Darfur Genocide

Darfur genocide

Berkeley Model United Nations

Welcome Letter

Hi everyone!
Welcome to the Darfur Historical Crisis committee. My name is Laura Nguyen and I will be your head chair for BMUN 69. This committee will take place from roughly 2006 to 2010. Although we will all be in the same physical chamber, you can imagine that committee is an amalgamation of peace conferences, UN meetings, private Janjaweed or SLM meetings, etc. with the goal of preventing the Darfur Genocide and ending the War in Darfur.
To be honest, I was initially wary of choosing the genocide in Darfur as this committee’s topic;

ꢀꢁꢂꢃꢂꢄꢅꢆꢁꢇꢈꢄꢆꢁꢉꢊꢋꢋꢃꢆꢆꢌꢌꢁꢆꢊꢁꢍꢎꢃꢏꢈꢐꢁꢊꢑꢆꢁꢊꢒꢁꢉꢊꢄꢆꢏꢊꢐꢁꢊꢏꢁꢂꢃꢍꢏꢌꢍꢎꢌꢉꢆꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢓꢊꢏꢏꢃꢔꢉꢁꢌꢕꢎꢌꢏꢃꢌꢄꢉꢌꢍꢁꢊꢒꢁꢆꢓꢊꢑꢍꢈꢄꢂꢍꢁꢊꢒꢁ

people in Darfur. I also understood that in order for this to be educationally stimulating for you all, some characters who committed atrocious war crimes had to be included in debate.
That being said, I chose to move on with this topic because I trust you are all responsible and intelligent, and that you will treat Darfur with respect. The War in Darfur and the ensuing genocide are grim reminders of the violence that is easily born from intolerance. Equally regrettable are the

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in Africa and the Middle East are woefully inadequate for what Darfur truly needs. I hope that understanding those failures and engaging with the ways we could’ve avoided them helps you all grow and become better leaders and thinkers.
My best advice for you is to get familiar with the historical processes by which ethnic

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brave, be creative, and have fun! A little bit about me (she/her) — I’m currently a third-year at Cal majoring in Sociology and minoring in Data Science. I care about the ways that justice, human rights, and data intersect. This is my seventh year in MUN (wow!) and third year in BMUN. Outside of BMUN, I’ve written for the Daily Californian and community organized with the Cal ACLU. Right now, I work for Planned Parenthood Advocacy Fund and do undergraduate research on reproductive justice. In my free time, I love to write, make quirky Spotify playlists, and harass my co-chairs. You can read more about them below!

BERKELEY MODEL UNITED NATIONS

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communal justice courts in Rwanda following the genocide. He concentrates on 1990s human rights history, and hopes to apply historical knowledge to restructure judicial approaches towards forms of

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supporting clients as a grievance caseworker or listening to Donald Glover while picking out nice curtains. He also indulges in hummus in his free time.
Ryan Fiorito (he/him) is a third-year at Cal studying Political Science and Psychology. He believes that there is an intersection between behavioral psychology and political ideologies, and

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Besides BMUN, Ryan is in an international relations fraternity and acts a fool for two improv teams,

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many, many plant babies. He also loves talking smack about our head chair, Laura, to her face.
Deepak Ragu (he/him) is a second-year at UC Berkeley double majoring in Computer Science and Political Science, and loves the intersection of technology, politics, and crisis committees. This

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MUN conferences has fostered his passion for international politics. He looks forward to passing

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In his free time, he loves to play Yu-Gi-Oh!, watch BTS meme videos, and get babied by the rest of his dais.

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particularly passionate about the organ donation aspect of healthcare, hoping to bridge disciplines of data analysis and technology to decrease the number of people on the waitlist for transplants.

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has been competing since she was 13 years old. She also loves listening to music, scrolling through Pinterest, and trying out new places to eat!
The Darfur Crisis committee will run according to BMUN crisis procedure. You can read more about crisis procedure here and send us an email at [email protected] if you have any questions about the topic, procedure, or committee. One more thing: Don’t forget to regularly check your

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Laura Nguyen

Genocide and Conflict in Darfur

Topic Background

The Darfur genocide shows us how an incredibly small group of combatants—“probably just a few thousand soldiers, rebels and so-called Janjaweed combined, mostly armed with little more than what might be found in a National Guard armory”—could wreak such devastation that more than a

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as if the ease by which they were able to do so implies that there is a simple solution to ending the War in Darfur, it is in fact quite the opposite. As a reminder, this historical committee will take place from roughly 2006 to 2010.

The Republic of the Sudan

Sudan is the largest and most ethnically diverse country in Africa, bordering nine other countries, including Egypt, Chad, Kenya and Ethiopia. During the 2000s, it was home to a population of about 35 million. In the 19th century, Sudan was colonized by both the Ottoman Empire and the British Empire. Like
Map of Sudan

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and state structure are informed by its past subjection to European meddling (de Waal 2005:63).

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of native administration, which essentially created a hierarchy of tribal administrators that allowed tribal leaders to settle disputes among their subjects. Importantly, the native administration system organized people into tribal units. Britain hoped this would quash revolutionary nationalism and tidy

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the late twentieth century, native administration had a critical effect on establishing legal territories for ethnic groups. Some reproductions of native administration systems that allowed tribal leaders to allocate land and modern guns continued into the 21st century; these policies later laid the

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Before the region of Darfur gained international attention, Sudan was thought of as comprising two geographic and cultural regions: the north and the south. Northern Sudan is for

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contrast, southern Sudan contains a variety of different ethnic groups, and many individuals are Christian. Southerners are also usually considered ‘African’ for retaining traditional customs. During colonization, the Southern Sudanese were seen as inferior to the more modern northerners and

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or governance responsibilities. Thus, when Sudan gained independence in 1956, power remained concentrated in the capital, Khartoum, where resources were controlled by Arabs uninterested in

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In 1983, civil war broke out in Sudan when the government began to impose Sharia law as

ꢎꢈꢏꢆꢁꢊꢒꢁꢈꢁꢎꢊꢐꢃꢉꢘꢁꢆꢊꢁꣂꢀꢍꢐꢈꢋꢃꢉꢃꢡꢌꣃꢁꢣꢑꢂꢈꢄꢟꢁꢲꢕꢎꢌꢉꢆꢌꢂꢐꢘꢙꢁꢆꢓꢃꢍꢁꢎꢊꢐꢃꢉꢘꢁꢂꢃꢂꢁꢄꢊꢆꢁꢒꢈꢏꢌꢁꢇꢌꢐꢐꢁꢇꢃꢆꢓꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢠꢄꢃꢋꢃꢍꢆꢍꢁꢈꢄꢂꢁ

Christians in the south. This civil war became known as the Second Sudanese Civil War, during which the Sudan People’s Liberation Army led insurrections in the south (PBS Frontline World). The war ended with the independence of South Sudan around 2005. Notably, the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA), known today as the South Sudan People’s Defense Forces, is the army of the Republic of South Sudan. First rising in tandem with the increasing “Arabization” and Islamization of Sudan, the SPLA was primarily composed of non-Arab Christians who rejected the imposition of sharia law

ꢈꢆꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢚꢌꢢꢃꢄꢄꢃꢄꢢꢁꢊꢒꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢇꢈꢏꢟꢁꢫꢓꢌꢁꢣꢴ꣄ꢠꢁꢓꢈꢂꢁꢈꢁꢉꢏꢃꢆꢃꢉꢈꢐꢁꢃꢄꢜꢑꢌꢄꢉꢌꢁꢊꢄꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢣꢑꢂꢈꢄꢁ꣄ꢃꢚꢌꢏꢈꢆꢃꢊꢄꢁꢬꢊꢝꢌꢋꢌꢄꢆꢥ

Army (SLM/A), which adopted South Sudanese revolutionary leader John Garang’s philosophy of a

4

“New Sudan” (de Waal 2005).
During the Second Sudanese Civil War in 1989, a compromise between the ruling government in Khartoum and the Sudan People’s Liberation army seemed hopeful until Omar al-

ꢨꢈꢍꢓꢃꢏꢙꢁꢈꢁꣂꢎꢊꢐꢃꢆꢃꢉꢈꢐꢐꢘꢁꢈꢄꢂꢁꢏꢌꢐꢃꢢꢃꢊꢑꢍꢐꢘꢁꢌꢕꢆꢏꢌꢋꢌꢁꢋꢃꢐꢃꢆꢈꢏꢘꢁꢐꢌꢈꢂꢌꢏꢙꣃꢁꢐꢌꢂꢁꢈꢁꢍꢑꢉꢉꢌꢍꢍꢒꢑꢐꢁꢉꢊꢑꢎꢁꢤꢴꢨꢣꢁꢯꢏꢊꢄꢆꢐꢃꢄꢌꢁ

World). Indeed, the 1989 Coup accomplished bringing into power General Omar Hassan al-

ꢨꢈꢍꢓꢃꢏꢟꢁꢠꢍꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢄꢌꢇꢁꢓꢌꢈꢂꢁꢊꢒꢁꢍꢆꢈꢆꢌꢙꢁꢈꢐꢵꢨꢈꢍꢓꢃꢏꢁꢌꢕꢎꢈꢄꢂꢌꢂꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢑꢍꢌꢁꢊꢒꢁꢠꢏꢈꢚꢁꢆꢏꢃꢚꢈꢐꢁꢋꢃꢐꢃꢆꢃꢈꢍꢁꢃꢄꢁꢍꢊꢑꢆꢓꢌꢏꢄꢁ ꢣꢑꢂꢈꢄꢙꢁꢃꢄꢉꢏꢌꢈꢍꢃꢄꢢꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢂꢌꢈꢆꢓꢁꢆꢊꢐꢐꢁꢊꢒꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢇꢈꢏꢁꢆꢊꢁꢊꢝꢌꢏꢁꢆꢇꢊꢁꢋꢃꢐꢐꢃꢊꢄꢁꢤꢠꢄꢂꢌꢏꢍꢊꢄꢁꢷꢸꢸꢹꢦꢟꢁꢠꢐꢆꢓꢊꢑꢢꢓꢁꢊꢄꢐꢘꢁ

democratically elected once in 1996, Omar al-Bashir remained in power until he was ousted in 2019 (BBC 2019). However, in this committee, al-Bashir is still operating at the height of his power.

The Region of Darfur

ꢁ

ꢞꢈꢏꢒꢑꢏꢁꢃꢍꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢇꢌꢍꢆꢌꢏꢄꢋꢊꢍꢆꢁꢎꢏꢊꢝꢃꢄꢉꢌꢁꢊꢒꢁꢣꢑꢂꢈꢄꢟꢁꢀꢄꢁꢷꢸꢸꢼꢙꢁꢈꢚꢊꢑꢆꢁꣅꢁꢆꢊꢁꣁꢁꢋꢃꢐꢐꢃꢊꢄꢁꢎꢌꢊꢎꢐꢌꢁꢐꢃꢝꢌꢂꢁꢃꢄꢁ

the region of Darfur. Unlike in southern Sudan, the African tribes of the west were not bothered by

ꢆꢓꢌꢁꢃꢋꢎꢊꢍꢃꢆꢃꢊꢄꢁꢊꢒꢁꢀꢍꢐꢈꢋꢁꢚꢘꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢍꢆꢈꢆꢌꢟꢁꢫꢓꢌꢁꢝꢈꢍꢆꢁꢋꢈꢪꢊꢏꢃꢆꢘꢁꢊꢒꢁꢞꢈꢏꢒꢑꢏꢅꢍꢁꢃꢄꢓꢈꢚꢃꢆꢈꢄꢆꢍꢁꢈꢂꢓꢌꢏꢌꢁꢆꢊꢁꢣꢑꢔꢍꢋꢙꢁꢈꢁ ꢚꢏꢊꢈꢂꢌꢏꢁꢒꢊꢏꢋꢁꢊꢒꢁꢀꢍꢐꢈꢋꢃꢉꢁꢋꢘꢍꢆꢃꢉꢁꢇꢊꢏꢍꢓꢃꢎꢁꢆꢓꢈꢆꢁꢉꢓꢈꢋꢎꢃꢊꢄꢍꢁꢆꢊꢐꢌꢏꢈꢄꢉꢌꢁꢈꢄꢂꢁꢎꢈꢉꢃꢔꢍꢋꢁꢤꢣꢎꢌꢉꢃꢈꢁꢷꢸꢺꣁꢦꢟꢁꢞꢈꢏꢒꢑꢏꢁ

comprises three main ecological zones: the northern arid zone, the central mountain range with rich soil and plentiful resources, and the southern semi-arid zone. Generally, landscapes in Darfur are

ꢓꢃꢢꢓꢐꢘꢁꢝꢈꢏꢃꢌꢂꢟꢁꢣꢊꢋꢌꢁꢉꢊꢄꢆꢈꢃꢄꢁꢌꢕꢎꢈꢄꢂꢃꢄꢢꢁꢂꢌꢍꢌꢏꢆꢁꢈꢄꢂꢁꢍꢎꢈꢏꢍꢌꢁꢝꢌꢢꢌꢆꢈꢆꢃꢊꢄꢙꢁꢇꢓꢃꢐꢌꢁꢊꢆꢓꢌꢏꢍꢁꢓꢈꢝꢌꢁꢋꢑꢉꢓꢁꢋꢊꢏꢌꢁ ꢐꢑꢍꢓꢁꢌꢄꢝꢃꢏꢊꢄꢋꢌꢄꢆꢍꢁꢉꢊꢄꢂꢑꢉꢃꢝꢌꢁꢆꢊꢁꢒꢈꢏꢋꢃꢄꢢꢁꢤꢗꢃꢌꢐꢍꢌꢄꢁꢷꢸꢸꢾꢽꢹꢷꣀꢦꢟꢁꢭꢄꢉꢌꢁꢃꢄꢁꢎꢊꢇꢌꢏꢙꢁꢈꢐꢵꢨꢈꢍꢓꢃꢏꢁꢃꢋꢋꢌꢂꢃꢈꢆꢌꢐꢘꢁ

posed problems for non-Arab peoples in Darfur by dividing the region into North, West, and South Darfur in order to ensure that the Fur were a minority in each of the states (Reyna 2010:1231).
Using the scheme of “moral geographies” can help us conceptualize the ways that these ecological zones become socially distinct. Moral geography refers to the relationships among place,

ꢍꢎꢈꢉꢌꢙꢁꢈꢄꢂꢁꢢꢌꢊꢢꢏꢈꢎꢓꢘꢁꢤꢂꢌꢁꢶꢈꢈꢐꢁꢷꢸꢸꢼꢽꣀꣁꢦꢟꢁꢞꢈꢏꢁꢯꢑꢏꢙꢁꢃꢄꢁꢎꢈꢏꢆꢃꢉꢑꢐꢈꢏꢙꢁꢋꢌꢈꢄꢍꢁꣂꢐꢈꢄꢂꢁꢊꢒꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢯꢑꢏꢙꣃꢁꢈꢁꢄꢊꢄꢵꢠꢏꢈꢚꢙꢁ

Islamic group of cultivators in the central Jebel Marra mountain range. For many decades, Darfur was neglected by a central government in Khartoum that knew little and cared less about whatever occurred in Darfur. Even during the Second Sudanese Civil War, the position of Darfur was almost

ꢌꢄꢆꢃꢏꢌꢐꢘꢁꢈꢚꢍꢌꢄꢆꢁꢒꢏꢊꢋꢁꢂꢃꢍꢉꢊꢑꢏꢍꢌꢁꢈꢚꢊꢑꢆꢁꢇꢓꢈꢆꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢍꢆꢈꢆꢑꢍꢁꢇꢃꢆꢓꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢣꢊꢑꢆꢓꢁꢍꢓꢊꢑꢐꢂꢁꢚꢌꢁꢤꢂꢌꢁꢶꢈꢈꢐꢁꢷꢸꢸꢼꢽꢹꢷꢦꢟꢁ

Thus, the incorporation of the region of Darfur into Sudan was almost an afterthought. The result was the total neglect and historical marginalization of thousands of Darfurians who appeared to lack a

5

common identity.

ꢞꢈꢏꢒꢑꢏꢁꢌꢕꢎꢌꢏꢃꢌꢄꢉꢌꢂꢁꢒꢊꢑꢏꢁꢋꢈꢪꢊꢏꢁꢌꢝꢌꢄꢆꢍꢁꢊꢒꢁꢋꢈꢍꢍꢃꢝꢌꢁꢍꢊꢉꢃꢈꢐꢁꢈꢄꢂꢁꢎꢊꢐꢃꢆꢃꢉꢈꢐꢁꢑꢎꢓꢌꢈꢝꢈꢐꢁꢃꢄꢁꢣꢑꢂꢈꢄꢅꢍꢁ
ꢋꢊꢂꢌꢏꢄꢁꢓꢃꢍꢆꢊꢏꢘꢟꢁꢫꢓꢌꢍꢌꢁꢓꢃꢍꢆꢊꢏꢃꢉꢈꢐꢁꢌꢝꢌꢄꢆꢍꢁꢒꢑꢏꢆꢓꢌꢏꢁꢍꢊꢐꢃꢂꢃꢔꢌꢂꢁꢈꢄꢂꢁꣂꢌꢝꢌꢄꢆꢑꢈꢐꢐꢘꢁꢋꢃꢐꢃꢆꢈꢏꢃꢡꢌꢂꣃꢁꢌꢆꢓꢄꢃꢉꢁ

boundaries between tribes and clans who then began to identify themselves as either ‘Arab’ or ‘non-

ꢠꢏꢈꢚꢅꢁꢤꢗꢃꢌꢐꢍꢌꢄꢁꢷꢸꢸꢾꢽꢹꢼꢼꢦꢟꢁꢫꢓꢌꢁꢔꢏꢍꢆꢁꢌꢝꢌꢄꢆꢁꢇꢈꢍꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢈꢄꢄꢌꢕꢈꢆꢃꢊꢄꢁꢊꢒꢁꢞꢈꢏꢒꢑꢏꢁꢃꢄꢆꢊꢁꢉꢊꢐꢊꢄꢃꢈꢐꢁꢣꢑꢂꢈꢄꢁꢃꢄꢁꢺꢻꢺꣅꢰꢁ

under the system of native administration, indigenous people could manage their own affairs but only under colonial overseers. Native administration left Darfur unfortunately isolated from the rest of the country, which did not have native administration but was governed largely by Britain (Nielsen

ꢷꢸꢸꢾꢽꢹꣅꢸꢦꢟꢁꢫꢓꢌꢁꢍꢌꢉꢊꢄꢂꢁꢌꢝꢌꢄꢆꢁꢇꢈꢍꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢌꢋꢌꢏꢢꢌꢄꢉꢘꢁꢊꢒꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢉꢈꢎꢃꢆꢈꢐꢃꢍꢆꢁꢋꢊꢄꢌꢘꢁꢌꢉꢊꢄꢊꢋꢘꢙꢁꢇꢓꢃꢉꢓꢁꣂꢑꢍꢌꢂꢁ ꢌꢆꢓꢄꢃꢉꢁꢚꢊꢑꢄꢂꢈꢏꢃꢌꢍꢁꢈꢍꢁꢌꢉꢊꢄꢊꢋꢃꢉꢁꢚꢊꢑꢄꢂꢈꢏꢃꢌꢍꢁꢚꢌꢆꢇꢌꢌꢄꢁꢍꢌꢉꢆꢊꢏꢍꢁꢊꢒꢁꢎꢏꢊꢂꢑꢉꢆꢃꢊꢄꣃꢁꢤꢗꢃꢌꢐꢍꢌꢄꢁꢷꢸꢸꢾꢽꢹꣅꢷꢦꢟꢁꢫꢓꢌꢁ ꢆꢓꢃꢏꢂꢁꢌꢝꢌꢄꢆꢁꢇꢈꢍꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢂꢏꢊꢑꢢꢓꢆꢁꢈꢄꢂꢁꢏꢌꢍꢑꢐꢆꢈꢄꢆꢁꢒꢈꢋꢃꢄꢌꢁꢒꢏꢊꢋꢁꢺꢻꢾꢷꢁꢆꢊꢁꢺꢻꢾꢹꢙꢁꢇꢓꢃꢉꢓꢁꢉꢈꢑꢍꢌꢂꢁꢝꢈꢏꢃꢊꢑꢍꢁꢢꢏꢊꢑꢎꢍꢁ

from outside Darfur to migrate into the region in search of arable land. The formation of ethnic

ꢚꢊꢑꢄꢂꢈꢏꢃꢌꢍꢁꢇꢈꢍꢁꢌꢍꢎꢌꢉꢃꢈꢐꢐꢘꢁꢝꢑꢐꢄꢌꢏꢈꢚꢐꢌꢁꢆꢊꢁꢔꢌꢏꢉꢌꢁꢉꢊꢋꢎꢌꢆꢃꢆꢃꢊꢄꢟꢁꢫꢓꢌꢁꢒꢊꢑꢏꢆꢓꢁꢌꢝꢌꢄꢆꢁꢇꢈꢍꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢧꢓꢈꢂꢃꢈꢄꢵ꣄ꢃꢚꢘꢈꢄꢁ

wars of the 1980s that launched Darfur into a period of political, economic, and ecological changes

ꢂꢑꢌꢁꢆꢊꢁꢍꢎꢃꢐꢐꢊꢝꢌꢏꢁꢒꢏꢊꢋꢁꢄꢌꢃꢢꢓꢚꢊꢏꢃꢄꢢꢁꢉꢊꢄꢜꢃꢉꢆꢍꢁꢤꢗꢃꢌꢐꢍꢌꢄꢁꢷꢸꢸꢾꢦꢟ
ꢺꢾꢻꣁꢁꢐꢃꢆꢓꢊꢢꢏꢈꢎꢓꢁꢂꢌꢎꢃꢉꢆꢃꢄꢢꢁꢬꢈꢓꢂꢃꢍꢆꢁꢶꢈꢏꢟ

An Ethnic Dichotomy: Arabs and non-Arab Africans

Ethnic Groups in Darfur

While the meaning of “ethnic group” takes on different connotations based on culture, an

ꢌꢆꢓꢄꢃꢉꢁꢢꢏꢊꢑꢎꢁꢉꢈꢄꢁꢚꢌꢁꢢꢌꢄꢌꢏꢈꢐꢐꢘꢁꢂꢌꢔꢄꢌꢂꢁꢈꢍꢁꢈꢁꢉꢊꢋꢋꢑꢄꢃꢆꢘꢁꢊꢏꢁꢎꢊꢎꢑꢐꢈꢆꢃꢊꢄꢁꢆꢓꢈꢆꢁꢍꢓꢈꢏꢌꢍꢁꢉꢑꢐꢆꢑꢏꢈꢐꢁꢚꢈꢉꢛꢢꢏꢊꢑꢄꢂꢁ ꢊꢏꢁꢂꢌꢍꢉꢌꢄꢆꢁꢤꢨꢌꢄꢌꢆꢵꢬꢈꢏꢆꢃꢄꢌꢡꢁꢷꢸꢺꢹꢦꢟꢁꢨꢘꢁꢄꢊꢁꢋꢌꢈꢄꢍꢁꢇꢃꢐꢐꢁꢂꢌꢐꢌꢢꢈꢆꢌꢍꢁꢚꢌꢁꢏꢌꢍꢎꢊꢄꢍꢃꢚꢐꢌꢁꢒꢊꢏꢁꢛꢄꢊꢇꢃꢄꢢꢁꢈꢐꢐꢁꢊꢒꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁ

6

ethnic groups of Darfur and the greater Sudan, but it’s important to be familiar with them in order to

ꢢꢌꢆꢁꢈꢁꢒꢑꢐꢐꢌꢏꢁꢎꢃꢉꢆꢑꢏꢌꢟꢁꢞꢑꢏꢃꢄꢢꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢞꢈꢏꢒꢑꢏꢁꢢꢌꢄꢊꢉꢃꢂꢌꢙꢁꢆꢏꢃꢚꢌꢍꢁꢆꢓꢈꢆꢁꢍꢓꢈꢏꢌꢂꢁꢎꢏꢊꢕꢃꢋꢃꢆꢘꢁꢆꢊꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢆꢇꢊꢁꢋꢈꢃꢄꢁꢏꢌꢚꢌꢐꢁ

movements such as the Masalit, Fur, and Zaghawa were overwhelmingly targeted in violent ethnic cleansing campaigns (Human Rights Watch 2005).

EXAMPLES OF ETHNIC GROUPS, TRIBES IN DARFUR (de Waal 2005) Ethnic Group or Grouping
Description

Fur

A non-Arab, Islamic group of cultivators located in the central Jebel Marra

mountain range. Their agricultural production is oriented towards local markets and traders. One of the three largest tribes in Darfur.

Historically, the nomadic southern Baggara and the sedentary central Fur maintained a symbiotic relationship where the Fur left their cattle in the care of the Baggara. By contrast, the Fur had little interaction with the northern Abbala.

Masalit, Gama, and Non-Arab cultivators that inhabit the central farming belt. The Masalit are

Tama

one of the three largest tribes in Darfur.

Zaghawa

Non-Arab historically privileged group. One of the three largest tribes in

Darfur. Although they make up less than 8 percent of the Darfur population,

ꢆꢓꢌꢘꢁꢉꢊꢋꢋꢈꢄꢂꢁꢃꢋꢋꢌꢄꢍꢌꢁꢇꢌꢈꢐꢆꢓꢁꢈꢄꢂꢁꢃꢄꢜꢑꢌꢄꢉꢌꢙꢁꢇꢓꢃꢉꢓꢁꢓꢈꢍꢁꢉꢈꢑꢍꢌꢂꢁꢆꢌꢄꢍꢃꢊꢄꢍꢁ

with other tribes.

Zayyadiyya

An Arab group.

Baggara and Abbala Nomadic groups that comprise much of the Arab population in Darfur.
They carry an important tradition of herding livestock between Lake Chad and the Nile River. Many are located in northern and southern Darfur. The Janjaweed militias that were supported by the Sudanese government in 2003 were overwhelmingly made up of the Abbala.

Most of the Arab groups involved in militia activities like land grabbing began with the Abbala, whereas most southern Baggara Arabs were initially

ꢑꢄꢃꢄꢝꢊꢐꢝꢌꢂꢁꢃꢄꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢉꢊꢄꢜꢃꢉꢆꢟꢁꢀꢄꢁꢈꢂꢂꢃꢆꢃꢊꢄꢙꢁꢃꢆꢅꢍꢁꢃꢋꢎꢊꢏꢆꢈꢄꢆꢁꢆꢊꢁꢄꢊꢆꢌꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢂꢃꢒꢒꢌꢏꢌꢄꢉꢌꢁ

between tribes and ethnic groups; the Baggara Rizeigat are the largest and most powerful tribe in Darfur, more recently joining Janjaweed forces to quash rebels.

7

“Arabs” and “non-Arabs”

In Sudan, “Arab” is both an ethnic and cultural term, typically “referring to those who can trace their ancestry to the original inhabitants of the Arabian peninsula and whose mother tongue is

ꢠꢏꢈꢚꢃꢉꣃꢁꢤꢴꢨꢣꢁꢯꢏꢊꢄꢆꢐꢃꢄꢌꢁꢶꢊꢏꢐꢂꢦꢟꢁꢀꢄꢁꢏꢌꢉꢌꢄꢆꢁꢂꢌꢉꢈꢂꢌꢍꢙꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢏꢃꢉꢓꢁꢈꢄꢂꢁꢉꢊꢋꢎꢐꢌꢕꢁꢓꢃꢍꢆꢊꢏꢃꢌꢍꢁꢊꢒꢁꢃꢂꢌꢄꢆꢃꢆꢘꢁꢒꢊꢏꢋꢈꢆꢃꢊꢄꢁ ꢃꢄꢁꢞꢈꢏꢒꢑꢏꢁꢓꢈꢝꢌꢁꢚꢌꢌꢄꢁꢃꢄꢉꢏꢌꢈꢍꢃꢄꢢꢐꢘꢁꢊꢝꢌꢏꢍꢃꢋꢎꢐꢃꢔꢌꢂꢙꢁꢏꢌꢍꢑꢐꢆꢃꢄꢢꢁꢃꢄꢁꢈꢁꢎꢊꢐꢈꢏꢃꢡꢌꢂꢁꢠꢏꢈꢚꢵꢠꢒꢏꢃꢉꢈꢄꢁꢂꢃꢉꢓꢊꢆꢊꢋꢘꢁ

that is radically inadequate for capturing the diverse ethnic identities of Darfur. Polarization is so entrenched that community leaders for whom the term ‘African’ might have been out of place now readily identify themselves as such (de Waal 2005). Despite its uselessness, the Arab vs. African dichotomy survives in powerful ways that are particularly alarming amid the concurrent militarization

ꢊꢒꢁꢞꢈꢏꢒꢑꢏꢟꢁꢣꢊꢋꢌꢁꢇꢈꢘꢍꢁꢆꢓꢈꢆꢁꢠꢏꢈꢚꢁꢍꢑꢎꢏꢌꢋꢈꢉꢃꢍꢋꢁꢆꢈꢛꢌꢍꢁꢎꢐꢈꢉꢌꢁꢈꢏꢌꢁꢆꢓꢏꢊꢑꢢꢓꢁꢏꢈꢉꢃꢍꢆꢁꢝꢊꢉꢈꢚꢑꢐꢈꢏꢘꢁꢈꢄꢂꢁꢍꢌꢕꢑꢈꢐꢁ ꢝꢃꢊꢐꢌꢄꢉꢌꢟꢁꢬꢈꢍꢍꢁꢌꢆꢓꢄꢊꢍꢌꢕꢑꢈꢐꢁꢝꢃꢊꢐꢌꢄꢉꢌꢁꢆꢓꢈꢆꢁꢊꢉꢉꢑꢏꢍꢁꢃꢄꢁꢞꢈꢏꢒꢑꢏꢁꢃꢄꢆꢏꢊꢂꢑꢉꢌꢍꢁꢃꢋꢋꢌꢈꢍꢑꢏꢈꢚꢐꢌꢁꢎꢈꢃꢄꢁꢈꢄꢂꢁ

trauma not only for the women victims but for the communities that they belong to (Nielsen 2008).

ꢲꢆꢓꢄꢊꢍꢌꢕꢑꢈꢐꢁꢝꢃꢊꢐꢌꢄꢉꢌꢁꢃꢍꢁꢎꢈꢏꢆꢃꢉꢑꢐꢈꢏꢐꢘꢁꢃꢄꢍꢃꢂꢃꢊꢑꢍꢁꢃꢄꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢉꢊꢄꢆꢌꢕꢆꢁꢊꢒꢁꢞꢈꢏꢒꢑꢏꢁꢚꢌꢉꢈꢑꢍꢌꢁꢃꢆꢁꢉꢈꢄꢁꢂꢃꢍꢆꢊꢏꢆꢁꢌꢆꢓꢄꢃꢉꢁ ꢚꢊꢑꢄꢂꢈꢏꢃꢌꢍꢁꢚꢘꢁꢉꢈꢑꢍꢃꢄꢢꢁꢑꢄꢇꢈꢄꢆꢌꢂꢁꢎꢏꢌꢢꢄꢈꢄꢉꢃꢌꢍꢁꢈꢄꢂꢁꢂꢌꢍꢆꢏꢊꢘꢃꢄꢢꢁꢒꢈꢋꢃꢐꢘꢁꢐꢃꢄꢌꢈꢢꢌꢍꢁꢤꢩꢊꢐꢊꢉꢈꢑꢍꢆꢁꢲꢕꢎꢐꢈꢃꢄꢌꢂꢦꢟ

Modern notions of Arab supremacy in Sudan date back to colonial rule, where Arabic or
Arabized groups like the Jellaba were distinguished by their style of clothes, housing, and standard of living (Nielsen 2008). As a state, Sudan champions Arabism, uses Arabic as a language of instruction in schools and in the media, and promotes Islam as a state ideology. Its political discourse

ꢈꢄꢂꢁꢈꢑꢆꢊꢄꢊꢋꢘꢁꢏꢌꢝꢊꢐꢝꢌꢍꢁꢈꢏꢊꢑꢄꢂꢁꢇꢓꢈꢆꢁꢠꢐꢌꢕꢁꢂꢌꢁꢶꢈꢈꢐꢁꢉꢈꢐꢐꢍꢁꣂꢗꢃꢐꢊꢉꢌꢄꢆꢏꢃꢍꢋꢙꣃꢁꢊꢏꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢈꢎꢎꢐꢃꢉꢈꢆꢃꢊꢄꢁꢊꢒꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁ ꢗꢃꢐꢌꢁꢳꢈꢐꢐꢌꢘꢁꢆꢊꢁꢞꢈꢏꢒꢑꢏꢟꢁꢯꢊꢏꢁꢌꢕꢈꢋꢎꢐꢌꢙꢁꢑꢎꢁꢑꢄꢆꢃꢐꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢌꢄꢂꢁꢊꢒꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢉꢃꢝꢃꢐꢁꢇꢈꢏꢁꢃꢄꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢷꢺꢍꢆꢁꢉꢌꢄꢆꢑꢏꢘꢙꢁꢂꢌꢚꢈꢆꢌꢍꢁ

around independence concerned whether Sudan would “opt for unity with Egypt,” and subsequent

ꢂꢌꢚꢈꢆꢌꢍꢁꢊꢄꢁꢄꢈꢆꢃꢊꢄꢈꢐꢁꢃꢂꢌꢄꢆꢃꢆꢘꢁꣂꢓꢈꢝꢌꢁꢚꢌꢌꢄꢁꢒꢏꢈꢋꢌꢂꢁꢈꢐꢊꢄꢢꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢗꢊꢏꢆꢓꢵꢣꢊꢑꢆꢓꢁꢈꢕꢃꢍꢁꢊꢒꢁꢇꢓꢌꢆꢓꢌꢏꢁꢣꢑꢂꢈꢄꢁꢃꢍꢁ

part of the Arab or African world” (de Waal 2005). The scattered human rights reports about Darfur that emerged in 2003 pointed to evidence of Sudanese military and ‘Arab’ militia forces called the Janjaweed attacking and destroying many tribal villages in the homeland of ‘non-Arab’ insurgent groups known as the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) (Human Rights Watch 2005).

War in Darfur (Land Cruiser War): February 2003 - present

ꢁ

ꢫꢓꢌꢁꢇꢈꢏꢁꢆꢓꢈꢆꢁꢌꢏꢑꢎꢆꢌꢂꢁꢃꢄꢁꢣꢑꢂꢈꢄꢁꢃꢄꢁꢷꢸꢸꣀꢁꢃꢍꢁꢝꢌꢏꢘꢁꢂꢃꢒꢒꢌꢏꢌꢄꢆꢁꢒꢏꢊꢋꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢉꢊꢄꢜꢃꢉꢆꢁꢚꢌꢆꢇꢌꢌꢄꢁꢄꢊꢏꢆꢓꢌꢏꢄꢁ

and southern Sudan that began in 1956. That is to say, “the notions of ethnicity that have been

8

employed in Darfur are uniquely different from those in the rest of the country” (Nielsen 2008). Darfur inhabitants felt that new Arabization policies were increasingly marginalizing them. In April 2003, the Sudan Liberation Army and the Justice and Equality Movement, backed by the Sudanese People’s Liberation Army, incited a major offensive against the government of Sudan by attacking and capturing government property, including El Fasher airport (Responsibility to Protect). In response to these events — a product of pushback against the government for sidelining non-Arabs — Sudan teamed up with counterinsurgency forces known as the Janjaweed hoping to squash rebel sentiments. Rather than looking for rebels, however, state-sanctioned paramilitary forces “simply

ꢐꢈꢃꢂꢁꢇꢈꢍꢆꢌꢽꢁꢍꢓꢊꢊꢆꢃꢄꢢꢁꢂꢊꢇꢄꢁꢇꢓꢊꢌꢝꢌꢏꢁꢉꢏꢊꢍꢍꢌꢂꢁꢆꢓꢌꢃꢏꢁꢎꢈꢆꢓꢙꢁꢆꢊꢏꢉꢓꢃꢄꢢꢁꢓꢊꢋꢌꢍꢙꢁꢐꢊꢊꢆꢃꢄꢢꣃꢁꢤꢠꢄꢂꢌꢏꢍꢊꢄꢁꢷꢸꢸꢹꢦꢟꢁ ꢲꢝꢌꢄꢁꢇꢓꢌꢄꢁꢞꢈꢏꢒꢑꢏꢁꢆꢊꢊꢛꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢃꢄꢆꢌꢏꢄꢈꢆꢃꢊꢄꢈꢐꢁꢍꢆꢈꢢꢌꢁꢌꢈꢏꢐꢃꢌꢏꢁꢃꢄꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢉꢊꢄꢜꢃꢉꢆꢙꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢢꢊꢝꢌꢏꢄꢋꢌꢄꢆꢁꢃꢄꢁ꣆ꢓꢈꢏꢆꢊꢑꢋꢁ ꢄꢊꢆꢁꢊꢄꢐꢘꢁꢉꢐꢈꢃꢋꢌꢂꢁꢄꢊꢁꢉꢊꢄꢄꢌꢉꢆꢃꢊꢄꢁꢆꢊꢁ꣇ꢈꢄꢪꢈꢇꢌꢌꢂꢁꢒꢊꢏꢉꢌꢍꢙꢁꢚꢑꢆꢁꢈꢐꢍꢊꢁꢈꢏꢢꢑꢌꢂꢁꢆꢓꢈꢆꢁꢆꢓꢌꢏꢌꢁꢇꢈꢍꢁꢄꢊꢁꢉꢊꢄꢜꢃꢉꢆꢁꢈꢆꢁꢈꢐꢐꢁ ꢤꢠꢄꢂꢌꢏꢍꢊꢄꢁꢷꢸꢸꢹꢦꢟ

ꢁ

ꢀꢄꢆꢌꢏꢄꢈꢆꢃꢊꢄꢈꢐꢁꢐꢈꢇꢁꢂꢌꢔꢄꢌꢍꢁꢉꢏꢃꢋꢌꢍꢁꢈꢢꢈꢃꢄꢍꢆꢁꢓꢑꢋꢈꢄꢃꢆꢘꢁꢈꢍꢁꣂꢉꢏꢃꢋꢃꢄꢈꢐꢁꢈꢉꢆꢍꢁꢉꢊꢋꢋꢃꢆꢆꢌꢂꢁꢈꢍꢁꢎꢈꢏꢆꢁꢊꢒꢁꢈꢁ

widespread or systematic attack on a civilian population, whether during peacetime or war,” while war crimes are “serious violations of international humanitarian law and the laws of war that incur individual criminal responsibility” (Human Rights Watch 2005). Crimes against humanity and war crimes committed by the Sudanese military along with state-sanctioned militia forces have included

ꢆꢈꢏꢢꢌꢆꢁꢛꢃꢐꢐꢃꢄꢢꢍꢙꢁꢍꢑꢋꢋꢈꢏꢘꢁꢌꢕꢌꢉꢑꢆꢃꢊꢄꢍꢙꢁꢈꢍꢍꢈꢑꢐꢆꢁꢈꢄꢂꢁꢏꢈꢎꢌꢙꢁꣂꢆꢓꢌꢁꢂꢌꢍꢆꢏꢑꢉꢆꢃꢊꢄꢁꢊꢒꢁꢓꢑꢄꢂꢏꢌꢂꢍꢁꢊꢒꢁꢝꢃꢐꢐꢈꢢꢌꢍꢙꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁ

theft of millions of livestock, and the forced displacement of more than two million people” (Human Rights Watch 2005). In addition, livestock is the main economic target; it is estimated that non-Arab groups lost 50 to 90 percent of their livestock to the Janjaweed, who typically redistributed it to other Arab pastoralists (Nielsen 2008). Notably, in some places, Arab villages ended up suffering from retaliatory strikes led by African militias or the SLA, demonstrating that no one’s hands are

ꢈꢐꢐꢁꢉꢊꢋꢎꢐꢌꢆꢌꢐꢘꢁꢉꢐꢌꢈꢄꢁꢤꢠꢄꢂꢌꢏꢍꢊꢄꢁꢷꢸꢸꢹꢦꢟꢁꢠꢍꢁꢈꢄꢁꢈꢍꢃꢂꢌꢙꢁꢋꢊꢍꢆꢁꢎꢏꢊꢎꢊꢍꢈꢐꢍꢁꢒꢊꢏꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢍꢌꢆꢆꢐꢌꢋꢌꢄꢆꢁꢊꢒꢁꢉꢊꢄꢜꢃꢉꢆꢁ ꢃꢄꢁꢞꢈꢏꢒꢑꢏꢁꢃꢄꢉꢐꢑꢂꢌꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢏꢌꢝꢃꢝꢈꢐꢁꢊꢒꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢄꢈꢆꢃꢝꢌꢁꢈꢂꢋꢃꢄꢃꢍꢆꢏꢈꢆꢃꢊꢄꢁꢃꢄꢁꢍꢊꢋꢌꢁꢒꢊꢏꢋꢟꢁꢩꢊꢇꢌꢝꢌꢏꢙꢁꢠꢐꢌꢕꢁꢂꢌꢁꢶꢈꢈꢐꢙꢁꢈꢄꢁ ꢌꢕꢎꢌꢏꢆꢁꢊꢄꢁꢉꢊꢄꢜꢃꢉꢆꢁꢈꢄꢂꢁꢎꢌꢈꢉꢌꢚꢑꢃꢐꢂꢃꢄꢢꢁꢃꢄꢁꢣꢑꢂꢈꢄꢁꢈꢄꢂꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢩꢊꢏꢄꢁꢊꢒꢁꢠꢒꢏꢃꢉꢈꢙꢁꢄꢊꢆꢌꢍꢁꢆꢓꢈꢆꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢒꢈꢃꢐꢑꢏꢌꢁꢊꢒꢁꢎꢌꢈꢉꢌꢁ

conferences in 1989 and 1990 demonstrate that native administration is not a solution in itself, but

ꣂꢏꢈꢆꢓꢌꢏꢁꢈꢁꢉꢊꢋꢎꢊꢄꢌꢄꢆꢁꢊꢒꢁꢔꢄꢂꢃꢄꢢꢁꢈꢄꢂꢁꢃꢋꢎꢐꢌꢋꢌꢄꢆꢃꢄꢢꢁꢈꢁꢍꢊꢐꢑꢆꢃꢊꢄꣃꢁꢤꢂꢌꢁꢶꢈꢈꢐꢁꢷꢸꢸꢼꢦꢟꢁ
ꢠꢐꢆꢓꢊꢑꢢꢓꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢠꢒꢏꢃꢉꢈꢄꢁꢖꢄꢃꢊꢄꢁꢒꢊꢏꢋꢌꢂꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢧꢌꢈꢍꢌꢔꢏꢌꢁꢧꢊꢋꢋꢃꢍꢍꢃꢊꢄꢁꢤꢧꢯꢧꢦꢁꢆꢊꢁꢋꢊꢄꢃꢆꢊꢏꢁꢊꢚꢍꢌꢏꢝꢈꢄꢉꢌꢁ
ꢊꢒꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢉꢌꢈꢍꢌꢔꢏꢌꢙꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢷꢸꢸꢹꢁꢞꢈꢏꢒꢑꢏꢁꢩꢑꢋꢈꢄꢃꢆꢈꢏꢃꢈꢄꢁꢧꢌꢈꢍꢌꢔꢏꢌꢁꢠꢢꢏꢌꢌꢋꢌꢄꢆꢙꢁꢚꢏꢊꢛꢌꢏꢌꢂꢁꢚꢘꢁꢆꢓꢌꢁꢆꢓꢃꢏꢂꢁꢎꢈꢏꢆꢘꢁꢊꢒꢁ

9

Chad, was ultimately repeatedly violated by all parties. Janjaweed forces, backed by the Sudanese government, continued military operations against rebel forces and continued attacking civilians,

ꢍꢎꢌꢉꢃꢔꢉꢈꢐꢐꢘꢁꢆꢈꢏꢢꢌꢆꢃꢄꢢꢁꢄꢊꢄꢵꢠꢏꢈꢚꢁꢢꢏꢊꢑꢎꢍꢁꢤ꣈ꢌꢍꢎꢊꢄꢍꢃꢚꢃꢐꢃꢆꢘꢁꢆꢊꢁꢴꢏꢊꢆꢌꢉꢆꢦꢟꢁ꣈ꢌꢆꢈꢐꢃꢈꢆꢃꢄꢢꢙꢁꢏꢌꢚꢌꢐꢁꢒꢊꢏꢉꢌꢍꢁꢈꢆꢆꢈꢉꢛꢌꢂꢁ

and looted government facilities (Human Rights Watch 2005).
Residents waiting for peacekeeper visit.

Sudan Liberation Movement/Army (SLM/A)

Although originally formed as an alliance between the Fur and Zaghawa tribes, the Sudan
Liberation Movement/Army (SLM/A) is somewhat of a guerrilla group that represents a coalition of communities in arms. Its leadership is composed mostly of members of the Zaghawa tribe who feel that Darfur has been neglected by the government in Sudan, and that African tribes are particularly