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Skripsi Politik Mahathir Mohamad Dalam Pemilihan
SKRIPSI POLITIK MAHATHIR MOHAMAD DALAM PEMILIHAN PERDANA MENTERI MALAYSIA TAHUN 2018 OLEH: DAFFA RIYADH AZIZ 150906023 Dosen Pembimbing: Dr. Warjio Ph.D DEPARTEMEN ILMU POLITIK FAKULTAS ILMU SOSIAL DAN ILMU POLITIK UNIVERSITAS SUMATERA UTARA MEDAN 2019 Universitas Sumatera Utara SURAT PERNYATAAN BEBAS PELAGIAT Saya yang bertanda tangan di bawah ini: Nama : Daffa Riyadh Aziz NIM : 150906023 Judul Skripsi : POLITIK MAHATHIR MOHAMAD DALAM PEMILIHAN PERDANA MENTERI MALAYSIA TAHUN 2018 Dengan ini menyatakan: 1. Bahwa skripsi yang saya tulis benar merupakan tulisan saya dan bukan hasil jiplakan dari skripsi atau karya ilmiah orang lain 2. Apabila terbukti dikemudian hari skipsi ini merupakan hasil jiplakan maka saya siap menanggung segala akibat hukumnya Demikian pernyataan ini saya buat sebenar-benarnya tanpa ada paksan atau tekanan dari pihak manapun. Medan, 11 Juli 2019 Daffa Riyadh Aziz 150906023 Universitas Sumatera Utara UNIVERSITAS SUMATERA UTARA FAKULTAS ILMU SOSIAL DAN ILMU POLITIK Halaman Pengesahan Skripsi ini telah dipertahankan dihadapan panitia penguji skripsi Departemen Ilmu Politik Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Sumatera Utara. Dilaksanakan pada: Hari : Tanggal : Pukul : Tempat : Tim Penguji: Ketua Penguji : Muhammad Ardian, S.Sos., M.I.Pol ( ) NIP. 198502242017041001 Penguji Utama Warjio, Ph.D ( ) NIP. 197408062006041003 Penguji Tamu : Fernanda Putra Adela, S.Sos, M.Si ( ) NIP. 198604032015041001 Universitas Sumatera Utara UNIVERSITAS SUMATERA UTARA FAKULTAS ILMU SOSIAL DAN ILMU POLITIK Halaman Persetujuan Skripsi ini disetujui untuk dipertahankan dan diperbanyak oleh Nama : Daffa Riyadh Aziz NIM : 150906023 Departemen : Ilmu Politik Judul : POLITIK MAHATHIR MOHAMAD DALAM PEMILIHAN PERDANA MENTERI MALAYSIA TAHUN 2018 Menyetujui: Ketua Departemen Ilmu Politik Dosen Pembimbing Warjio, Ph. D Warjio, Ph. D NIP. 197408062006041003 NIP. -
Reproduced from the Defeat of Barisan Nasional: Missed Signs Or
The ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute (formerly Institute of Southeast Asian Studies) is an autonomous organization established in 1968. It is a regional centre dedicated to the study of socio-political, security, and economic trends and developments in Southeast Asia and its wider geostrategic and economic environment. The Institute’s research programmes are grouped under Regional Economic Studies (RES), Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS). The Institute is also home to the ASEAN Studies Centre (ASC), the Temasek History Research Centre (THRC) and the Singapore APEC Study Centre. ISEAS Publishing, an established academic press, has issued more than 2,000 books and journals. It is the largest scholarly publisher of research about Southeast Asia from within the region. ISEAS Publishing works with many other academic and trade publishers and distributors to disseminate important research and analyses from and about Southeast Asia to the rest of the world. 19-J06064 00a The Defeat of Barisan Nasional.indd 2 28/11/19 11:23 AM First published in Singapore in 2019 by ISEAS Publishing 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute. © 2019 ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore The responsibility for facts and opinions in this publication rests exclusively with the authors and their interpretations do not necessarily reflect the views or the policy of the publisher or its supporters. -
A CASE STUDY of N.43 TUALANG SEKAH Choo Chean Hau1
Kajian Malaysia, Vol. 39, No. 1, 2021, 1–24 CONTEST OVER THE MALAY VOTES IN THE MARGINAL STATE SEATS OF PERAK: A CASE STUDY OF N.43 TUALANG SEKAH Choo Chean Hau1* and Chang Yi Chang2 1Department of Language and MPU, INTI International College Penang, Pulau Pinang, MALAYSIA 2Faculty of Arts and Social Science, Universiti Tunku Abdul Rahman, Perak, MALAYSIA *Corresponding author: [email protected] Published online: 30 April 2021 To cite this article: Choo Chean Hau and Chang Yi Chang. 2021. Contest over the Malay votes in the marginal state seats of Perak: A case study of N.43 Tualang Sekah. Kajian Malaysia 39(1): 1–24. https://doi.org/10.21315/km2021.39.1.1 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.21315/km2021.39.1.1 ABSTRACT This study was conducted by employing the observational, electoral and statistical analyses to examine the ferocious battle over the Malay votes for the 14th General Election (GE14) in the marginal state seat of N.43 Tualang Sekah, Perak. There were three main findings of this study. Firstly, Barisan Nasional/United Malays National Organization (BN/UMNO) relied heavily on the party and governmental machineries and stronger grassroots in its campaign, Pakatan Harapan/Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PH/PKR)’s campaign focused on cybercampaign, walkabouts, and programmes and rallies featuring party heavyweights while Parti Islam Se Malaysia (PAS)’s campaign was less active due to strong reliance on grassroots and limited resources. Secondly, BN/UMNO’s victory in this seat was shaky because over half of the voters voted against it by voting for either PH/PKR or PAS. -
Kegagalan Politik Umno Dalam Pemilihan Raya Umum Ke - 14
Wacana Publik ISSN 1858-2400 (p) Volume 13, No. 02, Desember 2019, pp. 61 – 66 ISSN 2656-9558 (e) KEGAGALAN POLITIK UMNO DALAM PEMILIHAN RAYA UMUM KE - 14 Moh. Nizar Jurusan Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Lampung Jalan Prof. Soemantri Brodjonegoro, No. 1, Rajabasa, Bandarlampung, Indonesia *Korespondensi: [email protected] Recieved: 13/06/2019|Revised: 19/09/2019|Accepted: 25/10/2019 Abstract Over six decades, UMNO (United Malays National Organization) and its alliance (Barisan Nasional/National Alliance) have ruled Malaysia. Its reign was built and preserved by sectarian ideology based on much more Malay privilege composing 50% than other races and ethnics. Yet, to consolidate its reign, must challenge socio-political tensions, especially racial riot in May 1, 1969. Internal struggle and national political economy tensions have been gnawing the existence of the longest ruling party in the world since thirteenth general election. Mahathir Mohammad, one of the most important figure of UMNO, returned to Malaysian political stage after his resignation during two Malaysian First Premiers, and built a new political party and its new alliance. In Malaysian fourteenth election 2018, UMNO really failed and the longest ruling party in the world fell down. Mahathir and his alliance won the election. The new political communication of information technology was employed to draw support of Malaysian people disappointed and frustrated by the corrupted UMNO. Keywords: UMNO, rulling party, election, Mahathir Mohammad Abstrak Selama lebih dari enam dasawarsa, UMNO (United Malays National Organization) dan 61 koalisinya (Barisan Nasional) menguasai panggung ekonomi politik Malaysia. Kekuasaan ini dibangun atas ideologi sektarian keistimewaan suku Melayu dengan komposisi lebih dari 50% daripada ras, bangsa dan suku lainnya. -
An Analysis of Women Political Empowerment in Malaysia Dr Rabi’Ah Aminudin Department of Political Science, International Islamic University Malaysia
An Analysis of Women Political Empowerment in Malaysia Dr Rabi’ah Aminudin Department of Political Science, International Islamic University Malaysia Women's Participation in Elections in the Time of COVID-19 Pandemic: Indonesia and Malaysia Perspectives 05th December 2020 BAGIAN HUKUM TATA NEGARA, FAKULTAS HUKUM UNIVERSITAS JEMBER, INDONESIA ● Introduction ● The level of Malaysian women political empowerment ● Analysis of GE 14 (2018) ● Factors ● Current political situation ● Moving forward INTRODUCTION ● Women is politically under represented in the world despite being half of the world’s population at 49.5% in 2018 (World Bank, 2019) ● Globally, there is only 24% female representatives in legislature and meagre 18% female in ministerial positions. ● A number of studies have been done on female political representation but only focus on the implementation of gender quota as found in Krook (2009), Verge & Fuente (2013), Meier & Lombardo (2013), Krook & Zetterberg (2014), Clayton (2015), Akbar (2018), Verge (2018). ● Study by Lovenduski (2011) identifies the importance of political party in studying female political representation. Therefore, the current literature is not sufficient in exploring the role of political parties as agent of power that also hold the key to improve female political representation and participation. ● This presentation aims to provide an overall picture on Malaysian women’s political participation Background ● Parliamentary democracy-Fusion of power between executive and legislature- executive authority (PM and -
Potential Role of Social Impact Bond and Socially Responsible
Editorial Board INTELLECTUAL DISCOURSE, 26:1 (2018) 207–228 Copyright © IIUM Press ISSN 0128-4878 (Print); ISSN 2289-5639 (Online) Malaysia’ 14th General Election: End of an epoch, and beginning of a new? M. Moniruzzaman* Kazi Fahmida Farzana** Abstract: The 14th general election in Malaysia held on May 9, 2018 is an historic event that altered the political landscape of the nation. For the first time over sixty years this election has caused to change the government from Barisan Nasional (national front) coalition to another coalition named Pakatan Harapan (Coalition of Hope), formed in 2015. This article has analysed the election results and the probable factors that might have contributed to the historic change. It argued that since 1999 the ruling Malay elites have become permanently divided challenging the dominance of United Malay National Organisation (UMNO) in politics and the prospect for a viable alternative became consolidated with the rise of Parti KeAdilan Rakyat (PKR) offering an avenue for a new generation politics. The return of Mahathir Mohamad to politics and a strategic coalition mainly between his party and PKR, party of the jailed leader Anwar Ibrahim, made an alternative to BN/UMNO a reality through winning the election. Keywords: The 14th General Elections, Malaysia, Pakatan Harapan, Barisan Nasional, PKR, UMNO Abstrak: Pilihan raya umum ke-14 di Malaysia yang diadakan pada 9 Mei 2018 merupakan satu peristewa yang bersejarah yang dapat mengubah landskap politik negara tersebut. Buat pertama kalinya setelah lebih enam puluh tahun, * M. Moniruzzaman is an Associate Professor of Political Science at International Islamic University Malaysia. Email: mmzaman@iium. -
13 November 2019 the Tanjung Piai By-Election
ISSUE: 2019 No. 95 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore |13 November 2019 The Tanjung Piai By-Election: A Riddle Wrapped in a Mystery? Francis E. Hutchinson and Kevin Zhang*1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • On November 16, a by-election will be held in Tanjung Piai in Johor, following the death of the Pakatan Harapan (PH) parliamentarian Farid Rafik. The seat is Malay-majority, but with a sizeable Chinese community, and was narrowly won by PH in May 2018. • Following a string of three by-election victories, Barisan Nasional (BN) is on an up-swing, and Tanjung Piai is the first seat to be contested following the signing of UMNO’s cooperation pact with PAS. • Assuming preferences remain constant, the pooling of BN and PAS votes would be enough to secure the seat. However, the former ruling coalition’s decision to follow past practice in fielding a Malaysian Chinese Association candidate is likely to alienate some Malay voters, especially from PAS. • After 18 months in power, Pakatan Harapan has less novelty appeal, having struggled to address cost of living issues and many campaign promises. That said, there are substantial benefits to incumbency, and national leaders have been quick to announce new funding and initiatives for the constituency. • Heavyweights from both coalitions have visited Tanjung Piai, but there are indications that Pakatan Harapan’s campaign machinery is being outflanked by Barisan Nasional’s well- seasoned grassroots network. • The field is crowded, with no less than six candidates running. BN’s candidate is the former MP for the area, Wee Jeck Seng. -
Scandal, and Its Impact on Malaysian Domestic Politics
POLITIKA: Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol.11, No. 2, 2020 doi: 10.14710/politika.11.2.2020.198-218 1MDB (1 Malaysia Development Berhad), Scandal, and Its Impact on Malaysian Domestic Politics Ali Maksum Department of International Relations, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta Recieved: 11 Desember 2019 Revised: 14 Januari 2020 Published: 20 Oktober 2020 Abstrak: This article examines the publicly discussed 1 Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) scandal and its impact on Malaysian domestic politics. Following this case, Najib Razak as prime minister of Malaysia was under pressure. This is because of the strong allegation of Najib Razak’s involvement in the 1MDB scandal. This issue became public discourse after the widely report made by New York-based media Wall Street Journal concerning Najib’s abuse on the corporate asset. The scandal not only shakes Najib’s political coalition but also indirectly has provoked public distrust against him including from his political Guru, Mahathir Muhammad. Dr Mahathir openly accuses Najib’s behaviour and declare to quit from his longest loyal party, UMNO. Later on, this scenario has created a new political landscape in Malaysia. Therefore, this article attempts to examine the new Malaysian political landscape specifically the relationship of BN and the opposition vis-à-vis Mahathir political alliance. Nevertheless, history has witnessed that in the last election, Pakatan Harapan won the most dramatical election ever since the independence of Malaysia and UMNO-BN has lost the power. Yet, the political scenario surrounding 1MDB scandal and the relationship between UMNO-BN vis-à-vis other parties became one of the stories that always trigger public discourse, even until today. -
Voting Behaviour in FELDA Parliamentary Constituencies Since 2004
ISSUE: 2018 No. 26 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 26 April 2018 Voting Behaviour in FELDA Parliamentary Constituencies since 2004 Geoffrey Kevin Pakiam* EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Demographic differences between FELDA-occupied parliamentary constituencies make it difficult to conceive of FELDA settlers as a coherent, disproportionately large, pro-Barisan Nasional (BN) voting bloc. FELDA schemes are distributed in a highly uneven manner among affected constituencies. Many FELDA constituencies are also heterogeneous in voter ethnic composition. In 2013, one-third of FELDA wards had less than 60 per cent ethnic Malay voters. BN’s vote share has fallen significantly in nearly three-quarters of all FELDA- occupied constituencies since 2004, including rural seats harbouring above-average numbers of FELDA schemes. Going into the 14th Malaysian general election, FELDA constituency voting behaviour appears to be shaped mostly by each constituency’s ethnic mix of voters, the peculiarities of individual parliamentary candidates, and the likelihood of three- cornered fights between parties from Barisan Nasional, Pakatan Harapan, and Gagasan Sejahtera. *Geoffrey Kevin Pakiam is Research Officer at ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute; e-mail: [email protected]. 1 ISSUE: 2018 No. 26 ISSN 2335-6677 INTRODUCTION1 With ruling coalition Barisan Nasional (BN)’s urban vote share plunging since Malaysia’s 2008 general elections, political observers have been keen to sniff out hints of changing behaviour in the Malaysian countryside. Agricultural settlers sponsored by Malaysia’s Federal Land Development Authority (FELDA), in particular, are believed to be a prime mover of rural voter preferences.2 From the late 1950s to 1990, roughly 120,000 low- income households recruited by FELDA benefitted from over 300 agency-led land development schemes, occupying over half a million hectares of farmland. -
Trends in Southeast Asia
ISSN 0219-3213 2018 no. 3 Trends in Southeast Asia GE-14 IN JOHOR: THE FALL OF THE FORTRESS? FRANCIS E. HUTCHINSON TRS3/18s ISBN 978-981-4818-20-9 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg 9 7 8 9 8 1 4 8 1 8 2 0 9 Trends in Southeast Asia 18-J03325 01 Trends_2018-03.indd 1 22/1/18 11:09 AM The ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute (formerly Institute of Southeast Asian Studies) is an autonomous organization established in 1968. It is a regional centre dedicated to the study of socio-political, security, and economic trends and developments in Southeast Asia and its wider geostrategic and economic environment. The Institute’s research programmes are grouped under Regional Economic Studies (RES), Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS). The Institute is also home to the ASEAN Studies Centre (ASC), the Nalanda-Sriwijaya Centre (NSC) and the Singapore APEC Study Centre. ISEAS Publishing, an established academic press, has issued more than 2,000 books and journals. It is the largest scholarly publisher of research about Southeast Asia from within the region. ISEAS Publishing works with many other academic and trade publishers and distributors to disseminate important research and analyses from and about Southeast Asia to the rest of the world. 18-J03325 01 Trends_2018-03.indd 2 22/1/18 11:09 AM 2018 no. 3 Trends in Southeast Asia GE-14 IN JOHOR: THE FALL OF THE FORTRESS? FRANCIS E. HUTCHINSON 18-J03325 01 Trends_2018-03.indd 3 22/1/18 11:09 AM Published by: ISEAS Publishing 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 [email protected] http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg © 2018 ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore All rights reserved. -
Watching the Watchdog 2.0 China Press
Watching the Watchdog 2.0 China Press Section 1: Coverage of Political Parties and Coalitions 1.1 Volume of Coverage of Parties & Coalitions Figure 1: Volume of Coverage of Political Parties & Coalitions USNO 0.00 0.00 SAPP 0.00 0.00 PDP 0.00 0.00 PBRS 0.00 0.00 IKATAN 0.00 0.12 Gagasan Sejahtera 0.12 0.15 SUPP 0.15 0.31 PBS 0.31 0.31 AMANAH 0.58 0.66 Other 0.81 0.92 Gerakan 1.23 1.66 PAS 3.97 6.36 UMNO 8.40 9.29 DAP 10.02 20.92 BN 30.40 0.00 5.00 10.00 15.00 20.00 25.00 30.00 35.00 • BN received the most coverage (30.40%), followed by PH (20.92%) and DAP (10.02%). 1 Figure 2: Volume of Coverage of Political Parties & Coalitions: Government vs. Opposition vs. Independent/Other GS 4.26 Independent 1.13 PH 42.20 BN 52.41 0.00 10.00 20.00 30.00 40.00 50.00 60.00 • Once parties/coalitions’ coverage volumes are combined, BN received the highest level of coverage (52.41%), followed by PH (42.20%) and GS (4.26%). 1.2 Tone of Coverage of Political Parties & Coalitions Figure 3: Raw Tonal Coverage Volume of Political Parties & Coalitions Attacked 19% Positive 28% Negative 10% Neutral 43% • The Neutral tone was used the most (43%), followed by Positive (28%) and Attacked (19%). 2 Figure 4.1: Attacked Political Party & Coalition Coverage STAR 0.00 USNO 0.00 Warisan 0.00 LDP 0.00 Other 0.00 UPKO 0.00 SUPP 0.00 SAPP 0.00 PSM 0.00 PRM 0.00 PRS 0.00 PDP 0.00 PCM 0.00 PBS 0.00 PBRS 0.00 PBB 0.00 MIC 0.00 IKATAN 0.00 Gagasan Sejahtera 0.41 AMANAH 0.82 PKR 0.82 PPBM 1.23 PAS 1.23 Gerakan 1.84 MCA 6.75 UMNO 10.43 DAP 12.27 PH 24.13 BN 34.36 0.00 5.00 10.00 15.00 20.00 25.00 30.00 35.00 40.00 • BN received the most Attacked coverage (34.36%), followed by PH (24.13%) and DAP (12.27%). -
Watching the Watchdog 2.0 Oriental Daily
Watching the Watchdog 2.0 Oriental Daily Section 1: Coverage of Political Parties and Coalitions 1.1 Volume of Coverage of Parties & Coalitions Figure 1: Volume of Coverage of Political Parties & Coalitions STAR 0.00 0.00 LDP 0.00 0.00 SAPP 0.00 0.00 PRS 0.02 0.05 PSM 0.09 0.14 Warisan 0.18 0.18 IKATAN 0.25 0.27 SUPP 0.34 0.39 Gagasan Sejahtera 0.51 1.10 Other 1.96 2.05 PPBM 2.65 2.88 PAS 7.29 7.41 PKR 8.35 9.04 DAP 12.28 18.52 BN 23.72 0.00 5.00 10.00 15.00 20.00 25.00 • BN received the most coverage (23.72%), followed by PH (18.52%) and DAP (12.28%). 1 Figure 2: Volume of Coverage of Political Parties & Coalitions: Government vs. Opposition vs. Independent/Other GS 8.24 Independent 0.54 PH 45.07 BN 46.15 0.00 5.00 10.00 15.00 20.00 25.00 30.00 35.00 40.00 45.00 50.00 • Once parties/coalitions’ coverage volumes are combined, BN received the highest level of coverage (46.15%), followed by PH (45.07%) and GS (8.24%). 1.2 Tone of Coverage of Political Parties & Coalitions Figure 3: Raw Tonal Coverage Volume of Political Parties & Coalitions Attacked 6% Positive 34% Neutral 51% Negative 9% • The Neutral tone was used the most (51%), followed by Positive (34%), and Negative (9%). 2 Figure 4.1: Attacked Political Party & Coalition Coverage STAR 0.00 USNO 0.00 Warisan 0.00 LDP 0.00 Other 0.00 UPKO 0.00 SUPP 0.00 SAPP 0.00 PSM 0.00 PRS 0.00 PDP 0.00 PCM 0.00 PBS 0.00 PBRS 0.00 PBB 0.00 IKATAN 0.00 Gagasan Sejahtera 0.00 AMANAH 0.59 PRM 0.59 PPBM 0.89 MIC 1.48 PAS 2.08 Gerakan 2.67 PKR 3.86 MCA 7.12 UMNO 8.90 DAP 13.35 PH 24.93 BN 33.53 0.00 5.00 10.00 15.00 20.00 25.00 30.00 35.00 40.00 • BN received the highest amount of Attacked coverage (33.53%), followed by PH (24.93%), and DAP (13.35%).