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Darfur Genocide
Darfur genocide Berkeley Model United Nations Welcome Letter Hi everyone! Welcome to the Darfur Historical Crisis committee. My name is Laura Nguyen and I will be your head chair for BMUN 69. This committee will take place from roughly 2006 to 2010. Although we will all be in the same physical chamber, you can imagine that committee is an amalgamation of peace conferences, UN meetings, private Janjaweed or SLM meetings, etc. with the goal of preventing the Darfur Genocide and ending the War in Darfur. To be honest, I was initially wary of choosing the genocide in Darfur as this committee’s topic; people in Darfur. I also understood that in order for this to be educationally stimulating for you all, some characters who committed atrocious war crimes had to be included in debate. That being said, I chose to move on with this topic because I trust you are all responsible and intelligent, and that you will treat Darfur with respect. The War in Darfur and the ensuing genocide are grim reminders of the violence that is easily born from intolerance. Equally regrettable are the in Africa and the Middle East are woefully inadequate for what Darfur truly needs. I hope that understanding those failures and engaging with the ways we could’ve avoided them helps you all grow and become better leaders and thinkers. My best advice for you is to get familiar with the historical processes by which ethnic brave, be creative, and have fun! A little bit about me (she/her) — I’m currently a third-year at Cal majoring in Sociology and minoring in Data Science. -
Human Rights Abuses in Sudan Over the Month of March 20161 Overview
Human Rights Abuses in Sudan over the Month of March 20161 Overview During the month of March 2016, SUDO (UK)’s network of human rights monitors have reported and verified 65 incidents of human rights abuses across Sudan involving nine Sudanese states, whilst one such abuse was recorded in South Sudan relating to the arrest of two prominent Sudanese politicians who had participated in the National Dialogue by the security services of the Government of South Sudan. Monitors submitted a further two reports verifying the presence of a heavily armed group in North Darfur that is allegedly linked to ISIS in Libya, in addition to the troop movement of the Rapid Support Forces in South Kordofan. Enclosed within the 65 reports pertaining to human rights abuses, SUDO (UK) has assessed that various forces under the authority of the Government of Sudan2 were responsible, as individual entities, for 50 instances of human rights abuses, whilst various militias known collectively as Janjaweed were responsible for ten abuses. Unknown parties committed five such abuses, the various armed opposition movements four3, and the South Sudanese security service one such abuse. Once again it is worth stressing that multiple actors colluded in various incidents resulting in the fact that multiple perpetrators can be responsible for the same incident, hence 70 perpetrators have been identified for 65 human rights abuses. The 65 reports detail the following: the death 37 civilians and the serious injury of 59; the rape of 14 females including nine minors; the arrest of 28 persons including one detainee being held in a toxic container at the Sudanese Armed Forces Headquarters in Demazin; 15 reports of aerial bombardment resulting in the minimum use of some 160 bombs; the direct targeting of 30 civilian villages, which have been identified by monitors leading to the destruction of 15 of those villages; five incidents pertaining to press freedom with four newspaper confiscations; three dispersions of peaceful protest; and the denial of external travel to five persons. -
Sudan in Crisis
Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Faculty Publications and Other Works by History: Faculty Publications and Other Works Department 7-2019 Sudan in Crisis Kim Searcy Loyola University Chicago, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.luc.edu/history_facpubs Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Searcy, Kim. Sudan in Crisis. Origins: Current Events in Historical Perspective, 12, 10: , 2019. Retrieved from Loyola eCommons, History: Faculty Publications and Other Works, This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Publications and Other Works by Department at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in History: Faculty Publications and Other Works by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. © Origins: Current Events in Historical Perspective, 2019. vol. 12, issue 10 - July 2019 Sudan in Crisis by Kim Searcy A celebration of South Sudan's independence in 2011. Editor's Note: Even as we go to press, the situation in Sudan continues to be fluid and dangerous. Mass demonstrations brought about the end of the 30-year regime of Sudan's brutal leader Omar al-Bashir. But what comes next for the Sudanese people is not at all certain. This month historian Kim Searcy explains how we got to this point by looking at the long legacy of colonialism in Sudan. Colonial rule, he argues, created rifts in Sudanese society that persist to this day and that continue to shape the political dynamics. -
Activist Brief: Sudan’S New Army of War Criminals
Activist Brief: Sudan’s New Army of War Criminals The first six months of 2014 have brought devastating death and destruction in Sudan, on par with the height of the genocide in Darfur from 2003-2005. Despite the United Nations Security Council mandating that the Sudanese government disarm its Janjaweed militias a decade ago, it never did. Now, as the International Criminal Court’s chief prosecutor says, a new iteration of the Janjaweed have taken the country by storm. A new Enough Project Report, “Janjaweed Reincarnate,” traces the movements of these fighters -- newly trained, heavily armed, and re-branded as “Rapid Support Forces.” Who are the Rapid Support Forces? The Rapid Support Forces (RSF) is a “new security force” launched by the Sudanese government. Many of the same men who were once a part of the Janjaweed are now members or leaders within this new force. The Sudanese government says these forces are tasked with defeating rebels. However, in the past nine months, the RSF has been spotted around the country burning civilian areas to the ground, raping women, and displacing non-Arab civilians from their homes. Many of their attacks have been committed in tandem with aerial bombardments by the national army, the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF). These lethal combinations have directly targeted life-saving medical facilities, schools, humanitarian infrastructure, and entirely civilian areas where no rebels were present. How do the RSF differ from the Janjaweed? The RSF are an upgraded version of the Janjaweed that the world came to fear in Darfur during the height of the genocide. -
1 His Excellency Donald Tusk, President of The
His Excellency Donald Tusk, President of the European Council Rue de la Loi/Wetstraat 175 B-1048 Bruxelles/Brussel Belgique/België By email: [email protected] Cc: President of the European Commission, Mr. Jean-Claude Juncker President of the European Parliament, Antonio Tajani High Representative of the European Union, Federica Mogherini Concerning: Appeal for an EU external policy framework based on European values Brussels, 18 June 2019 Dear Mr. President, We write to convey our congratulations to your contribution to the European project, as Europeans at heart and African people of goodwill, deeply committed to the brotherhood and long history between our two continents. During your term as President of the European Council, the European Union and its member states have externalised migration policy through direct and indirect cooperation with regimes and militia forces that are entirely unaccountable. Processes such as the EU-Horn of Africa Migration Route Initiative established in 2014, better known as the Khartoum Process, have provided the framework for such cooperation. Since the start of the Khartoum Process, organisations have therefore raised concerns about this policy and the European Union’s complicity with systematic and severe human rights abuses conducted by such ‘partners’, the lack of transparency of the cooperation agreements and the lack of civil society participation in the projects and dialogues. As part of this policy, both the European Union and individual member states have indirectly relied on external security forces and funded initiatives to train border guards, among others in Sudan and indirectly strengthened capacities to fulfil this role. The European Union has hidden behind the execution of such programmes by third parties. -
Submission by P
MAIN CONTACT PERSON: TILMAN ZUELCH Submission by P. O. Box 2024 Society for Threatened Peoples D-37010 Göttingen a non-governmental organization in special consultative status Phone: +49 (0)551 49906-0 Fax: +49 (0)551 58028 E-Mail: [email protected] Language: English only Universal Periodic Review Eleventh Session 2010-11-01 Sudan The announcement of the first national elections since 20 years, which finally began on April 11, 2010, was welcomed by the international community as a first step to ensure a broader political participation of Sudanese citizens. Elections were marred by human rights violations Nobody expected elections guaranteeing all fundamental democratic standards, but the elections were marred by massive human rights violations and an increasing political repression. Sudanese and international election observers documented hundreds of incidents of intimidation, fraud, incorrect voter lists, faulty ballots, late supply of ballot papers and insufficient registration of voters. In the weeks ahead of the elections international election observers were threatened with expulsion and national observers were intimidated. Electoral fraud in Eastern Sudan, which was documented by internet video footage, has led to the cancellation of these voting results. In Southern Sudan, some 200 incidents of harassment, intimidation or violence at the polling stations were reported by the observers. Journalists and independent candidates were the main target in this campaign of intimidation which was orchestrated by Northern and Southern Sudanese officials. On May 27, 2010, nine journalists Southern Sudanese journalists working for the state-run media were detained for more than a week after they refused to participate in the inauguration of South Sudan’s President Salva Kiir. -
Teacher Information Sheet Genocide in Darfur
Teacher information sheet Genocide in Darfur Darfur is a region in the west of Sudan, bordering Chad, in north-east Africa. Before the conflict Darfur had an ethnically mixed population of around six million black Africans and Arabs. Darfur’s history Historically Darfur’s many different ethnic groups lived peacefully alongside each other, although conflicts over land-use between the Flag of Sudan, adopted in 1970 black African sedentary farmers and the lighter- skinned nomadic Arab population have arisen over time. The Sudanese Government has been condemned as racist – favouring Arabs over black Africans. They are accused of being complicit in ‘ethnic cleansing’ and enslavement of black Africans. Darfur’s ethnic mix of black Africans and Arabs made it a target for the Sudanese government. Many Sudanese people believe that the country’s border areas, such as Darfur (highlighted in green), have been Sudan neglected and marginalised by the government. Development has been focused on the capital city of Khartoum and the centre of the country. Darfur In February 2003 two Darfuri rebel groups, the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), launched a rebellion against the government. The majority of the rebels came from black African farming tribes, who accused the government of oppressing Darfur’s non-Arab citizens. The government responded by training, arming and mobilising the Arab-militia, known as the Janjaweed (‘devils on horseback’), to stop the rebellion, causing a civil war. The genocide The civil war has continued in the region since 2003. The Sudanese Government has supported the Janjaweed. Their violence has caused a humanitarian catastrophe in Darfur that has been condemned as genocide. -
Unpacking Ethnic Stacking: the Uses and Abuses of Security Force Ethnicity in Sudan
Unpacking Ethnic Stacking: The Uses and Abuses of Security Force Ethnicity in Sudan Nathaniel Allen National Defense University June 2019 1 Abstract African elites commonly recruit co-ethnic soldiers into state security institutions, a practice known as ethnic stacking. Ethnic stacking has recently received considerable attention from scholars and been linked to an array of outcomes, including repression, high levels of political violence and poor democratization outcomes. This article employs evidence from Sudan under Omar Al Bashir to argue that ethnic stacking is not one coherent tactic but several, and that its effects are mediated by the processes through which security force institutions are ethnically stacked. Within the leadership of state security institutions, ethnic stacking in Sudan served as a coup-proofing measure to ensure that leaders bound by ties of kinship and trust maintain oversight over the most sensitive functions of the security apparatus. In Sudan’s militia groups, ethnic stacking of militia groups and rank-and-file soldiers was used as a means of warfare and repression by altering overall composition of security forces with respect to the civilian population. The militia strategy itself was a product of the failure of the regime’s traditional security forces to function as effective counterinsurgents, and, by keeping the periphery of the country in a near-constant state of conflict, prolonged Bashir’s regime. World Count: 9,816 words Keywords: Ethnicity, Sudan, civil-military relations, civil wars, coups 2 Introduction For thirty years, Sudan was ruled by Al Bashir, an army officer who was the longest serving leader of the longest running regime in Sudanese history. -
How to Implement Sudan's New Peace Agreement
The Rebels Come to Khartoum: How to Implement Sudan’s New Peace Agreement Crisis Group Africa Briefing N°168 Khartoum/Nairobi/Brussels, 23 February 2021 What’s new? A peace agreement signed on 3 October 2020 paves the way for armed and unarmed opposition groups in Sudan to join the transitional government, dra- matically expanding representation of the country’s peripheries during the interim period before elections. The two most powerful rebel movements remain outside the accord, however. Why does it matter? Clinching the agreement was necessary for the country’s transition but implementation poses challenges. The agreement risks bloating the military and sets up a prospective political alliance between the rebels and Sudanese security forces, which could further sideline the government’s civilian cabinet and threaten to bury its reform agenda. What should be done? The interim government should negotiate with holdout rebels to bring them into the transition. Sudan’s international partners should press for security sector reform that decreases the size and political dominance of a newly expanded military while funding and supporting the authorities’ spending commit- ments in the peripheries. I. Overview Sudan’s October 2020 peace agreement, involving the interim government and rebel movements in Darfur and the Two Areas, among others, is an important step in the country’s transition after the ouster of former President Omar al-Bashir. The deal allows for representatives from armed groups in the country’s peripheries to take government posts and for significant public money to go to these areas. It is a way to rebalance the Nile Valley elites’ decades-long domination of Sudan’s political system. -
Security Council Report
SECURITY COUNCIL REPORT MONTHLY JAN 2012 23 December 2011 This report is available online and can beFORECAST viewed together with research studies and Update Reports at www.securitycouncilreport.org. For daily insights by SCR on evolving Security Council actions please visit or subscribe to our recently launched “What’s In Blue” series at www.whatsinblue.org Overview Contents of This Issue South Africa will preside over the Security Affairs, and on compliance with making UN-AU Strategic Partnership 1 Council in January. President Jacob Zuma required deposits to the compensation In Hindsight: The Working is expected to preside over a high-level fund established under resolution 687 Methods Open Debate 2 debate on the strategic partnership (1991) and the post-Development Fund Sudan/Darfur 5 between the UN and the AU in the area of for Iraq mechanism, most likely by the the maintenance of peace and security. The UN Controller, Maria Eugenia Casar, to South Sudan 7 Secretary-General is likely to brief on his be followed by consultations; Libya 9 report on this matter expected to be pub- n the AU-UN Hybrid Operation in Darfur Côte d’Ivoire 12 lished in early January. (UNAMID), probably by the Joint Special UNOWA (West Africa) 14 Representative Ibrahim Gambari, to be An open debate is planned on justice and followed by consultations; Iraq 15 the rule of law, with a possible Arria for- n the UN Office in West Africa UNOWA( ), Yemen 18 mula meeting preceding it. by Special Representative Said Djinnit, to Rule of Law 19 An open debate on the Middle East is be followed by consultations; Status Update since our also expected. -
World Air Forces Flight 2011/2012 International
SPECIAL REPORT WORLD AIR FORCES FLIGHT 2011/2012 INTERNATIONAL IN ASSOCIATION WITH Secure your availability. Rely on our performance. Aircraft availability on the flight line is more than ever essential for the Air Force mission fulfilment. Cooperating with the right industrial partner is of strategic importance and key to improving Air Force logistics and supply chain management. RUAG provides you with new options to resource your mission. More than 40 years of flight line management make us the experienced and capable partner we are – a partner you can rely on. RUAG Aviation Military Aviation · Seetalstrasse 175 · P.O. Box 301 · 6032 Emmen · Switzerland Legal domicile: RUAG Switzerland Ltd · Seetalstrasse 175 · P.O. Box 301 · 6032 Emmen Tel. +41 41 268 41 11 · Fax +41 41 260 25 88 · [email protected] · www.ruag.com WORLD AIR FORCES 2011/2012 CONTENT ANALYSIS 4 Worldwide active fleet per region 5 Worldwide active fleet share per country 6 Worldwide top 10 active aircraft types 8 WORLD AIR FORCES World Air Forces directory 9 TO FIND OUT MORE ABOUT FLIGHTGLOBAL INSIGHT AND REPORT SPONSORSHIP OPPORTUNITIES, CONTACT: Flightglobal Insight Quadrant House, The Quadrant Sutton, Surrey, SM2 5AS, UK Tel: + 44 208 652 8724 Email:LQVLJKW#ÁLJKWJOREDOFRP Website: ZZZÁLJKWJOREDOFRPLQVLJKt World Air Forces 2011/2012 | Flightglobal Insight | 3 WORLD AIR FORCES 2011/2012 The French and Qatari air forces deployed Mirage 2000-5s for the fight over Libya JOINT RESPONSE Air arms around the world reacted to multiple challenges during 2011, despite fleet and budget cuts. We list the current inventories and procurement plans of 160 nations. -
Sudan Arming the Perpetrators of Grave Abuses in Darfur
Sudan Arming the perpetrators of grave abuses in Darfur Map The boundary between north and south Sudan runs south of Southern Darfur, Western Kordofan, Southern Kordofan, White Nile and Blue Nile States. The so-called 'marginal' areas are Abyei, Southern Kordofan/the Nuba mountains and Blue Nile State. Introduction "I was living with my family in Tawila and going to school when one day the Janjawid came and attacked the school. We all tried to leave the school but we heard noises of bombing and started running in all directions... The Janjawid caught some girls: I was raped by four men inside the school…When I went back to town, I found that they had destroyed all the buildings. Two planes and a helicopter had bombed the town. One of my uncles and a cousin were killed in the attack. " A 19- year-old woman, describing the attack on Tawila in February 2004.(1) Governments of countries named in this report that have allowed the supply of various types of arms to Sudan over the past few years have contributed to the capacity of Sudanese leaders to use their army and air force to carry out grave violations of international humanitarian and human rights law. Foreign governments have also enabled the government of Sudan to arm and deploy untrained and unaccountable militias that have deliberately and indiscriminately killed civilians in Darfur on a large scale, destroying homes, looting property and forcibly displacing the population. Amnesty International has received testimony of gross human rights violations from hundreds of displaced persons in Chad, Darfur and in the capital, Khartoum.