The Communist Party of Great Britain Since 1920 Also by David Renton
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This Electronic Thesis Or Dissertation Has Been Downloaded from Explore Bristol Research
This electronic thesis or dissertation has been downloaded from Explore Bristol Research, http://research-information.bristol.ac.uk Author: Mai, Thuy Title: The Politics of Nationalism in the Vietnamese Communist Discourse General rights Access to the thesis is subject to the Creative Commons Attribution - NonCommercial-No Derivatives 4.0 International Public License. A copy of this may be found at https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode This license sets out your rights and the restrictions that apply to your access to the thesis so it is important you read this before proceeding. Take down policy Some pages of this thesis may have been removed for copyright restrictions prior to having it been deposited in Explore Bristol Research. However, if you have discovered material within the thesis that you consider to be unlawful e.g. breaches of copyright (either yours or that of a third party) or any other law, including but not limited to those relating to patent, trademark, confidentiality, data protection, obscenity, defamation, libel, then please contact [email protected] and include the following information in your message: •Your contact details •Bibliographic details for the item, including a URL •An outline nature of the complaint Your claim will be investigated and, where appropriate, the item in question will be removed from public view as soon as possible. The Politics of Nationalism in the Vietnamese Communist Discourse Thuy Thu Mai A dissertation submitted to the University of Bristol in accordance with the requirement for award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Social Science and Law, School of Sociology, Politics and International Studies 30th January 2019 Word Count: 81,365 words Abstract The Vietnamese communists have always defined their revolution in national terms, telling the story of how the communists led the Vietnamese people to rescue and rebuild the nation from the plight of French colonisation and American aggression. -
When Fear Is Substituted for Reason: European and Western Government Policies Regarding National Security 1789-1919
WHEN FEAR IS SUBSTITUTED FOR REASON: EUROPEAN AND WESTERN GOVERNMENT POLICIES REGARDING NATIONAL SECURITY 1789-1919 Norma Lisa Flores A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY December 2012 Committee: Dr. Beth Griech-Polelle, Advisor Dr. Mark Simon Graduate Faculty Representative Dr. Michael Brooks Dr. Geoff Howes Dr. Michael Jakobson © 2012 Norma Lisa Flores All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT Dr. Beth Griech-Polelle, Advisor Although the twentieth century is perceived as the era of international wars and revolutions, the basis of these proceedings are actually rooted in the events of the nineteenth century. When anything that challenged the authority of the state – concepts based on enlightenment, immigration, or socialism – were deemed to be a threat to the status quo and immediately eliminated by way of legal restrictions. Once the façade of the Old World was completely severed following the Great War, nations in Europe and throughout the West started to revive various nineteenth century laws in an attempt to suppress the outbreak of radicalism that preceded the 1919 revolutions. What this dissertation offers is an extended understanding of how nineteenth century government policies toward radicalism fostered an environment of increased national security during Germany’s 1919 Spartacist Uprising and the 1919/1920 Palmer Raids in the United States. Using the French Revolution as a starting point, this study allows the reader the opportunity to put events like the 1848 revolutions, the rise of the First and Second Internationals, political fallouts, nineteenth century imperialism, nativism, Social Darwinism, and movements for self-government into a broader historical context. -
Lithuanian Jews and the Holocaust
Ezra’s Archives | 77 Strategies of Survival: Lithuanian Jews and the Holocaust Taly Matiteyahu On the eve of World War II, Lithuanian Jewry numbered approximately 220,000. In June 1941, the war between Germany and the Soviet Union began. Within days, Germany had occupied the entirety of Lithuania. By the end of 1941, only about 43,500 Lithuanian Jews (19.7 percent of the prewar population) remained alive, the majority of whom were kept in four ghettos (Vilnius, Kaunas, Siauliai, Svencionys). Of these 43,500 Jews, approximately 13,000 survived the war. Ultimately, it is estimated that 94 percent of Lithuanian Jewry died during the Holocaust, a percentage higher than in any other occupied Eastern European country.1 Stories of Lithuanian towns and the manner in which Lithuanian Jews responded to the genocide have been overlooked as the perpetrator- focused version of history examines only the consequences of the Holocaust. Through a study utilizing both historical analysis and testimonial information, I seek to reconstruct the histories of Lithuanian Jewish communities of smaller towns to further understand the survival strategies of their inhabitants. I examined a variety of sources, ranging from scholarly studies to government-issued pamphlets, written testimonies and video testimonials. My project centers on a collection of 1 Population estimates for Lithuanian Jews range from 200,000 to 250,000, percentages of those killed during Nazi occupation range from 90 percent to 95 percent, and approximations of the number of survivors range from 8,000 to 20,000. Here I use estimates provided by Dov Levin, a prominent international scholar of Eastern European Jewish history, in the Introduction to Preserving Our Litvak Heritage: A History of 31 Jewish Communities in Lithuania. -
Colloquium Paper January 12, 1984 STALINISM VERSUS
Colloquium Paper January 12, 1984 STALINISM VERSUS BOLSHEVISM? A Reconsideration by Robert C. Tucker Princeton University with comment by Peter Reddaway London School of Economics and Political Science Fellows Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars Draft paper not for publication or quotation without written permission from the authors. STALINISM VERSUS BOLSHEVISM? A Reconsideration Although not of ten openly debated~ the issue I propose to address is probably the deepest and most divisive in Soviet studies. There is good ground for Stephen Cohen's characterization of it as a "quintessential his torical and interpretive question"! because it transcends most of the others and has to do with the whole of Russia's historical development since the Bolshevik Revolution. He formulates it as the question of the relationship "between Bolshevism and Stalinism.'' Since the very existence of something properly called Stalinism is at issue here, I prefer a somewhat different mode of formulation. There are two (and curiously, only two) basically opposed positions on the course of development that Soviet Russia took starting around 1929 when Stalin, having ousted his opponents on the Left and the Right, achieved primacy, although not yet autocratic primacy, within the Soviet regime. The first position, Which may be seen as the orthodox one, sees that course of development as the fulfillment, under new conditions, of Lenin's Bolshevism. All the main actions taken by the Soviet regime under Stalin's leadership were, in other words, the fulfillment of what had been prefigured in Leninism (as Lenin's Bolshevism came to be called after Lenin died). -
The Russian Revolutions: the Impact and Limitations of Western Influence
Dickinson College Dickinson Scholar Faculty and Staff Publications By Year Faculty and Staff Publications 2003 The Russian Revolutions: The Impact and Limitations of Western Influence Karl D. Qualls Dickinson College Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.dickinson.edu/faculty_publications Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Qualls, Karl D., "The Russian Revolutions: The Impact and Limitations of Western Influence" (2003). Dickinson College Faculty Publications. Paper 8. https://scholar.dickinson.edu/faculty_publications/8 This article is brought to you for free and open access by Dickinson Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion by an authorized administrator. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Karl D. Qualls The Russian Revolutions: The Impact and Limitations of Western Influence After the collapse of the Soviet Union, historians have again turned their attention to the birth of the first Communist state in hopes of understanding the place of the Soviet period in the longer sweep of Russian history. Was the USSR an aberration from or a consequence of Russian culture? Did the Soviet Union represent a retreat from westernizing trends in Russian history, or was the Bolshevik revolution a product of westernization? These are vexing questions that generate a great deal of debate. Some have argued that in the late nineteenth century Russia was developing a middle class, representative institutions, and an industrial economy that, while although not as advanced as those in Western Europe, were indications of potential movement in the direction of more open government, rule of law, free market capitalism. Only the Bolsheviks, influenced by an ideology imported, paradoxically, from the West, interrupted this path of Russian political and economic westernization. -
Sharpening EU Sanctions Policy for a Geopolitical Era
Niklas Helwig, Juha Jokela, Clara Portela Sharpening EU sanctions policy for a geopolitical era Publications of the Government´s analysis, assessment and research activities 31/2017 ISSN 2342-6799 ISBN PDF 978-952-287-935-6 Publications of the Government´s analysis, assessment and research activities 2020:31 Sharpening EU sanctions policy for a geopolitical era Niklas Helwig, Juha Jokela, Clara Portela (eds.) Prime Minister’s Office Helsinki 2020 Prime Minister’s Office ISBN PDF: 978-952-287-935-6 Author and Niklas Helwig & Juha Jokela, Finnish Institute of International Affairs organization: Clara Portela, University of Valencia (Spain) Helsinki 2020 Description sheet Published by Prime Minister’s Office 27 May 2020 Authors Niklas Helwig, Juha Jokela, Clara Portela (eds.) Title of publication Sharpening EU sanctions policy for a geopolitical era Series and publication Publications of the Government´s analysis, assessment and research activities number 2020:31 ISBN PDF 978-952-287-935-6 ISSN PDF 2342-6799 Website address URN http://urn.fi/URN:ISBN:978-952-287-935-6 Pages 203 Language English European Union, Common Foreign and Security Policy, sanctions, Brexit, United Kingdom, Transatlantic Keywords relations, International Relations, restrictive measures, economic sanctions, Russia, research, research activities Abstract The European Union (EU) increasingly uses sanctions in order to respond to breaches of international norms and adverse security developments in its neighbourhood and beyond. This study provides a comprehensive analysis of the current state of EU sanctions and discusses options on how to maintain them as an effective tool. The study identifies the withdrawal of the UK as one of main architects of the instrument and an increasingly unilateral and unpredictable US sanctions policy as key challenges. -
A Crisis of Commitment: Socialist Internationalism in British Columbia During the Great War
A Crisis of Commitment: Socialist Internationalism in British Columbia during the Great War by Dale Michael McCartney B.A., Simon Fraser University, 2004 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS In the Department of History © Dale Michael McCartney 2010 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Spring 2010 All rights reserved. However, in accordance with the Copyright Act of Canada, this work may be reproduced, without authorization, under the conditions for Fair Dealing. Therefore, limited reproduction of this work for the purposes of private study, research, criticism, review and news reporting is likely to be in accordance with the law, particularly if cited appropriately. APPROVAL Name: Dale Michael McCartney Degree: Master of Arts Title of Thesis: A Crisis of Commitment: Socialist Internationalism in British Columbia during the Great War Examining Committee: Chair: Dr. Emily O‘Brien Assistant Professor of History _____________________________________________ Dr. Mark Leier Senior Supervisor Professor of History _____________________________________________ Dr. Karen Ferguson Supervisor Associate Professor of History _____________________________________________ Dr. Robert A.J. McDonald External Examiner Professor of History University of British Columbia Date Defended/Approved: ________4 March 2010___________________________ ii Declaration of Partial Copyright Licence The author, whose copyright is declared on the title page of this work, has granted to Simon Fraser University the right to lend this thesis, project or extended essay to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. -
MARX, MARXISM and the BRITISH WORKING CLASS MOVEMENT: SOME CONTINUING ISSUES for the 21St CENTURY1
MARX, MARXISM AND THE BRITISH WORKING CLASS MOVEMENT: SOME CONTINUING ISSUES FOR THE 21st CENTURY1 John Foster John Foster, Emeritus Professor, University of the West of Scotland, International Secretary, Communist Party of Britain, author of Class Struggle and the Industrial Revolution (1974), joint author of The Politics of the Upper Clyde Shipbuilders Work-In (1986), The Caterpillar Occupation (1988), Capital and Labour in the North Sea Oil Industry (1996) and the New Penguin History of Scotland (2002). Email: [email protected] Abstract: For Marx the British working class was both a practical inspiration and a challenge. Britain’s was the world’s first majority proletariat and in the 1840s was also the first to create a mass working class party. Yet in the second half of the 19th century British trade unions changed direction, allied themselves with bourgeois political parties and worked within the assumptions of the existing system. Marx’s explanation of this transformation is, the article argues, of continuing importance for our understanding of working class consciousness—with its key elements carried forward by both Luxemburg and Lenin in their critique of the revisionism of the Second International. The main intent of the article is to use more recent examples of working class mobilization in Britain to show the continuing relevance of this analysis. It focuses in particular on the issue of the relationship between the working class and a Marxist party. In doing so it draws on the Soviet school of Vygotsky and Leontiev to argue for a dialectical and materialist understanding of the development of working class consciousness in which the role of a Communist Party, in Marx’s terms, remains critical. -
James Connolly and the Irish Labour Party
James Connolly and the Irish Labour Party Donal Mac Fhearraigh 100 years of celebration? to which White replied, `Put that furthest of all1' . White was joking but only just, 2012 marks the centenary of the founding and if Labour was regarded as conservative of the Irish Labour Party. Like most politi- at home it was it was even more so when cal parties in Ireland, Labour likes to trade compared with her sister parties. on its radical heritage by drawing a link to One historian described it as `the most Connolly. opportunistically conservative party in the On the history section of the Labour known world2.' It was not until the late Party's website it says, 1960s that the party professed an adher- ence to socialism, a word which had been `The Labour Party was completely taboo until that point. Ar- founded in 1912 in Clonmel, guably the least successful social demo- County Tipperary, by James cratic or Labour Party in Western Europe, Connolly, James Larkin and the Irish Labour Party has never held office William O'Brien as the polit- alone and has only been the minority party ical wing of the Irish Trade in coalition. Labour has continued this tra- Union Congress(ITUC). It dition in the current government with Fine is the oldest political party Gael. Far from being `the party of social- in Ireland and the only one ism' it has been the party of austerity. which pre-dates independence. The founders of the Labour The Labour Party got elected a year Party believed that for ordi- ago on promises of burning the bondhold- nary working people to shape ers and defending ordinary people against society they needed a political cutbacks. -
Revolutionary Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War: A
Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Darlington, RR http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2012.731834 Title Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Authors Darlington, RR Type Article URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/19226/ Published Date 2012 USIR is a digital collection of the research output of the University of Salford. Where copyright permits, full text material held in the repository is made freely available online and can be read, downloaded and copied for non-commercial private study or research purposes. Please check the manuscript for any further copyright restrictions. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. Re-evaluating Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War Abstract It has been argued that support for the First World War by the important French syndicalist organisation, the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) has tended to obscure the fact that other national syndicalist organisations remained faithful to their professed workers’ internationalism: on this basis syndicalists beyond France, more than any other ideological persuasion within the organised trade union movement in immediate pre-war and wartime Europe, can be seen to have constituted an authentic movement of opposition to the war in their refusal to subordinate class interests to those of the state, to endorse policies of ‘defencism’ of the ‘national interest’ and to abandon the rhetoric of class conflict. This article, which attempts to contribute to a much neglected comparative historiography of the international syndicalist movement, re-evaluates the syndicalist response across a broad geographical field of canvas (embracing France, Italy, Spain, Ireland, Britain and America) to reveal a rather more nuanced, ambiguous and uneven picture. -
Global Command Series
GLOBAL COMMAND SERIES v3.0 A Global War Expansion Designed by Will Henson Revision by Hans van der Leeuw & Delaja Schuppers Overview v3.0 HBG’s Spanish Civil War version 3.0 (SCW3.0) expansion provides a new set of rules, pieces and markers to play out this epic conflict within a game of Global War! Here you will find rules for Intervention by foreign powers, new consequences players face for victory (or defeat!), a set of advanced rules for the event markers of which some represent the different historical Factions that got involved in this bloody conflict that ended Spain’s colonial power. 2 Spanish Civil War Set Contents Republican (Plum colored) Nationalist (Yellow colored) · 8 Infantry · 8 Infantry · 2 Motorized Infantry · 2 Motorized Infantry Opel · 4 Artillery 122mm · 4 Artillery 75-7 Veld · 2 Light Armor T-26 · 2 Light Armor 38t · 2 Medium Armor T-34 · 2 Medium Armor Pz III · 2 Fighters I-16 · 2 Fighters FW-190 · 1 Tactical Bomber Su-2 · 1 Cruiser · 1 Medium Bomber IL-4 · 1 Transport · 1 Cruiser · 2 Destroyers · 1 Transport · 1 Battleship España-Class (3D · 2 Destroyers Printed) (Black colored) (Brown colored) · 2 Anti-Aircraft Artillery · 2 Anti-Aircraft Artillery · 1 Air transport (Condor Legion) Markers for specific units Markers for general purpose · 6 Spanish Blue Division Markers · 1 set of 10 Nationalist Roundels · 2 German Condor Legion Markers · 1 set of 10 Republican Roundels · 1 Italian Aviazione Legionaria · 5 Cavalry Markers · 1 Soviet Voluntary Pilots Marker · 5 Mountain Infantry Markers · 1 French Voluntary Pilots Marker · 8 Militia Markers · 6 Communist International Brigade Markers · 2 Army of Africa Markers 12 Event Markers · 4 CTV Markers Battleship España 3 War in Neutral Spain 1. -
BOLSHEVISM at a DEADLOCK by Th~ Sam8 A11thor the Labour Revolutiol\ Translated by H
BOLSHEVISM AT A DEADLOCK By th~ sam8 A11thor The Labour Revolutiol\ Translated by H. J. STI!.NNING Crown 6vo "ExtreJnely intere-sting and sugg('stive. "-Star "An able stntcment."-AI~t~d((n Pms Joumal Foundations of Christianity A STUDY IN CHRISTIAN ORIOINS ROJ•al !lr•o "It is n very intt•rrsting nnd n vrry competent book, informed, nli\'c, and challenging from end to em!. "-E1posilory Timu BOLSHEVISM AT A DEADLOCK by KARL KAUTSKY Translated by B. PRITCHARD LONDON GEORGE ALLEN & UNWIN LTD :MUSEUM STREET The German original, "Der Bolschewismus in der Sackgassa" was first published in September 1930 FIRST PUBLISHED IN ENGLISH IN APRI~ 1931 All rigllls merued PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BY UNWIN BROTHERS LTD., WOKlNG PREFACE When I began to write this book, the Kolhosi con· troversy was already · causing great excitement in Soviet Russia. Nothing has happened since to induce me to change my stafements. The most important event in Soviet Russia since the publication of the original German edition of this book is undoubtedly the monstrous comedy of the Moscow trial which began on Novem· her 25, 1930. It was directed against eight engineers, who were most unusually anxious not only to denounce themselves'as counter-revolutionaries and wreckers but ... also as unprincipled rascals. This trial clearly proved to anybody who could see, and who wished to see, that Stalin and his associates • expect the Five Year Plan to be a failure, and that they are already seeking for scapegoats on whom to put the blame. This trial, however, has not helped the present rulers of Soviet Russia; it has made their position only more precarious.