa Hilal? • Why was Musa Hilal under military detention? • On what basis was a pardon for Musa Hilal issued? • Were victims consulted or included in proceedings before a pardon was issued? • Can Musa Hilal still be prosecuted for crimes committed in Darfur? • Does the Nov. 2020 amnesty issued by Sudan’s Sovereign Council apply to Musa Hilal? • Is Musa Hila immune from prosecution under Sudan’s Criminal Act 1991? 1. Who is Musa Hilal? Musa Hilal has been described by Human Rights Watch as “internationally synonymous with the Janjaweed,” the government-backed militias who conducted serious international crimes in Darfur. Human Rights Watch has also described Hilal and his men as playing an “integral role in the two-year campaign of ethnic cleansing by the Sudanese army and Janjaweed militias,” and noted that countless victims, witnesses to attacks, and members of the Sudanese armed forces have named Hilal as the top commander of the Janjaweed. -
Darfur Destroyed Ethnic Cleansing by Government and Militia Forces in Western Sudan Summary
Human Rights Watch May 2004 Vol. 16, No. 6(A) DARFUR DESTROYED ETHNIC CLEANSING BY GOVERNMENT AND MILITIA FORCES IN WESTERN SUDAN SUMMARY.................................................................................................................................... 1 SUMMARY RECOMMENDATIONS.................................................................................... 3 BACKGROUND ......................................................................................................................... 5 ABUSES BY THE GOVERNMENT-JANJAWEED IN WEST DARFUR.................... 7 Mass Killings By the Government and Janjaweed............................................................... 8 Attacks and massacres in Dar Masalit ............................................................................... 8 Mass Executions of captured Fur men in Wadi Salih: 145 killed................................ 21 Other Mass Killings of Fur civilians in Wadi Salih........................................................ 23 Aerial bombardment of civilians ..........................................................................................24 Systematic Targeting of Marsali and Fur, Burnings of Marsalit Villages and Destruction of Food Stocks and Other Essential Items ..................................................26 Destruction of Mosques and Islamic Religious Articles............................................... 27 Killings and assault accompanying looting of property....................................................28 Rape and other forms