The Two Faces of Italian Communism
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Rifondazione Comunista Dallo Scioglimento Del PCI Al “Movimento Dei Movimenti”
C. I. P. E. C., Centro di iniziativa politica e culturale, Cuneo L’azione politica e sociale senza cultura è cieca. La cultura senza l’azione politica e sociale è vuota. (Franco Fortini) Sergio Dalmasso RIFONDARE E’ DIFFICILE Rifondazione comunista dallo scioglimento del PCI al “movimento dei movimenti” Quaderno n. 30. Alla memoria di Ludovico Geymonat, Lucio Libertini, Sergio Garavini e dei/delle tanti/e altri/e che, “liberamente comunisti/e”, hanno costruito, fatto crescere, amato, odiato...questo partito e gli hanno dato parte della loro vita e delle loro speranze. Introduzione Rifondazione comunista nasce nel febbraio del 1991 (non adesione al PDS da parte di alcuni dirigenti e di tanti iscritti al PCI) o nel dicembre dello stesso anno (fondazione ufficiale del partito). Ha quindi, in ogni caso, compiuto i suoi primi dieci anni. Sono stati anni difficili, caratterizzati da scadenze continue, da mutamenti profondi del quadro politico- istituzionale, del contesto economico, degli scenari internazionali, sempre più tesi alla guerra e sempre più segnati dall’esistenza di una sola grande potenza militare. Le ottimistiche previsioni su cui era nato il PDS (a livello internazionale, fine dello scontro bipolare con conseguente distensione e risoluzione di gravi problemi sociali ed ambientali, a livello nazionale, crescita della sinistra riformista e alternanza di governo con le forze moderate e democratiche) si sono rivelate errate, così come la successiva lettura apologetica dei processi di modernizzazione che avrebbero dovuto portare ad un “paese normale”. Il processo di ricostruzione di una forza comunista non è, però, stato lineare né sarebbe stato possibile lo fosse. Sul Movimento e poi sul Partito della Rifondazione comunista hanno pesato, sin dai primi giorni, il venir meno di ogni riferimento internazionale (l’elaborazione del lutto per il crollo dell’est non poteva certo essere breve), la messa in discussione dei tradizionali strumenti di organizzazione (partiti e sindacati) del movimento operaio, la frammentazione e scomposizione della classe operaia. -
Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics Under the ‘Second Republic’
Modern Italy Vol. 12, No. 1, February 2007, pp. 17–38 Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics under the ‘Second Republic’ John Agnew The Italian Second Republic was meant to have led to a bipolar polity with alternation in national government between conservative and progressive blocs. Such a system it has been claimed would undermine the geographical structure of electoral politics that contributed to party system immobilism in the past. However, in this article I argue that dynamic place configurations are central to how the ‘new’ Italian politics is being constructed. The dominant emphasis on either television or the emergence of ‘politics without territory’ has obscured the importance of this geographical restructuring. New dynamic place configurations are apparent particularly in the South which has emerged as a zone of competition between the main party coalitions and a nationally more fragmented geographical pattern of electoral outcomes. These patterns in turn reflect differential trends in support for party positions on governmental centralization and devolution, geographical patterns of local economic development, and the re-emergence of the North–South divide as a focus for ideological and policy differences between parties and social groups across Italy. Introduction One of the high hopes of the early 1990s in Italy was that following the cleansing of the corruption associated with the party regime of the Cold War period, Italy could become a ‘normal country’ in which bipolar politics of electoral competition between clearly defined coalitions formed before elections, rather than perpetual domination by the political centre, would lead to potential alternation of progressive and conservative forces in national political office and would check the systematic corruption of partitocrazia based on the jockeying for government offices (and associated powers) after elections (Gundle & Parker 1996). -
Redalyc.Antonio Gramsci a Torino (1911-1922)
Utopía y Praxis Latinoamericana ISSN: 1315-5216 [email protected] Universidad del Zulia Venezuela Maffia, Gesualdo Antonio Gramsci a Torino (1911-1922) Utopía y Praxis Latinoamericana, vol. 16, núm. 53, abril-junio, 2011, pp. 95-105 Universidad del Zulia Maracaibo, Venezuela Disponibile in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=27919220009 Come citare l'articolo Numero completo Sistema d'Informazione Scientifica Altro articolo Rete di Riviste Scientifiche dell'America Latina, i Caraibi, la Spagna e il Portogallo Home di rivista in redalyc.org Progetto accademico senza scopo di lucro, sviluppato sotto l'open acces initiative Antonio Gramsci in Turin (1911-1922) Gesualdo MAFFIA ipartimen to di Studi Politici, Universidad de Torino, Italia. La ciudad de Torino le ofrece a Antonio The city of Turin offered Antonio Gramsci un ambiente muy fecundo para su for- Gramsci a very fertile environment for his politi- mación política e intelectual, gracias a la presti- cal and intellectual development, thanks to its giosa tradición universitaria y a su rápido desa- prestigious university tradition and rapid indus- rrollo industrial. Gramsci, abandona sus estudios trial development. Gramsci abandonded his uni- universitarios, se dedica al periodismo político, versity studies and dedicated himself to political renovando la difusión del socialismo, ofrece un journalism, renewing the diffusion of socialism, ejemplo de periodismo crítico, atento a los he- offering an example of critical journalism, aware chos y a las contradicciones de la sociedad liberal -
Interests, Preferences, and Center-Left Party Politics in Corporate Governance Reform
Interests, Preferences, and Center-Left Party Politics in Corporate Governance Reform John W. Cioffi* and Martin Höpner** (Published in: Politics & Society 34, 4, 463-502. Page numbers of the orginal text are marked with (here starts p. xxx)) John W. Cioffi ([email protected]), J.D., Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of California, Riverside. His research explores the relationships between law and political economy and focuses on the politics of corporate governance reform in Europe and the United States from the 1980s to the present. His publications include: “Revenge of the Law?: Securities Litigation Reform and Sarbanes-Oxley’s Structural Regulation of Corporate Governance,” in Martin Levin, Martin Shapiro, and Mark Landy (eds.), Creating Competitive Markets: The Politics and Economics of Regulatory Reform (Brookings Institution Press, 2006); “Building Finance Capitalism: The Regulatory Politics of Corporate Governance Reform in the United States and Germany,” in Jonah D. Levy (ed.), The State After Statism: New State Activities in the Age of Globalization and Liberalization (Harvard University Press, 2006); “Corporate Governance Reform, Regulatory Politics, and the Foundations of Finance Capitalism in the United States and Germany,” German Law Journal (2006); “The State of the Corporation: State Power, Politics, Policymaking and Corporate Governance in the United States, Germany, and France,” in Martin Shapiro and Martin Levin (eds.), Transatlantic Policymaking in an Age of Austerity (Georgetown University Press, 2004); “Restructuring ‘Germany, Inc.’: The Corporate Governance Debate and the Politics of Company Law Reform,” Law & Policy, (2002). Martin Höpner ([email protected]), Ph.D., is a political scientists and researcher at the Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies in Cologne, Germany. -
World History Week 3 Take Home Packet
Local District South Students: We hope that you are adjusting to the difficult situation we all find ourselves in and that you are taking time to rest, care for yourself and those you love, and do something everyday to lift your spirits. We want you to know that you are missed and that we have been working hard to develop ways to support you. We want to stay connected with you and provide you with opportunities to learn while you are at home. We hope that you find these activities interesting and that they provide you with something to look forward to over the course of the next week. Stay home; stay healthy; stay safe. We cannot wait until we see you again. Sincerely, The Local District South Instructional Team and your school family World History Week 3 Take Home Packet Student Name_________________________________________________________________________ School________________________________________ Teacher_______________________________ Students: Each of the Social Science Learning Opportunities Packet was developed based on a portion of the standards framework. The mini-unit you will be working on this week, is based on these questions from the framework: ● What was totalitarianism, and how was it implemented in similar and different ways in Japan, Germany, Italy, and the Soviet Union? We encourage you to engage in the Extended Learning Opportunity if you are able. Over the course of the next week, please do the activities listed for each day. Week 3, Day 1 1. Read, “Life in a Totalitarian Country” and annotate using the annotation bookmark. 2. Answer the quiz questions. 3. Write a response to this prompt:Observe: How does the text describe the relationship between fear and totalitarian governments? Week 3, Day 2 1. -
Amadeo Bordiga and the Myth of Antonio Gramsci
AMADEO BORDIGA AND THE MYTH OF ANTONIO GRAMSCI John Chiaradia PREFACE A fruitful contribution to the renaissance of Marxism requires a purely historical treatment of the twenties as a period of the revolutionary working class movement which is now entirely closed. This is the only way to make its experiences and lessons properly relevant to the essentially new phase of the present. Gyorgy Lukács, 1967 Marxism has been the greatest fantasy of our century. Leszek Kolakowski When I began this commentary, both the USSR and the PCI (the Italian Communist Party) had disappeared. Basing myself on earlier archival work and supplementary readings, I set out to show that the change signified by the rise of Antonio Gramsci to leadership (1924-1926) had, contrary to nearly all extant commentary on that event, a profoundly negative impact on Italian Communism. As a result and in time, the very essence of the party was drained, and it was derailed from its original intent, namely, that of class revolution. As a consequence of these changes, the party would play an altogether different role from the one it had been intended for. By way of evidence, my intention was to establish two points and draw the connecting straight line. They were: one, developments in the Soviet party; two, the tandem echo in the Italian party led by Gramsci, with the connecting line being the ideology and practices associated at the time with Stalin, which I label Center communism. Hence, from the time of Gramsci’s return from the USSR in 1924, there had been a parental relationship between the two parties. -
Italy's Atlanticism Between Foreign and Internal
UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 25 (January / Enero 2011) ISSN 1696-2206 ITALY’S ATLANTICISM BETWEEN FOREIGN AND INTERNAL POLITICS Massimo de Leonardis 1 Catholic University of the Sacred Heart Abstract: In spite of being a defeated country in the Second World War, Italy was a founding member of the Atlantic Alliance, because the USA highly valued her strategic importance and wished to assure her political stability. After 1955, Italy tried to advocate the Alliance’s role in the Near East and in Mediterranean Africa. The Suez crisis offered Italy the opportunity to forge closer ties with Washington at the same time appearing progressive and friendly to the Arabs in the Mediterranean, where she tried to be a protagonist vis a vis the so called neo- Atlanticism. This link with Washington was also instrumental to neutralize General De Gaulle’s ambitions of an Anglo-French-American directorate. The main issues of Italy’s Atlantic policy in the first years of “centre-left” coalitions, between 1962 and 1968, were the removal of the Jupiter missiles from Italy as a result of the Cuban missile crisis, French policy towards NATO and the EEC, Multilateral [nuclear] Force [MLF] and the revision of the Alliance’ strategy from “massive retaliation” to “flexible response”. On all these issues the Italian government was consonant with the United States. After the period of the late Sixties and Seventies when political instability, terrorism and high inflation undermined the Italian role in international relations, the decision in 1979 to accept the Euromissiles was a landmark in the history of Italian participation to NATO. -
Luigi Longo, Un Segretario Comunista Troppo Dimenticato
Luigi Longo, un segretario comunista troppo dimenticato Cade in queste settimane il quarantesimo anniversario della morte di Luigi Longo (1900-1980). Dopo essere stato in carcere in Italia e Francia, fu partecipe della guerra civile spagnola nelle Brigate internazionali (1936-1939), poi comandante partigiano delle brigate comuniste con il nome di battaglia “Gallo”, poi ancora segretario del Pci nel periodo 1964-1972 dopo la morte di Palmiro Togliatti e prima dell’elezione di Enrico Berlinguer. In Dialogo sull’antifascismo, il Pci e l’Italia repubblicana (Editori Riuniti university press, 2013) tra Aldo Natoli e Vittorio Foa, il primo riconosce il ruolo che ebbe Longo nel corso dell’invasione della Cecoslovacchia da parte delle truppe del Patto di Varsavia: La posizione di critica netta che Longo fece giustamente, una delle sue iniziative migliori in fondo, e quindi come tale passò nella politica ufficiale del partito, non era per niente condivisa dalla base. Natoli spiega a Foa che Longo ebbe un ruolo decisivo nel prendere le distanze da Mosca nella crisi di Praga del 1968 e nel pubblicare il Memoriale di Yalta, l’ultimo scritto di Palmiro Togliatti alla vigilia della sua morte nell’agosto 1964, dove erano contenuti critici giudizi su Mosca e Pechino, auspicando la ricostruzione dell’unità del movimento comunista internazionale su altre basi. Si deve citare a favore della segreteria di Longo anche l’incontro con gli studenti del ’68 nel maggio di quell’anno nella sede del partito a Botteghe oscure: un gesto positivo di dialogo con il movimento nascente. Fu una scelta su cui insistette proprio Longo, che in un’intervista a Rinascita ne spiegò le motivazioni contro le titubanze di altri dirigenti del partito. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
14707176.Pdf
I c/66-14 AN ESSAY ON REVISIONISM IN THE ITALIAN COMMUNIST PARTY Giorgio Galli Massachusetts Institute of Technology Center for International Studies International Communism Project The following essay explores the evolution of Italian Communist re- visionism. In general when we speak of "revisionism" in the Italian Communist Party (PCI) we usually refer to the question of whether the conquest of power is possible and of what strategy the Party puts forward in order to achieve it: the classical questions, in short, which were at the center of the first great revisionist debate in the Second International. Extensive comparisons have therefore been made between Italian "revisionism" and its classical antecedents. But first a brief review of the PCI's attitude toward the Italian Con- stitution may be illuminating. At a particularly signi icant moment in its recent history, the Eighth Congress of December 1956, the PCI approved the "Elements for a Policy Declaration" which regards the Italian Constitution that went into effect in January 1948, as an "important victory on the Italian road to Socialism," and illustrates one fundamental aspect of it in the follow- ing manner: As far as private property is concerned, it is guaranteed by law, 'with the aim of safeguarding its social function and making it accessible to all,' and it is precisely for this reason that the Constitution lays down limits for it and even provides for expro- priation, with compensation, for 'reasons of general interest.' It is not, therefore, unreasonable to state that the Republican Constitution . sets up some of the conditions which may, when they are put into effect . -
The Italian Communist Party 1921--1964: a Profile
University of Windsor Scholarship at UWindsor Electronic Theses and Dissertations Theses, Dissertations, and Major Papers 1-1-1966 The Italian Communist Party 1921--1964: A profile. Aldo U. Marchini University of Windsor Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.uwindsor.ca/etd Recommended Citation Marchini, Aldo U., "The Italian Communist Party 1921--1964: A profile." (1966). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 6438. https://scholar.uwindsor.ca/etd/6438 This online database contains the full-text of PhD dissertations and Masters’ theses of University of Windsor students from 1954 forward. These documents are made available for personal study and research purposes only, in accordance with the Canadian Copyright Act and the Creative Commons license—CC BY-NC-ND (Attribution, Non-Commercial, No Derivative Works). Under this license, works must always be attributed to the copyright holder (original author), cannot be used for any commercial purposes, and may not be altered. Any other use would require the permission of the copyright holder. Students may inquire about withdrawing their dissertation and/or thesis from this database. For additional inquiries, please contact the repository administrator via email ([email protected]) or by telephone at 519-253-3000ext. 3208. NOTE TO USERS Page(s) not included in the original manuscript and are unavailable from the author or university. The manuscript was scanned as received. it This reproduction is the best copy available. UMI Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. THE ITALIAN COkkUNIST PARTY 1921 - 196A: A PROPILE by ALDO U. -
PROOF Contents
PROOF Contents Acknowledgements viii 1 Survival and Renewal: The 1990s 1 2 Regroupment: Establishing a European Movement 29 3 The Party of the European Left 46 4 Diverse Trends: An Overview 66 5 A Successful Model? Die Linke (the Left Party – Germany) 83 6 How Have the Mighty Fallen: Partito della Rifondazione Comunista (Party of Communist Refoundation – Italy) 99 7 Back from the Brink: French Communism (Parti Communiste Français) Re-orientates 116 8 Communism Renewed and Supported: The Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (the Czech Republic) 132 9 The Scandinavian Left 147 10 The European Left and the Global Left: 1999–2009 163 Notes 192 Index 204 vii PROOF 1 Survival and Renewal: The 1990s Almost two decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall, on the occasion of the German federal elections in September 2009, the International Herald Tribune marked the electoral victory of the German right with the headline, ‘Is socialism dying?’1 The German Social Democratic Party or the Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (SPD) took 23% of the votes – its lowest poll since the Second World War – just months after the European elections registered a poor performance from left- wing candidates across the European Union (EU). As the article went on to observe, ‘Even in the midst of one of the greatest challenges to capitalism in 75 years, involving a breakdown of the financial sys- tem because of “irrational exuberance”, greed and the weakness of regulatory systems, European socialists and their leftist cousins have not found a compelling response, let alone taken advantage of the failures of the right.’ There is no doubt that across Europe the failure of the social demo- cratic parties to present a ‘compelling response’ to the economic crisis has led to a wave of electoral setbacks.