Jacques Camatte Community and Communism in Russia
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The Russian Revolutions: the Impact and Limitations of Western Influence
Dickinson College Dickinson Scholar Faculty and Staff Publications By Year Faculty and Staff Publications 2003 The Russian Revolutions: The Impact and Limitations of Western Influence Karl D. Qualls Dickinson College Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.dickinson.edu/faculty_publications Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Qualls, Karl D., "The Russian Revolutions: The Impact and Limitations of Western Influence" (2003). Dickinson College Faculty Publications. Paper 8. https://scholar.dickinson.edu/faculty_publications/8 This article is brought to you for free and open access by Dickinson Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion by an authorized administrator. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Karl D. Qualls The Russian Revolutions: The Impact and Limitations of Western Influence After the collapse of the Soviet Union, historians have again turned their attention to the birth of the first Communist state in hopes of understanding the place of the Soviet period in the longer sweep of Russian history. Was the USSR an aberration from or a consequence of Russian culture? Did the Soviet Union represent a retreat from westernizing trends in Russian history, or was the Bolshevik revolution a product of westernization? These are vexing questions that generate a great deal of debate. Some have argued that in the late nineteenth century Russia was developing a middle class, representative institutions, and an industrial economy that, while although not as advanced as those in Western Europe, were indications of potential movement in the direction of more open government, rule of law, free market capitalism. Only the Bolsheviks, influenced by an ideology imported, paradoxically, from the West, interrupted this path of Russian political and economic westernization. -
Apocalypse and Survival
APOCALYPSE AND SURVIVAL FRANCESCO SANTINI JULY 1994 FOREWORD !e publication of the Opere complete [Complete Works] of Giorgio Cesa- rano, which commenced in the summer of 1993 with the publication of the "rst comprehensive edition of Critica dell’utopia capitale [Critique of the uto- pia of capital], is the fruit of the activity of a group of individuals who were directly inspired by the radical critique of which Cesarano was one of the pioneers. In 1983, a group of comrades who came from the “radical current” founded the Accademia dei Testardi [Academy of the Obstinate], which published, among other things, three issues of the journal, Maelström. !is core group, which still exists, drew up a balance sheet of its own revolution- ary experience (which has only been partially completed), thus elaborating a preliminary dra# of our activity, with the republication of the work of Gior- gio Cesarano in addition to the discussion stimulated by the interventions collected in this text.$ In this work we shall seek to situate Cesarano’s activity within its his- torical context, contributing to a critical delimitation of the collective envi- ronment of which he formed a part. We shall do this for the purpose of more e%ectively situating ourselves in the present by clarifying our relation with the revolutionary experience of the immediate past. !is is a necessary theoret- ical weapon for confronting the situation in which we "nd ourselves today, which requires the ability to resist and endure in totally hostile conditions, similar in some respects to those that revolutionaries had to face at the begin- ning of the seventies. -
Mainstreaming Radical Politics in Sri Lanka: the Case of JVP Post-1977
Mainstreaming Radical Politics in Sri Lanka: The case of JVP post-1977 Nirmal Ranjith Dewasiri Abstract This article provides a critical understanding of dynamics behind the roles of the People’s Liberation Front (JVP) in post-1977 Sri Lankan politics. Having suffered a severe setback in the early 1970s, the JVP transformed itself into a significant force in electoral politics that eventually brought the United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) to power. This article explains the transformation by examining the radical political setting and mapping out the actors and various movements which allowed the JVP to emerge as a dominant player within the hegemonic political mainstream in Sri Lanka. Furthermore, it also highlights the structural changes in JVP politics and its challenges for future consolidation. Introduction The 1977 general election marked a major turning point in the history of post-colonial Sri Lanka. While the landslide victory of the United National Party (UNP) was the most important highlight of the election results, the shocking defeat for the old leftist parties was equally important. Both the victory of the UNP and the defeat of the left were symbolic. The left’s electoral defeat was soon followed by the introduction of new macro-economic policy framework under the UNP’s rule, which replaced protective economic policy framework that was endorsed by the Left.1 Ironically enough, as if to dig its own grave, the same UNP government helped People’s Liberation Front (JVP), which became a formidable threat to the smooth implementation of the new economic policies, to re-enter into the political mainstream by way of freeing its leadership from the prison. -
From Proletarian Internationalism to Populist
from proletarian internationalism to populist russocentrism: thinking about ideology in the 1930s as more than just a ‘Great Retreat’ David Brandenberger (Harvard/Yale) • [email protected] The most characteristic aspect of the newly-forming ideology... is the downgrading of socialist elements within it. This doesn’t mean that socialist phraseology has disappeared or is disappearing. Not at all. The majority of all slogans still contain this socialist element, but it no longer carries its previous ideological weight, the socialist element having ceased to play a dynamic role in the new slogans.... Props from the historic past – the people, ethnicity, the motherland, the nation and patriotism – play a large role in the new ideology. –Vera Aleksandrova, 19371 The shift away from revolutionary proletarian internationalism toward russocentrism in interwar Soviet ideology has long been a source of scholarly controversy. Starting with Nicholas Timasheff in 1946, some have linked this phenomenon to nationalist sympathies within the party hierarchy,2 while others have attributed it to eroding prospects for world This article builds upon pieces published in Left History and presented at the Midwest Russian History Workshop during the past year. My eagerness to further test, refine and nuance this reading of Soviet ideological trends during the 1930s stems from the fact that two book projects underway at the present time pivot on the thesis advanced in the pages that follow. I’m very grateful to the participants of the “Imagining Russia” conference for their indulgence. 1 The last line in Russian reads: “Bol’shuiu rol’ v novoi ideologii igraiut rekvizity istoricheskogo proshlogo: narod, narodnost’, rodina, natsiia, patriotizm.” V. -
Killing Hope U.S
Killing Hope U.S. Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II – Part I William Blum Zed Books London Killing Hope was first published outside of North America by Zed Books Ltd, 7 Cynthia Street, London NI 9JF, UK in 2003. Second impression, 2004 Printed by Gopsons Papers Limited, Noida, India w w w.zedbooks .demon .co .uk Published in South Africa by Spearhead, a division of New Africa Books, PO Box 23408, Claremont 7735 This is a wholly revised, extended and updated edition of a book originally published under the title The CIA: A Forgotten History (Zed Books, 1986) Copyright © William Blum 2003 The right of William Blum to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Cover design by Andrew Corbett ISBN 1 84277 368 2 hb ISBN 1 84277 369 0 pb Spearhead ISBN 0 86486 560 0 pb 2 Contents PART I Introduction 6 1. China 1945 to 1960s: Was Mao Tse-tung just paranoid? 20 2. Italy 1947-1948: Free elections, Hollywood style 27 3. Greece 1947 to early 1950s: From cradle of democracy to client state 33 4. The Philippines 1940s and 1950s: America's oldest colony 38 5. Korea 1945-1953: Was it all that it appeared to be? 44 6. Albania 1949-1953: The proper English spy 54 7. Eastern Europe 1948-1956: Operation Splinter Factor 56 8. Germany 1950s: Everything from juvenile delinquency to terrorism 60 9. Iran 1953: Making it safe for the King of Kings 63 10. -
Le Portique, 32 | 2014, « Sciences Sociales Et Marxisme » [En Ligne], Mis En Ligne Le 05 Février 2016, Consulté Le 02 Avril 2021
Le Portique Revue de philosophie et de sciences humaines 32 | 2014 Sciences sociales et marxisme Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/leportique/2709 DOI : 10.4000/leportique.2709 ISSN : 1777-5280 Éditeur Association "Les Amis du Portique" Édition imprimée Date de publication : 1 mars 2014 ISSN : 1283-8594 Référence électronique Le Portique, 32 | 2014, « Sciences sociales et marxisme » [En ligne], mis en ligne le 05 février 2016, consulté le 02 avril 2021. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/leportique/2709 ; DOI : https://doi.org/ 10.4000/leportique.2709 Ce document a été généré automatiquement le 2 avril 2021. Tous droits réservés 1 SOMMAIRE Sciences sociales et marxisme Présentation Noël Barbe Le social chez Marx Hervé Touboul La linguistique française à la lumière du marxisme Jean-François Bert Les tumultueuses relations des économistes français avec le marxisme : une mise en perspective historique Thierry Pouch De quelques formes de présence du marxisme en anthropologie Noël Barbe Le marxisme sous le prisme des « avant-gardes » artistiques Éric Brun Marx, un spectre qui ne hante plus les Science and Technology Studies ? Jérôme Lamy et Arnaud Saint-Martin Marxisme et mémoire. De la téléologie à la mélancolie Enzo Traverso Marges et controverses Toutes les frontières sont des conventions qui attendent d’être transcendées Le cinéma Wachowski, le trans-humanisme et la rencontre Denis Viennet Recensions Essai sur le rien de Yann Courtel Jean-Paul Resweber Prêcher dans la vallée de Roland Sublon Jean-Paul Resweber Le Portique, 32 | 2014 2 Sciences sociales et marxisme Le Portique, 32 | 2014 3 Présentation Noël Barbe 1 Ce numéro de la revue Le Portique est l’aboutissement de plusieurs années de séminaires consacrés à la question des usages du marxisme en anthropologie et dans les sciences sociales en France, principalement, mais non exclusivement, après la seconde guerre mondiale. -
Communization and Its Discontents
Minor Compositions Open Access Statement – Please Read This book is open access. This work is not simply an electronic book; it is the open access version of a work that exists in a number of forms, the traditional printed form being one of them. All Minor Compositions publications are placed for free, in their entirety, on the web. This is because the free and autonomous sharing of knowledges and experiences is important, especially at a time when the restructuring and increased centralization of book distribution makes it difficult (and expensive) to distribute radical texts effectively. The free posting of these texts does not mean that the necessary energy and labor to produce them is no longer there. One can think of buying physical copies not as the purchase of commodities, but as a form of support or solidarity for an approach to knowledge production and engaged research (particularly when purchasing directly from the publisher). The open access nature of this publication means that you can: • read and store this document free of charge • distribute it for personal use free of charge • print sections of the work for personal use • read or perform parts of the work in a context where no financial transactions take place However, it is against the purposes of Minor Compositions open access approach to: • gain financially from the work • sell the work or seek monies in relation to the distribution of the work • use the work in any commercial activity of any kind • profit a third party indirectly via use or distribution of the work • distribute in or through a commercial body (with the exception of academic usage within educational institutions) The intent of Minor Compositions as a project is that any surpluses generated from the use of collectively produced literature are intended to return to further the development and production of further publications and writing: that which comes from the commons will be used to keep cultivating those commons. -
(917) a Proposito Di Qualche Testo Su Marx E Il Valore.Anselm Jappe, Jaime Semprun
ANNO XVI N°917 23 AGOSTO 2016 RIVISTA APERIODICA RISORSE CONVIVIALI DIRETTA DA E VARIA UMANITÀ ASTEFANO BORSELLI d f ISBSN2279–6924 iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiIl Covile Penetriamo nuovamente in epoche che non aspettano dal filosofo né una spiegazione né una trasformazione del mondo, ma la costruzione di rifugi contro l’inclemenza del tempo. Nicolás Gómez Dávila Marxisti antimoderni. Approfondimenti, incontri, precisazioni. (5) François Bochet A PR O P O SI T O D I QUALCHE T E S T O: ANSELM JAPPE, JAIME SEMPRUN, ROBERT KURZ, JEAN-MARC MANDOSIO. # Fonte: Dis (continuité ) n°23, 2004, nota n°161. Traduzione di Gabriella Rouf. I titoli sono redazionali. er Bordiga, nel socialismo il valore siero di Marx è servito a modernizzare il capita- non esiste piú, cosí come la moneta, il le — il che è innegabile — e che i marxisti tradi- P salariato, l’impresa, il mercato: laddo- zionali si sono posti solo il problema della redi- ve c’è il valore, come in URSS, non può esserci stribuzione del denaro, della merce e del valo- socialismo. Anselm Jappe — già autore di un re, senza metterli in discussione in quanto tali. Guy Debord, apparso nel 2001 — ha scritto un Per Jappe il movimento rivoluzionario avrebbe libro ambizioso ed interessante, Les aventures perciò accettato valore, salario, merci, denaro, de la marchandise. Pour une nouvelle critique de lavoro, feticismo, ecc. — il che è nello stesso la valeur (Le avventure della merce. Per una tempo falso ed esatto — e lui, Jappe, si propone nuova critica del valore), Denoêl, 2003; egli fa di «ricostruire la critica marxiana del valore in una distinzione fra un Marx essoterico parti- modo abbastanza (?) preciso». -
Fifth Estate's Critique of the Megamachine
4 Steve Millett Technology is capital: Fifth Estate’s critique of the megamachine Introduction ‘How do we begin to discuss something as immense as technology?’, writes T. Fulano at the beginning of his essay ‘Against the megamachine’ (1981a: 4). Indeed, the degree to which the technological apparatus penetrates all elements of contemporary society does make such an undertaking a daunting one. Nevertheless, it is an undertaking that the US journal and collective Fifth Estate has attempted. In so doing, it has developed arguably the most sophisticated and challenging anarchist approach to technology currently available.1 Starting from the late 1970s, the Fifth Estate (hereafter FE) began to put forward the argument that the technologies of capitalism cannot be separated from the socioeconomic system itself. Inspired and influenced by a number of writers, including Karl Marx, Jacques Ellul and Jacques Camatte, it began to conceptualise modern technology as constituting a system of domination itself, one which interlinks and interacts with the economic processes of capitalism to create a new social form, a ‘megamachine’ which integrates not only capitalism and technology, but also State, bureaucracy and military. For the FE, technology and capital, although not identical, are more similar than different, and cannot be separated into an ‘evil’ capitalism and an essentially neutral technology. Any critique of capitalism and the State must recognise the importance of contem- porary technology and the crucial role it plays in the development of new forms of domination, oppression and exploitation. Concepts of ‘capital’ and ‘mega- machine’ are also explored later in this chapter. The Fifth Estate The FE began in Detroit in 1965, started by seventeen-year-old high-school student Harvey Ovshinsky. -
Technology Is Capital: Fifth Estate's Critique of the Megamachine
4 Steve Millett Technology is capital: Fifth Estate’s critique of the megamachine Introduction ‘How do we begin to discuss something as immense as technology?’, writes T. Fulano at the beginning of his essay ‘Against the megamachine’ (1981a: 4). Indeed, the degree to which the technological apparatus penetrates all elements of contemporary society does make such an undertaking a daunting one. Nevertheless, it is an undertaking that the US journal and collective Fifth Estate has attempted. In so doing, it has developed arguably the most sophisticated and challenging anarchist approach to technology currently available.1 Starting from the late 1970s, the Fifth Estate (hereafter FE) began to put forward the argument that the technologies of capitalism cannot be separated from the socioeconomic system itself. Inspired and influenced by a number of writers, including Karl Marx, Jacques Ellul and Jacques Camatte, it began to conceptualise modern technology as constituting a system of domination itself, one which interlinks and interacts with the economic processes of capitalism to create a new social form, a ‘megamachine’ which integrates not only capitalism and technology, but also State, bureaucracy and military. For the FE, technology and capital, although not identical, are more similar than different, and cannot be separated into an ‘evil’ capitalism and an essentially neutral technology. Any critique of capitalism and the State must recognise the importance of contem- porary technology and the crucial role it plays in the development of new forms of domination, oppression and exploitation. Concepts of ‘capital’ and ‘mega- machine’ are also explored later in this chapter. The Fifth Estate The FE began in Detroit in 1965, started by seventeen-year-old high-school student Harvey Ovshinsky. -
The Dangers of Forgetting the Legacy of Communism Communism As Antidevelopment
APRIL 2018 COVER PHOTO PAULA BRONSTEIN/GETTY IMAGES The Dangers of 1616 Rhode Island Avenue NW Washington, DC 20036 202 887 0200 | www.csis.org Forgetting the Legacy of Communism Communism as Antidevelopment AUTHORS Romina Bandura Brunilda Kosta A Report of the CSIS PROJECT ON PROSPERITY AND DEVELOPMENT and CSIS PROJECT ON MILITARY AND DIPLOMATIC HISTORY Blank APRIL 2018 The Dangers of Forgetting the Legacy of Communism Communism as Antidevelopment AUTHORS Romina Bandura Brunilda Kosta A Report of the CSIS PROJECT ON PROSPERITY AND DEVELOPMENT and CSIS PROJECT ON MILITARY AND DIPLOMATIC HISTORY About CSIS For over 50 years, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has worked to develop solutions to the world’s greatest policy challenges. Today, CSIS scholars are providing strategic insights and bipartisan policy solutions to help decisionmakers chart a course toward a better world. CSIS is a nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, D.C. The Center’s 220 full-time staff and large network of affiliated scholars conduct research and analysis and develop policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Founded at the height of the Cold War by David M. Abshire and Admiral Arleigh Burke, CSIS was dedicated to finding ways to sustain American prominence and prosperity as a force for good in the world. Since 1962, CSIS has become one of the world’s preeminent international institutions focused on defense and security; regional stability; and transnational challenges ranging from energy and climate to global health and economic integration. Thomas J. Pritzker was named chairman of the CSIS Board of Trustees in November 2015. -
Jacques Camatte and the New Politics of Liberation
Jacques Camatte And the New Politics of Liberation Dave Antagonism 2004–2005 Contents The Despotism of Capital .......................... 4 The Domestication of Humanity ...................... 10 Paradise Now! ............................. 11 The Revolt of Humanity Against Capital . 13 Editors’ Note ................................. 15 2 During the final decade of the 20th century and into the early years of the 21st, the nature of radical politics fundamentally changed. The hegemonic currents, Marxist- Leninism and social democracy, suffered from the sea-change of neo-liberalism, and had difficulty grappling with the new currents of opposition embodied insuch things as the Zapatista Uprising, radical ecology and the anti-summit movements. On a deeper level many of the fundamentals of traditional Leftism had been unset- tled intellectually by post-modernism and by the changes of social organization that accompanied the growth of post-Fordist capitalism, not to mention the fall of the USSR and the regimes of Eastern Europe. This crisis of the Left was quickly interpreted as the universal victory of Liberal Democracy. However it is now clear that social antagonism, often of a revolutionary anti-capitalist nature, has not de- parted; rather it is re-asserting itself in ways that seem unintelligible to traditional political analysis. One of these new currents is green anarchy/anarcho-primitivism (GA/AP). Con- sciously anti-ideological, it is rather a broad church of numerous tendencies and trajectories united by an anarchic politics that details a critique that goes beyond opposition to the state and market to a larger critique of civilization and its total- ity. Its roots are also broad, coming out of elements of radical ecological politics (especially around groups like Earth First! UK and the Animal Liberation Front), various counter-cultures and the ultra-left.