JLOXXX10.1177/1548051819848993Journal of Leadership & Organizational StudiesErskine and Bilimoria research-article8489932019

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Journal of Leadership & Organizational Studies White Allyship of Afro-Diasporic Women 2019, Vol. 26(3) 319­–338 © The Authors 2019 Article reuse guidelines: in the Workplace: A Transformative sagepub.com/journals-permissions DOI:https://doi.org/10.1177/1548051819848993 10.1177/1548051819848993 Strategy for Organizational Change journals.sagepub.com/home/jlo

Samantha E. Erskine1 and Diana Bilimoria1

Abstract Given the underrepresentation of Afro-Diasporic women in senior leadership roles, this conceptual article points to the transformative potential of antiracist, feminist White allyship to serve as a missing piece in organizations that may propel the career development and leadership advancement of Afro-Diasporic women. We define White allyship as a continuous, reflexive practice of proactively interrogating Whiteness from an intersectionality framework, leveraging one’s position of power and privilege and courageously interrupting the status quo by engaging in prosocial behaviors that foster growth-in-connection and have both the intention and impact of creating mutuality, solidarity, and support of Afro- Diasporic women’s career development and leadership advancement. We describe the behaviors, outcomes, motivations, and detractors of White allyship and offer suggestions for future research. White allyship of Afro-Diasporic women holds important opportunities for meaningful relationships to develop in organizations, for which would-be allies need support, coaching, and training to increase their allyship competence and self-efficacy.

Keywords Afro-Diasporic women, White allyship, antiracist, feminist, high-quality relationships, intergroup dynamics, White privilege, White fragility, tone policing, sponsorship, courage, tempered radicalism, Whiteness, tokenism

Introduction organizations. We suggest here that White allyship is a transformative strategy of organizational change wherein In this conceptual article, we address the dearth of Afro- full consideration of Afro-Diasporic women’s career devel- Diasporic women in corporate senior leadership within the opment and leadership advancement in the workplace may United States (Catalyst, 2017) and point to the potential of be undertaken. White allyship as a high-quality relationship that can sup- Afro-Diasporic women are Black women from across port and advance the career journeys and trajectories of the African diaspora who identify as African, West Indian, Afro-Diasporic women, transform organizational processes, African American, Afro-Latina, Afro-Asian, biracial, multi- and create more equitable structures and evaluation systems racial, or a combination of these identities, and who may while also benefitting White allies in the process. The slow speak any language (Parker & ogilvie, 1996; Erskine et al., advancement of Afro-Diasporic women and their often dis- 2019). While we do not suggest that White allyship is the heartening organizational experiences (e.g., Erskine, sole catalyst for Afro-Diasporic women’s advancement in Archibold, & Bilimoria, 2019) proffer a compelling case for organizations, we do offer antiracist, feminist White ally- White allyship to redress the leadership gap for a collective ship as a transformative strategy for organizations to inte- of people who are integral to organizations yet remain grate and improve their leadership development and underrepresented at the upper echelons of leadership. diversity and inclusion efforts. We frame our thinking We define White allyship as a continuous, reflexive within psychological, sociological, and organizational practice of proactively interrogating Whiteness from an intersectionality framework, leveraging one’s position of power and privilege, and courageously interrupting the sta- 1Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, OH, USA tus quo of predominantly White corporate leadership by engaging in prosocial behaviors that foster growth-in-con- Corresponding Author: nection and have both the intention and impact of creating Samantha E. Erskine, Department of Organizational Behavior, Weatherhead School of Management, Case Western Reserve mutuality, solidarity, and support of Afro-Diasporic wom- University, USA. en’s career development and leadership advancement in Email: [email protected] 320 Journal of Leadership & Organizational Studies 26(3) theories, including critical race theory, intersectionality, and The Representation of Afro-Diasporic Women in positive organizational scholarship. U.S. Corporate Leadership There have been a number of calls for White col- leagues in organizations to serve as mentors and sponsors Afro-Diasporic women have increasingly secured senior of Afro-Diasporic women and other people of color (e.g., leadership roles across political, civic, and nonprofit sectors E. Bell & Nkomo, 2001; Bernstein, Carmichael, & Torres, in the United States. In corporate roles, however, the repre- 2018; Roberts, Mayo, Ely, & Thomas, 2018) but the sentation of Afro-Diasporic women remains dismal. nature of White allyship, as conceptualized distinctly Currently, there is only one Afro-Diasporic woman Chief from sponsorship and mentorship, has not been fully Executive Officer of a Fortune 1000 company: Lisa Wardell developed to date. Nor is it clear why Whites would want at Adtalem Global Education (Bianchi, 2018). Only 1.3% of to leverage their positions, power, and sociopolitical capi- executives and senior level managers in S&P 500 compa- tal to serve as allies to Afro-Diasporic women. We inform nies are Afro-Diasporic women; and by including other these gaps in the literature and offer four main contribu- women of color, that number rises to 4.7% (Catalyst, 2017). tions. First, we critique the status quo of Whiteness in Given this gloomy underrepresentation of Afro-Diasporic women in senior leadership roles, below we address the organizations. Second, we offer a model and suggestions nature of the distinctive support White organizational allies for constructing antiracist, feminist White allyship of can offer to emerging Afro-Diasporic women leaders to Afro-Diasporic women in organizations. Third, we challenge the status quo of White-dominated organizational advance courage and positive deviance as virtues of leadership, transform and create more equitable organiza- White allyship, bringing together concepts from diverse tional systems, and pave the way for future Afro-Diasporic literatures. Finally, we introduce the concept of performa- women to lead corporations. tive White allyship into the management and organiza- tional sciences literature, distinguishing this form of allyship from one that truly empowers and engenders The U.S. Sociopolitical Climate solidarity with Afro-Diasporic women. Through these The White gaze, a term coined by Frantz Fanon (1967) and contributions, we hope to spark critical discourse in orga- further theorized by George Yancy (2008), refers to a social nizations that may motivate positive change and ulti- and historical global practice and solipsistic hegemony— mately result in moving the needle in the leadership of looking at the world through the eyes of gatekeeping Whites Afro-Diasporic women in organizations. who decide when and where Afro-Diasporic people The main boundary condition of our analysis is that we belong—whether in the C-suite, in certain neighborhoods, examine the potential of White allyship to influence the certain schools, or how Afro-Diasporic people are portrayed career development and leadership advancement of Afro- in media, movies, and books. It is not a “look,” nor can it be Diasporic women in the national context of the United reduced to individual efforts; rather, the phenomenon is rep- States. The deep historical patterns of inequity rooted in resentative of the power structure of Whiteness (Fanon, U.S. race relations provide a unique and distinctive bound- 1967; Sithole, 2016; Yancy, 2008) that results in the other- ary condition for our analyses. Future research should con- ing of Blackness. The White gaze constrains professional sider the career development and leadership advancement Afro-Diasporic women’s advancement through the opera- of Afro-Diasporic women in contexts beyond the United tion of the “Black ceiling” (Erskine et al., 2019), “concrete States. ceiling” (Catalyst, 1999), and “concrete wall,” (E. Bell & In the rest of this article, we first discuss the impact of Nkomo, 2001), and the powerful effects of tokenism the U.S. sociopolitical climate on the leadership journeys of (Kanter, 1977) and panoptic thinking (Sithole, 2016; Yancy, Afro-Diasporic women and provide an overview of the cen- 2008)—the ubiquitous system of surveillance, permissions, tral role of Whiteness in organizational systems. Next, we and exclusions by an objectifying gaze that racially inter- propose White allyship as a missing piece that may propel pellates Blackness, makes Afro-Diasporic people feel as the career development and leadership advancement of though they are either guests or strangers in White spaces, Afro-Diasporic women. We discuss antecedents, behaviors, and with expectations that since Afro-Diasporic people are outcomes, and the associated motives and detractors of being “accommodated into a White system,” they should White allyship—cautioning against the recreation of unin- therefore be grateful and not complain about racism (Cose, tended marginalization and privilege. We also note different 2011; Gabriel, 2017, p. 28). allyship contexts, depending on the ally’s gender, and In today’s sociopolitical and organizational climates, advance that engaging in allyship behaviors strengthens all Whites are now more in support of people of color occupy- employees’ relationships, job performance, and advance- ing leadership positions than ever before, and many also ment potential within organizations. Finally, we offer direc- support social and corporate policies that are aimed at tions for future research. increasing diversity and inclusion (D&I) in order to level Erskine and Bilimoria 321 the playing field on an organizational and institutional level systems in order to support groups that their ascribed sta- (Bobo, 2001; Dupree & Fiske, 2019). On an interpersonal tus—or social position determined solely by demographic level, there has been a general reduction in the expression characteristics established at birth, such as race, gender, eth- and endorsement of explicit prejudice and negative stereo- nicity, and/or country of origin (Phillips, Rothbard, & types (Bergsieker, Leslie, Constantine, & Fiske, 2012; Dumas, 2009; Rosette & Thompson, 2005)—gives them Devine & Elliot, 1995; Dovidio & Gaertner, 1986; Fiske, power over (Reason, Scales, & Millar, 2005; Roades & 2002). Yet, at the same time, there has also been a rise in Mio, 2000; Smith & Redington, 2010; Spanierman, & hostile racism and racially motivated crimes, which accord- Smith, 2017). In addition, allyship has been described as an ing to a recent study has risen for “four straight years to the expressed sense of responsibility and commitment to using highest level in a decade” and comprises nearly 60% of one’s racial privilege in ways that promote equity overall crimes (NAACP, 2018, paragraph 2). (Goodman, 2011; Mio, Barker-Hackett, & Tumambing, 2009), engage in actions to disrupt racism and the status quo Intersectionality on micro and macro levels, create learning, lay the ground work for slow but ongoing organizational and social change, Previous research explicates Afro-Diasporic women’s and counter the resistance from White colleagues who experience of the workplace as a result of the combined exhibit hostile or aversive racism (Boutte & Jackson, 2014; effect of their race and gender. Afro-Diasporic women have Brown & Ostrove, 2013; Case, 2012; Gardiner, 2009; been found to experience greater negative stereotypes, dis- Goodman, 2011; Kivel, 2011; O’Brien, 2001). Thus, White parate training and advancement experiences, reduced allies enact a continual process of self-reflection about their access to psychosocial support, instrumental support and own aversive or implicit racism, Whiteness, and positional- professional networks, lower promotion rates, increased job ity (Case, 2012; DeTurk, 2011). segregation, different predictors for their advancement than Allyship is best considered not as a noun (as in a person Afro-Diasoporic men, pressures to construct a professional who proclaims, “I am an ally”) but as a verb that involves image that simultaneously erases their Blackness and hin- an active, lifelong, and consistent practice of unlearning ders their sense of belonging and thriving, and negative and reevaluating beliefs and actions; working in solidarity career expectancies (Bova, 2000; Combs, 2002; Opie & with a marginalized individual or group of people, and Phillips, 2015; Opie & Roberts, 2017; Pace, 2018; Rosette, building relationships based on the ability of a dominant Akinola, & Ma, 2017; Rosette, Koval, Ma, & Livingston, group member to support marginalized groups. In this lat- 2016; Rosette, Leonardelli, & Phillips, 2008; Rosette & ter sense, an ally’s value is determined by the intended Livingston, 2012; Sanchez-Hucles & Davis, 2010). beneficiaries (Ashforth, Schinoff, & Rogers, 2016; Gaining awareness of intersectionality includes under- PeerNetBC, 2016). However, what has been missing to- standing how race, gender, and additional intersecting identi- date from these discourses on allyship is a conceptualiza- ties may be utilized to inhibit or promote a collective sense of tion of what the antecedents, behaviors, outcomes, “we” in organizations (Crenshaw, 1989). Furthermore, cen- motivators, detractors, and impact of allyship entail in tralizing the role of intersectionality in organizational systems organizations. to include Whiteness allows a more nuanced understanding of White allyship of Afro-Diasporic women in the work- organizational identities, practices, processes, structures, and place, then, is a continuous, reflexive practice of proactively positions as racialized—or, structured by relations of race—in interrogating Whiteness from an intersectionality frame- order to generate or work toward antiracist forms of Whiteness work, leveraging one’s position of power and privilege, and and antiracist allyship. There is not a universal women’s expe- courageously interrupting the status quo by engaging in rience to expect allyship based on gender, however, as solidar- prosocial behaviors that foster growth-in-connection and ity depends on which identities are more salient, such as a have both the intention and impact of creating mutuality, woman’s race, ethnicity, gender identity, nationality, sexual solidarity, and support of Afro-Diasporic women’s career orientation, age, status as a wife, status as a mother, political development and leadership advancement. Such an allyship or religious affiliation, and so on (Cassese & Barnes, 2018). is both antiracist and feminist in that it requires would-be All these identities affect the development of a sense of the allies to interrogate not only their White privilege around collective “we” in organizations. race relations in and outside of organizations but also to contextualize how that privilege intersects with gender rela- Antiracist White Allyship of Afro- tions which manifest differently based on women’s overlap- Diasporic Women ping marginalized identities. Figure 1 shows a conceptual model of White allyship’s Prior definitions of allyship in nonmanagement areas of sociopolitical antecedents, antiracist, feminist White ally- scholarship have focused on allies as individuals in a posi- ship behaviors, the situational forces that activate and tion of power who use their privilege to disrupt inequitable strengthen or detract from allyship, and the outcomes of 322 Journal of Leadership & Organizational Studies 26(3)

Figure 1. Conceptual model of antitacist White allyship.

White allyship. Below, we describe each of these elements Sociopolitical Antecedents in detail. Three antecedents combine to influence the environment and potential for antiracist, feminist allyship: the domi- Antecedents of Antiracist, Feminist nance of White supremacist and patriarchal institutional White Allyship logics, as well as the prevalence of colorblind ideologies. Institutional logics refer to “socially constructed, historical Sociopolitical, individual, and organizational antecedents patterns of material practices, assumptions, shared values influence the environment and potential for antiracist, femi- and beliefs, and the rules by which individuals produce and nist White allyship as described below. reproduce their material subsistence, organize time and Erskine and Bilimoria 323 space, and provide meaning to their social reality” 2003; Cheeks, 2018) and facades of conformity (Hewlin, (Thornton, Ocasio & Lounsbury, 2012, p. 101). 2003), a survival mechanism that Afro-Disaporic women White supremacy is the ideology that Whites are supe- engage in when they believe that they must suppress their rior to people of other races and thus should have power personal values and pretend to embrace often unfamiliar over them. Use of the term “White supremacy” has histori- organizational values while navigating their multiple worlds. cal roots in sociolegal discourse—particularly among criti- cal race theorists and critical Whiteness theorists in law Colorblind Ideologies. Colorblindness is a belief that regards and sociology. The term describes not only hate groups that all individuals as equal regardless of their race or color. openly mobilize on the basis of racial hatred but also the Many organizational leaders and practitioners not only sub- interlocking sociohistoric, political, cultural, and economic scribe to colorblindness but also to politically correct dis- systems of power wherein Whites control material courses, meritocracies, and seemingly egalitarian practices resources as well as the conscious and unconscious ideas and assertions based on the humanistic admonition that race and ideologies that exist within institutions and social set- should neither matter nor affect their workplace evaluations tings (D. Bell, 1995; L. A. Bell, 1997; Delgado & Stefancic, of others. Yet these ideologies are only facades of color- 1997; Du Bois, 1953; Erskine et al., 2019; Osborne, 2015; blindness due to generations of legalized racial discrimina- Wing, 1997). Although White supremacy appears to be a tion that continue to play a critical role in organizational worldwide ideology, its particular manifestations in the settings, particularly for leadership evaluations (Bonilla- Silva, 2003; Rosette, 2006; Rosette et al., 2008; Rosette & United States influence the advancement of women in cor- Thompson, 2005; Knowles & Lowery, 2012; Knowles, porate America. For example, research on long-term mana- Lowery, Hogan, & Chow, 2009). Organizations are not gerial representation revealed a status hierarchy of race-neutral entities as race is, and has been, present—even managers and their direct reports, wherein White men were when not explicitly recognized (Nkomo, 1992). Thus, found to most likely manage men and women of all races, embracing meritocracy—the notion that individuals ought and White women realize a growing racial privilege in to be allocated social goods in proportion to their individual managing women of color (Stainback & Tomaskovic- abilities and effort (Knowles & Lowery, 2012; McNamee & Devey, 2009). Miller, 2004)—as an organizational value allows Whites to Patriarchy is an institutional logic that shapes gendered deny the existence of both systemic racial inequity and their interests, identities, and practices. Lerner (1986, p. 239) individual racial privilege while regarding themselves as defined patriarchy as: high in merit (Knowles & Lowery, 2012; Phillips & Low- ery, 2015). The manifestation and institutionalization of male dominance over women and children in the family and the extension of Aversive racism is the tendency for people to view them- male dominance over women in society in general. [Patriarchy] selves as progressive, politically correct, or colorblind implies that men hold power in all the important institutions of while manifesting implicit bias and subtle, negative atti- society and that women are deprived of such access. tudes toward members of marginalized groups (Bonilla- Silva, 2003; Burke, 2017; Dovidio & Gaertner, 2000; Institutionalized patriarchy and hegemonic masculinity Konrad, 2018; Kovel, 1970; Rosette et al., 2017; Minefee, affect women’s abilities to advance and succeed in organiza- Rabelo, Stewart, & Young, 2018). Aversive racism com- tions, particularly at the highest levels, which results in a gen- monly takes the form of microaggressions, or “brief and eral pattern of few or no women in top corporate positions commonplace daily verbal, behavioral, or environmental (O’Neil, Hopkins & Bilimoria, 2008). Yet White women’s indignities (whether intentional or not) that communicate relationship to patriarchy is qualitatively distinct from Afro- hostile, derogatory, or negative racial slights and insults Diasporic women’s relationship to White men and patriarchy. toward members of oppressed groups” (Nadal, 2008, p. 23; Misogynoir, a term coined by Dr. Moya Bailey (2014), Sue et al., 2007). Similarly, implicit bias, unconscious nega- tive feelings and beliefs toward marginalized groups describes the unique ways in which Afro-Diasporic women (Gaertner & Dovidio, 2005)—often despite explicit are pathologized based on a combination of anti-Blackness endorsement of egalitarian values—represents bias without and misogyny. Their historic and modern-day subordination intention, which may lead to ambiguous decision-making comes from everyday acts of rejection and degradation, as criteria such as job fit in hiring and promotion decisions well as daily reminders that they do not belong (Bell, (Carter & Phillips, 2017; Dovidio & Gaertner, 2000; Meyerson, Nkomo, & Scully, 2003). Furthermore, White Gaertner, Dovidio, Nier, Hodson, & Houlette, 2005). women can look within their organizations and see people Women and people of color who work in White-dominated who look like their fathers, husbands, and brothers, whereas environments often endure this insidious type of bias around Afro-Diasporic women generally cannot. In contrast, Afro- their competence and leadership abilities in many of the Diasporic women often engage in code-switching (Bell et al., organizational processes they encounter, including 324 Journal of Leadership & Organizational Studies 26(3) recruitment, evaluations, and promotions (Carter & Phillips, Organizational Antecedents 2017; Rosette et al., 2008; Rudman & Glick, 2001) as indi- viduals can discriminate against women and people of color Below, we discuss three categories of organizational ante- without having the conscious or unconscious intention of cedents that influence the engagement of antiracist, femi- placing them at a disadvantage (Twiss, Tabb, & Crosby, nist White allyship: organizations’ espoused commitment to 1989). Furthermore, individuals with high levels of implicit creating diverse and inclusive organizational cultures, psy- bias may often explicitly endorse egalitarian values, expend chological climate and safety, and tokenism. valuable cognitive resources to appear nonprejudiced and Organizations’ Espoused Interest in Diversity and control their verbal behaviors when interacting with women Inclusion is likely to be positively associated with the demon- and people of color (Carter & Phillips, 2017). White stration of White allyship behaviors. White allyship is likely supremacy, patriarchal institutional logics, colorblind ide- to flourish in organizational cultures that emphasize concern ologies, aversive racism, and implicit bias are likely to be for all and where organizational leadership values diversity negatively associated with the demonstration of White ally- and high-quality connections across axes of difference—par- ship behaviors. ticularly through mentorship and sponsorship (Bolino & Grant, 2016). In addition, having supportive norms and role models that enable courageous and safe allyship creates an Individual Antecedents environment that supports White allyship (Detert & Bruno, Three categories of individual antecedents combine to 2017; Hannah & Avolio, 2010; Koerner, 2013). influence the motivations of would-be allies to engage in Hays-Thomas and Bendick (2013, p. 193) noted that “at antiracist, feminist allyship, including their upbringing and least half of all U.S. companies with over 100 employees have values, affect, and cognitions. An individual’s values or some form of diversity and inclusion (D&I) program, includ- convictions may provide the necessary motivation for ing more than 75% of the largest firms, with expenditures on White allyship, as would affronts to their values. Such val- these activities estimated to total $10 billion annually.” Despite ues may include integrity, equity, justice, compassion, loy- the fact that most D&I programs may not actually increase alty, and empathy (Detert & Bruno, 2017). diversity or may result in other negative unintended conse- A number of affective antecedents may also positively quences (Leslie, 2018), the continued increase in organiza- influence engagement in White allyship. In particular, “White tional leaders popularizing D&I initiatives has been attributed guilt,” which scholars have conceptualized as feelings of to their interests in reducing discrimination, maximizing orga- remorse and regret that White individuals may experience nizational performance, and avoiding legal problems. when they become aware of racism and their unearned racial Yet organizational D&I programs are not without criti- privilege (Spanierman & Heppner, 2004; Swim & Miller, cism. Dobbin and Kalev (2013, 2016) contend that compa- 1999), may catalyze White allyship. Empirical research sug- nies are utilizing the same approaches they have used since gests that White guilt is associated with positive social justice the 1960s to diversify their organizations, which often makes outcomes (Iyer, Leach, & Pederson, 2004; Spanierman, things worse. Some diversity scholars have noted that main- Beard, & Todd, 2012). Scholars who have explored Whites’ stream diversity management conceals inequalities, “neutral- responses to confronting racism and the consequences of izes histories of antagonism and struggle” (Ahmed & Swan, racial inequality have noted Whites’ feelings as shame, anxi- 2006, p. 96), and focuses on the spinning of equal opportu- ety, depression, and anger (Helms, 1993; Helms & Carter, nity, diversity, and inclusion in ways that are palatable for a 1993; Spanierman et al., 2008; Spanierman et al., 2012; predominantly White workforce, leaving intact the existing Spanierman & Heppner, 2004). Research on White allies systems and structures as unequal spaces for career opportu- tends to support the idea that some degree of White guilt is nities (Liu, 2017; Nkomo & Stewart, 2006). necessary to both catalyze empathy for people of color and to Positive psychological climate, or organizational envi- critically examine their own unearned and inequitable privi- ronments that are perceived, interpreted, and valued by leges (Case, 2012; Iyer, Leach, & Crosby, 2003; Swim & individuals based on their significance to individuals’ well- Miller, 1999). Righteous indignation and sadness about the being, may serve as an organizational antecedent to allyship racial and gender climate that spurred the #BlackLivesMatter (Brown & Leigh, 1996; Detert & Bruno, 2017). Similarly, and #MeToo movements may also serve as affective anteced- psychological safety, the extent to which an environment is ents of allyship. perceived to be safe to express oneself and work without Positive thoughts and cognitions such as hope, resiliency, fear of negative consequences to self-image, status, or positivity, mindfulness, social connectedness, and a propen- career (Brown & Leigh, 1996) may influence engagement sity to have a moral mindset may also serve as antecedents to in White allyship. Supportive organizational leaders and White allyship (Detert & Bruno, 2017; Koerner, 2013). Thus, cultures create a sense of psychological safety (Bolino & certain individual values, affect, and cognitions are likely to Grant, 2016). Thus, allies’ sense of belongingness and iden- be positively associated with White allyship behaviors. tification with their organization’s mission, as a result of the Erskine and Bilimoria 325 psychological climate and psychological safety is also a key about race (Casas & San Miguel, 1993; Helms, 1993; Sue, driver of allyship, which leads to increased organizational 1993) and its intersection with gender (Sanchez-Hucles & commitment (Bolino & Grant, 2016). Davis, 2010). The concept of interrogating Whiteness refers to Tokenism in organizations is likely to be negatively associ- an activity or work that involves critical reflection about ated with White allyship. Kanter (1977) documented that Whiteness and privilege as well as the implications of living token women leaders were more likely to have their mistakes and working in a race-centered society (Grimes, 2001). W. E. amplified, be isolated as a member of the out-group, and put B. Du Bois (1953), Frantz Fanon (1967), and present-day criti- in roles that undermined them in organizations. Ella Bell and cal Whiteness theorists have noted that Whiteness is not only Stella Nkomo (2001) highlighted the pressures that come with about one’s phenotype but about one’s power and privilege being a double or multiple token in organizations. They pos- (Delgado & Stefancic, 1997; Liu, 2017; Nkomo & Ariss, ited that breaking into the camaraderie of the White organiza- 2014). It is distinct from someone “being White” in that it is tional culture is a feat for Afro-Diasporic women because they not essentially attached to White bodies; rather, it is relational, receive constant reminders that they do not belong, are contextual, and intersectional as opposed to monolithic or expected to perform under a different set of expectations and fixed (Frankenberg, 1993; McLaren, 2000; Swan, 2017). conditions than White women and White men, are often hired Frankenberg (1993, p. 6) defined Whiteness as “a set of as guinea pigs while not being expected to meet performance locations that are historically, sociologically, politically, and expectations, are not viewed as individuals but as representa- culturally produced,” as well as “intrinsically linked to tive of all professional Afro-Diasporic women, are often not unfolding relations of domination.” Grover (1997, p. 34) invited to play golf with the dominant group, attend family noted that Whiteness is transparent to dominant in-group events, or to join the dominant in-group for lunch, and are members who have the luxury of never having to think about simultaneously highly visible and invisible (Bell & Nkomo, their race and when they remind each other of their Whiteness, 2001; see also Roberts et al., 2018). Afro-Diasporic women the “reminder is often about threats by outsiders—non- are highly visible because of both their subordinate group Whites—who steal White entitlements like good jobs, a fine identities and invisible because they work in a context where education, nice neighborhoods, and the good life.” The praxis they are numerically underrepresented. Their White col- of interrogating Whiteness challenges the seeming normativ- leagues may not recognize their leadership potential, nor do ity, structured invisibility, and hidden assumption that White they properly attribute Afro-Diasporic women’s actual perfor- people do not have a race, that Whiteness is a monolithic per- mance and contributions, often rendering them invisible spective to be dichotomized from non-White experiences, (Purdie-Vaughns & Eibach, 2008; Rosette et al., 2016). and that Whites are a universal category—a neutral, everyday Tokenism also allows people with power to maintain default standpoint from which organizational and life experi- their privilege while giving them the appearance of being ences occur (Frankenberg, 1993; Grimes, 2001). champions of diversity and inclusion or engaging in antira- Interrogating Whiteness, then, includes individual reflec- cist allyship. Ho (2017) discussed various organizational tion about the words, images, and actions that take place in examples of the challenge arising from tokenism of Afro- organizations as well as in society, that produce and dissemi- Diasporic women, including when board members have nate knowledge, structure and situate institutions and cul- recruited Afro-Diasporic women to be the face of their tures, and that are the basis with which individuals interact organization to appear more diverse yet a White board chair with each other (Grimes, 2001). Thus, engaging in White maintains actual power over the organization and under- allyship is not only about learning about one’s privilege but mines or derails the efforts of the Afro-Diasporic female also about understanding power and the process of colonial- leader, and when organizational leaders have appointed ism and domination (Max, 2005). Interrogating Whiteness Afro-Diasporic women to lead diversity taskforces so that as an ally entails acknowledging systemic bias and the pos- the organization appears more diverse than it actually is. sibility that one’s dominant group may see the status quo as legitimate in order to protect their in-group’s advantaged Behaviors of White Allyship position within the larger social hierarchy (Knowles & Lowery, 2012; Lowery, Unzueta, Knowles, & Goff, 2006). Three key behaviors of White allyship on behalf of Afro- Interrogating Whiteness in organizations involves the ongo- Diasporic women include engaging in critical self-reflexiv- ing and complex day-to-day praxis of making the privileges ity, prosocial behaviors, and tempered radicalism. and practices of Whiteness visible in organizational values, policies, and personnel (Ahmed, 2007a), challenging the Engaging in Critical Self-Reflexivity and ways in which Whiteness becomes normalized (DiAngelo, 2018; Grimes, 2002; Liu, 2017; Nkomo, 1992; Nkomo & Interrogating Whiteness Ariss, 2014; Parker & Grimes, 2009), and prompting White White allyship has been operationalized as engaging in critical people at all levels of organizations to critically examine self-reflexivity regarding one’s own biases and assumptions how their own values, beliefs, and behaviors reinforce 326 Journal of Leadership & Organizational Studies 26(3) racialized sexism, even unintentionally (Parker & Grimes, groups and helps determine who will be let through to the 2009). These routine processes may require organizational next level via promotions and other highly sought-after leaders to pivot between the “business case” for diversity accolades (Bell, 1997). and inclusion (Hays-Thomas & Bendick, 2013; Dobbin & Managers, mentors, and sponsors who provide training Kalev, 2013; Phillips, 2014) and the social justice case, to in both political skills and influence strategies help their inform future diversity, inclusion, and leadership develop- protégés navigate gatekeepers and organizational politics, ment agendas in ways that denormalize White supremacy develop trust, and power currency, and obtain visibility and privilege (Ahmed, 2007a, 2007b; Liu, 2017; Nkomo, within and outside of their organizational boundaries 1992; Nkomo & Ariss, 2014). (Giscombe, 2017; Ragins, 1997). Sharing reflected power as an ally can also serve to address the phenomenon of the Engaging in Prosocial Behaviors glass cliff (Ryan & Haslam, 2007; Smith, Watkins, Ladge, & Carlton, 2018) as it affects Afro-Diasporic women such Prosocial behaviors are acts that benefit, promote, or pro- that even after they overcome the Black ceiling and ascend tect the welfare of individuals, groups, or organizations that to leadership roles, they tend to receive greater scrutiny, may be intended to benefit coworkers, customers, teams, criticism, and blame from White women and men in higher stakeholders, or the organization as a whole (Bolino & positions of power, tend to be evaluated less favorably, and Grant, 2016). These behaviors enhance both the would-be face risk of failure and greater consequences—even when allies and the intended beneficiaries, as well as contribute to performing exactly the same leadership roles as men (Eagly, organizational effectiveness (Podsakoff, Whiting, Makhijani, & Klonsky, 1992; Ryan & Haslam, 2007). Podsakoff, & Blume, 2009). When employees value the Sponsorship and mentorship have been described as pro- success and well-being of others, they are not only more social behaviors (Bolino & Grant, 2016) because they rep- likely to engage in prosocial behaviors—they also become resent contributions to the would-be beneficiaries’ learning more open to learning from negative feedback (Bolino & and development (Bolino & Grant, 2016; Kram, 1988). Grant, 2016). The following prosocial behaviors draw on Some of these prosocial behaviors include knowledge shar- different types of resources and serve as guides for how ing, which helps facilitate problem-solving, creativity, would-be allies can engage in allyship. innovation, and organizational change yet only requires informational resources of insights and skills; showing Providing Sponsorship, Mentorship, and Protection From Adverse compassion and giving emotional support, which involves Organizational Dynamics. Analyzing allyship behaviors not just noticing and empathizing with the suffering of oth- from an informal network perspective, Ibarra, Carter, and ers but also providing emotional support and taking action Silva (2010) described a special kind of relationship within to alleviate another person’s pain—actions that require organizations, called sponsorship, wherein mentors go more time and energy than knowledge sharing; and making beyond merely giving feedback and advice to their mentees introductions, where a would-be ally leverages her or his to using their influence with senior executives to advocate social capital and resources, and as a result, all participants for their protégés. Their studies suggest that high potential in the exchange expand their networks, opportunities, and women are overmentored and undersponsored, relative to perspectives (Bolino & Grant, 2016; Dutton, Worline, Frost, their male peers, and that they are not advancing or being & Lilius, 2006; Obstfeld, 2005). promoted in their organizations the way men are. Further- more, without sponsorship, women not only are less likely Engaging in Positive Deviance and Demonstrating Courage to than men to be appointed to top roles but may also be more Interrupt the Status Quo. Spreitzer and Sonenshein (2003, reluctant to go for them. In addition, sponsors serve as pow- 2004) defined positive deviance as “intentional behaviors erful gatekeepers to inner circles of the social, political, and that depart from the norms of a referent group in honorable corporate elite, which is particularly important in a society ways,” independent of the outcome, since positive inten- where Afro-Diasporic women face seemingly insurmount- tions do not necessarily reach positive outcomes. One able barriers to senior leadership roles. Gatekeepers are per- aspect of positive deviance, courage, was defined by Detert sons who have reached the upper ranks in their field, but and Bruno (2017) as a work domain-relevant act done for a who also could have started their careers as tokens—as is worthy cause despite significant risks perceivable in the the case with White women (Bell, 1997). Gatekeepers pro- moment to the actor. vide information and opinions to senior White male organi- Extending these definitions, courageous White allyship zational leaders as to whether a junior person is a dependable entails challenging individuals in positions of power or con- person who will not “cause any embarrassments or make fronting one’s peers if they commit an unethical act or are any unnecessary waves,” particularly around the issues of abusive to an Afro-Diasporic woman (Hannah & Avolio, race, racism, or sexism (Bell, 1997, p. 10). She or he guards 2010). Both are risky because they interrupt both routine the entranceway to membership in exclusive and often elite (Worline, 2010; Worline & Quinn, 2003) and the status quo, Erskine and Bilimoria 327 as well as directly confront those with formal power (Magee that racialized sexism flourishes in organizations that have & Galinsky, 2008), informal influence, or the ability to colorblind ideologies (Goodman, 2011; Kivel, 2011; socially sanction the confronter (Dutton, Ashford, Neville, Lilly, Duran, Lee, & Browne, 2000; Spanierman Lawrence, & Miner-Rubino, 2002). Yet courageous ally- et al., 2008; Utsey, Gernat, & Hammar, 2005). Social costs ship does not need to always reflect “action” in the usual include the loss and/or a diminishment of relationships with sense, as allyship could entail refusing to either participate friends, family members, and coworkers due to disagree- in marginalizing an Afro-Diasporic woman colleague or to ments, fights, and tensions over racism, as well as with be complicit in Whiteness as the status quo (Detert & Bruno, people of color since these tensions make relationships dif- 2017). ficult to sustain (Goodman, 2011: Kivel, 2011; Spanierman et al., 2008). Moral costs include feeling a loss of integrity, Being a Tempered Radical such as witnessing harassment and discrimination but not intervening (Kivel, 2011). And, spiritual costs include feel- Meyerson and Scully (1995, p. 586), defined tempered radi- ing disconnected to one’s spiritual values and one’s source cals as “individuals who identify with and are committed to of inner strength, meaning, as well as feelings of inauthen- their organizations and also to a cause, community or ideol- ticity and hurt when others cannot forgive them for their (in) ogy that is fundamentally different from, and possibly at odds actions or when they feel their actions have affected their with, the dominant culture of their organization.” Tempered relationship with their higher power (Goodman, 2011; radicals and issue sellers (Dutton, Ashford, Neill, Hayes, & Kivel, 2011; Musavi Madani & Mesdaghinia, 2017; Wierba, 1997) understand the importance of targeting those Spanierman et al., 2008). who can actually bring about change so that their actions are Previous research suggests that individuals who engage not ultimately futile (Detert & Bruno, 2017). Tempered radi- in allyship behaviors are likely to receive higher perfor- cals serve as quiet catalysts who push back against prevailing mance evaluations, build social capital, increase their sta- norms and participate in coalition building in solidarity with tus, and inspire their colleagues to respond in kind (Bolino Afro-Diasporic women. They are radical because of their & Grant, 2016; Bolino, Turnley, & Bloodgood, 2002; Flynn, desire to change the status quo yet tempered in the way they 2003; Shah, Cross, & Levin, 2018). The experience of mak- have been toughened by challenges and anger at injustice. ing a positive difference in the lives of others is an addi- They work from the inside of organizations, infiltrating them tional outcome of allyship (Bolino & Grant, 2016), as are with enough tempering to influence the mainstream, and rock higher levels of job satisfaction, organizational commit- the boat just hard enough to effect change while keeping their ment, and subjective assessments of job performance and professional image, commitments, and capacity to effect fur- career success (Bolino & Grant, 2016; Ghosh & Reio, ther change (Bell et al., 2003; Meyerson, 2001; Meyerson & 2013). Furthermore, when allies broker introductions that Scully, 1995). White allies behave as tempered radicals in build the social capital of Afro-Diasporic women, they are that they know which levers of power to pull to effect posi- more likely to play, and become visible as playing, a central tive change, and are able to balance the sometimes conflict- role in organizational innovation (Obstfeld, 2005). Allies ing pressures placed on them to simultaneously uphold and develop problem-solving skills needed to do their own work challenge their organization’s cultural tenets. effectively, as well as acquire new insights, skills, and ideas (Bolino & Grant, 2016; Shah et al., 2018). Moreover, an Additional Benefits to White Allies ally’s impact buffers against emotional exhaustion and these emotional benefits can also extend outside of the White allies benefit from engaging in allyship and buffering workplace (Bolino & Grant, 2016; Grant & Sonnentag, the effects of oppression (Kivel, 2011) given that maintain- 2010; Sonnentag & Grant, 2012). Allyship also results in ing systems of oppression comes with psychological, cog- allies experiencing peace of mind, lack of regret, and a nitive, social, moral, and spiritual costs. The psychological heightened sense of integrity (Detert & Bruno, 2017; costs of not actively engaging in allyship behaviors include Finfgeld, 1998; Ryan, Oestreich, & Orr, 1996). impaired feelings of psychological safety and well-being; feelings of White guilt, isolation, shame, anxiety, frustra- Outcomes of White Allyship tion, anger, sadness, and embarrassment about one’s responses to racism and racialized sexism or one’s nonre- Overall, there are numerous positive outcomes of ally- sponses/complicity, which can all lower one’s self-esteem ship—not only to Afro-Diasporic women but also to poten- and self-efficacy (Goodman, 2011; Spanierman et al., 2008; tial White allies and their organizations. As discussed Swim & Miller, 1999). Cognitive costs include a distorted above, allyship is both a relational and prosocial behavior. picture of reality, feeling perpetually conflicted, engaging Positive organizational scholarship (Creary, Caza, & in a revisionist view of history, having an irrational fear of Roberts, 2015; Dutton & Heaphy, 2003; Ragins & Dutton, people of color, and denying, and/or minimizing the reality 2007) and relational-cultural theory (Jordan, Kaplan, Miller, 328 Journal of Leadership & Organizational Studies 26(3)

Stiver, & Surrey, 1991) provide complementary lenses on do, and are not satisfied with the status quo (Porath, Spreitzer, resource utilization in positive workplace relationships by Gibson, & Garnett, 2011; Spreitzer, Porath, & Gibson, 2012; suggesting that both White allies and their beneficiaries Spreitzer, Sutcliffe, Dutton, Sonenshein, & Grant, 2005). (Afro-Diasporic women) not only contribute mutually valu- able resources but also generate new resources. Allyship is Additional Benefits to the Organization thus an enhanced form of resource exchange, wherein would-be allies and beneficiaries each deploy available Organizations receive numerous benefits when there is an resources through their partnership exchange and produce organizational climate of Whites allying themselves Afro- new, valuable, and relatively scarce resources via their Diasporic women. For one, positive relationships at work interactions (Creary et al., 2015; Rousseau & Ling, 2007). coupled with increased numbers of Afro-Diasporic women Allyship augments both the allies’ and beneficiary’s who are in visible positions of senior leadership enhance the resources (Ragins & Dutton, 2007; Rousseau & Ling, pool of resources available for organizations to solve work- 2007). Furthermore, increased social connectedness and related problems. In addition, organizational systems of relationship-enhancing traits, realizable through allyship, evaluation become more equitable through White allyship, are closely associated with individuals’ subjective well- and there is greater alignment of espoused and enacted val- being (Ryan & Deci, 2001). Both parties’ increased sense of ues to build a diverse and inclusive culture. Moreover, ally- worth manifests through growth-in-connection and mutual- ship relationships play a central role in increased group and ity (Creary et al., 2015; Jordan et al., 1991). Growth-in- organizational effectiveness, including high levels of pro- connection through allyship can be achieved through mutual ductivity, efficiency, cohesion, and coordination, as well as empathy (i.e., feeling and thinking something similar to reduced employee turnover, increased customer satisfac- what another person thinks and feels) and mutual empower- tion, lower production costs, and higher revenue and sales ment, where each person in the relationship is empowered growth (Bolino & Grant, 2016; Podsakoff et al., 2009; (Creary et al., 2015). Mutuality enables both the ally and Wang & Noe, 2010). This high-quality relationship also beneficiary to produce, achieve, and accomplish work- leads to increased organizational citizenship behaviors, related goals and activities, as well as feel alive because more ethical leadership in organizations, and fewer work- their relationship provides growth-fostering connections place incivilities and discrimination lawsuits (Bolino & that may not have been possible prior to their relationship Grant, 2016; Elliott, Kao, & Grant, 2004; Grant, 2007). (Creary et al., 2015; Dutton & Heaphy, 2003; Fletcher, 2007). Motivators of White Allyship. Several individual and contex- Additionally, allyship can augment the ally’s, beneficia- tual factors amplify the engagement of White allyship of ry’s, and organization’s resources (Ragins & Dutton, 2007; Afro-Diasporic women colleagues. Prosocial motives, the Rousseau & Ling, 2007). Demographic diversity may desire and drive to benefit others or to expend effort simply increase the pool of resources available to solve work- out of concern for others (Bolino & Grant, 2016), explain related problems, as well as gain access to additional White allies’ belief in altruism, desire for connectedness, resources and markets (Creary et al., 2015; Ely & Thomas, and yearning to want to help others regardless of the per- 2001; Thomas & Ely, 1996). sonal consequences they might face (Bolino & Grant, 2016). Prosocial motives go beyond merely being nice, Additional Benefits of Allyship to Afro-Diasporic kind, polite, respectful, cooperative, understanding, or Women agreeable since they are about benefiting others, especially those outside of one’s in-group (Bolino & Grant, 2016). Through allyship, Afro-Diasporic women may begin to feel A relevant prosocial motive for White allyship is a con- increased organizational commitment, reduced feelings of cern for self-presentation, which Goffman (1959) coined as spirit murder (West, 1999; Williams, 1991) and emotional impression management. Particularly in intergroup interac- taxation (Catalyst, 2016), reduced barriers to their full lead- tions, White allies negotiate appearing not prejudiced ership potential, and improved career advancement out- toward racial out-groups (Shelton, West, & Trail, 2010; comes. Allyship may help Afro-Diasporic women shift from Unzueta & Lowery, 2008). Impression management theo- a mindset of surviving, enduring, coping, “making lemon- ries can explain why White would-be allies aim to be seen ade out of lemons,” and hoping that “something good will as good, warm-hearted, and noble (Ahmed, 2004, 2005; come out of something bad” (Carver, 1998, p. 262; Erskine DiAngelo, 2018; Grimes, 2001; Swan, 2017; Wiegman, et al., in press) to an increased sense of thriving—a psycho- 1999)—and the methods they often utilize to promote their logical state in which individuals experience a sense of vital- image as organizational citizens include ingratiation, where ity and learning, feel alive at work, are passionate about individuals seek to be viewed as likable; exemplification, in what they do, produce their own energy through excitement which individuals seek to be viewed as dedicated; and self- for their work, believe they are getting better at what they promotion, in which individuals hope to be seen as Erskine and Bilimoria 329 competent (Jones & Pittman, 1982). These behaviors may When Afro-Diasporic women express frustration or amplify the engagement in White allyship behaviors. anger, they are tone-policed by managers, mentors, and Another prosocial motive for White allyship is a social coaches, who suggest that they voice their feelings in calmer justice orientation or the disposition of allies to align them- and nicer ways if they want to be heard and respected, lest selves with social justice beliefs, values, and advocacy. their feedback be perceived as invalid and then dismissed Social justice has been defined as the full and equal partici- (DiAngelo, 2018; Ho, 2017). Because insisting on racial pation of all groups in a society that is mutually shaped to comfort manifests in organizations not actually dealing meet their needs, where resources are equitably distributed, with the issue of racism, DiAngelo (2011, 2018) recom- and everyone is physically and psychologically safe (Bell, mends that White allies learn to respond to racism in con- 1997). White would-be allies may be motivated to end structive ways, minimize their defensiveness, demonstrate oppression, leave a positive legacy, and be on the right side curiosity and humility, interrupt privilege-protecting com- of history. fort around issues of race, build the cognitive and affective Self-efficacy potentially amplifies White allyship behav- skills to handle race, develop the stamina that would allow iors in that if would-be allies have developed a social justice for constructive engagement across racial divides, and orientation, for example through the knowledge they gained allow room for growth. while attending diversity, equity, and inclusion trainings, and they feel confident in how to not only champion inclusion in Fear. Fear has been identified as a considerable detrac- their organization but also to encourage fellow Whites to tor to White allyship (Baldwin, 1965; DiAngelo, 2018; venture outside their own spheres of privilege, they are more Shelton et al., 2010; Stern & West, 2014). Some of these likely to see allyship behaviors as worthy of the potential fears include the fear of being perceived a racist, the fear risks involved and therefore, act (Detert & Bruno, 2017). of being held responsible for historical crimes, and the fear of losing the benefits their White privilege affords them. Detractors of White Allyship. Certain individual and contex- Detert and Bruno (2017) suggested a different fear—of tual factors may detract from the engagement of White disrupting the status quo by confronting a racist person at would-be allies. For one, White privilege, which McIntosh work. If the target being confronted is a peer or subordi- (1997, p. 291) described as “an invisible weightless knap- nate, the risks for speaking up are likely primarily social. If sack of special provisions, assurances, tools, maps, guides, the target is, instead, a boss, the risks of confrontation now codebooks, passports, visas, clothes, compass, emergency become potentially economic as well (Detert & Bruno, gear, and blank checks,” empowers Whites with the option 2017). to ignore, normalize, and neutralize race when race benefits them (Wildman & Davis, 1997). This privilege prevents Performative White allyship. Another detractor of White Whites from recognizing disparities due to race and detracts allyship of Afro-Diasporic women may be conceptualized from their engagement in White allyship behaviors. as performative allyship—where well-meaning people with power and privilege show interest in becoming an ally but White fragility and tone policing. Robin DiAngelo (2011) do not engage in the ongoing emotional labor, self-reflec- coined the term White fragility, a phenomenon that affords tion, continuous education, courage, commitment, and certain privileges and access to social capital and emotional exchange of power inherent in true allyship. This perfor- resources and where even a minimum amount of racial mance may be perceived as “empty activism” from a posi- stress becomes intolerable, triggers a range of defensive tion of privilege and motivated by a desire for increased moves including the outward display of emotions such as social capital. Moreover, performative allies are driven by anger, fear, and guilt, and behaviors such as argumentation, the need for validation and may intellectually understand silence, and leaving the stress-inducing situation. White fra- the issues at hand, yet not sacrifice their personal or profes- gility functions to maintain White allies’ racial equilibrium sional capital to challenge or transform systems that they and obscure racism (DiAngelo, 2011, 2018). Some exam- benefit from, even unwittingly. Their brand of allyship ples include White organizational leaders not wanting the may be perceived as cosmetic, superficial, and transitory, term “White” to be used in racial equity trainings, taking rather than as facilitating structural change (Spanierman precautions to ensure that White employees feel comfort- & Smith, 2017). Even more harmful, performative White able with the language used in racial equity trainings and allyship may result in the recreation of oppression and/or feeling entitled to this comfort, feeling extreme hurt or out- the perpetuation of new forms of oppression. Examples of rage at the notion that one’s behavior may have had a racist performative allyship include engaging in “hashtag activ- impact, blaming “the person or event that triggered their ism” where a would-be ally changes her or his Facebook discomfort (usually a person of color)” (DiAngelo, 2011, p. profile to support #BlackLivesMatter or the #MeTo move- 60), and requiring proper tone when any feedback is given ment or retweets these hashtags on Twitter yet participates (DiAngelo, 2018). in no other forms of advocacy on behalf of either of these 330 Journal of Leadership & Organizational Studies 26(3) causes, and does not speak up when people they know are Discussion affected (e.g., Cheeks, 2018). Two other forms of performative White allyship of Afro- In this article, we have laid out a model for antiracist, fem- Diasporic women include benevolent sexism and White inist White allyship, including the sociopolitical, individ- Knighting. Benevolent Sexism is a process wherein women ual, and organizational antecedents, behaviors, outcomes, are assigned and rewarded for taking on roles that can be motivators, and detractors. The impact of White allyship represented as attractive (e.g., “challenging” stretch assign- as a high-quality workplace relationship extends beyond ments) but are actually problematic (Cuddy, Fiske, & Glick, the professional lives of all involved to their personal 2004; Glick & Fiske, 2001). By providing women with well-being and growth. For White allyship to be effective these challenges, those who appoint them may feel that they in organizations, allies may need training as well as coach- are opening doors, yet such experiences may not lead to ing to learn how to build trust and to develop the fortitude career development and leadership advancement if Afro- and courage to disrupt the status quo within organizations Diasporic women are not adequately supported and that privileges Whiteness and pathologizes Blackness. resourced in carrying out these challenges. White Knighting Engaging in allyship not only entails interrogating one’s is a manifestation of benevolent sexism and has been opera- own privilege but also understanding power and the his- tionalized as a form of dependency-oriented help, which torical process of colonialism (Max, 2005) that influences consists of providing women the full solution to their prob- race and gender relations in society and the workplace—a lem and/or solving their problem for them through acts or process that likely differs for White male and female performances of protecting, defending, or supporting them allies. in ways that deny their agency (Lopez, 1997; Ruiz, 2017). The effect of White Knighting, in terms of White allyship White Men Versus White Women as Allies behaviors, manifests as paternalistic citizenship behaviors, which convey a subtle sense of superiority yet do nothing to Previous research suggests that men are more likely to be challenge systems or structures of dominance (Endres & rewarded for engaging in allyship behaviors in organizations Gould, 2009; Liu & Baker, 2016; Spanierman & Smith, while women are more likely to be punished for not doing so 2017; Swan, 2017; Trepagnier, 2010). Rather, it perpetuates (Heilman & Chen, 2005), and that women undertake the a self-identity where White people see themselves as help- majority of prosocial behaviors in high-quality relationships ers, generous, kind, and giving to help “the less fortunate” such as helping and mentoring others, which are highly who “need” their help (Max, 2005), which can reinscribe valuable actions in organizations yet less visible (Eagly & the status quo of White supremacy and simultaneously Crowley, 1986; Kidder, 2002). In addition, while White men uplift the embodiment of Whiteness as philanthropic hero- benefit from both male privilege and White privilege, their ism, while pathologizing and/or reinforcing a deficit model experiences with power and entitlement are different from for Afro-Diasporic women. White women’s experiences in organizations.

Resistance. Another challenge to White allyship in orga- White Men as Allies nizations is the resistance they may meet from members of the very groups that they seek to “help” (Carton & Knowlton, Certain challenges exist for White men to serve as allies of 2017). Since Afro-Diasporic women take on extraordinary Afro-Diasporic women. While White men are socialized risks when they make themselves vulnerable to White allies, into a culture of power, privilege, and entitlement (Scott & they often vet White colleagues who offer help in an effort Robinson, 2001), White working-class young adult men in to discern their underlying motives, capabilities in terms of the United States were found to feel under siege from their networks and power status, and reliability (Carton & “encroaching others” (Fine & Weis, 1998, p. 46). In addi- Knowlton, 2017). Consequently, White allies who do not tion, sexism is a system that privileges men while also definitively establish benevolent and progressive motives, a policing their behavior (Johnson & Smith, 2018). For consistent capability (power/network), and reliability to not example, while some research has shown that White men only redress inequities but also transform the status quo in face no penalty for promoting diversity, other studies sug- organizations may be met with resistance stemming from a gest that there can be a cost to acting as an ally, including a lack of trust in the authenticity of their efforts, even if Afro- “wimp penalty” for being perceived as less self-promoting Diasporic women are appreciative of their desire to help. and more collaborative and power sharing, and thus, less Opening oneself up to out-group members requires risk-tak- competent and masculine (Johnson & Smith, 2018). White ing and trust, but without it, would-be allies and would-be male allies also may have to contend with stereotypes such beneficiaries of allyship are less likely to build the deep rela- as the “Fake Male Feminist” who performs allyship to his tionships that will lead both to success and more happiness boss and/or to seduce women, and the “Mansplainer”—the at work (Phillips, Dumas, & Rothbard, 2018). man who attempts to explain women’s issues to women or Erskine and Bilimoria 331 become the spokesman for women in their organization leadership filled with numerous subtle and obvious barriers (Johnson & Smith, 2018). (Eagly & Carli, 2007), they put their heads down, work hard, White male allies may also contend with the fear of being and focus on producing wins so that they can get ahead falsely accused of impropriety and other potential misunder- (Torres, Bernstein, & Carmichael’s [2018] Podcast Interview standings of allying with women in the current #MeToo era with Tina Opie and Verónica Rabelo). Without intentional (Johnson & Smith, 2018). For example, in a recent survey, effort, White women may not have the capacity to look senior men were 3.5 times more likely to hesitate to have a around to see if there are women of color in the labyrinth with work dinner with a junior-level woman than with a junior- them. Additionally, when White women do gain positions of level man—and they are 5 times more likely to hesitate to power, active allyship may become difficult or even danger- travel for work with a junior-level woman (Gourguechon, ous for their survival in a male-dominated system for many 2018; LeanIn.Org, 2018). This survey also indicated that reasons. In addition to the detractors mentioned above, White almost 30% of male managers are uncomfortable working women’s token or minority status in corporate leadership, alone with a woman—more than twice as many as previous and their own perilous journeys of struggles to succeed and to the #MeToo movement. Similarly, a recent Pew Research survive may constrain them, consciously or unconsciously, Center survey found that 51% of Americans believe that the from engaging in high-quality connections with Afro- increased focus on sexual harassment “has made it harder Diasporic women (Cargle, 2018; Cassese & Barnes, 2018; for men to know how to interact with women in the work- DiAngelo, 2018; Spanierman et al., 2012; Torres et al., 2018). place” (Graf, 2018, paragraph 15). Future Research Directions White Women as Allies Our discussion, above, highlights many areas that are ripe Hurtado (1989, p. 845) explained that “The definition of for organizational scholarship. We call on organizational woman is constructed differently for White women and women scholars to conduct research on White allyship of Afro- of color, though gender is the marking mechanism through Diasporic women by addressing question such as: What which the subordination of each is maintained.” Extending does antiracist White allyship of Afro-Diasporic women Hurtado’s work, Spanierman et al. (2012) posited that look like in everyday organizational life—from a male per- Whiteness is constructed differently for White men and White spective as well as a female perspective? What are some women, although race is the marking mechanism through strategies that organizations engage in to actively interrupt which the privilege of each is maintained. Although narratives White fragility and what have been the outcomes associated about White supremacy and privilege have been shaped by the with those strategies? How does language, age, sexual ori- overwhelmingly male lens through which dominance has his- entation, national origin, gender identity, and social class torically occurred in organizations, White women also play a play out in White allyship strategies? How do White man- role in supporting White supremacy (McRae, 2018). As hooks agers, mentors, sponsors, and coaches navigate racist and (1989, p. 125) noted, different structures of oppression are not sexist commentary—from bosses, colleagues, direct “synonymous”; Matsuda (1991, p. 1189) cosigned hooks’ reports, clients, friends, and family? What self-work do framework by describing systems of oppression as “inter- White managers, mentors, sponsors, and coaches engage in linked, interactive, co-constituting, and draw[ing] from one to reduce their own unconscious gendered racism, acknowl- another to support their own power.” edge their privilege, and effect organizational change? White women are privileged in Whiteness despite being What support do White colleagues provide each other in oppressed in gender (hooks, 2000). Relative to White men engaging in antiracist White allyship behaviors to amelio- in organizations, they have had less social support for learn- rate feeling triggered, uncomfortable, afraid, and defensive ing how to credibly claim a leader identity and thus, they (Case, 2012)? Finally, future empirical research could not only learn new roles by identifying with male role mod- uncover the ways in which White men interrogate White els, as they rise in the hierarchy they also become increas- and male privilege to successfully serve as allies to Afro- ingly scarce (Ely, Ibarra, & Kolb, 2011). Socialization in Diasporic women. organizations, then, has historically encouraged White women to be competitive with other women while disown- Conclusion ing their power and privilege, and simultaneously aligning themselves with powerful White men (Bailey, 1999; Case, In this article, we proposed a definition of White allyship as 2012; Fine, Stewart, & Zucker, 2000; Thompson & White a continuous, reflexive practice of proactively interrogating Women Challenging Racism, 1997). Whiteness from an intersectionality framework, leveraging Additionally, in organizations where women are preoccu- one’s position of power and privilege, and courageously pied with working to advance and navigate the organizational interrupting the status quo by engaging in prosocial behav- labyrinth, which describes a circuitous and complex path to iors that foster growth-in-connection and have both the 332 Journal of Leadership & Organizational Studies 26(3) intention and impact of creating mutuality, solidarity, and Ahmed, S. (2007a). “You end up doing the document rather than support of Afro-Diasporic women’s career development doing the doing”: Diversity, race equality and the politics of and leadership advancement. One of the barriers to White documentation. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 30, 590-609. allyship of Afro-Diasporic women is an overall lack of self- Ahmed, S., & Swan, E. (2006) Introduction: Doing diversity. reflection on the privilege and power of being White in con- Policy Futures in Education, 4, 96-100. Ashforth, B. E., Schinoff, B. S., & Rogers, K. M. (2016). “I temporary U.S. organizations and society. Antiracist White identify with her,” “I identify with him”: Unpacking the allyship requires constant vigilance and self-reflection as to dynamics of personal identification in organizations. both overt forms and covert forms of privilege (Case, 2012). Academy of Management Review, 41, 28-60. doi:10.5465/ While White colleagues’ desires and sentiments to engage amr.2014.0033 in allyship are often well-meaning, without such reflexivity, Bailey, A. (1999). Despising an identity they taught me to claim. they may recreate the same oppressions or perpetuate new In C. J. Cuomo & K. Q. Hall (Eds.), Whiteness: Feminist phil- forms of oppression. osophical reflections (pp. 85-104). 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Home/ Bachelor of Arts in Women’s Studies. work: Anti-racism activism and the meaning of Whiteness. In M. Fine, L. Wies, L. C. Powell, & L. Mun Wong (Eds.), Off Diana Bilimoria is KeyBank Professor and Chair of the White: Readings on race, power, and society (pp. 354-366). Department of Organizational Behavior at the Weatherhead New York, NY: Routledge. School of Management, Case Western Reserve University. Her Thornton, P. H., Ocasio, W., & Lounsbury, M. (2012). The insti- research, which focuses on gender diversity in governance and tutional logics perspective: A new approach to culture, struc- leadership, and organizational transformation, has been used to ture, and process. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. facilitate the institutional transformation of research universities Torres, N., Bernstein, A., & Carmichael, S. G. (Producers). (2018, to become more inclusive of the success and contributions of November 18). Sisterhood Is Power, featuring Tina R. Opie women faculty. It has also been used to improve the corporate and and Verónica Caridad Rabelo. Women at Work [Podcast] nonprofit organizational practices of selection, performance eval- from Harvard Business Review. Retrieved from https://hbr. uation, advancement, and leadership development in order to org/podcast/2018/11/sisterhood-is-power attract and retain a diverse workforce.