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Seán D Vrieland Den Arnamagnæanske Samling [email protected] Københavns Universitet East Norse or East Germanic? On the alleged -Gothic linguistic connections

Junius Symposium voor Jonge Oudgermanisten, Universiteit Leiden, 24 April 2015

1 Gotho-Gutnic correspondences in Bugge (1891-1903) 1.1 Etymology Gutar ‘Gotlanders’ with same formation as Got Gut-þiuda ‘Gothic people’. OIc gotar ‘’ vs. gautar (Sw götar) ‘Geats’. Related ethnonyms for (distantly) related groups common: Slováci ‘Slovaks’, Slov- enci ‘Slovenes’, Pol Słowińskô ‘Slovincian’, Słowianie ‘Slavs’, Croat Slavonija ‘Slavo- nia’; română ‘Romanian’, rumantsch ‘Rhaeto-Romance’, rumagnôl (Gallo-Italic), le Suisse romande ‘French-speaking Switzerland’ (unrel. name r̆omani ‘Romani’). Likely related PGmc *geutana- ‘to pour’ (OIc gjóta ‘to drop, throw; to spawn’). Place-names with o-grade on Gotland – Gothem ⟨Gautheim⟩ (cf. Gustavson 1938, 11), Gaut (Fårö), Gaustäde, Gautalver – vs. 0-grade Guteån, Gutbrunn, Gute, Gutehajd, Gutenviks (see Olsson 1994, 15-17). skurä, skäuräm f ‘spade, shovel’, Got (winþi-)skaurō ‘winnowing fork’. Also found in OHG scora f ‘shovel, spade’, Schwabian schore. Attested in West Germanic, thus not Gothic- isogloss. lukarna-stakim m ‘candlestick’, Got lukarna-staþa ‘id’. Gustavson (1940, 116-7): lukarnastakin is misspelling of Got lukarnastaþin in Neogard’s word-list (ca. 1732), does not exist in Gutnish. ModGu lukar n ‘small fire’, lukra ‘smolder, twinkle, become stormy’ possibly rel. Norw lukr ‘loose, rick- ety’, lukra ‘to hang loose, wobble’, Da logre ‘to wag’. blöjnäm ‘to become nice weather’ interpreted by Bugge (1891-1903, 155) as *bi-hlȳna; rel. Got prefix bi-, OIc hlýna ‘to become warm’ (hlýr ‘mild, warm’, ModGu löjar ‘lukewarm’). ModGu blöjar ‘mild, gentle (of weather)’; compound blöjvädar corresp. Sw blid- väder ‘mild weather’, though Sw blid ‘mild, gentle’ (< *blīþa-) = ModGu bläjdar ‘mild, gentle (of a person)’. PGmc blīwa- ‘color, hue’ (ON blý) could be source of blöjar; cf. Lith. blaivýtis, blaivaũs ‘to clear up (of weather)’ < blaĩvas ‘bright, sober’ – PIE *bhloi- (Kroonen 2013) or *bhloid- (Derksen 2007). May also be influenced by MLG bloeien ‘to bloom’ (> Sw blöja). briskas ‘to spread out’; 3 pl pret dep briscaþus in Guta ch. 4 (Schlyter 1852, 100). Bugge (1891-1903, 155-6): rel. Got (ga-)wrisqan ‘to bear fruit’ (ON ptc roskinn ‘mature’) with *wr- > br- (e.g. ModGu bräida ‘to twist’, Sw vrida); or rel. Norw briska ‘to spread out’, ablaut form of breiska. pret briskaþus shows wkII verb, same as Norw pret briska (< *briskaða); ON roskinn, Got ga-wrisqan strIII. East Norse or East Germanic? Vrieland 2015

Ormica pers name found in Guta Saga ch. 3 (Schlyter 1852, 97-8) and as ormiga on runestone (G 216; see Jansson et al. 1978, 231-8). Suffix -ika common in EGmc names (Tzalico, Rodrigo). Jansson et al. (1978, 235): WGmc in origin. Does not follow NGmc phonology (*-an > -i). Bugge (1891-1903): loan names in Swedish (Kønika, Lydec(h)a). Grape (1911, 103): LG suffix -ika common in 13th cent.

ver f ‘lip’, Got wairilōm dat pl f, OIc vǫrr f (pl varrar). OGu -e- via leveling from pl. *verrir (OIc varrar,varrir) with i-umlaut (PN *warʀu, pl. *warʀīʀ).

1.2 Geography Loanwords in Finnish e.g. niekla,neula ‘nail’; siekla,seula ‘sieve’ argued by Bugge (1891- 1903) to be Gothic, placing the Goths further north in prehistory. Clearly not from Nordic (*ǣ > *ā); source language could be PGmc.

Loanwords from Baltic ModGu mausä ‘fly (insect)’; Lith mùsė, musià, Latv mūsa, muša. OPr muso. OGu kleti ‘storehouse’; Lith klêtis, Latv klēts (Also in ? cf. Säve 1859, xxx-xxxɪ). Contact between Gotland and the Eastern Baltic rose during 12th-14th cent. with rise of Hanseatic League – Gotlanders involved in Christianizing Livonia and founding of Riga in 1201 (cf. Dollinger 1970, §3). Gotlandic laws and coins were valid in Riga for merchants during the 13th and 14th cent. (see Handlingar rörande Skandinaviens historia 1848).

1.3 Semantics lamb n ‘(adult) sheep’ in Gutnish, Gothic; ‘young sheep, lamb’ in rest of Gmc. Gothic lamb both ‘(adult) sheep’ and ‘lamb’ – Gk ἀρήν ‘sheep, lamb’ (Lk 10); ṣôʔn ‘small cattle’ (Neh 5). Gk ἀρνίον צֹאן = (πρόβατον ‘sheep’ (Mt 7,9; Jn 10; Lk 15 ‘little lamb’ (τὸ Ἀρνίον); ἀμνός ‘lamb’ (ἀμνὸς τοῦ Θεοῦ) not attested in Wulfila. ModGu lamm ‘(adult) sheep’ used for ‘lamb’ in e.g. stugu-lamm ‘lamm, som då modren dödt, födas i stugan’ (Olsson 1994, 21). PIE *h₁l-ón-bho-, ablaut variant of *h₁él-n-b̥ h-o in Gk ἔλαφος ‘deer’ (original mean- ing ‘brown, reddish’, cf. Hyllested cf. 2009, 203). May further be connected to OIr lon ‘deer’ (MIr ‘elk’). Witczak (2007) finds semantic shift ‘deer’ > ‘lamb’ im- plausible. Meaning ‘(adult) sheep’ found in Fennic loans from PGmc – Finnish, Estonian, Karelian, Võro lammas (Finnish also ‘lamb’); Ingrian, Votic lammaz; Veps lambaz. Semantic shift ‘deer’ > ‘sheep’ seen in e.g. PIE *h₁ol-ḱ- ‘deer’ (PGmc *algi-, ON elgr, EN elk) > Iranian *ršya-̥ > Khot rūś ‘Marco Polo sheep (Ovis am- טָ לֶ ה mon polii)’, Wakhi rūš ‘wild mountain sheep’ (cf. Adams 1997, 177-8); Heb n .ṭala ‘young of a gazelle’, Eth ጠሊ፡ ṭäli ‘young goat’ (cf ﻃَﻠًﻰ ṭalɛh ‘lamb’, Arabic Hommel 1879, 235 note 1). PGmc *lambiz- (s-stem) must have meant ‘(adult) sheep’ (+ ‘lamb’?), filling seman- tic gap left by PIE *Houi-̯ ‘sheep’ > PGmc *awi- ‘ewe’. NWGmc (minus Gutnish) bare ﺑﺮه shifted meaning ‘(adult) sheep’ > ‘lamb’ (cf. Gk ἀρήν ‘lamb, ram, ewe’, Farsi ‘lamb, fawn’) at different times (different replacements):

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• WGmc *skēpa- n: OE scǣp (En sheep), OFr skēp (WFr skiep), OHG scāf (G Schaf), OS skāp, MDu schaep (Du schaap). PIE *skobh > PGmc *skabana- ‘to shave’ → *skēbna- ‘(the) shaven, shorn’ > *skēppa- (cf. Kroonen 2011, 2013, Wood 1919); • NGmc *fahiz- n s-stem: OIc fǽr; Far fár, førilús ‘sheep ked (Melophagus ovinus)’; OSw ODa fār (Sw Da får). PIE *peḱ- ‘to pluck (wool)’ (cf. Kroonen 2013); • NGmc *sauþi- m: OIc sauðr, Ic sauður, Far seyður, Norw sau, Elf soð, OSw sø̄þer ‘small cattle’ (Sw söd), OGu soyþr ‘animal kept for food’. Derived from PGmc *seuþana- ‘to boil, seethe’ (OIc sjóða), rel. OGu sauþ() ‘spring’ < *sauþa- (cf. Kroonen 2013, Orel 2003). svärva avm ‘to dry, clean off’, Got afswairban ‘to clean off, remove’; rel. ON sverfa ‘to file’, Sw svarva ‘to turn, shape’, En swerve, OHG OS swerban ‘to dry off’. Got af-swairban only attested in meaning ‘erase, remove (debt)’ (Col. 2:14): «ἐξαλείφας τὸ καθ’ ἡμῶν χειρόγραφον τοῖς δόγμασιν» afswairbands þos ana uns wadjabokos raginam seinaim Meaning ‘wipe off, dry off’ (Gk ἐκμάσσω) translated as bi-swairban (Jn 11,12; Lk 7) when woman anoints (ἀλείφω!) Jesus’ feet. rakäm f ‘(wood)pile’, Got rikan ‘to pile’ (Gk σωρεύω, of coal; Rm 12:20). ON Sw raka ‘to rake’, Ice rak n ‘rakings of hay’. Meaning ‘gather, collect’ > ‘woodpile’ in e.g. Lat lignum n ‘firewood’, legō ‘I choose, gather, read’. Word formation resembles Nordic and not Gothic.

1.4 Phonology *i > e lacking in e.g. niþan ‘below’, miþan ‘while’ (OIc neðan, meðan, though OSw MSS ⟨i⟩ or ⟨æ⟩). OGu ir ‘(he) is’, miþ ‘with’, miþan ‘while’; OIc er, með, meðan; Got is, miþ, miþþan. OGu meþ occurs in 20/144 tokens in Guta Lag (Codex A). PN *iʀ ‘is’, *īʀ ‘ye’ > OIc er, ér; OSw ær, īr; ir, įr1; OGu ir, īr. *ewa > ī in e.g. knī n ‘knee’, Got kniu, OIc kné. Unique Gutnish development *e(h)w, *ai(h)w > ī (ȳ) – sīa ‘to see’ (OIc séa > sjá, Got saihwan) < *sehwan-; tīa f ‘toe’ (OIc tá) < *taihwōn- (cf. Vrieland forth. 2015). *urC > orC in e.g. OGu þorfa ‘to need’ (OIc þurfa, Got þaurban). Got lowering *u > o ⟨au⟩ overall; OGu more conditioned – [1] anteconsonantal: OGu dur f ‘door’, Got daur, OIc dyrr f pl from du (cf. Kroonen 2013); OGu spur n ‘track, trace’, OIc spor) [2] often not in vicinity of labials: OGu burg f ‘city, fortification’, Þors-borg, OIc borg, Got baurgs; (cf. Gustavson 1940, §37). *au retained before *h in e.g. haur,hau,haut ‘high’; Got. hauhs,hauha,hauhata. Further Lau (placename) ‘meadow’, OIc -ló in e.g. Osló < *lauho-; þau ‘though’, OIc þó < þauh; cf. below. u-umlaut missing in e.g. hafuþ n ‘head’, hān pron ‘she’. See below. 1regional variant of ið ‘ye’ < PN du *it; thus also wįr vs. wįð ‘we’ (cf Åkerberg 2012, 217)

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2 ‘Gothic’ inscriptions on Gotland

gaois or siaog Mos Lancehead (G 269), 3rd c. *gaujis ‘barker’ (Krause 1966); *gais ‘spear’ (Giertz 1991); *gaggeis ‘walking, walker’ (Seebold 1994) with ŋ for o.

mkmrlawrta- Etelhem brooch (G 98), 5th c. m(i)k m(e)r(i)la w(o)rta ‘Merila made me’; ekerlawrta ‘I jarl made’ (Kock 1887, Noreen 1890); mrla=ʀ (Antonsen 1968). Nielsen (2011, 55ff.): 3 sg wk pret -*a not limited to Gothic; cf. OHG frumita ‘(he) furthered’.

laþạ Gurfiles bracteate (G 121), ca. 500. Marstrander (1929, 82): can in no way be read laþu as on other bracteates (OIc lǫð ‘summons’); Peterson (1998, 566-7): fourth rune intended to be u u (looks almost like l l), impossible to see what fifth rune was.

3 EGmc Substratum? Problems of chronology 3.1 + - 2 *ǣ > *ā: OGu mānaþr m ‘month’; OIc mánaðr, mánuðr, OE mōnaþ vs. Goth mēnōþs.

- - *u > *o /_$*a (a-Umlaut): OGu buþin ptc ‘bidden’; OIc boðinn, OE (ġe)boden, OHG gibotan vs. Got budans. Development weakest in EN area: OSw holt, hult n ‘forest’, buþ, boþ n ‘message, offer’ (OIc holt, boð; OGu hult, buþ).

+ - dat sg f adj *-zōi (Pronomial in origin, cf. Nielsen 1976, 102): OGu retri (Codex B rette); cf. OIc miðri, OE middre, OHG mittera vs. Goth midjau, Lat mediae, Gk μέσῃ.

3.2 Proto-Norse / Common Norse + + *eu > *iu (c. 600): See next item.

+ - *iu > *iǫu (before 900; see Noreen 192352-3): OGu þiauþ f ‘folk, people’; cf. Opedal (KJ 76) liubu f sg ‘dear’, Rök (Ög 136) þiaurikʀ ‘Theoderic’.

+ - *ai > *ā /_ *h, *r: OGu ā 3 sg pres ‘(he) owns’ sār n ‘wound’; OIc á, sár vs. Got aih, sair.

- - *au > *ō /_ *h: OGu þau adv ‘though’; OIc þó vs. Got þauh.

+ - *h > Ø / V_V: OGu fā; OIc fá vs. Got fahan; cf. preceding.

+ - *j, *w > Ø / #_V[+back]; OGu ār n ‘year’, orþ n ‘word’; OIc ár, orð vs. Got jēra, waurd.

+ - i-Umlaut: OGu fōtr:fȳtr m ‘foot:feet’, moy f acc ‘maiden’; OIc fótr:fǿtr, mey vs. Got fōtus:fōtjus, mawi.

2For each item, the first ⟨+/-⟩ indicates the presence/absence in Gutnish, the second the presence/absence (of similar) in Gothic.

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+ - breaking *e > *ia /_$*a, *u: RunGu iak ‘I’ (G 55), hielpi 3 sg subj ‘help’ (G 1); OIc ek, hjalpa inf, OSw iak, hiælpa vs. Got ik, hilpan. Note OGu ier ‘(he) is’ (ModGu jär) vs. OIc er, OSw ær. - - u-Umlaut: OGu barn:barn n ‘child(ren)’; OIc barn, bǫrn vs. Got barn:barna. Less developed in EN area: OSw pl børn or barn. Absent in OGu hān pron ‘she’ (OIc hón, hún, OSw hon) vs. hann ‘he’ (OIc hann OSw han). Included is u-Umlaut of *ia (from breaking): OIc mjolk, OSw miolk, miølk, OGu mielc.

3.3 East Norse - - Monophthongization of *au *ai *øy > ø̄ ǣ ø̄: OGu draum acc ‘dream’, stain ‘stone’, oy ‘island’; OSw drø̄mber, stēn, ø̄. + + *ū > ō /_$, #: OGu bōa inf ‘to live’; OSw bōa, OIc búa, Got bauan. + - Progressive umlaut *ia > iæ: OGu hielp f ‘help’; OSw hiælp, OIc hjalp. + - *ƀn > mn: OGu iemn adj ‘even’; OSw iæmn, OIc jafn, Got ibna. + - 2 pl -in: OGu vitin pres ‘(ye) know’; OSw vitin, OIc vitið, Got wituþ. - - Breaking *y > iū /_ ŋCw: OGu sinkr 3 sg pres ‘sinks’; OSw siūnker, OIc søkkr, Got sigqiþ.

References

Adams, D. Q. (1997), Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture, Fitzroy Dearborn, London and Chicago. Åkerberg, B. (2012), Älvdalsk grammatik, Ulum Dalska, Älvdalen, . Antonsen, E. (1968), ‘Review of Krause 1966’, Language 44. Bugge, S., ed. (1891-1903), Norges Indskrifter med de ældre Runer, Vol. I, A.W. Brøggers Bogtrykkeri, Christiania. Derksen, R. (2007), Etymological Dictionary of the Slavic Inherited Lexicon, Vol. 4 of Lei- den Indo-European Etymological Dictionary Series, Brill, Leiden. Dollinger, P. (1970), The German Hansa, Vol. I of The Emergence of International Business 1200-1800, Routledge, London. Giertz, M. (1991), ‘Mos - Sveriges äldsta runinskrift’, Gotländskt arkiv 63. Grape, A. (1911), Studier i de i fornsvenskan inlånade personnamnen (företrädesvis intill 1350), Almqvist & Wiksell, Uppsala. Gustavson, H. (1938), ‘Gotlands ortnamn’, Ortnamnssällskapets i Uppsala årsskrift 3, 3– 58. Gustavson, H. (1940), Gutamålet: en historisk-deskriptiv översikt, Appelbergs. Handlingar rörande Skandinaviens historia (1848), number 29, Högbergska, Stockholm.

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Hommel, F. (1879), Namen der Säugethiere bei den südsemitischen Völkern, J.C. Hin- richs’sche Buchhandlung, Leipzig.

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7 East Norse or East Germanic? Vrieland 2015 ɑː o oː u uː a ɛ ɛː ø øː • y yː • e eː i iː /io/ = [iu, io] /y/ → [iu] /_ ŋCw /oː/ → [o] /_ Cː East Norse o oː õ u uː ũ ̃ ̃ a aː ã ɛ ɛː ɛ ø øː ø • y yː ỹ • e eː ẽ i iː ĩ V → Ṽ /_ N /e o/ → [i u] /_ NC /oː/ → [o] /_ Cː Common Norse o oː u uː a aː e eː y yː • i iː /u/ → [o] /_ rC /e/ → [i] /_ NC /ai/ → [a] /_ Cː /oː/ → [u] /_ Cː Old Gutnish oː ɔ ɔː u uː a aː ɛ ɛː eː i iː /i, u/ → [ɛ, ɔ] /_ [r h ƕ] /eː, oː/ → [ɛː, ɔː] /_ V Gothic oː u uː a æː e eː i iː /e/ → [i] /_ N, _$[j i] /e/[-stress] → [i] /j/ → [ij] / $[+heavy]_ Proto-Germanic Vocalic Systems and Phonological Rules Vocalic

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