Walking a Tightrope: the Transition from UNAMID to UNITAMS in Sudan
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Darfur Genocide
Darfur genocide Berkeley Model United Nations Welcome Letter Hi everyone! Welcome to the Darfur Historical Crisis committee. My name is Laura Nguyen and I will be your head chair for BMUN 69. This committee will take place from roughly 2006 to 2010. Although we will all be in the same physical chamber, you can imagine that committee is an amalgamation of peace conferences, UN meetings, private Janjaweed or SLM meetings, etc. with the goal of preventing the Darfur Genocide and ending the War in Darfur. To be honest, I was initially wary of choosing the genocide in Darfur as this committee’s topic; people in Darfur. I also understood that in order for this to be educationally stimulating for you all, some characters who committed atrocious war crimes had to be included in debate. That being said, I chose to move on with this topic because I trust you are all responsible and intelligent, and that you will treat Darfur with respect. The War in Darfur and the ensuing genocide are grim reminders of the violence that is easily born from intolerance. Equally regrettable are the in Africa and the Middle East are woefully inadequate for what Darfur truly needs. I hope that understanding those failures and engaging with the ways we could’ve avoided them helps you all grow and become better leaders and thinkers. My best advice for you is to get familiar with the historical processes by which ethnic brave, be creative, and have fun! A little bit about me (she/her) — I’m currently a third-year at Cal majoring in Sociology and minoring in Data Science. -
Sudan 2020 Human Rights Report
SUDAN 2020 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Sudan’s civilian-led transitional government, installed in August 2019, is led by Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok, who heads the Council of Ministers. There is also a Sovereign Council led by Abdel Fatah al-Burhan, who is one of the five military members, as well as six civilians. The Transitional Legislative Council had not been formed as of year’s end. Under the constitutional declaration signed in August 2019, general elections were scheduled for 2022, but following the signing of the Juba Peace Agreement on October 3, they were postponed to 2024. Under the civilian-led transitional government, responsibility for internal security resides with the Ministry of Interior, which oversees police agencies as well as the Ministry of Defense and the General Intelligence Service. Ministry of Interior police agencies include the security police, special forces police, traffic police, and the combat-trained Central Reserve Police. There is a police presence throughout the country. The General Intelligence Service’s mandate changed from protecting national security and during the year was limited to gathering, analyzing, and submitting information to other security services. The Ministry of Defense has a mandate to oversee all elements of the Sudanese Armed Forces, including the Rapid Support Forces, Border Guards, and defense and military intelligence units. During the year the police infrastructure was largely moved under executive authority to assure it would adhere to its mandate to protect individuals and enforce the laws. Civilian authorities’ control of security forces continued to improve. Nevertheless, members of the security forces committed some abuses. -
Sudan in Crisis
Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Faculty Publications and Other Works by History: Faculty Publications and Other Works Department 7-2019 Sudan in Crisis Kim Searcy Loyola University Chicago, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.luc.edu/history_facpubs Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Searcy, Kim. Sudan in Crisis. Origins: Current Events in Historical Perspective, 12, 10: , 2019. Retrieved from Loyola eCommons, History: Faculty Publications and Other Works, This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Publications and Other Works by Department at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in History: Faculty Publications and Other Works by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. © Origins: Current Events in Historical Perspective, 2019. vol. 12, issue 10 - July 2019 Sudan in Crisis by Kim Searcy A celebration of South Sudan's independence in 2011. Editor's Note: Even as we go to press, the situation in Sudan continues to be fluid and dangerous. Mass demonstrations brought about the end of the 30-year regime of Sudan's brutal leader Omar al-Bashir. But what comes next for the Sudanese people is not at all certain. This month historian Kim Searcy explains how we got to this point by looking at the long legacy of colonialism in Sudan. Colonial rule, he argues, created rifts in Sudanese society that persist to this day and that continue to shape the political dynamics. -
Social Media As a Strategy for Protest Movements in an Era of Government Control By
Social Media as a Strategy for Protest Movements in an Era of Government Control by Sarah C. Palmieri-Branco 8349343 Submitted to the Graduate School of Public and International Affairs University of Ottawa In the Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts © Sarah Palmieri-Branco, Ottawa, Canada, 2021 Abstract In a new era of surveillance and control, governments have expanded their digital knowledge and strategies to prevent and disband social movements and demonstrations. In light of the resurgence of several protests worldwide, have new technological strategies been employed by protest leaders to counteract government efforts? Have digital tools adapted to government control? This study analyzed how social media has adapted in the face of repression in non-Western protest movements through the analysis of digital strategies evoked by protest leaders to organize demonstrations, mobilize people and persuade the undecided. Hong Kong’s Umbrella Movement and the resurgence of protest in the territory in 2019-2020, and Sudan’s 2011-2013 protests and the subsequent 2018-2019 Intifada were chosen as case studies. A thematic analysis approach illustrated the different strategies implemented by both activists and governments and the ways in which social media evolved throughout the protest movements. This highlighted the various ways tools adapted to best facilitate the organization, mobilization and persuasion efforts to counter-act government repression and digital intervention. The technological evolution of social media has created an unprecedented level of transparency that allows for injustices actioned by governments to be shared on an international platform. This has ultimately led to a transfer of power to the people in times of social unrest and protest. -
Activist Brief: Sudan’S New Army of War Criminals
Activist Brief: Sudan’s New Army of War Criminals The first six months of 2014 have brought devastating death and destruction in Sudan, on par with the height of the genocide in Darfur from 2003-2005. Despite the United Nations Security Council mandating that the Sudanese government disarm its Janjaweed militias a decade ago, it never did. Now, as the International Criminal Court’s chief prosecutor says, a new iteration of the Janjaweed have taken the country by storm. A new Enough Project Report, “Janjaweed Reincarnate,” traces the movements of these fighters -- newly trained, heavily armed, and re-branded as “Rapid Support Forces.” Who are the Rapid Support Forces? The Rapid Support Forces (RSF) is a “new security force” launched by the Sudanese government. Many of the same men who were once a part of the Janjaweed are now members or leaders within this new force. The Sudanese government says these forces are tasked with defeating rebels. However, in the past nine months, the RSF has been spotted around the country burning civilian areas to the ground, raping women, and displacing non-Arab civilians from their homes. Many of their attacks have been committed in tandem with aerial bombardments by the national army, the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF). These lethal combinations have directly targeted life-saving medical facilities, schools, humanitarian infrastructure, and entirely civilian areas where no rebels were present. How do the RSF differ from the Janjaweed? The RSF are an upgraded version of the Janjaweed that the world came to fear in Darfur during the height of the genocide. -
1 His Excellency Donald Tusk, President of The
His Excellency Donald Tusk, President of the European Council Rue de la Loi/Wetstraat 175 B-1048 Bruxelles/Brussel Belgique/België By email: [email protected] Cc: President of the European Commission, Mr. Jean-Claude Juncker President of the European Parliament, Antonio Tajani High Representative of the European Union, Federica Mogherini Concerning: Appeal for an EU external policy framework based on European values Brussels, 18 June 2019 Dear Mr. President, We write to convey our congratulations to your contribution to the European project, as Europeans at heart and African people of goodwill, deeply committed to the brotherhood and long history between our two continents. During your term as President of the European Council, the European Union and its member states have externalised migration policy through direct and indirect cooperation with regimes and militia forces that are entirely unaccountable. Processes such as the EU-Horn of Africa Migration Route Initiative established in 2014, better known as the Khartoum Process, have provided the framework for such cooperation. Since the start of the Khartoum Process, organisations have therefore raised concerns about this policy and the European Union’s complicity with systematic and severe human rights abuses conducted by such ‘partners’, the lack of transparency of the cooperation agreements and the lack of civil society participation in the projects and dialogues. As part of this policy, both the European Union and individual member states have indirectly relied on external security forces and funded initiatives to train border guards, among others in Sudan and indirectly strengthened capacities to fulfil this role. The European Union has hidden behind the execution of such programmes by third parties. -
View: S/2021/322
United Nations S/2021/322 Security Council Distr.: General 1 April 2021 Original: English Letter dated 1 April 2021 from the Secretary-General addressed to the President of the Security Council I have the honour to refer to paragraph 31 of resolution 2550 (2020), in which the Security Council requested that I hold joint consultations with the Governments of the Sudan, South Sudan and Ethiopia, as well as other relevant stakeholders, to discuss an exit strategy for the United Nations Interim Security Force for Abyei (UNISFA) and develop options for its responsible drawdown and exit. I further refer to the request of the Security Council that I report no later than 31 March 2021, elaborating on those options, which should prioritize the safety and security of civilians living in Abyei, account for the stability of the region and include an option for a responsible drawdown and exit of UNISFA that is not limited by implementation of the 2011 agreements. Pursuant to the above request, my Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa undertook consultations in February and March 2021. Consultations with the transitional Government of the Sudan took place in Khartoum through discussions with the Chair of the Sovereign Council, Lieutenant General Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan; the Prime Minister, Abdalla Hamdok; the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mariam Al-Sadiq Al-Mahdi; the Minister of Defence, Lieutenant General Yassin Ibrahim Yassin; and representatives of the Abyei Joint Oversight Committee. Owing to the severe impact of coronavirus disease (COVID-19) in South Sudan, consultations with the Government of South Sudan were held remotely and in writing through the Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Beatrice Khamisa Wani- Noah, and the Minister of East African Community Affairs, Deng Alor, holder of the Abyei portfolio. -
How to Implement Sudan's New Peace Agreement
The Rebels Come to Khartoum: How to Implement Sudan’s New Peace Agreement Crisis Group Africa Briefing N°168 Khartoum/Nairobi/Brussels, 23 February 2021 What’s new? A peace agreement signed on 3 October 2020 paves the way for armed and unarmed opposition groups in Sudan to join the transitional government, dra- matically expanding representation of the country’s peripheries during the interim period before elections. The two most powerful rebel movements remain outside the accord, however. Why does it matter? Clinching the agreement was necessary for the country’s transition but implementation poses challenges. The agreement risks bloating the military and sets up a prospective political alliance between the rebels and Sudanese security forces, which could further sideline the government’s civilian cabinet and threaten to bury its reform agenda. What should be done? The interim government should negotiate with holdout rebels to bring them into the transition. Sudan’s international partners should press for security sector reform that decreases the size and political dominance of a newly expanded military while funding and supporting the authorities’ spending commit- ments in the peripheries. I. Overview Sudan’s October 2020 peace agreement, involving the interim government and rebel movements in Darfur and the Two Areas, among others, is an important step in the country’s transition after the ouster of former President Omar al-Bashir. The deal allows for representatives from armed groups in the country’s peripheries to take government posts and for significant public money to go to these areas. It is a way to rebalance the Nile Valley elites’ decades-long domination of Sudan’s political system. -
Sudan's Deep State
Violent Kleptocracy Series: East and Central Africa Sudan’s Deep State How Insiders Violently Privatized Sudan’s Wealth, and How to Respond By The Enough Project April 2017 REUTERS / Alamy Stock Photo Sudan’s Deep State Violent Kleptocracy Series: East & Central Africa Executive Summary Sudan’s government is a violent kleptocracy, a system of misrule characterized by state capture and co-opted institutions, where a small ruling group maintains power indefinitely through various forms of corruption and violence. Throughout his reign, President Omar al-Bashir has overseen the entrenchment of systemic looting, widespread impunity, political repression, and state violence so that he and his inner circle can maintain absolute authority and continue looting the state. The result of this process, on the one hand, has been the amassment of fortunes for the president and a number of elites, enablers, and facilitators, and on the other hand crushing poverty and underdevelopment for most Sudanese people.* A Failed State? For nearly three decades, President al-Bashir has maintained his position at the pinnacle of Sudan’s political order after seizing power through a military coup in 1989. During his rule, the government of Sudan has perhaps been best known for providing safe haven to Osama bin Laden and other Islamic militants in the 1990s, for committing genocide1 and mass atrocities against its citizens in Darfur, for the secession of South Sudan in 2011, and for ongoing armed conflict—marked by the regime’s aerial bombardment of civilian targets and humanitarian aid blockade—in South Kordofan and Blue Nile. Often portrayed as a country wracked by intractable violence and hampered by racial, religious, ethnic and social cleavages, Sudan ranks consistently among the most fragile or failed states.2 At the same time, Sudan has considerable natural resource wealth and significant economic potential. -
Towards Inclusive Economic Growth in Sudan: Stabilization and Recovery Thursday 3 October 2019 | Khartoum, Sudan Speaker and Chair Biographies
Towards Inclusive Economic Growth in Sudan: Stabilization and Recovery Thursday 3 October 2019 | Khartoum, Sudan Speaker and Chair Biographies HE Dr Abdalla Hamdok is Prime Minister of the Republic of Sudan, and head of the country’s transitional executive council since August 2019. He has over 30 years’ experience in the areas of public sector reform, governance, regional integration and resource management, addressing diverse development challenges in the African policy landscape. Dr Hamdok previously served as Deputy Executive Secretary and Chief Economist of the ECA, prior to which, he headed ECA’s portfolios of activities on development policy management, NEPAD and regional integration, and governance and public administration. From 2003-2008, he served International IDEA as Regional Director for Africa and the Middle East. He has also held senior positions at the International Labour Organization, African Development Bank and Deloitte & Touche; as well as at the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning of Sudan (1981-1987). Dr Alex Vines OBE is Research Director for Risk, Ethics and Resilience, and Head of the Africa Programme at Chatham House. Previously, he has held roles at Chatham House as Director for Regional Studies and International Security, and Director for Area Studies and International Law. He chaired the UN Panel of Experts on Côte d’Ivoire from 2005 to 2007, and was also a member of the Commonwealth Observer Group to Ghana in 2016. Alex has also been a UN election officer in Mozambique and Angola, and served as a consultant for the UN Office on Drugs and Crime and for the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). -
June 2020 Query Code Q10-2020 Contributing EU+ COI -- Units (If Applicable)
COI QUERY Country of Origin Sudan Main subject Rapid Support Forces Question(s) 1. Are there any reports on the cooperation between the Rapid Support Forces/Janjaweed and the Sudanese intelligence services (NISS) in the period of April 2019 – March 2020? - Introductory note on the Rapid Support Forces 2. Is there any information on members of particular ethnic groups, religions or professions being targeted by the Rapid Support Forces/Janjaweed in Darfur and the Two Areas (South Kordofan and Blue Nile) in the period of April 2019 – March 2020? If yes, is there any information on the means of monitoring of such people? - Targeting by the RSF - Examples of incidents attributed to the RSF in the reference period - Monitoring by the RSF Date of completion 2 June 2020 Query Code Q10-2020 Contributing EU+ COI -- units (if applicable) Disclaimer This response to a COI query has been elaborated according to the EASO COI Report Methodology and EASO Writing and Referencing Guide. The information provided in this response has been researched, evaluated and processed with utmost care within a limited time frame. All sources used are referenced. A quality review has been performed in line with the above mentioned methodology. This document does not claim to be exhaustive neither conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to international protection. If a certain event, person or organisation is not mentioned in the report, this does not mean that the event has not taken place or that the person or organisation does not exist. Terminology used should not be regarded as indicative of a particular legal position. -
COMESA and Sudan Engage on Regional Integration Issues 1
newsletter Issue #: 608_24th January, 2020 COMESA and Sudan Engage On Regional Integration Issues 1 TDB President Mr Tadesse Admassu, Secretary General Chileshe Mpundu Kapwepwe (M) with the Prime Minister Hon Abdalla Hamdok ecretary General (SG) Chileshe Mpundu The delegation met Prime Minister Right us achieve our desires of developing our SKapwepwe last week led a high- Hon. Abdalla Hamdok in his office in nation,” PM Hamdok said. level delegation comprising of Heads of Khartoum where they discussed various COMESA institutions, Directors and Senior issues on COMESA programmes and He briefed the delegation on the various Officers to Khartoum, Sudan on a tour of reviewed the level of implementation. interventions being implemented in the duty to re-engage the leadership on that area of trade and appealed for help to move country’s participation in regional integration During the meeting, Prime Minister Hamdok the country from exporting raw materials programmes as spearheaded by the bloc. reiterated his government’s commitment to to value addition on all the products being COMESA and pledged to continue working exported. This he added will help to create with the 21-member trade and development jobs for women and youths. The PM also “I am happy that you are bloc in order to deepen regional integration. requested for support from COMESA in here as Secretary General He pointed out that Sudan considers areas of infrastructure development, finance, with your team so that COMESA as a strong and dependable energy and agriculture. we can re-engage on the Regional Economic Community (REC) many programmes that which they can depend on to support their The issues of empowering women and we are implementing.