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Darfur Genocide
Darfur genocide Berkeley Model United Nations Welcome Letter Hi everyone! Welcome to the Darfur Historical Crisis committee. My name is Laura Nguyen and I will be your head chair for BMUN 69. This committee will take place from roughly 2006 to 2010. Although we will all be in the same physical chamber, you can imagine that committee is an amalgamation of peace conferences, UN meetings, private Janjaweed or SLM meetings, etc. with the goal of preventing the Darfur Genocide and ending the War in Darfur. To be honest, I was initially wary of choosing the genocide in Darfur as this committee’s topic; people in Darfur. I also understood that in order for this to be educationally stimulating for you all, some characters who committed atrocious war crimes had to be included in debate. That being said, I chose to move on with this topic because I trust you are all responsible and intelligent, and that you will treat Darfur with respect. The War in Darfur and the ensuing genocide are grim reminders of the violence that is easily born from intolerance. Equally regrettable are the in Africa and the Middle East are woefully inadequate for what Darfur truly needs. I hope that understanding those failures and engaging with the ways we could’ve avoided them helps you all grow and become better leaders and thinkers. My best advice for you is to get familiar with the historical processes by which ethnic brave, be creative, and have fun! A little bit about me (she/her) — I’m currently a third-year at Cal majoring in Sociology and minoring in Data Science. -
Sudan: Freedom in the World 2020
4/8/2020 Sudan | Freedom House FREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2020 Sudan 12 NOT FREE /100 Political Rights 2 /40 Civil Liberties 10 /60 LAST YEAR'S SCORE & STATUS 7 /100 Not Free Global freedom statuses are calculated on a weighted scale. See the methodology. https://freedomhouse.org/country/sudan/freedom-world/2020 1/24 4/8/2020 Sudan | Freedom House Overview The military leaders and civilian protesters who ousted the repressive regime of Omar al-Bashir and his National Congress Party (NCP) in 2019 are uneasy partners in a transitional government that—if successful—will be replaced by an elected government in 2022. Civic space is slowly opening to individuals and opposition parties, but security personnel associated with the abuses of old regime remain influential, and their commitment to political freedoms and civil liberties is unclear. Key Developments in 2019 President Omar al-Bashir, who came to power in a coup d’état in 1989, was overthrown by the military in April, after a protest movement beginning in December 2018 placed growing pressure on the government. The military initially attempted to rule without the input of civilian protesters, who originally demonstrated against rising commodity prices and pervasive economic hardship before calling for al-Bashir’s resignation as the year opened. Security forces killed 127 protesters in the capital of Khartoum in June, sparking a backlash that forced the short-lived junta to include civilian leaders in a new transitional government as part of a power-sharing agreement reached in August. Al-Bashir was arrested by the military junta and charged with corruption by the succeeding transitional government in August. -
Sudan in Crisis
Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Faculty Publications and Other Works by History: Faculty Publications and Other Works Department 7-2019 Sudan in Crisis Kim Searcy Loyola University Chicago, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.luc.edu/history_facpubs Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Searcy, Kim. Sudan in Crisis. Origins: Current Events in Historical Perspective, 12, 10: , 2019. Retrieved from Loyola eCommons, History: Faculty Publications and Other Works, This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Publications and Other Works by Department at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in History: Faculty Publications and Other Works by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. © Origins: Current Events in Historical Perspective, 2019. vol. 12, issue 10 - July 2019 Sudan in Crisis by Kim Searcy A celebration of South Sudan's independence in 2011. Editor's Note: Even as we go to press, the situation in Sudan continues to be fluid and dangerous. Mass demonstrations brought about the end of the 30-year regime of Sudan's brutal leader Omar al-Bashir. But what comes next for the Sudanese people is not at all certain. This month historian Kim Searcy explains how we got to this point by looking at the long legacy of colonialism in Sudan. Colonial rule, he argues, created rifts in Sudanese society that persist to this day and that continue to shape the political dynamics. -
Activist Brief: Sudan’S New Army of War Criminals
Activist Brief: Sudan’s New Army of War Criminals The first six months of 2014 have brought devastating death and destruction in Sudan, on par with the height of the genocide in Darfur from 2003-2005. Despite the United Nations Security Council mandating that the Sudanese government disarm its Janjaweed militias a decade ago, it never did. Now, as the International Criminal Court’s chief prosecutor says, a new iteration of the Janjaweed have taken the country by storm. A new Enough Project Report, “Janjaweed Reincarnate,” traces the movements of these fighters -- newly trained, heavily armed, and re-branded as “Rapid Support Forces.” Who are the Rapid Support Forces? The Rapid Support Forces (RSF) is a “new security force” launched by the Sudanese government. Many of the same men who were once a part of the Janjaweed are now members or leaders within this new force. The Sudanese government says these forces are tasked with defeating rebels. However, in the past nine months, the RSF has been spotted around the country burning civilian areas to the ground, raping women, and displacing non-Arab civilians from their homes. Many of their attacks have been committed in tandem with aerial bombardments by the national army, the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF). These lethal combinations have directly targeted life-saving medical facilities, schools, humanitarian infrastructure, and entirely civilian areas where no rebels were present. How do the RSF differ from the Janjaweed? The RSF are an upgraded version of the Janjaweed that the world came to fear in Darfur during the height of the genocide. -
1 His Excellency Donald Tusk, President of The
His Excellency Donald Tusk, President of the European Council Rue de la Loi/Wetstraat 175 B-1048 Bruxelles/Brussel Belgique/België By email: [email protected] Cc: President of the European Commission, Mr. Jean-Claude Juncker President of the European Parliament, Antonio Tajani High Representative of the European Union, Federica Mogherini Concerning: Appeal for an EU external policy framework based on European values Brussels, 18 June 2019 Dear Mr. President, We write to convey our congratulations to your contribution to the European project, as Europeans at heart and African people of goodwill, deeply committed to the brotherhood and long history between our two continents. During your term as President of the European Council, the European Union and its member states have externalised migration policy through direct and indirect cooperation with regimes and militia forces that are entirely unaccountable. Processes such as the EU-Horn of Africa Migration Route Initiative established in 2014, better known as the Khartoum Process, have provided the framework for such cooperation. Since the start of the Khartoum Process, organisations have therefore raised concerns about this policy and the European Union’s complicity with systematic and severe human rights abuses conducted by such ‘partners’, the lack of transparency of the cooperation agreements and the lack of civil society participation in the projects and dialogues. As part of this policy, both the European Union and individual member states have indirectly relied on external security forces and funded initiatives to train border guards, among others in Sudan and indirectly strengthened capacities to fulfil this role. The European Union has hidden behind the execution of such programmes by third parties. -
View: S/2021/322
United Nations S/2021/322 Security Council Distr.: General 1 April 2021 Original: English Letter dated 1 April 2021 from the Secretary-General addressed to the President of the Security Council I have the honour to refer to paragraph 31 of resolution 2550 (2020), in which the Security Council requested that I hold joint consultations with the Governments of the Sudan, South Sudan and Ethiopia, as well as other relevant stakeholders, to discuss an exit strategy for the United Nations Interim Security Force for Abyei (UNISFA) and develop options for its responsible drawdown and exit. I further refer to the request of the Security Council that I report no later than 31 March 2021, elaborating on those options, which should prioritize the safety and security of civilians living in Abyei, account for the stability of the region and include an option for a responsible drawdown and exit of UNISFA that is not limited by implementation of the 2011 agreements. Pursuant to the above request, my Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa undertook consultations in February and March 2021. Consultations with the transitional Government of the Sudan took place in Khartoum through discussions with the Chair of the Sovereign Council, Lieutenant General Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan; the Prime Minister, Abdalla Hamdok; the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mariam Al-Sadiq Al-Mahdi; the Minister of Defence, Lieutenant General Yassin Ibrahim Yassin; and representatives of the Abyei Joint Oversight Committee. Owing to the severe impact of coronavirus disease (COVID-19) in South Sudan, consultations with the Government of South Sudan were held remotely and in writing through the Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Beatrice Khamisa Wani- Noah, and the Minister of East African Community Affairs, Deng Alor, holder of the Abyei portfolio. -
How to Implement Sudan's New Peace Agreement
The Rebels Come to Khartoum: How to Implement Sudan’s New Peace Agreement Crisis Group Africa Briefing N°168 Khartoum/Nairobi/Brussels, 23 February 2021 What’s new? A peace agreement signed on 3 October 2020 paves the way for armed and unarmed opposition groups in Sudan to join the transitional government, dra- matically expanding representation of the country’s peripheries during the interim period before elections. The two most powerful rebel movements remain outside the accord, however. Why does it matter? Clinching the agreement was necessary for the country’s transition but implementation poses challenges. The agreement risks bloating the military and sets up a prospective political alliance between the rebels and Sudanese security forces, which could further sideline the government’s civilian cabinet and threaten to bury its reform agenda. What should be done? The interim government should negotiate with holdout rebels to bring them into the transition. Sudan’s international partners should press for security sector reform that decreases the size and political dominance of a newly expanded military while funding and supporting the authorities’ spending commit- ments in the peripheries. I. Overview Sudan’s October 2020 peace agreement, involving the interim government and rebel movements in Darfur and the Two Areas, among others, is an important step in the country’s transition after the ouster of former President Omar al-Bashir. The deal allows for representatives from armed groups in the country’s peripheries to take government posts and for significant public money to go to these areas. It is a way to rebalance the Nile Valley elites’ decades-long domination of Sudan’s political system. -
Political Repression in Sudan
Sudan Page 1 of 243 BEHIND THE RED LINE Political Repression in Sudan Human Rights Watch/Africa Human Rights Watch Copyright © May 1996 by Human Rights Watch. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 96-75962 ISBN 1-56432-164-9 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This report was researched and written by Human Rights Watch Counsel Jemera Rone. Human Rights Watch Leonard H. Sandler Fellow Brian Owsley also conducted research with Ms. Rone during a mission to Khartoum, Sudan, from May 1-June 13, 1995, at the invitation of the Sudanese government. Interviews in Khartoum with nongovernment people and agencies were conducted in private, as agreed with the government before the mission began. Private individuals and groups requested anonymity because of fear of government reprisals. Interviews in Juba, the largest town in the south, were not private and were controlled by Sudan Security, which terminated the visit prematurely. Other interviews were conducted in the United States, Cairo, London and elsewhere after the end of the mission. Ms. Rone conducted further research in Kenya and southern Sudan from March 5-20, 1995. The report was edited by Deputy Program Director Michael McClintock and Human Rights Watch/Africa Executive Director Peter Takirambudde. Acting Counsel Dinah PoKempner reviewed sections of the manuscript and Associate Kerry McArthur provided production assistance. This report could not have been written without the assistance of many Sudanese whose names cannot be disclosed. CONTENTS -
Summary Corruption and Anti-Corruption in Sudan
www.transparency.org www.cmi.no Corruption and anti-corruption in Sudan Query Could you please provide an overview of the nature and impact of corruption in Sudan? Does it affect SMEs significantly? Do foreign investors incur additional costs? Are basic services impacted by large diversions? Purpose challenges that affect both conflict torn and resource rich countries, including fragile state institutions, low The agency is currently undertaking a piece of work to administrative capacity, weak systems of checks and design our response to corruption in the new (post- balance, and blurred distinctions between the state and secession) Sudan. ruling party. The secession of South Sudan in July 2011 brings new economic and political challenges. Content Corruption permeates all sectors, and manifests itself 1. Overview of corruption in Sudan through various forms, including petty and grand 2. Anti-corruption efforts in Sudan corruption, embezzlement of public funds, and a system 3. References of political patronage well entrenched within the fabrics of society. Evidence of the impact of corruption is scarce and concealed by the country’s economic and Caveat political instability. Nevertheless, there is evidence that There is little data and research available on the patronage has a negative impact on small and medium country’s state of governance and on corruption, sized enterprises. Also, corruption in the police and particularly on its impact. The majority of recent studies security forces undermines internal security and allows have focused on the challenges faced by South Sudan, abuses of civil and political rights. The lack of so are not helpful in looking at Sudan. -
Q&A: Sudan's Pardon of Militia Leader Musa Hilal – and Future
Q&A: Sudan’s Pardon of Militia Leader Musa Hilal – and Future Accountability? This Q&A was prepared by Rifaat Makkawi, director of the People’s Legal Aid Clinic (PLACE) and REDRESS. On 11 March 2021, in accordance with a pardon by Sudan’s Sovereign Council, Musa Hilal was released from military detention, in a move that was described by those within political circles as supporting transitional justice processes. In dropping all charges against Hilal, the military court cited the fact that the “blood guardians” reached a comprehensive settlement regarding Hilal’s case, including a decision regarding the payment of blood money (“dia”), and the criminal proceedings against Hilal were closed. This questions-and-answers document addresses key issues surrounding the pardon of Musa Hilal, including challenges to seeking accountability for past serious crimes Hilal and others are alleged to have committed in Sudan. • Who is Musa Hilal? • Why was Musa Hilal under military detention? • On what basis was a pardon for Musa Hilal issued? • Were victims consulted or included in proceedings before a pardon was issued? • Can Musa Hilal still be prosecuted for crimes committed in Darfur? • Does the Nov. 2020 amnesty issued by Sudan’s Sovereign Council apply to Musa Hilal? • Is Musa Hila immune from prosecution under Sudan’s Criminal Act 1991? 1. Who is Musa Hilal? Musa Hilal has been described by Human Rights Watch as “internationally synonymous with the Janjaweed,” the government-backed militias who conducted serious international crimes in Darfur. Human Rights Watch has also described Hilal and his men as playing an “integral role in the two-year campaign of ethnic cleansing by the Sudanese army and Janjaweed militias,” and noted that countless victims, witnesses to attacks, and members of the Sudanese armed forces have named Hilal as the top commander of the Janjaweed. -
Repression Continues in Northern Sudan
November 1994 Vol. 6, No. 9 SUDAN "IN THE NAME OF GOD" Repression Continues in Northern Sudan CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION .....................................................................................................................3 II. A NUBAN DIARY.....................................................................................................................6 The Destruction of Sadah..................................................................................................16 The Burning of Shawaya...................................................................................................17 III. THE INTERNALLY DISPLACED .........................................................................................18 Forcible Displacement From Khartoum in 1994...............................................................19 Displaced Boys Rounded Up And Interned Without Due Process....................................20 IV. CONTINUING PATTERNS OF VIOLATIONS OF RIGHTS .............................................23 Arbitrary Arrest and Detention..........................................................................................24 Torture ..............................................................................................................................26 Continued Suppression of Free Assembly, Opposition Parties, and Trade Unions..........31 Silencing the Free Press ....................................................................................................33 V. RESHAPING THE LAW........................................................................................................35 -
Le Mode Diplomatique 01 05 2020
H DANS LES MARGES CRÉATIVES DE LA BD – pages 14 et 15 POPULISME, RÉPONSE ÀPIERRE ROSANVALLON PARCHANTAL MOUFFE Page 3. 5,40 €-Mensuel -28pages N° 794 -67e année. Mai 2020 DOSSIER : C OVID -19, APRÈS LA CRISE … LES CRISES Un avant-goût Qui du choc va payer? NDRES LO climatique Y, Les crisesseressemblent. Lorsquelatempête fait ALLER rage, le capitaineen appelle àlasolidarité.Lamenace TG passée, l’union s’évanouit :certains écopent en fond L’abîme dans lequel un coronavirus aprécipité de nombreux de cale, d’autres se trémoussent sur les ponts pays illustrelecoût humain de la négligence face àun danger supérieurs. En sera-t-il de nouveau ainsi ou la AMES FINE AR pourtant parfaitement identifié. Évoquer la fataliténepeut dissi- -E pandémie provoquera-t-elle un changement de cap? muler l’évidence:mieux vaut prévenir que guérir.Les atermoie- ments actuels dans la lutte contre le réchauffement climatique P AR L AURENT C ORDONNIER * pourraient conduireàdes phénomènes bien plus dramatiques. OHN CROSSLEY ©J Astrid54–«TheLookout »(Le Guetteur), 2015 LACRISE quisurvient n’est pas de nature sanitaire, mais économique. PAR PHILIPPE DESCAMPS ET THIERRY LEBEL * Le battement d’ailes de papillon qui s’est sans doute produit au marché de Wuhan acheminé suivant les lignes de fragilité du capitalisme mon- dialisé et libéralisé, lequel aredéployé depuis quarante ans ses «chaînes ENMARS 2020, la crise sanitaire arelégué l’actualitéclimatique Signe avant-coureur de possibles effondrements plus graves, le de valeur»augré des eldorados de pacotille qui lui promettaient de pares- loin des titres. Pourtant,cemois fera date comme le dixième de suite naufrage sanitaire actuel peut se voir àlafois comme un modèle réduit seux profits:lacaptationfinancière, la concurrence «libre et non faussée» avec une température moyenne au-dessus des normales.