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The Challenge of Refurbished State Capitalism: Implications for the Global Political Economic Order
Schwerpunkt: Staatskapitalismus Christopher A. McNally The Challenge of Refurbished State Capitalism: Implications for the Global Political Economic Order Abstract Will the global financial crisis of 2008 represent a symbolic juncture in the geo-economics of globalization? There are differing views, with some arguing that the Washington Consensus is dead, while others holding that the fundaments of the neo-liberal global order remain intact. This article engages with this debate by putting three distinct questions analytically prior: First, is there a political economic model that actually stands in con- tradistinction to the Washington Consensus and the neo-liberal global order? Second, if there is a potential challenge to the neo-liberal order, what exactly is it? And third, if such a challenge exists, what precisely is its nature and logic as it interacts with the neo-liberal global order? This article argues that there is, indeed, a chal- lenger: refurbished forms of state capitalism. However, the nature and logic of the state capitalist challenge to the U.S.-centered neo-liberal system is fundamentally different from the Soviet challenge during the Cold War. Diverse formations of capitalism are co-dependent on the global level in the present era. Refurbished state capitalism is no exception. It represents an “in-system” challenge, since it does not attempt to actively under- mine and supplant the neo-liberal order, but rather to gain influence over it. New forms of refurbished state capitalisms are thus simultaneously in symbiosis and in rivalry with the neo-liberal global order. Key words: State capitalism, Neo-liberal Order, Washington Consensus, China, Economic Development 1. -
Chinese Privatization: Between Plan and Market
CHINESE PRIVATIZATION: BETWEEN PLAN AND MARKET LAN CAO* I INTRODUCTION Since 1978, when China adopted its open-door policy and allowed its economy to be exposed to the international market, it has adhered to what Deng Xiaoping called "socialism with Chinese characteristics."1 As a result, it has produced an economy with one of the most rapid growth rates in the world by steadfastly embarking on a developmental strategy of gradual, market-oriented measures while simultaneously remaining nominally socialistic. As I discuss in this article, this strategy of reformthe mere adoption of a market economy while retaining a socialist ownership baseshould similarly be characterized as "privatization with Chinese characteristics,"2 even though it departs markedly from the more orthodox strategy most commonly associated with the term "privatization," at least as that term has been conventionally understood in the context of emerging market or transitional economies. The Russian experience of privatization, for example, represents the more dominant and more favored approach to privatizationcertainly from the point of view of the West and its advisersand is characterized by immediate privatization of the state sector, including the swift and unequivocal transfer of assets from the publicly owned state enterprises to private hands. On the other hand, "privatization with Chinese characteristics" emphasizes not the immediate privatization of the state sector but rather the retention of the state sector with the Copyright © 2001 by Lan Cao This article is also available at http://www.law.duke.edu/journals/63LCPCao. * Professor of Law, College of William and Mary Marshall-Wythe School of Law. At the time the article was written, the author was Professor of Law at Brooklyn Law School. -
"Functional Socialism'' and "Functional Capitalism" : the "Socialist Market Economy" in China
"Functional Socialism'' and "Functional Capitalism" : The "Socialist Market Economy" in China 著者 Takeshita Koshi journal or Kansai University review of economics publication title volume 18 page range 1-25 year 2016-03 URL http://hdl.handle.net/10112/00017203 Kansai University Review of Economics No.18 (March 2016), pp.1-25 ^Tunctional Socialism'' and ^Tunctional Capitalism — The "Socialist Market Economy" in China — Koshi Takeshita Based on a framework that conceives of ownership (property rights) as "a bundle of rights," We propose four types of ownership system, build concept models of "functional socialism" and "func tional capitalism," and then try to clarify the reality of Chinas "socialist market economy" We reached the following conclusions. First, we schematize the correspondence between "functional socialism" and "functional capi talism." Second, we show that a process of land ownership reform and state-owned enterprises reform corresponded with a schema of "functional capitalism." Third, we found that the ownership structure of the "socialist market economy" in China is now sepa rated into three different sets of rights regarding ownership (prop erty rights). Finally, we show that the reality of the "socialist market economy" is not a free market, but a market controlled by the Communist Party. Keywords: market socialism, state capitalism, property rights approach, land owner ship reform, reform of SOEs (state-owned enterprises) 1. Introduction: analytical viewpoint^^ Following the remarkable rise of Chinas economy, there has been an increase in discussion about the diverse forms that capitalism can take.^^However, when one considers that China calls its own system a "socialist market economy," one may wonder if it is better to think about the multiple forms that socialism can take. -
1How Do We Compare Economies?
1 How Do We Compare Economies? As mankind approaches the end of the millennium, the twin crises of authoritarianism and socialist central planning have left only one competitor standing in the ring as an ideology of potentially uni- versal validity: liberal democracy, the doctrine of individual freedom and popular sovereignty. In its economic manifestation, liberalism is the recognition of the right of free economic activity and economic exchange based on private property and markets. —Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and the Last Man, 1992 INTRODUCTION We have witnessed a profound transformation of the world political and economic order since 1989, the ultimate outcome of which is difficult to foresee. The former Soviet Union (FSU)1 broke up, its empire of satellite states dissolved, and most of the former constituent parts are trying to fulfill Fukyama’s prophecy quoted above. In his view, the end of the Cold War means the convergence of the entire world on the American model of political econ- omy and the end of any significant competition between alternative forms of political or economic systems. Has this prophecy come true? We think not. Certainly during the second half of the 1990s, the economic boom in the United States pushed it forward as a role model that many coun- tries sought and still seek to emulate. But with the outbreak of financial crises in many parts of the globe and the bursting of the American stock market bubble in March 2000, its eco- nomic problems such as continuing poverty and inequality loom large. Furthermore, it is now clear that the problems in the FSU are deeply rooted, with the transitions in various former Soviet republics stalled. -
THE NATIONALIZATION of INDUSTRY* JOHN Jewkest
THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO LAW REVIEW VOLUME 20 SUMMER 1953 NUMBER 4 THE NATIONALIZATION OF INDUSTRY* JOHN JEWKESt I. CLAIMS FOR NATIONALIZATION ATIONALIZATION IS A METHOD of organizing and administering in- dustry whereby the community owns the means of production and the government is, at least in the last resort, responsible for its control. The crux of the idea is that the whole of one industry falling within the boundary of one nation should be subject to a unifying influ- ence. Contemporary nationalization, therefore, is a piecemeal and em- pirical approach to much wider ideas-such as that the whole of industry within one country should be brought under state operation or that the whole of the industry in the world might be usefully organized.to work to- gether under some supernational authority. This piecemeal approach, one industry at a time or one country at a time, is reflected in the view that certain industries are "ripe" for nationalization whilst others are not yet in fit form for the transfer from private to public hands.' * This article was originally presented at a dinner held in honor of Professors Jewkes and Roy Forbes Harrod at the University of Chicago, April 10, 1951. t Professor of Economic Organization, Merton College, Oxford University. I The tests for "ripeness" as set forth by different writers are confusing and not always consistent. Kautsky, The Social Revolution 144 (1902), argued that the big industries should be nationalized first: "Without a developed great industry socialism is impossible. Where, however, a great industry exists to a considerable degree it is easy for a socialist society to concentrate production and to quickly rid itself of the little industries." J. -
Heretics of China. the Psychology of Mao and Deng
HERETICS OF CHINA HERETICS OF CHINA THE PSYCHOLOGY OF MAO AND DENG NABIL ALSABAH URN: urn:nbn:de:bvb:473-opus4-445061 DOI: https://doi.org/10.20378/irbo-44506 Copyright © 2019 by Nabil Alsabah Cover design by Katrin Krause Cover illustration by Daiquiri/Shutterstock.com All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems, without written permission from the author, except for the use of brief quotations in a book review. ISBN: 978-1-69157-995-2 Created with Vellum During his years in power, Mao Zedong initiated three policies which could be described as radical departures from Soviet and Chinese Communist practice: the Hundred Flowers of 1956-1957, the Great Leap Forward 1958-1960, and the Cultural Revolution of 1966-1976. Each was a disaster: the first for the intellectuals, the second for the people, the third for the Party, all three for the country. — RODERICK MACFARQUHAR, THE SECRET SPEECHES OF CHAIRMAN MAO In many ways, [Deng Xiaoping’s] reputation is underestimated: while Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev oversaw the peaceful end of Soviet communist rule and the dismembering of the Soviet empire, he had wanted to keep the Soviet Union in place and reform it. Instead it fell apart; communism lost power—and Russia endured a decade of instability […]. Perhaps the most influential political titan of the late 20th century, Deng succeeded in guiding China towards his vision where his fellow communist leaders failed. — SIMON SEBAG MONTEFIORE, TITANS OF HISTORY CONTENTS Introduction ix 1. -
La Nueva Normalidad Económica China
www.politica-china.org 18º Primer trimestre 2016 La nueva normalidad económica china: desafíos internos y globales hacia una nueva estructura económica internacional en el siglo XXI Raquel Isamara León de la Rosa y Emilio Adolfo Calderón Mora China 2050: Base 2030 José Ignacio Martínez Cortés China: Factores potenciales y dificultades en su economía y sociedad a discutir y resolver en su XIII Plan Quinquenal Ernesché Rodríguez Asien El XIII Plan Quinquenal: antecedentes, contexto, contenidos y expectativas Xulio Ríos “13.5”: Uma nova estética para os planos quinquenais chineses André Bueno Outward direct investment and Chinese New Normal: A comparative analysis with Europe Alberto J. Lebrón Veiga www.politica-china.org Primer trimestre 2016 Dirección: Xulio Ríos Lugar de edición: Centro Cívico Sur, Rúa Luís Braille, 40 36003 Pontevedra, Galicia, España Editor: Observatorio de la Política China Maquetación: PositiBos.gal ISSN: 2253-945X En el área iberoamericana, diferentes centros y personas vienen desarrollando desde hace años una ardua labor de seguimiento y análisis de la realidad china. El momento actual parece propicio para activar sinergias que permitan una mayor visibilidad de dicho trabajo, de forma que pueda ponerse en valor esa trayectoria y aflorar un discurso propio en nuestro ámbito político-cultural sobre los cambios en el mundo chino y sus implicaciones regionales y globales. Jiexi Zhongguo es una iniciativa del Observatorio de la Política China www.politica-china.org Índice 4 La nueva normalidad económica china: desafíos internos y globales hacia una nueva estructura económica internacional en el siglo XXI, Raquel Isamara León de la Rosa y Emilio Adolfo Calderón Mora. -
DSA's Options and the Socialist International DSA Internationalism
DSA’s Options and the Socialist International DSA Internationalism Committee April 2017 At the last national convention DSA committed itself to holding an organizational discussion on its relationship to the Socialist International leading up to the 2017 convention. The structure of this mandatory discussion was left to DSA’s internationalism committee. The following sheet contains information on the Socialist International, DSA’s involvement with it, the options facing DSA, and arguments in favor of downgrading to observer status and withdrawing completely. A. History of the Socialist International and DSA The Socialist International (SI) has its political and intellectual origins in the nineteenth century socialist movement. Its predecessors were the First International (1864-1876), of which Karl Marx was a leader, and the Second International (1889-1916). In the period of the Second International, the great socialist parties of Europe (particularly the British Labour Party, German Social Democratic Party, and the French Section of the Workers International) formed and became major electoral forces in their countries, advancing ideologies heavily influenced by Marx and political programs calling for the abolition of capitalism and the creation of new systems of worker democracy. The Second International collapsed when nearly all of its member parties, breaking their promise not to go to war against other working people, rallied to their respective governments in the First World War. The Socialist Party of America (SPA)—DSA’s predecessor—was one of the very few member parties to oppose the war. Many of the factions that opposed the war and supported the Bolshevik Revolution came together to form the Communist International in 1919, which over the course of the 1920s became dominated by Moscow and by the 1930s had become a tool of Soviet foreign policy and a purveyor of Stalinist orthodoxy. -
China (People's Republic
PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:23 constituteproject.org China (People’s Republic of)'s Constitution of 1982 with Amendments through 2018 Translation of 2018 amendments provided by the NPC Observer This complete constitution has been generated from excerpts of texts from the repository of the Comparative Constitutions Project, and distributed on constituteproject.org. constituteproject.org PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:23 Table of contents Preamble . 3 CHAPTER I: GENERAL PRINCIPLES . 5 CHAPTER II: THE FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF CITIZENS . 11 CHAPTER III: THE STRUCTURE OF THE STATE . 15 Section 1: The National People's Congress . 15 Section 2: The President of the People's Republic of China . 21 Section 3: The State Council . 22 Section 4: The Central Military Commission . 25 Section 5: The Local People's Congress and the Local People's Governments at Different Levels . 26 Section 6: The Organs of Self-Government of National Autonomous Areas . 29 Section 8: The People's Courts and the People's Procuratorates . 32 CHAPTER IV: THE NATIONAL FLAG, THE NATIONAL ANTHEM, THE NATIONAL EMBLEM AND THE CAPITAL . 34 China (People’s Republic of) 1982 (rev. 2018) Page 2 constituteproject.org PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:23 • Political theorists/figures • Preamble Preamble • Reference to country's history • Mentions of social class China is one of the countries with the longest histories in the world. The people of all nationalities in China have jointly created a splendid culture and have a glorious revolutionary tradition. Feudal China was gradually reduced after 1840 to a semi-colonial and semi-feudal country. -
State Capitalism
THE FRENCH STATE CAPITALISM IN COMPARATIVE AND HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE Robert Boyer Institute of the Americas, Paris EACES Workshop "The Rise of State Capitalism: consequences for economic and political development”, HSE bulding in Armyanskiy Pereulok 4, bldg. 2, Room 418, Moscow, April 10 and 11, 2019 INTRODUCTION 1. Back to Berlin Wall collapse: the idea of an irreversible victory of the synergy between markets and democracy 2. Post the Great 2008 crisis : the structural instability of finance led capitalism, the State as a rescuer of last resort 3. Against the unequal distribution of the benefits from internationalisation: National sovereignty is defended by new movements and parties. Has the time of State capitalism come back? SYNOPSIS I. The concept of state capitalism in long run historical perspective. II. The contemporary debate: is state capitalism the successor of liberal capitalism? III. A taxonomy of various brands of state capitalisms. IV. How specific is the French state capitalism of the Golden Age? V. Was the demise of state French capitalism ineluctable? VI. Is China a new form of state capitalism and can it be exported? VII. Are multinationals and states trading place? I - THE CONCEPT OF STATE CAPITALISM IN LONG RUN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE. 1. The same word but quite different meanings and configurations 2. The State is born before the rise of capitalism 3. Its nature evolves at each step of capitalist development 4. The rise of China redefines the debate around State Capitalism. Figure 1 – A brief survey of the long run transformation of the State Capitalism nexus II - THE CONTEMPORARY DEBATE: IS STATE CAPITALISM THE SUCCESSOR OF LIBERAL CAPITALISM? 1. -
Communist Parties Have Inherited from Lenin and Other Great Bolsheviks an Ideal-Logical Paradigm
The Bolshevik Ideal-logical Paradi!! Communist parties have inherited from Lenin and other great bolsheviks an ideal-logical paradigm. In terms of this paradigm the bolsheviks understand themselves and the world, which they try to disqualify ideologically and to change through revolutionary activity. Apart from the ideal of a communist society, the following ideas exerted key influence on the Bolsheviks' (self)understanding: proletarian revolution; a party of (professional) revolutionaries organized in a democratic-centralist manner; dictatorship of the proletariat; the party as the representative of the objective and historical interests of the proletariat; the transition period between capitalism and communism. As Marxists the Bolsheviks faced the problem of how to explain to them selves and others the possibility of proletarian, socialist revolution in backward Russia. The idea of a centralized party of professional revolution aries did not suffice; they needed a radical revision of the Marxist vision of revolution. This revision transformed a revolutionary philosophical-social theory into a revolutionary ideal-logy. Admittedly, Marx himself was ambivalent: He'saw a real chance for the revolution and the subsequent development of a new society in developed capitalism, but from time to time he lost his patience, hoping that the revolution would soon break out even though capitalism was still i rather undeveloped. Characteristically, Bolshevik ideal-logues believed tliat Marx's goals could be achieved under radicallY changed conditions and through radically 1 2 Changed means.* One could almost say that revolution sets only those goals it cannot aChieve. Two ideas were of key import~nce for the Bolshevik ideal-logical revision of Marx's concept of revolution: the weakest link of imperialism and the permanent revolution. -
77 3 the Estimation of Gross Domestic Product and Its Growth
LA7.772 - 3 The Estimation of Gross Domestic Product and Its Growth Rate for the German Democratic Republic Public Disclosure Authorized Irwin L. Collier . r', 'WORLD BANK STAFF WORKING PAPERS Number 773 A Background Study for Doilar GNPs of the U.S.S.R. anid Ensfern Euirope Public Disclosure Authorized 0- ..- Public Disclosure Authorized 0 0- Public Disclosure Authorized WORLD BANK STAFF WORKING PAPERS Number 773 A Background Study for Dollar GNPs of the U.S.S.R. and Eastern Europe The Estimation of Gross Domestic Producd and Its Growth Rate for the German Democratic Republic Irwin L. Collier The World Bank Washington, D.C., U.S.A. Copyright (© 1985 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/THE WORLD BANK 1818 H Street, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20433, U.S.A. All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America First printing November 1985 This is a working document published informally by the World Bank. To present the results of research with the least possible delay, the typescript has not been prepared in accordance with the procedures appropriate to formal printed texts, and the World Bank accepts no responsibility for errors. The publication is supplied at a token charge to defray part of the cost of manufacdtue and distribution. The World Bank does not accept responsibility for the views expressed herein, which are those of the authors and should not be attributed to the World Bank or to its affiliated organizations. The findings, interpretations, and conclusioins are the results of rescilch supported by the Bank; they do not necessarily represent official policy of the Bank.