DOCSLIB.ORG

Socialism in One Country Redacted.Pdf

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Socialism in One Country Redacted.Pdf Kent Academic Repository Full text document (pdf) Citation for published version Bensley, Michael (2014) Socialism in One Country: A Study of Pragmatism and Ideology in the Soviet 1920s. Master of Arts by Research (MARes) thesis, University of Kent,. DOI Link to record in KAR https://kar.kent.ac.uk/47659/ Document Version UNSPECIFIED Copyright & reuse Content in the Kent Academic Repository is made available for research purposes. Unless otherwise stated all content is protected by copyright and in the absence of an open licence (eg Creative Commons), permissions for further reuse of content should be sought from the publisher, author or other copyright holder. Versions of research The version in the Kent Academic Repository may differ from the final published version. Users are advised to check http://kar.kent.ac.uk for the status of the paper. Users should always cite the published version of record. Enquiries For any further enquiries regarding the licence status of this document, please contact: researchsupport@kent.ac.uk If you believe this document infringes copyright then please contact the KAR admin team with the take-down information provided at http://kar.kent.ac.uk/contact.html Socialism in One Country: A Study of Pragmatism and Ideology in the Soviet 1920s. Michael Bensley Masters by Research Thesis mb706@kent.ac.uk Student Number: 13901920 Date of Submission: 19/09/2014 Supervisor: Dr Philip Boobbyer Word Count of Text: 37, 220. Michael Bensley Table of Contents: Introduction: p.3 I. War Communism: p.10 II. Lenin's Final Years: p.23 III. Interregnum: p.38 IV. Socialism in One Country as Theory: p.61 V. Socialism in One Country in Context: p.74 Conclusion: p.96 Bibliography: p.104 2 Michael Bensley Introduction 'The History of all Hitherto Existing Society is the History of Class Struggles.'1 - Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The Communist Manifesto, 1848. The period which existed between the establishment of the Bolshevik-led Republic in 1917 and Stalin's assumption of complete power in the late 1920s has been a focus of historical interest for decades. In this time the Soviet narrative began and what was once the Bolshevik dream would become twisted by events, bureaucracy, and personalities. The task of applying Marxian socialism to the Russia of 1917 would involve a colossal undertaking. Russia was a vast nation which contained a largely peasant population and, by contrast, a small and underdeveloped working class. The belief that Russia could be the first to try to build socialism, a path more befitting the industrialised west, inexorably led to a great many difficulties. The ferment of revolutionary feeling prior to the Bolshevik takeover can be attributed to a general disenchantment with the Tsarist Imperial administration, and the weak Provisional Government which came to replace it, which had shared its power alongside the Workers' Soviets. Furthermore, the First World War, a conflict on a scale which had never been experienced quite so profoundly by all sectors of society, had brought such a sense of anguish to the masses that the Bolsheviks were able to capitalise on their unique opportunity. However, the processes of industrialisation had not expanded to a position where a socialist revolution was ripe; the means of production had not developed enough by this stage. Despite this, it has nevertheless been said that there was something admirable about the sheer daring of the venture. Indeed, writing from her prison cell in 1918 Germany, Rosa Luxemburg had stated in her piece The Russian Revolution that 'Lenin and 1 K. Marx and F. Engels, The Communist Manifesto (London, Pluto Press, 2008 , originally published in 1848) P.33 3 Michael Bensley Trotsky and their friends were the first, those who went ahead as an example to the proletariat of the world; they are still the only ones H I '2 Robert V. Daniels has written that 'the successful proletarian revolution in Russia proved Marx wrong by showing that socialism could win without previous industrial capitalism. But if Marx's predictions cannot be relied upon, with what assurance can the revolution be described as "proletarian?"'3 Clearly, this was a Bolshevik revolution rather than an orthodox socialist one. The ideology of the state would undergo enormous shifts in the coming years as a result of certain events. How Marxist theory could be applied would shift according to the needs of those in power. Even from the premise no 'workers' state' truly existed. It was, nevertheless, necessary for propaganda purposes to proclaim that that it did.4 Bolshevik policy, upon seizure of power, had associated itself with the concept of internationalism. The principle was that the revolution should only begin in Russia and that the western nations would, in consequence, revolt as well. The economic aid that western Europe was expected to donate to their Russian partners was crucial. This was especially true for Trotsky who, in his original capacity, could not imagine any other course of action other than his 'permanent revolution,' as first set out in Results and Prospects (1906).5 In the years which followed the First World War, the western nations mainly stabilised. In consequence, the regime had to abandon expectations of further insurrection t T T the question of whether a country could attempt to reach socialism alone. The Russian situation, primarily the backwardness of her industrial development, was another pertinent issue to be considered. Another line from Rosa Luxemburg's The Russian Revolution aptly summarised the 2R. Luxemburg, The Russian Revolution, and Leninism or Marxism? (Ann Arbor, Michigan University Press, 1961, The Russian Revolution was originally published in 1918), p.80 - Ulrich von Hutten was a German knight and reformist in the 16th Century. He supported the Lutheran reformation, and had attempted to enforce it by a popular crusade. 3 R.V. Daniels (ed.), A Documentary History of Communism Volume 1 Communism in Russia (London, I.B. Tauris & Co. Ltd, 1985), p.xxvii. 4 Ibid., p.xxvii. 5 See L. Trotsky, The Permanent Revolution and Results and Prospects (New York, Pathfinder, 1969, Results and Prospects was originally published in 1906) 4 Michael Bensley situation, at least from an outside perspective: 'In Russia, the problem could only be posed. It could not be solved in Russia.'6 Leon Trotsky, in an article in Pravda of May 1922 compared the Soviet Union to a 'besieged fortress,' stating that during such a time of political and economic isolation from the rest of the world, it was necessary for the state to ensure unity at any cost.7 The political structures which developed had ensured the dominance of the Bolsheviks as the only legitimate party. A level of naivety existed in their actions, as well as authoritarian tendencies. Early policies such as 'War Communism' had been carried out in a callous manner, with scant regard for the human cost. 'The descent into chaos' which ensued, the excesses and trespasses into human life, had introduced a framework which could be described as a 'Partocracy'.8 In 1921 the New Economic Policy was introduced. Whether this was a retreat on the same lines as the Brest-Livotsk treaty of 1918, (which withdrew the Bolsheviks from the war against the Central Powers), or more a pragmatic manoeuvre, is a question which shall be explored. However, in Lenin's last years of control, the party would go on to solidify its monopoly of power. With such events as the Social Revolutionary trials of 1922, the state had completed its path towards authoritarianism. It has been argued that the manner in which events whic B brought this on. The idea being that Lenin had to operate in a difficult climate and had to enforce the one-party state as a temporary measure to ensure the survival of the regime. This would ultimately lead us to the conclusion that such concepts as 'Workers' Democracy' reflected his original intentions, if the situation had not dictated otherwise.9 Of course, historians who take ideology as a primary factor in the way that the early Soviet Republic developed, have commented 6 Luxemburg, The Russian Revolution, and Leninism or Marxism? p.80. 7 I. Deutscher, The Prophet Unarmed Trotsky: 1921-1929 (London, Oxford University Press, 1959), p.29. 8 M. Malia, The Soviet Tragedy: A History of the Soviet Union 1917-1991 (New York, The Free Press, 1995), p.111. & pp.137-138. 9 See M. Lewin, L L S (London, Pluto Press, 1973) 5 Michael Bensley on the economic 'retreat' of introducing NEP being countered with political tightening.10 This would explain why Lenin had dealt with his political opponents in this time in such a brutal fashion. With Lenin's departure from leadership, due to a series of strokes, the disunity of the leadership had begun to unravel. As will be discussed in the course of this dissertation, Stalin had been able to secure a large number of positions in the state apparatus. His domination of the bureaucracy became a crucial factor. Through such organs as the Secretariat he had been able to manipulate the Party Congresses, so that the overwhelming majority of voting delegates came in line with the leadership, regardless of where the party cells placed their allegiance. This had been of enormous importance in the conflict with Trotsky's opposition.11 When Trotsky introduced the 'New Course' (1923), a criticism of the inflated bureaucracy and the excesses which had formed as a result of this, a debate began which would see Stalin enter the field of theory himself, with such works as The Foundations of Leninism (1924). With Lenin's death, Stalin was able to interpret freely many of the former master's ideas and twist them in such a way that he could use them to back up any attack.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • This Electronic Thesis Or Dissertation Has Been Downloaded from Explore Bristol Research
    This electronic thesis or dissertation has been downloaded from Explore Bristol Research, http://research-information.bristol.ac.uk Author: Mai, Thuy Title: The Politics of Nationalism in the Vietnamese Communist Discourse General rights Access to the thesis is subject to the Creative Commons Attribution - NonCommercial-No Derivatives 4.0 International Public License. A copy of this may be found at https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode This license sets out your rights and the restrictions that apply to your access to the thesis so it is important you read this before proceeding. Take down policy Some pages of this thesis may have been removed for copyright restrictions prior to having it been deposited in Explore Bristol Research. However, if you have discovered material within the thesis that you consider to be unlawful e.g. breaches of copyright (either yours or that of a third party) or any other law, including but not limited to those relating to patent, trademark, confidentiality, data protection, obscenity, defamation, libel, then please contact collections-metadata@bristol.ac.uk and include the following information in your message: •Your contact details •Bibliographic details for the item, including a URL •An outline nature of the complaint Your claim will be investigated and, where appropriate, the item in question will be removed from public view as soon as possible. The Politics of Nationalism in the Vietnamese Communist Discourse Thuy Thu Mai A dissertation submitted to the University of Bristol in accordance with the requirement for award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Social Science and Law, School of Sociology, Politics and International Studies 30th January 2019 Word Count: 81,365 words Abstract The Vietnamese communists have always defined their revolution in national terms, telling the story of how the communists led the Vietnamese people to rescue and rebuild the nation from the plight of French colonisation and American aggression.
    [Show full text]
  • The Russian Revolutions: the Impact and Limitations of Western Influence
    Dickinson College Dickinson Scholar Faculty and Staff Publications By Year Faculty and Staff Publications 2003 The Russian Revolutions: The Impact and Limitations of Western Influence Karl D. Qualls Dickinson College Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.dickinson.edu/faculty_publications Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Qualls, Karl D., "The Russian Revolutions: The Impact and Limitations of Western Influence" (2003). Dickinson College Faculty Publications. Paper 8. https://scholar.dickinson.edu/faculty_publications/8 This article is brought to you for free and open access by Dickinson Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion by an authorized administrator. For more information, please contact scholar@dickinson.edu. Karl D. Qualls The Russian Revolutions: The Impact and Limitations of Western Influence After the collapse of the Soviet Union, historians have again turned their attention to the birth of the first Communist state in hopes of understanding the place of the Soviet period in the longer sweep of Russian history. Was the USSR an aberration from or a consequence of Russian culture? Did the Soviet Union represent a retreat from westernizing trends in Russian history, or was the Bolshevik revolution a product of westernization? These are vexing questions that generate a great deal of debate. Some have argued that in the late nineteenth century Russia was developing a middle class, representative institutions, and an industrial economy that, while although not as advanced as those in Western Europe, were indications of potential movement in the direction of more open government, rule of law, free market capitalism. Only the Bolsheviks, influenced by an ideology imported, paradoxically, from the West, interrupted this path of Russian political and economic westernization.
    [Show full text]
  • Nicolai Ivanovich Bukharin 1 888- 1938"
    NICOLAI IVANOVICH BUKHARIN 1 888- 1938" Ken Coates 1978 marks a macabre anniversary. Forty years ago, in March 19 38, there took place in Moscow the last of the great show ~rials.' Previously there had already been two earlier public trials of former Bolshevik leaders, mowing down among others, Zinoviev, Kamenev, Piatakov and ~adek.~ A closed court-martial involving foremost Red Army commanders like Tukhachevsky, Yakir and Kork had also preceded this last trial,3 which was to involve Bukharin, Rykov, Krestinsky, Yagoda, Rakovsky and sixteen others. The third great trial was in one sense the keystone in a horrendous arch: all the charges which were brought in its forerunners were calculated to prove that Trotsky, from exile, was organizing with a selection of foreign powers to bring about the downfall of the Soviet Government, and that the internal opposition was not only disloyal, but criminally implicated in a vast terrorist conspiracy. By extending the web of this plot to implicate Bukharin and Rykov, a final amalgamation was thus charged against former oppositions of both Right and Left, and the effect was to establish that henceforth no "loyal" opposition was in fact possible. The Soviet political structure still manifestly suffers the ill-effects of this tragic decision, which would have been baleful even if the absurdly implausible charges in the trials had all been true, and was simply paralysing in the actual event, that they were all deliberately fabricated. Ryltov was, after all, a former prime minister, and Bukharin had been not only editor of Isvestia, and long-standing politbureau member, but, from 1926 onwards, chairman of the Communist International.
    [Show full text]
  • Joseph Stalin Revolutionary, Politician, Generalissimus and Dictator
    Military Despatches Vol 34 April 2020 Flip-flop Generals that switch sides Surviving the Arctic convoys 93 year WWII veteran tells his story Joseph Stalin Revolutionary, politician, Generalissimus and dictator Aarthus Air Raid RAF Mosquitos destory Gestapo headquarters For the military enthusiast CONTENTS April 2020 Page 14 Click on any video below to view How much do you know about movie theme songs? Take our quiz and find out. Hipe’s Wouter de The old South African Goede interviews former Defence Force used 28’s gang boss David a mixture of English, Williams. Afrikaans, slang and techno-speak that few Russian Special Forces outside the military could hope to under- stand. Some of the terms Features 34 were humorous, some A matter of survival were clever, while others 6 This month we continue with were downright crude. Ten generals that switched sides our look at fish and fishing for Imagine you’re a soldier heading survival. into battle under the leadership of Part of Hipe’s “On the a general who, until very recently 30 couch” series, this is an been trying very hard to kill you. interview with one of How much faith and trust would Ranks you have in a leader like that? This month we look at the author Herman Charles Army of the Republic of Viet- Bosman’s most famous 20 nam (ARVN), the South Viet- characters, Oom Schalk Social media - Soldier’s menace namese army. A taxi driver was shot Lourens. Hipe spent time in These days nearly everyone has dead in an ongoing Hanover Park, an area a smart phone, laptop or PC plagued with gang with access to the Internet and Quiz war between rival taxi to social media.
    [Show full text]
  • THE MENSHEVIKS in 1917 by Olegpmwkov Bachelor of Arts
    THE MENSHEVIKS IN 1917 r:. = BY OLEGpmwKOV Bachelor of Arts Moscow State Pedagogical Institute Moscow, USSR 1983 Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate College of the Oklahoma State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS July 1992 THE MENSHEVIKS IN 1917 Thesis Approved: Thesis Advisor 0 Dean of the Graduate College 11 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to express sincere appreciation to Dr. George F. Jewsbury and Dr. Joel M. Jenswold for their encouragement and advice throughout my graduate program. Many thanks also go to Dr. W. Roger Biles for serving on my graduate committee. Their suggestions and support were very helpful throughout the study. To Wann Smith for his expert typing and proofing skills; to Oscar Kursner for his help in translation. My wife, Y elaina Khripkov, encouraged and supported me all the way and helped me keep the end goal constantly in sight. Thanks go to her for her undivided time in the final stages of the project. She prov 1ded moral support and was a real believer in my abilities. 111 TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I. The Main Approaches to the Study of the Russian Revolution in American Historiography 2 The Study of Menshevism in the U.S. 6 Soviet Scholars on Menshevism 8 Sources 1 2 Themes and Problems 14 II. Tiffi "HONEYMOON' OF Tiffi REVOLUTION_~-~-~! 8 The Necessity for the Dual Power 1 8 The Essence and Structure of Dual Power 2 7 Establishing of the Revolutionary Defensists Policy3 5 III. THE APRIL CRISIS AND ITS CONSEQUENCES _____4 7 The First Clash.
    [Show full text]
  • Socialist Planning
    Socialist Planning Socialist planning played an enormous role in the economic and political history of the twentieth century. Beginning in the USSR it spread round the world. It influenced economic institutions and economic policy in countries as varied as Bulgaria, USA, China, Japan, India, Poland and France. How did it work? What were its weaknesses and strengths? What is its legacy for the twenty-first century? Now in its third edition, this textbook is fully updated to cover the findings of the period since the collapse of the USSR. It provides an overview of socialist planning, explains the underlying theory and its limitations, looks at its implementation in various sectors of the economy, and places developments in their historical context. A new chap- ter analyses how planning worked in the defence–industry complex. This book is an ideal text for undergraduate and graduate students taking courses in comparative economic systems and twentieth-century economic history. michael ellman is Emeritus Professor in the Faculty of Economics and Business, University of Amsterdam, Netherlands. He is the author, co- author and editor of numerous books and articles on the Soviet and Russian economies, on transition economics, and on Soviet economic and political history. In 1998, he was awarded the Kondratieff prize for his ‘contributions to the development of the social sciences’. Downloaded from Cambridge Books Online by IP 128.122.253.212 on Sat Jan 10 18:08:28 GMT 2015. http://ebooks.cambridge.org/ebook.jsf?bid=CBO9781139871341 Cambridge Books Online © Cambridge University Press, 2015 Downloaded from Cambridge Books Online by IP 128.122.253.212 on Sat Jan 10 18:08:28 GMT 2015.
    [Show full text]
  • Mainstreaming Radical Politics in Sri Lanka: the Case of JVP Post-1977
    Mainstreaming Radical Politics in Sri Lanka: The case of JVP post-1977 Nirmal Ranjith Dewasiri Abstract This article provides a critical understanding of dynamics behind the roles of the People’s Liberation Front (JVP) in post-1977 Sri Lankan politics. Having suffered a severe setback in the early 1970s, the JVP transformed itself into a significant force in electoral politics that eventually brought the United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) to power. This article explains the transformation by examining the radical political setting and mapping out the actors and various movements which allowed the JVP to emerge as a dominant player within the hegemonic political mainstream in Sri Lanka. Furthermore, it also highlights the structural changes in JVP politics and its challenges for future consolidation. Introduction The 1977 general election marked a major turning point in the history of post-colonial Sri Lanka. While the landslide victory of the United National Party (UNP) was the most important highlight of the election results, the shocking defeat for the old leftist parties was equally important. Both the victory of the UNP and the defeat of the left were symbolic. The left’s electoral defeat was soon followed by the introduction of new macro-economic policy framework under the UNP’s rule, which replaced protective economic policy framework that was endorsed by the Left.1 Ironically enough, as if to dig its own grave, the same UNP government helped People’s Liberation Front (JVP), which became a formidable threat to the smooth implementation of the new economic policies, to re-enter into the political mainstream by way of freeing its leadership from the prison.
    [Show full text]
  • Projecting Bolshevik Unity, Ritualizing Party Debate: the Thirteenth Party Congress, 1924
    Acta Slavica Iaponica, Tomus 31, pp. 55‒76 Projecting Bolshevik Unity, Ritualizing Party Debate: The Thirteenth Party Congress, 1924 TAKIGUCHI Junya The Thirteenth Congress of the Bolshevik Party – the first Party congress since V. I. Lenin’s death – was convened in Moscow in May 1924, thirteen months after the Twelfth Congress.1 The Congress promoted an atmosphere of mourning by adorning the auditorium of the Bol’shoi Palace in the Kremlin (the venue of the plenary session) with portraits of Lenin. The accompany- ing publicity emphasized how the great Party leader had uncompromisingly worked for the Soviet state throughout his life.2 In preparing the Congress re- ports, party officials scrutinized Lenin’s writings and speeches, and the Central Committee reports constantly referred to “what Lenin said” in order to repre- sent itself as the legitimate heir of Leninism.3 Nearly all speakers representing the central Party institutions mentioned Lenin’s name in their reports. Grigorii Zinoviev said in his opening speech that the Party ought to be united, and should be “based on Leninism.”4 However, the Thirteenth Congress was not merely one of grief and con- dolence. The Bolshevik leadership orchestrated the Congress to project Party unity, to propagate the achievements and the glorious future of the Soviet gov- ernment, and to mobilize Soviet citizens into Bolshevik state-building. There were few attempts to inject this kind of drama before 1924 when the Party congress instead acted as a genuine debating forum with little propaganda.5 The Thirteenth Congress hence represented a new departure in terms of the structure, function and significance in the history of the congress during the early Soviet era.
    [Show full text]
  • The Historical Legacy for Contemporary Russian Foreign Policy
    CHAPTER 1 The Historical Legacy for Contemporary Russian Foreign Policy o other country in the world is a global power simply by virtue of geogra- N phy.1 The growth of Russia from an isolated, backward East Slavic principal- ity into a continental Eurasian empire meant that Russian foreign policy had to engage with many of the world’s principal centers of power. A Russian official trying to chart the country’s foreign policy in the 18th century, for instance, would have to be concerned simultaneously about the position and actions of the Manchu Empire in China, the Persian and Ottoman Empires (and their respec- tive vassals and subordinate allies), as well as all of the Great Powers in Europe, including Austria, Prussia, France, Britain, Holland, and Sweden. This geographic reality laid the basis for a Russian tradition of a “multivector” foreign policy, with leaders, at different points, emphasizing the importance of rela- tions with different parts of the world. For instance, during the 17th century, fully half of the departments of the Posolskii Prikaz—the Ambassadors’ Office—of the Muscovite state dealt with Russia’s neighbors to the south and east; in the next cen- tury, three out of the four departments of the College of International Affairs (the successor agency in the imperial government) covered different regions of Europe.2 Russian history thus bequeaths to the current government a variety of options in terms of how to frame the country’s international orientation. To some extent, the choices open to Russia today are rooted in the legacies of past decisions.
    [Show full text]
  • The Personal, the Political, and Permanent Revolution: Ernest Mandel and the Conflicted Legacies of Trotskyism*
    IRSH 55 (2010), pp. 117–132 doi:10.1017/S0020859009990642 r 2010 Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis REVIEW ESSAY The Personal, the Political, and Permanent Revolution: Ernest Mandel and the Conflicted Legacies of Trotskyism* B RYAN D. PALMER Canadian Studies, Trent University, Traill College E-mail: bpalmer@trentu.ca JAN WILLEM STUTJE. Ernest Mandel: A Rebel’s Dream Deferred. Verso, London [etc.] 2009. 460 pp. $34.95. Biographies of revolutionary Marxists should not be written by the faint of heart. The difficulties are daunting. Which revolutionary tradition is to be given pride of place? Of many Marxisms, which will be extolled, which exposed? What balance will be struck between the personal and the political, a dilemma that cannot be avoided by those who rightly place analytic weight on the public life of organizations and causes and yet understand, as well, how private experience affects not only the individual but the movements, ideas, and developments he or she influenced. Social history’s accent on the particular and its elaboration of context, political biography’s attention to structures, institutions, and debates central to an individual’s life, and intellectual history’s close examination of central ideas and the complexities of their refinement present a trilogy of challenge for any historian who aspires to write the life of someone who was both in history and dedicated to making his- tory. Ernest Mandel was just such a someone, an exceedingly important and troublingly complex figure. * The author thanks Tom Reid, Murray Smith, and Paul Le Blanc for reading an earlier draft of this review, and offering suggestions for revision.
    [Show full text]
  • Monthly Review Press Catalog, 2011
    PAID PAID Social Structure RIPON, WI and Forms of NON-PROFIT U.S. POSTAGE U.S. POSTAGE Consciousness ORGANIZATION ORGANIZATION PERMIT NO. 100 volume ii The Dialectic of Structure and History István Mészáros Class Dismissed WHY WE CANNOT TEACH OR LEARN OUR WAY OUT OF INEQUALITY John Marsh JOSÉ CARLOS MARIÁTEGUI an anthology MONTHLY REVIEW PRESS Harry E. Vanden and Marc Becker editors and translators the story of the center for constitutional rights How Venezuela and Cuba are Changing the World’s Conception of Health Care the people’s RevolutionaRy lawyer DOCTORS 2011 Albert Ruben Steve Brouwer WHAT EVERY ENVIRONMENTALIST NEEDS TO KNOW ABOUT CAPITALISM JOHN BELLAMY FOSTER FRED MAGDOFF monthly review press review monthly #6W 29th Street, 146 West NY 10001 New York, www.monthlyreview.org 2011 MRP catalog:TMOI.qxd 1/4/2011 3:49 PM Page 1 THE DEVIL’S MILK A Social History of Rubber JOHN TULLY From the early stages of primitivehistory accu- mulation“ to the heights of the industrial revolution and beyond, rubber is one of a handful of commodities that has played a crucial role in shaping the modern world, and yet, as John Tully shows in this remarkable book, laboring people around the globe have every reason to THE DEVIL’S MILK regard it as “the devil’s milk.” All the A S O C I A L H I S T O R Y O F R U B B E R advancements made possible by rubber have occurred against a backdrop of seemingly endless exploitation, con- quest, slavery, and war.
    [Show full text]
  • Background Guide, and to Issac and Stasya for Being Great Friends During Our Weird Chicago Summer
    Russian Duma 1917 (DUMA) MUNUC 33 ONLINE 1 Russian Duma 1917 (DUMA) | MUNUC 33 Online TABLE OF CONTENTS ______________________________________________________ CHAIR LETTERS………………………….….………………………….……..….3 ROOM MECHANICS…………………………………………………………… 6 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM………………………….……………..…………......9 HISTORY OF THE PROBLEM………………………………………………………….16 ROSTER……………………………………………………….………………………..23 BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………..…………….. 46 2 Russian Duma 1917 (DUMA) | MUNUC 33 Online CHAIR LETTERS ____________________________________________________ My Fellow Russians, We stand today on the edge of a great crisis. Our nation has never been more divided, more war- stricken, more fearful of the future. Yet, the promise and the greatness of Russia remains undaunted. The Russian Provisional Government can and will overcome these challenges and lead our Motherland into the dawn of a new day. Out of character. To introduce myself, I’m a fourth-year Economics and History double major, currently writing a BA thesis on World War II rationing in the United States. I compete on UChicago’s travel team and I additionally am a CD for our college conference. Besides that, I am the VP of the Delta Kappa Epsilon fraternity, previously a member of an all-men a cappella group and a proud procrastinator. This letter, for example, is about a month late. We decided to run this committee for a multitude of reasons, but I personally think that Russian in 1917 represents such a critical point in history. In an unlikely way, the most autocratic regime on Earth became replaced with a socialist state. The story of this dramatic shift in government and ideology represents, to me, one of the most interesting parts of history: that sometimes facts can be stranger than fiction.
    [Show full text]