Dictator Demise Study Full Data Set
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Juicio a Las Juntas Militares (Argentina)
Juicio a las juntas militares (Argentina) The 1985 trial of the Argentinean Military Junta Members is an historical trial which saw the prosecution of the leaders of the three first Argentinean juntas of 1976 – 1983. The hearings were held from 22 April to 9 December 1985. Due to the large number of victims, the Court selected 280 emblematic cases among the 709 cases presented by the Prosecution. The Prosecutor’s closing argument, with its “ ¡ nuncas mas !”, remains historical. On 9 December 1985, the verdict stated that the Military Juntas had “developed and implemented a criminal plan to fight terrorism, leaving considerable discretion to the junior officers of the armed forces to imprison those who where described as ‘subversives’ by the intelligence services; to torture them; to subject them to inhumane living conditions; and ultimately to decide freely on the final fate of their victims: being transferred to the legal system (judiciary or police), being released, or being simply executed” (unofficial translation of an extract of the judgment). Jorge Rafael Videla and Emilio Eduardo Massera (first Junta) were sentenced to life imprisonment. Roberto Eduardo Viola (second Junta) was sentenced to 17 years’ imprisonment, Armando Lambruschini (second Junta) to 8 years and Orlando Ramón Agosti (first Junta) to 4 years. Omar Graffigna (second Junta), Leopoldo Galtieri, Jorge Isaac Anaya et Basilio Lami Dozo (third Junta) were acquitted for lack of evidence. This trial is the first in South-America where former dictators were brought before judges by a democratic government. On 29 December 1990, Argentinean President Carlos Menen published Decree 2741/90 pardoning the accused sentenced during the 1985 trial. -
La Última Dictadura, Los Usos Del Pasado Y La Construcción De Narrativas Autolegitimantes (Buenos Aires, 1979-1980)
Quinto Sol ISSN: 0329-2665 ISSN: 1851-2879 [email protected] Universidad Nacional de La Pampa Argentina Monumentos, marcas y homenajes: la última dictadura, los usos del pasado y la construcción de narrativas autolegitimantes (Buenos Aires, 1979-1980) Schenquer, Laura; Cañada, Lucía Monumentos, marcas y homenajes: la última dictadura, los usos del pasado y la construcción de narrativas autolegitimantes (Buenos Aires, 1979-1980) Quinto Sol, vol. 24, núm. 2, 2020 Universidad Nacional de La Pampa, Argentina Disponible en: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=23163487005 DOI: https://doi.org/10.19137/qs.v24i2.3797 Esta obra está bajo una Licencia Creative Commons Atribución-NoComercial-CompartirIgual 4.0 Internacional. PDF generado a partir de XML-JATS4R por Redalyc Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto Laura Schenquer, et al. Monumentos, marcas y homenajes: la última dictadura, los usos del pasado ... Artículos Monumentos, marcas y homenajes: la última dictadura, los usos del pasado y la construcción de narrativas autolegitimantes (Buenos Aires, 1979-1980) Monuments, marks and tributes: the last dictatorship, the uses of the past and the construction of self-legitimating narratives (Buenos Aires, 1979-1980) Monumentos, marcas e homenagens: a última ditadura, os usos do passado e a construção de narrativas autolegitimáveis (Buenos Aires, 1979-1980) Laura Schenquer DOI: https://doi.org/10.19137/qs.v24i2.3797 Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas, Redalyc: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa? Argentina id=23163487005 Universidad Nacional del Litoral, Argentina [email protected] Lucía Cañada Universidad de Buenos Aires, Argentina [email protected] Recepción: 15 Abril 2019 Aprobación: 02 Julio 2019 Resumen: La pregunta por el control represivo y por la conquista del consenso social viene inquietando a los estudiosos de los regímenes fascistas y autoritarios. -
Coup D'etat Events, 1946-2012
COUP D’ÉTAT EVENTS, 1946-2015 CODEBOOK Monty G. Marshall and Donna Ramsey Marshall Center for Systemic Peace May 11, 2016 Overview: This data list compiles basic descriptive information on all coups d’état occurring in countries reaching a population greater than 500,000 during the period 1946-2015. For purposes of this compilation, a coup d’état is defined as a forceful seizure of executive authority and office by a dissident/opposition faction within the country’s ruling or political elites that results in a substantial change in the executive leadership and the policies of the prior regime (although not necessarily in the nature of regime authority or mode of governance). Social revolutions, victories by oppositional forces in civil wars, and popular uprisings, while they may lead to substantial changes in central authority, are not considered coups d’état. Voluntary transfers of executive authority or transfers of office due to the death or incapacitance of a ruling executive are, likewise, not considered coups d’état. The forcible ouster of a regime accomplished by, or with the crucial support of, invading foreign forces is not here considered a coup d’état. The dataset includes four types of coup events: successful coups, attempted (failed) coups, coup plots, and alleged coup plots. In order for a coup to be considered “successful” effective authority must be exercised by new executive for at least one month. We are confident that the list of successful coups is comprehensive. Our confidence in the comprehensiveness of the coup lists diminishes across the remaining three categories: good coverage (reporting) of attempted coups and more questionable quality of coverage/reporting of coup plots (“discovered” and alleged). -
Colonial Army Formats in Africa and Post-Colonial Military Coups
Scientia Militaria, South African Journal of Military Studies, Vol 35, Nr 1, 2007. doi: 10.5787/35-1-31 99 COLONIAL ARMY RECRUITMENT PATTERNS AND POST-COLONIAL MILITARY COUPS D’ÉTAT IN AFRICA: THE CASE OF NIGERIA, 1966-1993 ___________________________________________ Dr E. C. Ejiogu, Department of Sociology University of Maryland Abstract Since time immemorial, societies, states and state builders have been challenged and transformed by the need and quest for military manpower.1 European states relied on conscript armies to ‘pacify’ and retain colonies in parts of the non-European world. These facts underscore the meticulous attention paid by the British to the recruitment of their colonial forces in Africa. In the Niger basin for one, conscious efforts were made by individual agents of the British Crown and at official level to ensure that only members of designated groups were recruited into those colonial forces that facilitated the establishment of the Nigerian supra- national state. The end of colonial rule and shifts in military recruitment policies hardly erased the vestiges of colonial recruitment from the Nigerian military. The study on which this article is based and which examines Britain’s policies on military human resource recruitment as state-building initiatives, argued that military coups d’état in Nigeria can be traced back to colonial and post-colonial recruitment patterns for military human resources. Introduction Nigeria, built in the late nineteenth century by British colonial intervention, is Africa’s most populous country.2 Events in Nigeria3 since October 1, 1960, when it acquired political independence from Britain, furthermore attest to the political instability that the country experiences. -
Burma's Long Road to Democracy
UNITED STATES InsTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 1200 17th Street NW • Washington, DC 20036 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT Priscilla Clapp A career officer in the U.S. Foreign Service, Priscilla Clapp served as U.S. chargé d’affaires and chief of mission in Burma (Myanmar) from June 1999 to August 2002. After retiring from the Foreign Service, she has continued to Burma’s Long Road follow events in Burma closely and wrote a paper for the United States Institute of Peace entitled “Building Democracy in Burma,” published on the Institute’s Web site in July 2007 as Working Paper 2. In this Special to Democracy Report, the author draws heavily on her Working Paper to establish the historical context for the Saffron Revolution, explain the persistence of military rule in Burma, Summary and speculate on the country’s prospects for political transition to democracy. For more detail, particularly on • In August and September 2007, nearly twenty years after the 1988 popular uprising the task of building the institutions for stable democracy in Burma, public anger at the government’s economic policies once again spilled in Burma, see Working Paper 2 at www.usip.org. This into the country’s city streets in the form of mass protests. When tens of thousands project was directed by Eugene Martin, and sponsored by of Buddhist monks joined the protests, the military regime reacted with brute force, the Institute’s Center for Conflict Analysis and Prevention. beating, killing, and jailing thousands of people. Although the Saffron Revolution was put down, the regime still faces serious opposition and unrest. -
A Comparative Analysis of the Gowon, Babangida and Abacha Regimes
University of Pretoria etd - Hoogenraad-Vermaak, S THE ENVIRONMENT DETERMINED POLITICAL LEADERSHIP MODEL: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE GOWON, BABANGIDA AND ABACHA REGIMES by SALOMON CORNELIUS JOHANNES HOOGENRAAD-VERMAAK Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree MAGISTER ARTIUM (POLITICAL SCIENCE) in the FACULTY OF HUMAN SCIENCES UNIVERSITY OF PRETORIA January 2001 University of Pretoria etd - Hoogenraad-Vermaak, S ACKNOWLEDGEMENT The financial assistance of the Centre for Science Development (HSRC, South Africa) towards this research is hereby acknowledged. Opinions expressed and conclusions arrived at, are those of the author and are not necessarily to be attributed to the Centre for Science Development. My deepest gratitude to: Mr. J.T. Bekker for his guidance; Dr. Funmi Olonisakin for her advice, Estrellita Weyers for her numerous searches for sources; and last but not least, my wife Estia-Marié, for her constant motivation, support and patience. This dissertation is dedicated to the children of Africa, including my firstborn, Marco Hoogenraad-Vermaak. ii University of Pretoria etd - Hoogenraad-Vermaak, S “General Abacha wasn’t the first of his kind, nor will he be last, until someone can answer the question of why Africa allows such men to emerge again and again and again”. BBC News 1998. Passing of a dictator leads to new hope. 1 Jul 98. iii University of Pretoria etd - Hoogenraad-Vermaak, S SUMMARY THE ENVIRONMENT DETERMINED POLITICAL LEADERSHIP MODEL: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE GOWON, BABANGIDA AND ABACHA REGIMES By SALOMON CORNELIUS JOHANNES HOOGENRAAD-VERMAAK LEADER: Mr. J.T. BEKKER DEPARTMENT: POLITICAL SCIENCE DEGREE FOR WHICH DISSERTATION IS MAGISTER ARTIUM PRESENTED: POLITICAL SCIENCE) The recent election victory of gen. -
African Coups
Annex 2b. Coups d’Etat in Africa, 1946-2004: Successful (1), Attempted (2), Plotted (3), and Alleged (4) Country Month Day Year Success Leaders Deaths Angola 10 27 1974 2 Antonio Navarro (inter alia) 0 Angola 5 27 1977 2 Cdr. Nito Alves, Jose van Dunen 200 Benin 10 28 1963 1 Gen. Christophe Soglo 999 Benin 11 29 1965 1 Congacou 0 Benin 12 17 1967 1 Alley 998 Benin 12 13 1969 1 de Souza 998 Benin 10 26 1972 1 Maj. Mathieu Kerekou 0 Benin 10 18 1975 2 Urbain Nicoue 0 Benin 1 16 1977 2 unspecified 8 Benin 3 26 1988 2 Capt. Hountoundji 0 Benin 5 1992 2 Pascal Tawes 0 Benin 11 15 1995 2 Col. Dankoro, Mr. Chidiac 1 Burkina Faso 1 3 1966 1 Lt. Col. Sangoule Lamizana 0 Burkina Faso 11 25 1980 1 Col. Saye Zerbo 0 Burkina Faso 11 7 1982 1 Maj. Jean-Baptiste Ouedraogo 20 Burkina Faso 8 4 1983 1 Capt. Thomas Sankara 13 Burkina Faso 10 15 1987 1 Capt. Blaise Campaore 100 Burkina Faso 10 20 2003 4 Norbert Tiendrebeogo, Capt. Wally Diapagri 0 Burundi 10 18 1965 2 unspecified 500 Burundi 11 29 1966 1 Capt. Micombero 999 Burundi 5 1972 4 unspecified 100000 Burundi 11 1 1976 1 Lt. Col. Jean-Baptiste Bagaza 0 Burundi 9 3 1987 1 Maj. Pierre Buyoya 0 Burundi 3 4 1992 2 Bagaza? 0 Burundi 7 3 1993 2 officers loyal to Buyoya 0 Burundi 10 21 1993 2 Gen. Bikomagu, Francois Ngeze 150000 Burundi 4 25 1994 2 Tutsi paratroopers 999 Burundi 7 25 1996 1 army 6000 Burundi 4 18 2001 2 Lt. -
The Chair of the African Union
Th e Chair of the African Union What prospect for institutionalisation? THE EVOLVING PHENOMENA of the Pan-African organisation to react timeously to OF THE CHAIR continental and international events. Th e Moroccan delegation asserted that when an event occurred on the Th e chair of the Pan-African organisation is one position international scene, member states could fail to react as that can be scrutinised and defi ned with diffi culty. Its they would give priority to their national concerns, or real political and institutional signifi cance can only be would make a diff erent assessment of such continental appraised through a historical analysis because it is an and international events, the reason being that, con- institution that has evolved and acquired its current trary to the United Nations, the OAU did not have any shape and weight through practical engagements. Th e permanent representatives that could be convened at any expansion of the powers of the chairperson is the result time to make a timely decision on a given situation.2 of a process dating back to the era of the Organisation of Th e delegation from Sierra Leone, a former member African Unity (OAU) and continuing under the African of the Monrovia group, considered the hypothesis of Union (AU). the loss of powers of the chairperson3 by alluding to the Indeed, the desirability or otherwise of creating eff ect of the possible political fragility of the continent on a chair position had been debated among members the so-called chair function. since the creation of the Pan-African organisation. -
The 'Argentine Problem' : an Analysis of Political Instability in a Modern Society
THE 'ARGENTINE PROBLEM7: AN ANALYSIS OF POLITICAL INSTABILITY IN A MODERN SOCIETY Alphonse Victor Mallette B.A., University of Lethbridge, 1980 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS @ Alphonse Victor Mallette 1986 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY June, 1986 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. PARTIAL COPYRIGHT LICENSE I hereby grant to Simon Fraser University the right to lend my thesis, proJect or extended essay (the title of which is shown below) to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. I further agree that permission for multiple copying of this work for scholarly purposes may be granted by me or the Dean of Graduate Studies. It is understood that copying or publication of this work for flnanclal gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Title of Thesis/Project/Extended Essay Author: -. - rJ (date) -.-.--ABSTRACT This thesis is designed to explain, through political and historical analysis, a phenomenon identified by scholars of pol- itical development as the "Argentine Problem". Argentina is seen as a paradox, a nation which does not display the political stab- ility commensurate with its level of socio-economic development. The work also seeks to examine the origins and policies of the most serious manifestation of dictatorial rule in the nation's history, the period of military power from 1976 to 1983. -
Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons Or Profiteers?
Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons or Profiteers? By Jo-Ansie van Wyk Occasional Paper Series: Volume 2, Number 1, 2007 The Occasional Paper Series is published by The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD). ACCORD is a non-governmental, non-aligned conflict resolution organisation based in Durban, South Africa. ACCORD is constituted as an education trust. Views expressed in this Occasional Paper are not necessarily those of ACCORD. While every attempt is made to ensure that the information published here is accurate, no responsibility is accepted for any loss or damage that may arise out of the reliance of any person upon any of the information this Occassional Paper contains. Copyright © ACCORD 2007 All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISSN 1608-3954 Unsolicited manuscripts may be submitted to: The Editor, Occasional Paper Series, c/o ACCORD, Private Bag X018, Umhlanga Rocks 4320, Durban, South Africa or email: [email protected] Manuscripts should be about 10 000 words in length. All references must be included. Abstract It is easy to experience a sense of déjà vu when analysing political lead- ership in Africa. The perception is that African leaders rule failed states that have acquired tags such as “corruptocracies”, “chaosocracies” or “terrorocracies”. Perspectives on political leadership in Africa vary from the “criminalisation” of the state to political leadership as “dispensing patrimony”, the “recycling” of elites and the use of state power and resources to consolidate political and economic power. -
1 Political Shocks and Asset Prices Daniel Carnahan
Political Shocks and Asset Prices Daniel Carnahan (Business Insider) Sebastian Saiegh (University of California San Diego) Abstract We estimate how asset prices respond to a range of political shocks, including changes in a country’s economic stewardship, national elections, coup d'états, wars, and terrorist attacks. Multiple instances of these events took place in Argentina between 1967 and 2020. Using an event study approach and over 13,000 daily prices from the Buenos Aires exchange, we find that stock-market volatility increases in the days immediately following unexpected, major policy- shifting events. These results hold irrespective of whether market returns are measured in nominal terms, in local consumption units, or in US dollars. Our analysis allows us to establish comparisons across different types of political shocks while avoiding the identification problems of multi-country event studies. The most significant increase in post-event risk is associated with irregular government turnovers (coup d'états, presidential death, resignations); approximately 100 percent on average, when returns are expressed in US dollars. Volatility also increases in the days immediately following a defeat in an international war, national elections and changes in the country’s economic stewardship. No changes in stock market volatility occur, however, after terrorist attacks or when the date of a new administration’s inauguration is publicly known and determined sufficiently far in advance. Word Count: 10,929 1 Introduction Investors concerned about non-commercial risks need to consider their exposure to political events that may affect the value of their assets. These political risks can originate in specific government actions, such as laws or regulations. -
He Embarked on a Strong Move to Develop Uganda Very Quickly After Independence. His Achievements Were So Good That the President
SPEECH BY MAMA MIRIA OBOTE IN HONOUR OF THE FOUNDING FATHERS OF THE EAST AFRICAN COMMUNITY, AT ARUSHA TANZANIA 31ST MAY2015. Introduction We are delighted, humbled and honoured, to stand before this august EAL Assembly representing our Founding Fathers of the East African Community, comrades Dr.Julius Kambarage Nyerere, Mzee J omo Kenyatta and Apollo Milton Obote. As far as the Obotes are concerned we are true East Africans because of the long experience of living, studying and working in East Africa. Dr. Obote lived and worked in Kenya in the 19 50s when the Mau Mau struggle was taking place and had the golden opportunity of meeting the legendary freedom fighter, Dedan Kimathi, When political activities were banned in Kenya, the focus shifted to social clubs and Dr. Obote went on to head the Kaloleni Social Club. Later the ban on political activities was lifted and Dr. Obote together with other Kenyan nationalists went ahead to found K.A.U, the Kenyan African Union. Dr. Obote was even elected Chairperson of the new party and he led the successful campaigns for the late Tom Mboya's entry into to the L.E.G.C.0. I, myself am equally a product of the East African spirit and Kenya. My late father Blasio Kalule was an employee of the Kenya-Uganda Railway and we lived in Nairobi, Kenya, for a while. With the advent of exile in 1971 to 1980 we lived in Tanzania and during our second exile, 1985 - 2005, we lived in both Kenya and Zambia. Our children have studied in Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda, thus our association with both the old and new East African Community.