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Patrick Okigbo Chapter 2: POWER OF THE PEOPLE Mossavar-Rahmani Center for Business and Government Harvard Kennedy School (December 2020 Meeting) The core thesis of the book is that Africa continues to fail even as the rest of the world propels into a future that will be shaped by technology innovations. Africa may be forgotten - like the lost tribes in the Amazon -if it is not able to jump on to the departing train. Closing the gap will become more difficult as technology evolves. The continent can leverage technology to catch up with the rest of the world. This was evident in how the continent used mobile telephony to leapfrog traditional fixed phone line infrastructure and continues to innovate with the technology. In fact, some African countries are few years ahead of the United States in terms of mobile banking. Africa can repeat similar successes by rebuilding the foundations and pillars of this falling house. This submission, which is Chapter 2 of the book, argues that Africa can’t make sustained progress without enthroning the principles of liberal democracy and return political power to the people. Africa can leverage a ubiquitous technology to improve election integrity. This proposal will demand boldness and confidence from the continent’s leaders. This chapter is still a work-in-progress. Page 2 of 33 Patrick O. Okigbo III REBUILDING THE FALLING HOUSE Mossavar-Rahmani Center for Business and Government Technology Innovation and Africa’s Renaissance Harvard Kennedy School (December 2020 Meeting) Chapter 2 Power of the People Stifled Voices Fight Back Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart is layered with multiple allegories. To the casual reader, it is the story of British colonialists’ incursion into the Igbo-speaking region of Nigeria in the 1890s and the resultant disruptions to the society’s fundamental structures. From the first line in the book, the protagonist, Okonkwo, is presented as a strong character determined not to be hindered by his father’s perceived weakness. His insecurities predisposed him to overt displays of courage and self-confidence. Failing to understand the white man’s ways, especially their Christian religion, Okonkwo feared that these strangers would decimate his community’s way of life. Despite the Igbo reputation for hospitality to strangers, the colonialists’ authoritarian approach left little room for dialogue or negotiated accommodations. Their edicts showed no respect for Igbo culture and institutions, and their dictatorial style conflicted with their hosts’ republican nature. As a consequence, this impasse effectively foreclosed peaceful co-existence. Fearing that his society would succumb to a foreign god, Okonkwo, as usual, rose to provide leadership to address this threat. A series of events culminated in his premedicated murder of an emissary of the colonial District Officer; a significant miscalculation. Okonkwo erroneously assumed that his bold action would galvanize his people for war. However, realizing that they were not strong enough to fight their colonial masters, the community abandoned Okonkwo to his fate. As the old Igbo adage cautions; ‘a young boy who prematurely investigates the cause of his father’s death may contend with the same fate.’ Their lack of support broke Okonkwo’s spirit and, rather than face further humiliation from the colonialists; he did the unthinkable by committing suicide. Page 3 of 33 Patrick O. Okigbo III Chapter 2: POWER OF THE PEOPLE Mossavar-Rahmani Center for Business and Government Harvard Kennedy School (December 2020 Meeting) Okonkwo’s suicide baffles many readers of Things Fall Apart, as it is seemingly inconsistent with the man they saw battle many of life’s challenges to become one of his community’s most respected leaders. Okonkwo’s bravery was never in doubt; indeed, it was always on display. When the ‘Oracle’ demanded the death of a slave boy under his care, Okonkwo stoically obeyed. Although a trusted elder cautioned him, ‘That boy calls you father. Do not bear a hand in his death,’ Okonkwo still struck the fatal blow to demonstrate to his community that he was invulnerable to emotion. How does such a man of courage and self-confidence choose suicide as a way out? As a High Chief, Okonkwo was aware of the ethical and theological definitions of suicide in Igbo tradition. Considered an irredeemable abomination and a ‘bad death’ because it broke the cycle of reincarnation, the suicide meant that Okonkwo was buried ‘like a dog’ instead of being accorded a funeral befitting of one of his community’s greatest warriors. What great pain pushed him to such a decision? The logical answer is despondency. Faced with the colonialists’ draconian powers, Okonkwo felt voiceless, powerless, caged and defeated. He probably crossed the point where the pain of death paled in comparison to the travails of life under authoritarian control. This despondency was perhaps similar to what made Emiliano Zapata Salazar, a leader in the peasant revolution in Mexico (1910-1920), to conclude that it is ‘better to die on one’s feet than to live on one’s knees?’ Same for Mohamed Bouazizi, a Tunisian street vendor, whose self-immolation in December 2010, triggered the Arab Spring; a series of anti-government protests that spread across much of the Arab world in the early 2010s and led to the toppling of dictatorial governments in the region. There is no evidence that Okonkwo hoped his suicide would trigger an African Spring against colonialism. Rather, his act was more a realization that he had lost his political voice and influence in his community and could not countenance living like a slave in his father’s land. His emotions were more aligned with those of his ancestors who, in 1803, on St. Simons Island in the United States of America, chose mass suicide over slavery. In what has become known as the Igbo Landing, about 75 slaves who were chained together onboard a coastal slave-vessel, the York, rose in rebellion, overpowered their captors and in the process grounded the ship in the Dunbar Creek and drowned. How many people worldwide know the asphyxiating feeling that accompanies a lack of political voice or influence? Like Okonkwo and Bouazizi, many Africans see the impotence of being unable to impact their socio-economic and political realities. Likewise, for the Tipu Sultan of Mysore (1750 - 1799) who, in his exasperation with hostile Indian rulers and the British East India Company, suggested that ‘it is better to live one day as a lion than 100 years as a sheep.’ These feelings motivated Africa’s Page 4 of 33 Patrick O. Okigbo III REBUILDING THE FALLING HOUSE Mossavar-Rahmani Center for Business and Government Technology Innovation and Africa’s Renaissance Harvard Kennedy School (December 2020 Meeting) struggle for independence in the 1960s. How has life changed in these African communities since their independence from colonial rule? Did the societies transition their extractive institutions to inclusive ones, or was it merely a transition from white- skinned rulers to black-skinned dictators? While not quite Hobbesian, life in Africa in the second decade of the twenty-first century is still ‘poor, nasty, brutish, and short.’ According to the World Bank1, global poverty declined from 1.9 billion people or 36 percent of the world population in 1990 to 0.65 billion or 8.6 percent in 2020. In the same period, poverty transitioned from being Asian to becoming African. The World Bank projects that by 2030, 87 percent of people living in abject poverty will be on the African continent. This dreadful picture is the same for healthcare measures. According to the World Health Organisation2, although the global under-five mortality rate dropped from 93 deaths per 1,000 live births in 1990 to 38 in 2018, sub-Saharan Africa continues to skew global progress with the highest rates at 76 deaths per 1,000 live births in 2018. Anyone born today in Africa can expect to live, on average, for 62 years, a decade less than the average life expectancy for the rest of the world. Similarly, although the deadliest conflicts in 2020 are all outside Africa (in Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq, and Yemen)3, armed violence is still the continent’s biggest challenge.4 As of 2020, 15 out of 54 countries in Africa are involved in a war or embroiled in post-conflict tensions. Broad swaths of the Sahel region of West African are under the effective control of terrorist organizations with the quality of life in those parts still brutish and almost medieval. Like Cassius in Shakespeare’s ‘Julius Caesar,’ Africans understand that these challenges exist not because providence sealed their fate in the stars; instead, they result from the prevailing socio-economic and political institutions. The question in these African hearts is similar to that Cassius posed to Brutus: Why, man, he doth bestride the narrow world Like a Colossus, and we petty men Walk under his huge legs and peep about 1 World Bank. 2020. Poverty. [ONLINE] Available at: https://data.worldbank.org/topic/poverty. [Accessed 3 November 2020]. 2 World Health Organisation. 2020. Child Mortality. [ONLINE] Available at: www.who.int/data/gho/data/themes/topics/topic-details/GHO/child-mortality. [Accessed 3 November 2020] 3 Dupuy, Kendra & Siri Aas Rustad (2018) Trends in Armed Conflict, 1946–2017, Conflict Trends, 5. Oslo: PRIO. Available at: https://www.prio.org/Publications/Publication/?x=11181 4 Relief Web. 2020. Conflict is still Africa’s biggest challenge in 2020. [ONLINE] Available at: https://reliefweb.int/report/world/conflict-still-africa-s-biggest-challenge-2020. [Accessed 3 November 2020]. Page 5 of 33 Patrick O. Okigbo III Chapter 2: POWER OF THE PEOPLE Mossavar-Rahmani Center for Business and Government Harvard Kennedy School (December 2020 Meeting) To find ourselves dishonorable graves.
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