The Nautical Archaeology of Puerto Ricoijna 237 156..164

Home , History of Puerto Rico, San Juan Bay

The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology (2010) 39.1: 156–164 doi: 10.1111/j.1095-9270.2009.00237.x

The Nautical Archaeology of Puerto Ricoijna_237 156..164

Filipe Castro Nautical Archaeology Program, Department of Anthropology, Texas A&M University, College Station, TX 77843–4352, USA

Richard Fontanez and Gustavo Garcia Instituto de Investigaciones Costaneras, Road 693, Haciendas El Molino, 3rd Street, C-16, Vega Alta, PR 00692, USA

Raymond Tubby 14C Merry Lane, Greenville, NC 27858, USA

Wayne R. Lusardi State of Michigan, Department History, Arts and Libraries, 500 W. Fletcher Street, Alpena, Michigan 49707, USA

The waters of Puerto Rico harbour the remains of thousands of years of human occupation. The island played a key role in the ﬁrst decades of European exploration of the New World, and its coasts and estuaries have preserved an extensive record of the island’s maritime history, before and after the arrival of the Europeans. The objective of this project is to study Puerto Rico’s seafaring history through the investigation of its submerged cultural heritage, with a particular focus on the history of European shipbuilding. In 2008 the authors started with survey on the north coast. © 2009 The Authors

Key words: Puerto Rico, maritime heritage, New World seafaring.

uerto Rico had already been inhabited for island of San Juan Bautista, on the north margin several millennia when the first Spanish of the bay. This new village of San Juan was said P explorers landed on the island in 1493, to have fewer mosquitos, better access, and during Christopher Columbus’s second voyage. offered superior protection from piratical attacks. European parties regularly visited the island, Traffic generated by gold mining and exploitation sometimes searching for gold, and sometimes to of the island may have attracted some unwanted introduce livestock for future expeditions. attention from other European nations. Spanish colonization of Puerto Rico officially Although, to our knowledge, no shipwrecks began in 1509, under the stewardship of Juan dated to this period have been found, it is likely Ponce de Léon. In that year de Léon constructed that ship derelicts and abandoned small water- Villa Caparra, located not far away from today’s craft may be preserved in the silt of the island’s San Juan Bay (Carrión, 1952). The first years of river-mouths. Unfortunately for nautical archae- colonization brought a significant quantity of ologists, both existing maps and coastal geology Puerto Rican gold to the Spanish crown, and may demonstrate that the coast has advanced consid- have generated some ship traffic (Scarano and erably in the last 400 years, and these important Kraemer, 2005). In 1521 La Caparra was aban- ship-remains may be buried under roads, build- doned and its inhabitants resettled on the small ings, harbour structures and industrial facilities.

© 2009 The Authors. Journal Compilation © 2009 The Nautical Archaeology Society. Published by Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA. F. CASTRO ET AL.: THE NAUTICAL ARCHAEOLOGY OF PUERTO RICO

A word of caution should be written on behalf of failed. According to Spanish accounts, Hawkins these important archaeological remains, and all lost his life at Puerto Rico, and Drake lost many construction works along the former coastal areas men and a small number of ship’s boats should be accompanied by archaeologists. (Andrews, 1972). These shipwrecks may have During the 1530s, the production of gold been almost entirely dredged during the late-19th declined sharply, and by 1540 it had almost and early-20th centuries. Another attempt to take ceased. The economy of the island shifted to agri- San Juan was carried out three years later, in cultural endeavours. Ginger, sugar, and livestock 1598, by the 3rd Earl of Cumberland, George were now Puerto Rico’s source of wealth (Scarano Clifford. His fleet anchored off Playa de Cangre- and Kraemer, 2005). The import and export of jos and landed a large expeditionary force, which agricultural products and leather (cow-hides) gen- succeeded in capturing the fort of San Felipe del erated a steady maritime traffic, and there are Morro, but it was not held for long. After only a several shipwrecks recorded during the second short sojourn, the Earl of Cumberland aban- half of the 16th century. Before and after its regu- doned his plans and left the island for good lation in 1565, many ships from the flotas system (Negroni, 1992). called at San Juan to load water and victuals upon Like the English, Dutch interest in the Carib- arrival in the Caribbean. Two of the three main bean expanded with the decline of Spanish power Spanish routes into the New World passed by in the 16th and 17th centuries. After failing to Puerto Rico, through either the Mona or the retake the Brazilian city of Baía from the Portu- Anegada passages (Turner, 1994). The shipwrecks guese, Dutch general Boudewijn Hendrikszoon from this period have attracted the interest of sailed to Puerto Rico in the autumn of 1625 to seize treasure-hunters since the end of the Second San Juan. Though he managed to burn the city, World War, and many—mostly those in shallow which had been abandoned, he was not successful waters—may have been heavily looted. in conquering the citadel of El Morro, nor the Plagued by attacks from French pirates and island (Newton, 1933). In 1797, General Aber- privateers since its founding, San Juan quickly crombie launched another English attack to became a fortified city, responding to the latest capture the island. The attempt failed and General developments in warfare and naval capability. Abercrombie’s force left Puerto Rico without Mainly developed in Italy, but quickly adopted by losing any ships or boats (Alonso and Flores, all European powers, improved ship and gun 1998). Historical documents suggest that ship designs changed the way nations waged war in the traffic around Puerto Rico was greatly reduced late-16th century and forced the development of during the 17th century. This was the result of a new fortifications and defensive strategies every- combination of general political and economic where, including in Puerto Rico (Arnold, 2001). crisis in Europe, religious wars, and regulations During the second half of the 16th century, within the fleet-system which excluded the island Spanish power suffered from over-extension and from trade. As its economy weakened, Puerto Rico economic stagnation. This depression was felt attracted fewer vessels. During the 18th century across the Atlantic, affecting the economies of the economic importance of Puerto Rico grew Puerto Rico and the rest of Spain’s colonial again, as the island became a centre in the Euro- empire. Concurrent with Spain’s fall was the rise pean fight for hegemony in the Caribbean (Pilkey of English maritime power. Although often exag- and Fritz, 1976; García, 2005; García, 2008). gerated in British literature, the success of English During the last five centuries, ships have privateers, such as Francis Drake and John changed drastically in size, shape, function, and Hawkins, forced a re-assessment of the Spanish design methods. A comprehensive study of a col- defensive system in the New World. Between the lection of sites with ship-remains or traces of late-16th and the late-18th centuries San Juan suf- maritime-related human activity within the same fered four major attacks by English and Dutch geographical area will open an interesting window forces. to the study of these particular artefacts— In 1595 Francis Drake and John Hawkins led ships—in the context of both the history of the an English assault on Puerto Rico. Their fleet is European expansion into the New World and the said to have anchored near the Punta Palo Seco, history of technology. Within the scope of this off Isla de Cabras. Although the English suc- study we define archaeological sites as areas where ceeded in burning a number of Spanish ships lying single or complex archaeological remains have at anchor in San Juan Bay, the conquest attempt been identified.

Figure 1. Location map with the area of intervention of the 2008 ﬁeld season. (Google Earth, with permission)

Figure 2. Areas surveyed. (Google Earth, with permission)

2008 field season organization of the archipelago’s maritime history with special emphasis on the historical The objective of this project is to promote the records of shipwrecks in its waters; and the crea- study of Puerto Rico’s seafaring history through tion of a research centre and maritime museum, the investigation of its submerged cultural heri- in partnership with the government. tage. This entails six basic tasks: a systematic In the summer of 2008 the authors surveyed an survey of the archipelago’s coast to assess the area on the north coast of Puerto Rico, extend- geomorphology and archaeological potential; an ing from San Juan to Loíza (Figs 1–3). Twenty inventory of the archipelago’s submerged cultural previously-known sites were located and heritage and assessment of each site’s importance, inspected, and interviews conducted with local formation, state of preservation, and potential divers and informants permitted the identification threats; inspection, documentation, and charac- of approximately 80 additional sites with poten- terization of all relevant sites; excavation of tial archaeological interest. The area selected in selected sites with potential to increase substan- this first season was a natural expansion of the tially our knowledge of the archipelago’s sea- research initiated by Richard Fontánez in 2006 of faring history; research, compilation, and the north coast of the island between Boca de

Figure 3. Areas surveyed. (Google Earth, with permission)

Cangrejos and Punta Isla Verde. The method of operations in 2000 (Fontánez, 1995a). These survey employed within the study areas included remains were later found to have archaeological remote sensing (with magnetometer and side-scan importance and were partially salvaged, recorded, sonar) and visual inspection (through diving and taken by barge to a site near the Antonio and tow-boarding). All remote-sensing operations Lopez shipwreck site, west of San Juan Bay. The were directed and co-ordinated by Raymond western edge of the channel was surveyed during Tubby. Field research was designed to accomplish the 2008 season with side-scan sonar. Seven two main objectives: the first was to employ mag- acoustic anomalies were identified, six of which netic and acoustic remote-sensing equipment to may be unrecovered sections of the hulls of the identify anomalies with signature characteristics two Spanish-American War vessels. similar to those previously demonstrated to be associated with historically-significant submerged Isla de Cabras 3 cultural resources; the second was to assess each This site consists of a sand channel next to Isla target signature and identify those which require de Cabras, approximately 10 m deep and lying underwater investigation to confirm the nature almost perpendicular to the San Juan channel, and significance of the material generating the sig- where a number of important artefacts have nature, and those which could be dismissed as been retrieved in the past. Visual inspection modern debris. A short description of the sites revealed an anchor with an iron stock (admiralty considered in 2008 is given below, although the pattern), possibly dating to the early-19th precise location of some of the areas is not indi- century. Also found were a porcelain doll’s head, cated because some still contain potentially- a glass (or crystal) bottle-stopper (possibly important archaeological information. dating to the same period), a copper bolt c.25 mm in diameter, and hundreds of coarse Isla de Cabras 1 red-clay sherds. Situated along the western edge of the main San Juan ship-channel, between the forts of El Morro Isla de Cabras 4 and Isla de Cabras, Site 1 was recorded (and sal- This site is located in shallow water next to Isla vaged) by Miguel Págan, and later destroyed by de Cabras 3. An iron anchor and five iron and dredging operations. In 2008 the shipwreck area one bronze cannon were reportedly raised from was surveyed with remote-sensing equipment and this area c.20 years ago. The bronze cannon was visually inspected. No remains of the shipwreck dated to 1602 and is now on display in the Uni- were found. versity of Puerto Rico. The anchor is possibly still in San Juan (at the time it was purchased it Isla de Cabras 2 was said to have come from Mona Island), pre- Also located along the western channel margin sumably in a bad state of preservation. Accord- between the forts of El Morro and Isla de Cabras, ing to one informant, the site was littered with this site consists of the intermixed remains of clay jars that divers have been collecting since two metal hulls from the Spanish-American War, the mid-1960s. During the 2008 season a few Manuela and Cristobal Colon, which were classi- scattered ballast-stones were observed on the fied as modern and destroyed during dredging bottom surface.

Isla de Cabras 5 and 6 These are the broken remains of a barge and a tug, possibly lost in this area in the 1980s. The entire area is littered with debris.

Isla de Cabras 7 This area is located near the small fortress close to Isla de Cabras where it is documented that Drake lost close to 400 men and a number of small boats. The presumed remains of a boat with a grapnel anchor were observed there by Richard Fontánez and Jerome Hall c.10 years ago. This area was located on the channel slope, near Buoy 4, and has since been dredged.

Isla de Cabras 8 Located near the mouth of San Juan Bay off the northern end of Isla de Cabras, the area surveyed during the 2008 season measures c.1000 m long and 200 m wide and covers the purported position of two small bronze cannons recovered by a local fisherman some years ago. The site was described as a scatter of debris with two small bronze guns, c.70 cm long, lying among scattered potsherds and ballast-stones. Four acoustic anomalies were Figure 4. Olive-jar fragment characteristic of the site. identified in the area. Three appear to be isolated (Filipe Castro) limestone/reef outcrops. The remaining anomaly consists of two linear objects less than 1.5 m long. The targets may represent cannons, pipes, or by a local fisherman. The site lies along the other modern debris. channel edge, which has been dredged many times since the late-19th century. Visual inspection Isla de Cabras 9 revealed a small number of red bricks, scattered This site is located outside the bay, near the potsherds (coarse red paste), and the fluke of a entrance channel in about 8 m of water. Visual concreted anchor embedded in the edge of the inspection of the bottom surface revealed a metal platform where maintenance dredging stopped. hull, probably dating to the late-19th or early- 20th century. The wreck-site is marked on the San San Geronimo 1 Juan Bay chart. Located at the eastern end of Isla San Juan, c.250 m north-east of Fort San Geronimo, this San Juan 1 site consists of a scatter of iron guns. Tradition Located adjacent to the shoreline of Isla San claims that General Abercrombie lost one ship in Juan, on the western side of El Morro, the area this area in 1797, although there is no mention of surveyed measures c.300 m long and 60 m wide. a shipwreck in any of the accounts of Abercrom- The site consists of a known scatter of cultural bie’s failed attempt to conquer Puerto Rico material consisting principally of olive-jar frag- (Alonso and Flores, 1998). ments and ballast-stones (Fig. 4). Carbon-dating In the 1980s, a diver reportedly raised an iron of small wooden fragments embedded in a concre- gun from within the area, and noted a second one tion yielded dates consistent with the jars’ nearby, at a shallower depth. This gun was shown typology—cal AD 1440–1640 (2 sigma calibra- to the authors by an informant, and a third was tion) (Goggin, 1964). located nearby during a visual inspection of the site. The area surveyed in 2008 measures c.1000 m San Juan 2 long and 600 m wide and includes both inshore Consists of an area situated inside San Juan Bay, and offshore sections of coastal reef. The survey from where two ‘jars’ are said to have been raised area was established to encompass the location of

160 © 2009 The Authors. Journal Compilation © 2009 The Nautical Archaeology Society F. CASTRO ET AL.: THE NAUTICAL ARCHAEOLOGY OF PUERTO RICO the two cannons mentioned by the informant (Fontánez, 2006). Badly broken after salvage as being situated inshore of the reef. No further operations that recovered some of its bronze com- guns were found, although a small number of ponents, this site extends across a large area and is concretions, including a metal cauldron, suggest mixed in certain areas with materials from the Isla the existence of a shipwreck at or near this Verde 2 shipwreck. A large number of ceramic jar site. rims and sherds—which appear to occur in two different sizes—can be seen on the shipwreck and Isla Verde 1 between this shipwreck and the nearby Isla Verde This is the shipwreck of the iron screw steamer 2 site (Fig. 5). Conquistador, lost in 1892. The site had previously been examined by archaeologists in 2006 Isla Verde 2 This site consists of a ballast-pile with ceramics and has not yet been identiﬁed. It has been tenta- tively dated to c.1800 (pers. comm. Kathleen Deagan). The ballast-pile measures c.15.5 by 8.5 m. There were no other diagnostic remains on the site such as anchors, cannons, or other artefacts. Ceramics are embedded in the ballast-pile and scattered over a large area, extending all the way to the reef, about 200 m from the ballast- pile (Figs 6–8) (Table 1). The larger stoneware pots—which do not appear embedded in the ballast pile—are also spread over a large area, the best-preserved appearing under the remains of the steamer Conquistador.

Isla Verde 3 Found during a visual inspection of the area north of Isla Verde 1, this site consists of an isolated admiralty-pattern anchor similar to the one found at Isla de Cabras 3. No apparent ship- Figure 5. Rim from large jar found at the Isla Verde 1 and wreck material was found associated with the 2 sites. (Filipe Castro) anchor.

Table 1. Ceramics from the Isla Verde 2 site

No. Description Dimensions

01 Bottle (missing neck) Max. Ø = 190 mm; max height preserved = 178 mm 02 Bowl base Ø Base = 98 mm; 03 Handle Ømax. = 42.4 mm; Ømin. = 38 mm 04 Handle Ømax. = 50 mm; Ømin. = 50 mm 05 Handle Ømax. = 50 mm; Ømin. = 76 mm 06 Stoneware pot Ø Rim = 290 mm 07 Bottle (?) base Ø Base = 59 mm 08 Bottle (?) base Ø Base = 89.5 mm 09 Bottle neck Ø Outer/Inner = 42 mm/20 mm 10 Bottle (?) base Ø Base = 78 mm 11 Bottle (?) base Ø Base = 79 mm 12 Bottle (missing neck) N/A (in private possession) 13 Bottle neck Ø Outer/Inner = 34 mm/45 mm 14 Bowl base Not yet fully recorded 15 Bottle Not yet fully recorded 16 Cork Not yet fully recorded 17 Plate Not yet fully recorded

Figure 6. Some of the ceramic sherds found at the Isla Verde 2 site. (Filipe Castro)

Punta Vacia Talega The authors did not survey this area during the Located off Punta Vacia Talega, this is the site 2008 season. of the purported position of a wooden-stocked anchor and cannon recovered by a local fisherman Cerro Gordo 2 several years ago. The area surveyed in 2008 mea- This potentially significant site consists of a sures c.400 m long and 400 m wide. No cultural number of timbers with carpenter’s-marks, which materials were found. Future investigations of were left buried when the existing shipyard was this area should incorporate a larger survey area closed during the second half of the 19th century in order properly to assess the archaeological (Fontánez, 1995b; 1995c). potential of this site. Cerro Gordo 3 Cerro Gordo 1 This site consists of a scatter of timbers situated Cerro Gordo is a small bay that was used as a next to a small reef located in the centre of the bay shipyard, perhaps intermittently, from the 17th (Fontánez, 1995b; 1995c). During the 2008 season century to the mid-19th century. This site consists the authors briefly examined this area and of a number of small ballast-piles located in the observed the existence of timbers and other mate- eastern part of the bay (Fontánez, 1995b; 1995c). rial culture.

Figure 8. Botijo, sometimes also called hidroceramos, tenta- tively dated to c.1800. (Richard Fontánez)

said to have turned over every ballast-stone and raised all the artefacts he could ﬁnd, which were sold or lost, and have since disappeared. Along with these artefacts were early-style olive jars (Fontánez, 1995b; 1995c). Given the nature of the salvage works, however, it is impossible to ascer- tain whether these jars were associated with the shipwreck site, as was allegedly claimed by the Figure 7. Bottle found at the Isla Verde 2 site. (Filipe treasure-hunter. Visual inspection showed that Castro) the timbers recorded in the 1990s were still in an excellent state of preservation. A 5 ¥ 3 ¥ 1cm Cerro Gordo 4 wood sample yielded a range of possible dates This site consists of the remains of a shipwreck of between cal AD 1650–1710, cal AD 1710–1880, unknown date, with timber remains visible under and cal AD 1910–1950 (2 sigma calibration). a scatter of ballast-stones. The shipwreck was surveyed in the 1990s and the surviving timbers Antonio Lopez were partially recorded (Fontánez, 1992; 1995b; Located outside our permit area, on the west side 1995c). There is a 1621 account of a nao being lost of Isla de Cabras, this site was not visited in 2008. at this location during its launching (Bonet, 1989). It is the shipwreck of a blockade-runner sunk A company of soldiers is said to have been sent to during the Spanish-American War in 1898. It has the site to salvage as much as they could from the been recorded in situ and designated a National stranded ship. In the 1970s a treasure-hunter is Landmark (Fontánez, 2001).

Conclusions is that important shipwrecks may lie at depths beyond the reach of sport divers. Several reports The first conclusion to be drawn from our initial of shipwrecks at depths of 60 m and greater have field season is that almost all the sites inspected been conveyed to the authors by informants, and (19 out of 20) had been dredged, salvaged, or the areas in question seem to have some archaeo- looted. This fact eloquently illustrates the brutal logical potential. destruction of the world’s cultural heritage by The authors hope that the 2008 field season will looters and treasure-hunters—the distinction be the first of a long series of archaeological inter- made here being that treasure-hunters work ventions aiming at a full inventory of the island’s legally—during the second half of the 20th submerged cultural resources and a global study century, and argues for urgent government action of the country’s maritime history. We believe that to protect whatever remains. The second point is even if many of the sites surveyed have been that although it seems unlikely that we will find heavily destroyed, a careful assessment of each untouched shipwrecks in shallow areas where one will help us build an extensive GIS-based diving and fishing activities are frequent, the pos- database from which patterns and trends will cer- sibility of such finds cannot be excluded, as the tainly emerge and further a better understanding Isla Verde 2 site has shown. The third conclusion of New World maritime history.

Acknowledgments The authors thank Texas A&M University Center for Maritime Archaeology and Conservation, Mr Charles Consolvo, the Institute of Nautical Archaeology, the Spain America Foundation, Mrs Aida Belén from the Oﬁcina Estatal de Conservación Histórica, Mr Juan Vera from the Council of Underwater Archaeology, Mr Roberto Matos from the Direccion de Recursos Naturales e Ambientales, Mr Walter Chavez, Mr Felix Lopez, and Mr Ernesto Diaz Velazquez, National Park Service, Dr Kathleen Deagan, Mr Miguel Págan, Mr Agustin Otero, and our crew, including Alexander Fontánez Nieves, Gerardo Cabrera, and the skipper Freddy González Martínez.

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