This manuscn'pt has been reproduced frwn the mmlmmaster. UMI films the text directly from the orig'nal or copy wbmitted. Thus, same thesis and dissertation copies am in Cypewnter face. Mile aaien may be fmany type of cornputer pnnter.

The quaI'Ry of thk rirproducüon k d.p.nd.rit upon the qwlity of ai. copy submitbd. Broken or indistinct Mnt, cokried or paor quality illustrations and photographs, print bbdthrough, substandard margins, and improper aligrrment can adversely affect reprodudion.

In the unlikely event that ttie authar âii not serid UMI a complets manusuipt and there are missing pages, these Ml be noted. Ab, if unauthorired copyright material had to be riemoved, a note wiH idkate the deküon.

Ovetsize materials (mg., ms,drawings. cham) are repriaduced by sœ!ioning the original, beginning at üm upper left-hand corner and amtinuing fmn left to right in equal sections with maIl ovms.

Photographs induded in the odginal manuscript have been reproduœd xemgraphically in this cqy. Higher quality 6. x W blîdc and white phobgraphic prints are avaibbk for any ph&graQhsor illustmtbw appearing in mis -y for an additional charge. Contad UMI diredly îo Ocder.

8811 & H-l Infomiation and Leaming 3W Nom Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, MI 481ûS1346 USA

The Development of the Translation Movement

Zahra Musaji Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill University, Montreal July 1998

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fut fillment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts. QZahra Musaji 1998 National tibrary Bibliothèque nationale of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395. nie WellingMri OttawaON KIAON4 OttawaON K1AON4 Canada Canada

The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence dowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sell reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microforni, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/nlm, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique.

The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts &om it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimes reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. Acknowledgments

Throughout the course of my thesis, 1 have received a great deal of help and support from various individuals. Fint, 1 would like to express my thanks to al1 my friends and colleagues at the Institute of Islamic studies for their helpful comments and continued hours of support- As well, 1 would like to thank Mrs. Anne Yaxley and Mrs. Dawn Richard who both were a tremendous help in enabling me to organize the administrative aspects of rny thesis submission. 1 wouid aIso Iike to extend my gratitude to the Library staff at the Instit ute of Islamic studies for al1 their help; especially Mr. Wayne St.Thomas without whose help, I could never have completed my t hesis.

1 would also like to extend special thanks to al1 the members of my farnily who stood by me during these past two years of my Master's degree. 1 would especially like to thank my rnother Mrs- Kherun Musaji and my sister Dr- Shelina Musaji who both were my constant source of support and encouragement.

And Iast, but by no means least, 1 would like to extend rny sincere gratitude to al1 the professors at the Instit ute of Islamic st udies for giving me the foundation necessary to complete this thesis. 1 would especially like to thank Dr. Donald P. Little for his input and my advisor Dr. Eric L. Ormsby for his continued comments and incredible help in enabling me to complete my thesis.

Zahra Musaji

July 1998 Abstract

Author: Zahra Musaji

Ti t le: The Development of t he Translation Movement

Department: The Institute of IsIamic Studies, McGiIl University

Degree: M.A.

The development of the translation movement in Islamic history was a long, intricate movement which encompassed a large number of people over a long period of time. It is the objective of this paper to assess the historical setting which gave rise to this movement as well as to evaluate why it \vas embraced. Movins onward, the paper will t hen move to a more detailed examination of six translators, in an effort to evaluate t heir contribut ion to the movement. While doing this, an inventory will be conducted of the works which were translated in the three disciplines of astrology, philosophy, and medicine by these translators in an attempt to answer the question of why the selectioa process was so specific and what perhaps were the critena for these choices. Résumé

Auteur: Zahra Musaji

Titre: Le developpement du mouvement des tracuctions

Département: L'institut des Études Islamiques, Université McGili

Niveau: M.A.

Le développement du mouvement des traductions dans l'histoire Islamique

était un mouvement complexe et d'une longue durée qui incorporait beaucoup de

personnes pendant longtemps. C'est le but de cette mémoire d'analyser le cadre

historique dans lequel se situe l'essor de ce mouvement et aussi d'étudier les raisons

pour lesquelles il était si bien poursuivi. Et puis, cette étude examinera le travail de

six traducteurs pour mieux comprendre leur contribution à ce mouvement. En

même temps, un inventaire des œuvres traduites par ces traducteurs sera présenté

dans les trois disciplines de l'astrologie, de la philosophie et du médecine pour

mieux répondre à la question suivante: pourquoi le processus de la sélection des

textes était tellement précis et quel étaient les critères pour ces choix? Table of Contents

Acknowledgments

Abstract

Résumé

Table of Contents

Introduction

Chapter One

Chapter Two

Conclusion

Appendices A-BB

Bibliography INTRODUCTION:

The study of the development of the Translation Movement within

Islam includes many elements, each of which must be examined separately in order to underst and the progression of the movement as a whole. In the following st udy, I propose to outline sorne of these elements and examine them carefully in order to gain a clearer understanding of the deveIopment of the movernent. Therefore, in order to understand what events led up to the translation movement, this study will begin by focusing on the following question: why would the Caliphs of a realm which claimed to possess revealed truth be so welcoming to foreign ideas and knowledge? This is of particular interest since certain places fiom which this knowledge came, were political and religious rivals of Islam. Hence, in order to attempt an answer to this question, one must first look at the political setting of the

IsIamic empire over the one hundred year period between 750-850 AD. (the period of time chosen for this particular study). This examination may then allow one to assess the receptivity of several 'Abbasid Caliphs to the translated texts.

This initial question leads one to the smaller but equally important question which asks which texts were chosen for translation and why were they translated? By examining this question, one may be able to assess the degree of importance and influence this foreign knowledge had on the development of subsequent lslamic intellectual development. It is important to note at this point that in this particular study, the focus will be on the disciplines of philosophy, astrology and medicine during the years 750-850 AD. This is due to the vastness of the translation mouement and, therefore, limitations are necessary in order to carefully evaluate the aforement ioned aim of this study.

The methodology of the present study will entai1 an annotated bibliographical sunrey of the available French and English sources as well as translated original sources. 1 will then attempt to present a detailed inventory of the works which were translated during the movement in the three selected disciplines by six specific translaton. These six men are ThZbit ibn Qurra, Hunayn ibn Ishiq, YiiipnnZ ibn Mkawayh, Ishiq ibn Hunayn, Qusfà ibn LÜqZ and Yaya bin al-~i!;~. At this point, it is important to note that this is not a study of the texts translated themselves, but rather of the historical conditions which led to theu selection. Hence, by looking to the translated sources which were chosen and the amount of attention which they received, this will make possible an evaluation of the impact they had on the Caliph and his court. This will be achieved by examining the role of the aforement ioned translators in order to assess their contribution to the movement, since they were usually the ones to decide which works were worthy of translation and which works were not. It is therefore important to look to these men first and establish their significance to the movement as a whole. After each brief description, a detailed account of the works each man translated in each of the three disciplines will be included This will go alongside the bibliographical survey of modem English and French sources dealing with the translation movement in order to maintain a comprehensive account of not only the events surrounding the translation movement, but also the important works which entered into the Islamic intellect ual movement which led to an intellectual explosion of its o~m.

The first chapter will focus on the historical setting of the 'Abbasid empire at the start of this movement, approximately 750 A.D., and the reign of al-

Mansur. From here, a brief historical survey will take place, outlining the reigns of al-MaqÜr's most influential successors who played an important role in the translation movernent. In the second chapter a discussion of six translators fiom this time period will also take place, first profiling the men and then outlining the texts they translated. This will be supplemented by a survey of the modem 9 scholarship in each area of the most useful and comprehensive texts. At this point,

it is important to note that there is a new text that wïlt soon be available which

appears to be a comprehensive study of the translation movement in Islam;

especially during the reign of the early 'Abbisid Caliphs. It is Wtten by Dimitri

Gutas from Yale University and is entitled Greek Thou&t, Arabic Clilturc. Perhaps this text wouid have proved useful and is wonh consulting for future reference, however, it was not available to me during the course of my study. With this, 1 wiil now tum to the first chapter. CHAPTER ONE:

To assess the historical transmission of knowledge to the ~uslims'

from Antiquity one needs to familiarize oneself with the historical setting of Islam

at that time- As mentioned in the introduction of this study, this thesis will focus

on the years between 750 and 850 A.D. particularly during the reigns of the

'Abbasid Caliphs al-MansÜr to al-~utawakkil'. The Islamic empire in the years

following 750 A.D. was finally beginning to show a sense of cohesion. The

'Abbasid revolution had recently ended and the Caliphs were working to ensure the

loyalty of their subjects. Within the first five yean, AbÜ al- 'Abbas al-SaffZ had

died and the throne had been passed on to his brother al-MansÜr. al-Mansür's reign

was generally characterized as successful, for the administration and goveming of

the empire were finally in a state of peace and relative stabilitg. This then

produced an environment which was conducive to the blossoming of intellectual

pursuits and advances. It was at this period also that the fust strong intellectual

' It is important to note that throughout the corne of this paper. the terms Muslims and Islamic Scientists arc used interchangeably. Aithough 1 am aware that none of the translators discussed in this paper were Muslim, (as was the case uith many of the court intellectuals), for the sake of brevity, both terms as used in this text will refer to the Islamic scientists. This is due to the fact that surroundhg the translators were the Caliphs, 'Ulami' and other memben of the society who were indeed practicing Muslims who were also very involved in this movernent, * During this one hundred year perïod, the following 'Abbasid CalQhs reigned: Abu ai- 'Abbk AM- (749-754). Abu Ja 'far Al-Man~Ür(754-775). M@ammad al-MW (775-785). Muiymmad al-^^& (785- 786). HGün al-lasGd (786-809). 'Abd Allah Al-Ma'mùn (813-833), &Mu 'tasim (833-842), Al-Wathiq (842-847). AI-MutawaWuI (847-861). 3 scc I Iugh Kennedy, nehpbet aad the Age of the Cal@batcs(New York: Longman Group Ltd., 1986). p. 133. influences from other regions began to penetrate into the Muslim world Generally,

al-Mansur was quite open to this knowledge4, but it is at this point that one is

inclined to ask the question why? This question in and of itself is difficult to

answer but one may corne to a clearer understanding of the translation movement

by Iooking to understand what events led up to the translation movement in this

part icular period

The Islamic empire, finally begiming to emerge from a long period of

host ility and intemal stnfe, began to direct its efforts outward instead of inwards.

This naturally led to military campaigns outside of the empire in order to conquer

other, more vast territones. Even though al-Ma@r may have been avare of the

intellectual achievements of these other cultures, his initial campaigns were of a

predominately military nature. However, once encountered, this foreign knowledge

which these existing communities had to offer was embraced quite strongly. al-

MansÜr, afier recognizing the influence and benefit of having such knowledge, sent

4 sce De lacy O'leary's How Gmek Science Pa~i~edtothe Arabs(London: Routledge 8= Kegan Paul Ltd., 1964). p. 149. where we are told t hat al-Macqiir wished to make his capital a city with incredible fame which wouId radiate through al1 Islam, therefore, he invited to it a number of distinguished scholars in ordcr to achieve this. s This point is not the whole truth. of coune since the 'Abbkids througbout their rcign were faced with uprising by various splinter groups such as the Shia ' and the Kharijites as well as othcr Schisms which bad dcvclopcd and which wcrc constantty devetoping. However, the level of interna1 cohcsion which existed at this timc and hcId the empire together was quite strong and consequently allowed for the Caliph to concentrate on military campaigns outside the prescnt rcalm of Islam instead of focusing his attention on intemal conflicts. campaigns specifically for the purpose of seizing more manuscripts and fkthering

his knowledge. For example, influenced by his Barmakid viner, Ha- al asG Gd

sent out agents to purchase Greek manuscripts in the Roman empire, a policy which

brought a good deal of important material to Baghdad, and this was supplemented

by other independent patrons who sent also for transcnpts and translators6.

Before answvenng the question of hour exactly did this knowvledge

penetrrite into Islam, one must fkst ask why was it allowed to? The Muslims, when

they encountered foreign peoples nithin their newly conquered temtones, had

heard of the scientific and philosophical achievements of these cultures. Since

many of these cultures were in close proximity to the Mwlim lands, their influence

had been felt through physicians, astronomers and other scientists who had sett led

nearby7. The Muslims may also have thought that embracïng this knowledge would

empower them and allow them to compete with these pre-existing cultures more

equally, as demonstrated in their desire to not only conquer these peoples militarily

but also intellectually. It is important to note at this point that when attempting to

answer questions conceming motivation, it is difficult to speculate; however, it is

6 scc DcLacy O' leary 's How Greek Science pawed ro the Ambs (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1949), p.151. feasible to assume t hat t hi: Calipbs recognizrd the importance of furt hering t heir owa limitcd knowlcdge of such thing in Iiglit or t heir immediate ut iliry. One narrative tells of how the Caliph al-Mansur becarns ill at somc point with a gastric disorder and callsd for one of the physicians rmployed at JundishipÜr, JU~Sibn ~ukh&hii-(d.771)', to t rcat Iiis ailment . Whsn the physician arrived, al-Mansir did a11 he could to ksep him in his court at Baghdad in ordsr to ensure t hat t hat lwsl of hcalt h care woutd bs avai table

t O liim hmt hat point cinward. Anoilier example is sesn in t hc rnovin~of the Islamic capital rrom thmascus to Baghdad. We arc told t hat t hcf Caliph al-Man$.Ïr, whilc. fiwnding t hc capital of lhghdad, is reportcd to have consulted wit h two astrologersv. ln t liis case, it is clcar why a scicnce such as astrology was wclcomcd sincc it was iticd in dctcrmiiiing wticrc to place tlw city, how long tlic dynastg wciuld suwivc and gcncrally. to prcdict the Tuturc. So it is quite clear that the utility of this knowled,uc \vas rccognizcd and respcctcd and sri became psrhaps one of t hc slrongcst mot ivat in,a hctors t.ncouraging t l1e sanci ionin2 of t he Translation Movemènt.

lbr csaniplt., Jundishipür \vas an inteikctual centre locatsd in Psrsia, next door to the Iearning centre of Baghdad- 1 Icncc. niany of the scientists froru tlir centre of Jundishâpür came owr kquently and influcncç the MusIinis greatly. * WC Uc. Lacy O'Leary. Ilow Cire& Science Pssred to the Arabs(London:Routledge B- Regan Paul Ltd., IOGQ), p.149. which tells of liow this physician \vas first surnmoned to Baghdad fioin JundishipÏk in ordcr to curc al-Mansur's ailnisnt and follo\ving this. other nieinbers of bis fiuiuly \vers also suiiiiiioncd to Chghdad and thcrc kgan a faiiiily tradition of king the court physicim to the various ruling 'Abbasid caliphs. Ibid p. 148 Tlicse t\w a.trologcrs \vr.rc al-Nawbakht. a Persian and Mishii'lliili ibn ~rliah.a Pcrsian hv. Within the Islamic society of the time there were existing medical and scientific traditions of their own. These included "prophetic medicines" (al-~ibbal- nabaG) as well as some astrological observations. However, although these traditions did exist, there were certain limitations to what the Prophet allowed. For instance, the

Prophet had forbidden cauterization and magic. He did, hoivever, acknowledge the medical properties of certain rnaterials, such as honey and olive oilio.

Foreign knowledge first came to Istam in the form of a translation

movement during the late Umayyad Caliphate. From this point onward there was a

steady Stream of knowledge entering the Muslim empire. It came fkom rnany

different areas surrounding the Muslims, the most significant being Byzantium,

and the Sassanian realm, as well as from Swaand ~ndia'l. Each culture passed on a

significant amount of information to the Muslims, thus helping them to establish an

intellectual tradition of their own. The reasons why this knowledge was accepted

and given official Caliphal sanction Vary. Possible reasons may be seen in the fact

that to have knowledge rneans to have power. However, to base the transmission of

knowledge on this alone would be to ovenimplify a much greater issue since as mentioned above, there did exist a specific intellectual tradition within the Islamic

society prior to the translation movement. Moreover, it is important to note that

there was much initial resistance by the more traditional members of the court who

thought that this was the knowledge of infidels and that it should not be openly

accepted. However, al-Ma'mÜn obviously chose to ignore the opinions of these

i ndividuals and followed his own instincts where intellect ual development was

concernedt2.

At this point it will be useful to trace precisely how the translation

movement entered into Islam and the value it had to al-Man@r and his court.

However, prior to this, it is important to note that the translation movement had

begun long before the time penod which is discussed in this paper. in fact, the

Ummayd Caliphs had started the tradition in the mid-eighth century, slowly

patronizing translators. One of the most famous early translators was a Persian

convert to Islam named Ibn al-Muqaffa '. Ibn al-Muqaffa ' is best known for his

translation of Kbal'a waD!a,(a book of animal fables), into Arabic nom the

Persian translation of the original Sanskrit version.

10 Manfred Ullman. Irf~rmCMediche (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1978) pp- 1-5. II S.D.Goitein, Sfucllesia IsI~'cHiSo~aodhsIi~ufio~(Leiden:EJ. BnII, 1966). p.34- The infiltration of foreign knowledge into Islam was brought about by

many factors, the fiat of which was the level of military carnpaigns occurring

during this penod, It is important to realize that Islam was at a crude state at this

time and when it encountered these older, more civilized cultures it wïshed to refine

itself". For instance, the c~bbâG~,following in the example of their predecessoa,

at tempt ed to emulate the old Iranian (Sassanian) court traditions, social structure

and aIso intellectual pursuits of the time. This is seen in the building of Baghdad to

emulate the Persian city of Ctesiphon, the implementation of a social order and the

translation movement as a whole. The way this was achieved was due to the fact

that the countnes which the Muslirns invaded at the time of conquest were still

alive with Greek and Penian hentage and knowledge". For example, the Iranian

invasions took place bsgiming in 634 AD. and Yazidagird, the last Sassanian der

was assassinated in 65 1 A.D.. This meant that the Muslims were exposed to the

scientific achievements of these peoples, wvhether they expected to encounter them

or not ,quite early on. The second reason was due to the general receptivity of

- - --- " II is perhaps possible that al-Ma'mün 's motivation was due to the utility of these works aiid hence, felt that this outweighed any possible threat they may have proposed. Il Thc Sasanid and Byzantine cultures which pre-existed Islam were highly refined and had excclled in many arcas, howcvcr, duc to their incessant fighting with each othcr, this Ied to their own brcakdown and heacc, whcn thc Islamic conquests began. they were easily defeated. Islam which was due to its universalistic and eclectic charactert5; this ensured a

certain degree of open-mindedness toward those sciences which were useful, even if

they were non-Islamic in ongin, The last reason is due to the specific spiritual

situation during the first three centuries of Islam, where there was a constant battle

for power and religious autonorny between varying splinter groups looking for some

sort of theological, rational justification for their positions. This made the influx of

Greek ideas and systerns of thought both inevitable and fruitful to the religious

features of ~slarn'~.

When specifically examining the actual lines of transmission, one sees

foreign howledge entering into Islam by many different routes. The first of these

was through Christian Syriac writers, scholars and scientists; where the works of

Greek scientifk writers whose books were translated into Arabic and studied by

Arab scholars were made the subject of commentaries and summaries". This is

generalIy characterized as the direct route whereby Muslims were made clearly

aware of how t his knowledge came into their possession. Perhaps too they were

II S.D. Goitein. Studiesin IsI"'c Historyradlasriruiions(Leiden: EJ. Brill. 1966). p36. Whrespect to the Pcrsian traditions which they encountered. the Muslims were much las feceptivc to the social order of the Pcrsians sincc thcy had a dualistic tradition that was looked down upon- 1s Ibid. p.36-39 16 Ibid. p.36-39 themselves the ones who requested it to be transmitted to themselves through these

very means. The specific course through which this knowledge was initially

encountered was via the Christian dialect of Aramaic known as Syriac. One sees

the steady transfer of Greek scholarship in a modified Syriac form fiom Edessa

across the Persian frontier to Nisibis, whence it ultimately spread through the

Nestorian cornmunity, and so reached the ~rabs". The cultural contribution of the

Nestorians was definitely through Jundishàpür, and the transmission of Greek

science to the Arabs took place when the Arab court was established at the newly

built city of Baghdad nearby.

Another, more indirect route, is seen through the loiowledge the

Muslims received through India. (It is important to note that this knowledge

probably also originated from Alexandria; however, through various means, such as

sea and land trade, it ended up in India). This knowledge was then transmitted to

the Muslims through the route fiom India to persia19, and consequently it became

more easily accessible and translatable. One instance of this is seen in the

17 De Lacy O0Leary,Hi>w G'k Science Pm& ru rbe Anbs (London: Routlcdge & Kcgan Paul Ltd., l964),

'ibid. p.47-59. 19 Ibid. pp.96-1 i 9 .This is due to the fact that much of this knowledge passed first fiom India into Penia, and hn.once the Muslim conquest entered into Persian temtory, the knowledge was then brought into Islam. mathematical knowledge obtained f?om AlexandRa by the Indians which was

developed further and transmitted to the Arabs in the eariy days of the 'Abbasid

Caliphate during the later half of the eighth century.

A second example is seen in the existence of Central Asia as a focus of

Greek influence, especially in Bactria, which later, when attacked during the Persian

wars, transrnitted much of this knowledge to the ~enians". This was done by the

Persians who first conquered this territory and then took over various aspects of

social life, and who later managed to acquire much of the most significant works

and translated them. This eventually led to the introduction of Greek scholarship

into Baghdad. The last example of hour this knowledge was transmitted to the

Muslims is seen in the influence of Buddhism which had prepared the ground for

intercourse with the western world, and was directly responsible for the prominence

of the Barmakid family, the leading patrons of Greek knowledge n1thi.n the

20 Ibid. p. 103- 109. " The B-akids were a farnily of Buddhist abbots of Bailch who became Zoroastrians noGong before the Muslim conquests. These Penian court vgen were employed in the service of the 'Abbàrid CPüphs beginning with al-Mansur. These viseswere entrusted with both the court maintenance as wdl as tke cducation of the Caliph's sons. The precedent was set by al-Maqk who employed KhZd al Barmaki as his kjria or secretary. al-^&& had entrusted the former's son, Yayi with his younger brother Hlrùii's affairs whcn thc latter was a youth. During the reign of Hiriin al-h as Gd, the Bmakids began to gain a grcatcr dcgrcc of political control within the empire and slowIy gained power. They had a number of dutics. onc of which is the above mentioncd tutoring of the Caliph's sons. Other duties included court When initially exposed to this knowledge, Muslirns may have viewed

it with suspicion, but given time and understanding, they saw the utility in

embracing it. The tracing of the translation movement during early 'Abbkid times

leads us to the areas of early conquest and the ways in which the knowledge entered

into Islam. When one reflects back on the aforernentioned question of tvhy Islam

would need foreign knowledge if it had revealed truth, this forces one to evaluate

the role of the Qur'an in Islam which is a vast topic in itself. However, at the risk

of sirnpliQing this important issue, 1 will Say that although the Qur'in was seen to

possess the Word and Truth of God hirnself, it \vas insuffîcient to understand the

nature of t he universe and its workngs. This then would allow one to engage in the

pursuit of this foreign knowledge without betraying one's religion. And it is clear

that this entire enterprise began due to the lack of satisfaction the Muslirns had

with the knowledge that existed. Their medical knowledge was quite limited, their

astronornical laiowledge was not fully developed, and with al1 the splinter groups

that were emerging. a greater and more detailed philosophical knowledge was

- - administration and intcllectual as well as social administration. The fate of the Barmakiâs is rather tragic in t hat ini t ially, t hey fell out of favour. Shottly thereafter, Ja'rar, son of the above mentioned Y&yi was uncxpcctcdly put to death. Along with lhis action, Yahyà as well as his other son Fadl were both imprisoncd and both dicd in confinement- Some of the most useful sources conceming the court practices of thc Barmakids includc Dominique Sourdel's article in the E12 entitled "al-~arimika*'as well as L nouvat's book Les Barmecides and Sourdel's book tevuUat 'abb&& 21

necessary in order to attest to religious superionty. Moreover, H-ZrÜn al-~a&d

obviously condoned the pursuit of this knowledge and therefore, gave it oficial

Caliphal sanction.

The Opposition to the translation movement was initially quite strong

and many traditionai Muslim scholars were highly agitated when their fellow

Muslims embraced the knowledge of those unbelievers they had conquered.

Astrology, for instance, was not approved of by many of the memben of the

traditional Muslim society at that time. There were many who held that due to the

fact that al1 events are the result of the will of God, then it is clear that one's

destiny could not be controlled by the stars. However, in response to this cnticism,

the general nray in \\?hich this problem \vas dealt with \vas to conclude that the stars

were no longer regarded as 'rulers* but, rather, indicators which ~vouldshow

beforehand that which God had decreed. As one scholar has noted,

Not al1 Muslims approved of astrology. There were many who held that ,as al1 events happen by the will of God, they could not be controlled by the stars. This was admitted, and by it came a modification of astrological theory in onhodox Islam: that the stars were no longer regarded as "rulers" as in pagan astrology, but simply as" indicaton" showing beforehand what God had decreed.=

-- 21 scc Dc Lacy, O'Lcary, How GreekScience Pa~~edfotbeAra&(Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Prcss, 1978) p.4. It is also important to realize that Islam during this period did have its own

beginning intellectual traditions which encompassed men who were learned in

jurisprudence, Prophetic traditions, and Qur'kic exegesis. These men were

universally respected by other memben of the Islamic community and never

experienced the sarne ostracism which the scientists and philosophers did (except

dunng the mi@&); the latter who were only tolerated because they were under

st ate protectionu. Their general problem with the scientists \vas that they claimed

to have knowledge of the truth, as seen in the example of philosophies which came

from unbelievers. This was especially problematic since the Traditionalists insisted

that the only real truth could be found in the Qur'ân. And this ongoing debate led

to increased hostility and division between these two learned groups of men.

However, in the words of the famous Muslim philosopher AbÜ Yusuf al Kin& as

noted in Malik Rab Nawaz's text:

it is fitting to achowledge the utmost gratitude to those who have contnbuted even a little to the truth, not to speak of those who have contributed such ...We should not be ashamed to achowledge truth -

" During the reign of al-Ma'rnün, this situation alrnost reversed itselfwhere the traditionalists were ostracised and the scientists were supported. This famous event is historically termed the M&a, or inquisition into the views of the traditionalists. The question of debate was whether or not the Qu*& was creat'ed or if it was eternal. The Mu 'tazila were a group of rationalists who ,supported by al- Ma'mÜn, endorsed the fonner doctrine. Any who opposed this doctrine thereafkerwere imprisoned. One such pcrson was the famous +ad ibn Haubal who was a strong supporter of the eternity of the Qufk st at ing t hat it was God's speech and hence, it could not have been created. Due to this opposition, IJanbal was imprisoned and he was not released until the reign of a[-Mutawakkil who decided to remove thc Mu't azila doctrine from being the oflicial court doctrine. For more information concemhg any aspect on thc miha, sec W-M Patton's book, A&uaâibnflkabaleadthe~~a biography~fthehh including an accormf of the Mohammedm iagusition calid the mifa (Leiden: eJ. Brill. 1897). and assimilate it fiom whatever source it comes to us, even if it is brought to us by foreign peoples. For him who seeks 'the truth there is nothing of higher value than tr~th~~

Therefore, it is clear that even after the Qu'% had been revealed to the Muslims,

there was still a strong desire and need to find lesser and more practical truths to

help underst and one's sunoundings.

Al-Mansur desired to make Baghdad a city of fame that stood out, and so, he employed a number of distinguished scholars. However, it was under the reign of

Hârk al-Rashid and his son al-Ma'mun that most of the genuine development took place. HKm al-Rashid became Caliph in 786 A.D.. He had been educated in Persia and raised under Persian influence at the hands of Y&yZ the Barmakid. The Barmàkids were a Penian family of court viz7e~swhowere entnisted with the responsibility of running the court. Yahyii, the second BarmZkid employed in the 'Abbkid court was

HZrÜn's tut or and consequently, Karün gained a great sense of knowledge and respect for the Persian Intellectual tradition. It is for this reason that it is generally stated that throughout his reign Hanin showed strong Persian sympathies2? So it is feasible at this point t O conclude t hat extensive work on the translation of scholarly material began

24 scc Rab Nawas, Malik's The Development ofMmIUa Educarioaal no@r 7Wi!W(University of Kansas Thcsis, 1965) p.64. 24 under the reign of with the encouragement of his viSer~a'f&al-Barmàki who, as already mentioned was, along with the succeeding members of his farnily, a strong supporter of Greek knowledge. As we read,

An important cultural and artistic achievement is also due to them [the Barmakids]. Indeed they acted as patrons of poets, distributing rewards for their panegyrics through the intennediary of a special office created specifically for the purpose, the dnv.al-shi 'r; they favoured schol ars and gathered t heoIogians and philosophers in their home, in assemblies (rnadjas) which have remained famous. They encouraged the arts, and as great builders, lefi numerous palaces in Baghdad, the most famous of which, that of Dja'far, subsequently became the Caliphal residence?

With this encouragement, the desire of more accurate scientific Lrnowledge Ied to

the preparat ion of more careful translations and the revision of existing versions,

but it also resulted in the compilation of commentaries as well as original treatises

based on the Greek authorities with citations illustrated and explained by the

original work.

Perhaps the greatest patronage for the translation movement occurred

under the rule of al-Ma'mün the eighth 'Abbisid Caliph who followed in his

father's footsteps in this regard. Al-Ma'mÜn is well known as being an independent

'' al-Tabari. AbbaridAurboriyAli"umed(Albany: University of New York Press. 1995), vol. 24 pp.47- 62, thinker, and yet this characterization of al-Ma'rnÜn should not be confused with

open-mindedness since he was known to be quite ruthless toward those whose views

conflicted with his own. In assessing his contribution one notes his employment of

many translaton in the intellectual academy which he founded, the Bafl awkma,

in 832 AD. This centre was well known as for its achievements in both sciences

and the arts, such as medicine and philosophy. By this point wïthin Islamic history,

the influx of foreign knowledge and ideas into Islam was a well known fact and

hence, the knowledge which entered into Islam at this time was generally through

individuals who were already leamed in these disciplines. (Later, this would

include those individuals such as Y&yZ ibn 'A& and al-~iskawa~Gwho would

write commentaries and supplements to the texts which had either been translated

or were currently being translated). There still \vas an infiltration of foreign

knowledge coming from the regions discussed above, however, the movement at

t his point had culminated since most of the most important primary sources had

already been translated and following the reign of al-Ma'rnÜn, the movement went

into decay. Alt hough the Bayt ai-Hiha continued for centuries after 830 AD., the

patronage for it and its success was never the same. Under the brief reign of the

Caliph al-Withiq (842-847), the Bm alffiha was no longer supponed by the

*fcc D. Sourdcl's "al Daramika in the &c/uIopae&a ofIsf'2 vol. 2 p.1035. 26

Caliph and the tradition of translation was slowly losing ground. It was not until

the reign of the las? Caliph to be discussed in this study, al Mutawakkil (reigned

847-86 1), that translation was resumed. It is important to note that unlike his

predecessor al-Ma'mÜn, al-Mutawakkil was not a speculative thinker nor was he at

al1 open to new ideas, in fact he is generally characterized as a strict fanatic in

religious rnatters, (one who iç over-enthusiastic, zealous beyond the bounds of

reason, especially in politics and religion)? However, he was a great patron of the

sciences and it is said that some of the best work of translation \vas done under his

pat ronaçe.

It is at this limit in time ca. 861, therefore, that this study will leave

off, in order t O focus solely on the hundred year period outlined above. A possibIe

general conclusion at this point is that the Muslim empire during this period was

undergoing a series of changes and that with these changes came conquest.

Nat urally, when new cultures and peoples were encountered, elements of their

culture were assimilated and in the case of the Islamic conquests, this was no

exception. The howledge which the Muslims gaïned nom their military

campaigns and later academic institutions paved the way for a profound intellectual

2 7 scc footnotc 23whcrc al-MutawakkiI is mentioncd as having reinstated -ad ibn Hanbal back into traditior. within Islam and it will be this point which is fbrther discussed in the

succeeding chapter. Therefore, we must now turn our attention to the various

translators as well as the texts translated within the above mentioned disciplines in

an attempt to gauge their influence on the Islamic tradition itself.

court favow and rcmoving the progressive, rationalistic doctrine of the Mu 'tazila fiom the state. CHAPTER TWO:

The selection of the texts themselves involved a specific process which was undertaken by the various translators who were at the forefront of the translation movement. As outlined in the introduction, 1 will focus on six specific translators and explore both their backgrounds as well as their translations in an attempt to assess their cont nbut ion to the Translation movement. These translators are: Thâbit ibn Qurra,

Hunayn ibn Ishàq, Yuhanni ibn Mâsawayh, Qusfi ibn LÜqi, Ishâq ibn Hunayn and

Yahya bin al-~i!:~. Also, within the three specific disciplines of astrology, medicine and philosophy, one mut examine the works which were chosen and then make an attempt to evaluate why they were chosen, i.e., was it their utility or their information or was it simply their reputation which brought those particular texts into the bosom of

Islam?

The selection of the texts themselves was a ngorous process which took a great deal of time and effort on the part of the translators, so one may ask why was t heir t ast e so disceming? It is clear in some cases that while certain texts were chosen, others were not. This is seen obviousty in the example of those disciplines which were deemed important when compared to those which were viewed as irrelevant to Islamic intellectual advancement. For instance, it is clear that the Islamic scholars did not see

poetry, tragic plays or Iiterature in general as being of any importance to their patrons,

hence, there was no Caliphal sponsonhip of these disciplines2s. However, the three

aforementioned disciplines were among many which were strongly sought after for their

information and their usefulness- This then is clearly the point which &ove the Muslims to such great lengths in order to increase their knotvledge in these areas. Before moving

further, it is important to evaluate just what texts were available to the translators since

t his fact in itsel f would help to decide which texts would be chosen. Looking back bnefly to the fînt chapter which discusses the lines of transmission more specifîcally, we must recall that many of the texts which the Islamic scientists encountered were texts which had already passed through an intermediary culture which had previously chosen those texts which they deemed important. As noted in Manfred Ullmann's

Isimic Medicine:

The christianization of the colleges in the sixth century also resulted in a shift of syllabus. Whereas previously Greek poetry, tragedy and histonography were taught and explained, as well as philosophy, medicine and the exact sciences, the syllabus was now reduced to the latter subjects because only these were relevant for the new religious beliefs and useful for the life-style. Thus when the Arabs later became the "secondary-modem pupils" of the Greeks, this was not because the

2% scc Michacl Dols translation of MedievalfsIamr'cM&c&e(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984) p. 8 whcrc hc slatcs that the Muslirns were genefally indifferent to nonscientific Iiterature of antiquity. Stream of these of these subjects had already dned up. The Arabs could only acquire that part of the Greek corpus of learning which the Christians in Syrïa and Egypt were then in a position to offelg.

But among the texts which were chosen, there were many which were le ft out and it is interesting to see that while according to our knowledge today, modem scholars would make certain choices as to who was important and who was not, in some cases, the

Muslims made di fferent choices.

When looking to philosophy, although Aristotle in particular was

O studied, it is clear that the emphasis of the study of Aristotle within Islamic philosophy was neo-Platonic. As wvell, there was also some confusion as to the authonhip of certain phiIosophica1 trxts; where it was generally believed that Aristotle wvrote certain works whose authors were in fact quite other. In the case of medicine, Galen is given the central role as the exemplary physician even though in the West it is generally agreed and accept ed that Hippocrates was the father of medicine. The question one may now ask is why was Galen given this superïor position? One answer could be in the fact that although the works of Hippocrates were hown and physically available, it may have had to do with what Galen represented to the Islamic scientists. For instance, it is interest ing to note that almost al1 of the Islamic scientists were physicians as well as

29 sec Manfrcd Ullman's Iskmic Medicwe (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1978) p. 7. 31 philosophers just as was Galen, hence, this may be one of the reasons as to why Galen was embraced more strongly. Another possible reason may have to do with the fact that

Hippocrates was a much more ancient author than Galen. As noted in Ullman's IsImc

MediCrne.

... Simply for this reason relatirrely unimportant Alexandrian commentators were of greater importance for the Arabs than Hippocrates himself, because they were nearer in time and because they presented more simply the contents of the difficult Hippocrat ic witings dressed up in the spirit of al en^'.

The discipline of Astrology, which today is seen as tittIe more than common superstition, was seen by the Islamic scientists as a discipline of the utmost importance in determining the future and predicting common events, hence, its obvious interest for rulers. This makes it quite clear that the Muslims had their own definite persona1 views about what and who was worthy of translation. Within the above rnentioned disciplines, the lists of translations and modem commentaries of these translations are in abundance and hence, it is at this point when a selection process of

my own is necessary. Therefore, 1 will now turn to a profile of the afbrementioned

translators with a discussion and analysis of the works they each translated in the three

disciplines mentioned above in order to evaluate their contribution to each. Abu al-Masan Thibit ibn Qurra al varrani

Abu al-IIasan ThAbit ibn Qurra al-~arraai,more commonly knowa as Thibit ibn

Q iirra was a famous mat hcmat ician and ast ronomcr who lived during the 8th cent ury and scrvcd in thc 'Abbasid court under t ht. caliplis al-Mutawakkil (d.86 1) to al-

Mii -tadicf (d.902)". IIc was bom ia the ycar 836 A.D. in IJarran, an ancient çity in

uppcr Mcsopotamia and lie originatsd from a family who WC~Cknown for i heir promincncc in scfiolarsliip. The inliabit ants of Ijarran wcrc knciw [or ~wrs11ipping.i hc' plancis'', Ilowcvzr, t his group had long reaanied tlir.msc.lvr.s --Sahians". i-c.. iliar pup of "l'agans" wlio souglit refiigc in t hc Qur'anic vsrss, rixcn~pting t lic "S abians" Srom pcrsccution". tbc Qur'an says:

Tliosc wlio hsliwc (in t lie Qur'an), And t hose who Loflow the Jswisli (scripiures), hdthe Christians and the Sabians,-.by who helicve in God And ille Last Day, And work rightsousness, Sball bave t hrir reward With kirLord: ou t hem S hall be no €car, nor sbnll t hey grievrY.

"' Ihid p. 11. " scc I. Rush wbTliRbicIbn &urraHHE I IVol. 4 p.452. '' Ibid p.452 ': WC Ibn al-~diiii~sFjbrisr. (New York: Columbia University Press. L970) Vol. Ii p. 784-785. 14 xr... 7Ec IIoIy Qur'a3 Translation and conuuentary by k Yusuf Ali. (Brentwood: hiilana Corp., 1983). S. II v.62 p.33-34 Th5bit came from a farnily of money changen3*and due to his wealthy status, he was

able to seek education for a time in Baghdad where he became quite learned in mathematics and philosophy. After having encountered much of this foreign

knowledge, he fell out of favour with his community due to his allegedly liberal philosophical opinions. ThereaAer, Thàbit moved to Kafrat Ütha, a town sit uated in the

Mesopotamian region near Dam On one of his joumeys from the Byzantine lands to

Baghdad, Thàbit was discovered by one of the members of the Bani MÜsz~~,who impressed by the former's knowledge, took him to Baghdad to meet the reigning Caliph al- Mu 'tadid (d.902 A.D.). The Caliph, also impressed with Thibit 's knowledge, appointed him one of his court astronornea". Here is where Thiibit composed a geat many of his translations and lived out the rest of his Iife untii his death in 901 A.D.

Thibit's accompiishments were a great benefit to the Sabians in Harran as well as elsewhere since his works were so highly regarded. These various texts were

" see J. Ruska "ThZbit B. Km"EII Vol. 4 p.452. 36 lbidp.452, and D.H. Hill's '*MUS& Bad' in the El2voI. W pp. 640-641,where the story rela~edto us is t hat whilst on a journey from Byzantium to Baghdad, Thiibit met Muhammad b. MUsZ b. Shakù, (one of the Banü MkZ) who, after recognizing ThZbit's knowledge, ttook him to the Calipb's court. The Bani Misi were a group of three brothers, M@ammad, -ad, and abHasan, who were amoag the most important figures in the intellectual life of Baghdad in the 9th century. Under the successon of al- Ma'rnÜn, the brothers became rich and influentiai. They devoted much of their weaith and energy in a qucst for t hc works of thcir predecessors, especially in Greek and Syriac, and sent missions to the lands of the Byzantine crnpire to seck out manuscripts and bnng them to Baghdad, '' Mp.452 34 said to have been of a very superior level of translation and his contribution to the movement was extremely large-

While Thibit 's translations were not as numerous as those of his contemporary Hunayn ibn Ishaq, (discussed below), his contribution to the translation movement was nonetheless quite significant, He was known to be perfectly fluent i~.

Greek, Syriac and Arabic; however, whether he knew Persian well enough to produce good translations of Persian works is unhorvn3*. What we do how of Thibit 's translations are as follows, with respect to astronomical and mathematical texts:

Euclid's Elements

Archimedes' The Sphere aod the Cyfinder,Oo the Measmement of a C'eand The

Book ofLemmas

Ap O 110 ni us of Pe rg e Concs, On the Cuîthzg-offof a Ratio, TkDetemed Section

Pappus' commentary on the PheofspOems by Ptolemy

Eutocius' Treatise onLhes

Archimedes' ?lie Sphere and the Cyhder

- -- - 3K sec Lucian Lcclcrc Histoite de la Médi'cCaeVol. 1 (Paris: Emest Leroux, l876).p. 168. Nicomachus' htraduction to the Study ofNrnabers

Aut olycus' On a Moviog Sphere, On the Risiag and Serriog ofStm.

Theodose's Spheres

Pt O lemy 's Ahagest, Geography of the urbabited Lao& (Geographiaia),a Description of rhe Earrb (Textus de S~bere)~aad Plabetas. Hmo fheses (iPI~~phaen~um)~On the Yeam Menelaus' The Ekments of Geometry

Epaphrodit us' Commentay on An'srorle % Accomf of the Halo ofthe Moon and the Rahbo W.

While ThZbit's astronomical and mathematical translations are numerous, his medical and philosophical translations were much less so. He is credited as having translated the following medical texts:

G alen's ~~ymd~,On the Befter Secr, mat one BeZieves as an 0-n.

Themistius's commentqofNat~~aZHealing

Pyt hagoras' Comentiuy on the Golden Testaments @art ial translation only due t O ThZbit's death).

Perhaps the most intnguing of the translations for which Thiibit was responsible is the "Alexao&m Corpur" a philosophical text, which was completcd wit h the collaboration of Qwii ibn LÜqZ d. circa 922 A-D.,Ishaq ibn Hunayn d.9 10 36

A.., and Abu YU EU^ al- ind di d. circa 873 A.D."' This Corpus sncornpassed the works

of minor Gréek mat hcmaticians and astronomers and was presumabty edited by Theon

of ~lexandria". The four men worked to translate and revissr t his tsxt in order to hrlp

wit h the understanding of Ptolemy's Afmagesl and Euclid's Elements. This was

mcntioocd by flic men in a number of works as being th& primary mcitivating factor.

The purpose ofThnbit and his group. to publisli minor works esst.otial fnr an undcrstanding of t he Afmagcst and of liuclid's E~cmcatia,appcars in several important staterncnis. 1 1 Tlic title of Tliabit's Tashi2 nI-,4fq%ti.,, 21 A list. in Arahic, of a 'Scrics or books to bc rcad h&re t lit2 Almagcst. ... 3 Jacomparable list, in Latin ...4 1Tc.n -«riginal works' mentioncd by al- in& in liis Risafah fi sina a/ /3at/amy~)'a/-iàlakijyah, of wliich fivc appear to hc. from t hc' Arabic Corpus and wliicli al- in& says wcrc .-arranpcd aftcr ihc A3rh ai-usfuqssai', I lia1 is l~uclid'sI~Icrncnlia- 5 jStatements in t hc maniiscripts of the type t liat t\ut«lycus' DL.Sphaera was t ht? --fil' h intzrmdian'-''

TIiibit was quite a proficicnt I raaslator and bis coutribut ion tcj t Iic t wnslat ion

movcmcnt was ext t'nsive. In làct, in the words of Lucien Leclerc when dcpict ing

Tliabit ibn Qurra: Tersonnc plus que lui ne favorisa I'Ct udc dcs

-

j9 Clfi-mc is a scniifluid mass of parlly digestcd food alter passing from the stoinacli into the small intcstinc. n-hcrc it is digestcd. 'O WC Francis J. Camiody's Thc Asfronomicai Wnrks of Tbibif Qurra(Urrkr1y: Irniwrsity of ('alit'ornia Prcss, 1960). p. 20-22. 11 rhid p- 20-22 " /bit1 p. 2 1 37 mathématiques et des astronomes chez les rabe es'" . However, when looking to the modem sources, we find that although ThZbit's reputation as a translater is tvell known, the information provided specifically on his actual contribution is somewhat Iimited.

For instance, the best sources dealing with his translated works are as follows:

The article in the EncycIopaeda of1sZam (1st ed vol. 4 p. 452) gives

important biographical information about Thâbit and his life. In Francis J. Cmody's compilation of The Astrunomcal Wurks of Tbibit Ibo Qw4 an adequate mention is

made of Thàbit's biographical information and a list of his translations is given. In

Lucien Leclerc's Histoh-e de la Midicine, Thibit 's persona1 detaiIs are given greater mention. For example, his biographical details are much more extensive and a much

larger, more comprehensive list of his translations are given. The final, most important

source with respect to Thiibit 's works and biographical details is Ibn al-~a8rn.s(d.990

AD.) Fimst, which presents extensive information on both his biographical details as

well as the list of his translations. The rest of the sources, Iisted in the bibliography of

this text ,while somewhat useful, are for the most part incomplete in their analysis and

specific details about the life and works of ThEbit.

4 3 scc Lucian Leclerc Histoi~de la Médi'cre Arabe Vol. 1 (Parïs:Ernest Leroux, 1876). p.172- Hunayn Ibn Ishaq al 'ha&

AbÜ Zayd Hunayn ibn Ishaq al-'ha& (known to the Latin West as

Joamitius), is by far the most famous of the Arabic transîators. He was a Nestorian

Christian bom in &Kir& a city in the sout hem region of Baghdad. in 808 AD(< His father was a pharmacist and as his nisba points out, he \vas a descendant of the Arab tribesman who embraced Christianity, and who remained Nestorian Christians even after the rise of ~slarn.~'Most accounts tell of him being educated at the prominent

Persian school of ~undishà~ür~~,mentioned in the first chapter. He eventually moved to

Baghdad around 826 A.D. and studied under the director of the Bay? ai~ikma,Ibn

Misawayh, d 857". Here he remained conducting translations until at one point he was repnmanded for asking too many questions and so was asked to leave by his master. He was well versed in Arabic, the vernacular of his region, and Syriac, his mother tongue.

It is also claimed that he knew Persian and during this time while he was away, he was rumored to have traveled to Alexandria where he became proficient in Greek. This gave

44 sec Michacl W. Dols, Medeva/ lsfamr'cMedi'ciae (J3erkeley: University of California Press, l984),pp.7 & 8. " sec G. Saohmaier, Hmayn ibn Ishiik al- 'ha& in EIZ Vol. III p. 578 . '"mdp.578 Ibidp.578 39 him an advantage over many of the other translaton around him48since he was able to work with the primq Greek texts as well as the Syriac translations. When he retumed to Baghdad, he was invited to retake his post at the Sayt almauntil on a few future occasions he fell out of favour of the reigning Caliph al Mutawakkil and was imprisoned. It was at this point that his library was confiscated and he is known to have been quite disturbed by this fact4'. However, nearing the end of his career, he was once again re-instated into the Caliph's favour where he died in the year 873174 A. D.

Hunayn is also well known for his precision in translation where he employed a method of translation which did not simply transcribe the works, but rather, ut ilized a much less Iiteral form of translat ion5*. Instead, Hunayn would translate full sentences together rat her than individual words in order to maintain the true meaning of the texts. In his own words, Hunayn tells us about his translation of Galens's On Sec&

1translated it when 1 waas young from a defective Greek Manuscript; when 1 was foay, my pupil Hubaysh asked me to correct it afier 1 had collected a number of Greek copies of the same work. I therefore arranged these in such a way that 1could build up a correct

ibidpp.578 & 579 49 Scc Ibn Khallikan's Biograhicaf Dictioaary, Vol. 1 (Paris: Oriental Translation Fund of Great Britain and Ircland, 1842) p.478. so scc IJunayn ibn Isbiiq's Questions on Medr'che /or Scboim (Cairo: al-Ahrarn Centre for Scientific Translation. 1980) p.xxi copy. 1then compared this work with the Syriac text which 1 corrected, and this is the method 1 followed in everything 1 t ranslated5'

Along with these achievements, Hunayn was also a famous physician in his own right who wrote rnany treatises on diseases of the eyes2. This then was his main forte- medicine. It is clear from his many translations of medical works as well as his own works on the subject that he greatly excelIed in this area and therefore, it is no surprise that he chose to translate the works which he did. However, as noted belou-, Hunayn also translated works from the other two disciplines singled out in this study; nevertheless, it is clear that his daim to fame revolved around his proficiency in medicine. He did not possess the same command of the logical complexities of philosophy or astroIogy, which is rooted in the deep, complicated mathematical formulae of astronorny. It is probably due to this reason that Hunayn devoted most of his attention to the field of medicine. It is very understandable fiom a utilitarian perspective as to why medical works would be sought after and clearly Waynshared these views, as seen in his decision to focus on medical texts. Hunayn's translations of foreign texts were quite extensive, including

works in medicine, philosophy, astronomy, mathematics, magic and one~ornanc~~~

Hunayn is credited by Ibn al ~ad:imas having translated into Syriac ninety-five works of

Galen together with another thirty-nine into Arabic (see Appendix LMfor the complete

list) ". One point of interest is that although historically Hunayn is credited with having

trans tated certain works, it has been argued that in fact he may have been credited with

works that he did not translate. It has been stated that perhaps some of these works were translated by Ijunayn's nephew Hubaysh, whose name, when transcribed, appears to be quite similar to that of Hunayn's o\vn. This then could account for the fact that one name could possibly have been mistaken for the other." We are told by Ibn al-

~adirn'sin his Fr'@st:

It was the good fortune of Hunayn [ibn Ishiiql that the things which Hubaysh ibn al-Hasan al-A'san, 'Isa ibn YahyZ, and others translated into Arabic were attributed to him, Hunayn. If we have recouse to the catalogue of Galen's books which Hunayn made for 'AG ibn Yahyà, we leam that most of the things which Hunayn

" sec G. Strohmaier's "yunayu ibn 1-àk*' EI2 vol. III p.579. 54 sec Ibn al-Nadim's Fwst (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970) pp.693 -694 vol- 1 This is confirmed by Max Meyerhof in his article " New Light on Hunain Ibn Ishaq and his Period" see Max Mcycrhof s "New Light on Hunain ibn Ishaq and his Period" ISISvoI. 8 1926 p.686 55 scc Max Mcycrhof s The book of the Tm T~is'seson the Eye ASCR*~~~to ffmain Ibn Ik&%q (Caifo: Govcrnmcnt Prcss. 1928) p-xx. 42

translated were [translated] into Syriac, although he may have also have correct ed and exarnined the Arabic of other people's translation^^^.

Arnong the books which Hunayn is credited as having translated of Galen's are:

On Different Fevers and Oa tae T'jpes [ofFeveHinto Syriac for his patron ~iMland soon after, On the NafrualFacu/tiesS It is important to note that these texts were some of the earlier texts which Hunayn had translated and hence, later on in his career, he had thern revised and in some cases. retranslated altogethe?'.

On Secrs, Distinction, one section, The Art, one section, To Tutbrao of rhe Pulse one section, To Glaucus; on settiug ral'ags in order fbr the healiag of dr'seases. t wo sections,

Anatomy, EIements, one section, Temperament, t hree sections, Natual Abilites, three sections, The Fevers, ttwo sections, The Cnsis, three sections, Days of Cnsis, three sections, TnCk of the Cure, six sections, The Voice, four sections (see Apendix M for the complete list of Galen's works)

Orib asi us' Eustathim nine sections, Eùuapius, four sections, me Seventy Days

'' scc Ibn al-Nadim's Fmt(New York: Columbia University Press, 1970) vol. 1 p.682 57 scc Max Mc ycrho fs neBook of Ta Treais'seson the Eye AsmW1bedto fluuaih ibn Miq (Cairo: Govcrnmcnt Prcss, 1928) p.xix In light of his other translations, we are less acquainted with those which Hunayn did not specificaliy mention in his own books. However, we do know of his translations of Hippocrates which included:

TIre Oath OfH~ppomtes,the ApbonnsmswÏth Galen's cornrnentary translated into both

S yriac and Arabic. Fmures, The JO&% Proposis, The Regimen in Acute Diseases,

The Ucers, On Woundk in the Head The Four onginal book ofthe Epidemcs, The

Chymes, The Musdes, Need fir Respiration ha1 f of i t , Obscure Motions one section in

Arabic, The Best ofFonn Into Syriac and Arabic, Ewïofaa Lraeven Temperament one section, Medical Treatmeot, eleven sections, Born af Seven Mont& one section,

CVeahess ofRespiraihm t hree sections, Ernaciation, one section, The Strengt..of

Nutriments, t hree sections, The Appl'ication ofAUewatrOg Medieines, one section, IdeaE ofEi-asistratus about the Treatment ofDiseaes, Hi'ppocrates ' Treatment fOr Acute

Diseases, one section, To Zksybui11~,one section, mat the Excekt Physicim is a

Pfilosoplier, one section, The A utbentic Book ofHippocmtes, one section, Ioe Trial of the Physicim, one section, The Physician, Water audm On Nutriment, On Hman

Nature. The Fi&f.st also tells us that Hunayn translated the entire Spopsis ofOnbasius, as well as his book, the Seven Books ofPaul ofAegioa and the Herbs andMatefia Medca ofDioscdes. He is also ascnbed with having translated a version of Theomnestus'

VetenhuyMedicine and Srngeq

With respect to Philosophy, Hunayn translated the following ivorks:

Aristotie

The works he translated into Syriac are the Orgrnon, On hfepretatioa, On

Generation and Comptioa and parts of the Merapbysics. r Theworks he translated into Arabic are theC'tegones, Eféics, Physics, andrevised

a former translation of the AaalflicsS

The cummentmés ofAlexander ofAphro&sias

The Isagoge of Porphyry

Several ofThemist ius' Arr'sfutefiancommeot&s

Plat 0's Politics, Laws, Tirneam and The FhtMover Does oot Mbve, one section.

Artemidorus' btep~tafionofa Dream Aside fiom these, there were a number of mathematical and astronomical treat ises which Hunayn also tram tated.

Mathematical tmatise composed by Eut ocius

Autolycus' On a Movlag S'@en

Euclid's Elemenfs

Nichol as of Damascus' A Sranmc.yv of An'stotIe's Phiksuphy, me Pimets

Menelaus's S'eres

Arc h i medes ' The Spljee md Cyiinder

Appolloni us of Tyana's Treatise on Astroiogy

Art emi doms' The htepretation ofSongs

Alexander of Aphrodisias' The Opuscules

Themistius' Commentayon theBookofthesoui

Ptolemy's The Four

It is important to realize that the buIk of mathematical and astronomical treatises were translated by Hunayn's contemporary, Thiibit ibn Qurrà (d.90 1 A.D.)". Finally, we are told in Ibn al ~ift'i'sTa'Rka al&kam& that Hunayn also translated into Arabic the

Greek old Testament (The Sepcuagiaf) which had been previously translated nom the

sec various rcfcrcnca in ibn al-Nadim's Fwst (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970). Vols I & II 46

~ebrewv'~.Unfortunately, this work has been lost, as like many of Kunayn's other

Arabic and Syriac translations.

The sources dealing specifically with Hunayn's life as well as his achievements are quite numerous. They deal with many aspects of his life as well as his translations. The most useful of these sources include:

The article on Hunayn ibn Ishak in the Encydopaedra ofIs/am 2nd ed vol. III pp.578-580, gives important biographical information conceming Hunayn's life

as well as the tirne he spent working under the patronage of ten 'Abbasid Caliphs.

Hunayn's book ent it led Questions on Medicine for Scholars, t ranslated by Paul

Ghalioungui, in the biographical section gives both information on Hunayn's life as ive11

as a small list of his contribution to the translation movement. However, the list and

information, while useful, is somewhat incomplete. Max Meyerhof s Translation of The

Book of the Ten Trearises on the Eye Asc~bedtoHM& fin Is* has, in the

introduction, an important section on Hunayn's biographical and translation

information. The list is incomplete, and yet, it is still useful for in the information it

provides Max Meyerhof s article in ISISentitled "New Light on Hunain Ibn Ishaq and

59 sce Max Mcycrhof s The Book of !&e Eye Ascnaed to Hm& Ibn I*a (Cairo: Governent Press, His Penod", is an important source which although useful in the biographical information it provides concerning Hunayn, deals only with Hunayn's translations of

Galen's works. However, it does provide a comprehensive list of these works; since as stated by the author, the scope of the article is limited to these works alone. The most useful of the sources which gives information on both Ijunayn's biographical details as well as a cornplete list of the texts he translated is that of Ibn al ~*'a&n's ~RS~

As with Thibit, although the sources conceminp Hunayn are ext remely extensive, they are for the most part, repetit ive in their informat ion. As well, while they may mention some of the works which Hunayn translated, they are generally incomplete in their analysis.

Abu 2akZya Yuhanni ibn Mkawayh

Abu zakGya Yuhanna ibn MZsawayh, known to the Latin West as

Mesue Major, was a famous physician and translater of the 9th century. He was employed under the 'Abbkid caliphs fiom the time of HarÜn al ~asEdto al-

Mut awakkil. The son of a phamacist at Jundishipür, Ibn Misawayh came to Baghdad

1928) p. xxvii 48 and studied under the well known physician ~ibzlibn ~~shù'? Once under the tutelage of the 'Abbasid Caliphs, Ibn Mkawayh rose to fame quite quickly, however, this did not go without a negative reaction6! His link to the famous ~akTshü' farnily was probably the most influential factor of his success since they, like the Bannakids, had developed a family monopoly within the Caliphal circle and hence, they enjoyed a great deal of autonorny as well as fame. Like his menton, Ibn Mkawayh \vas also a

Nestorian Christian who stayed true to his faith and did not convert to 1slam6'. Due to their Iink with the Nestotian church, these men were able to keep in touch with Greek

Iearning. This, coupled with the group's former influence fiom JundishZpÜr, allowed them to master a variety of subjects which would have, in either place alone, been considered polar opposites6'. This is seen wvhere subjects such as astrology, alcherny, and medicine are given the same status as philosophy. Within the latin tradition, following the Islamic intellect ual deyelopment, there was a small degree of controversy as to weather or not Mesue Major \vas in fact the same penon as Ibn ~iisawa~h?This

60 sec J. Vadet's "ibn MZsawayh" p.872 in the EI 2 vol. III where we are told of how the ~ak&hu'family had gained a stronghold within the intellectuai circle in the 'Abbisid court. 6' Ibid. p: 872 62 ibid p.872. 63 The importance of this fact is that in the Nestorian tradition, there was a great deal of Greek influence and this tended to centre around the rationalism seen in the Greeksubjects of philosophy, and medicine. At JundishFpÜr, there was a trend to fol1ow subjects such as astroIogy and mathematics. Although there did cxist sornc ovcrlap in the subjects in both traditions, one does see the experience of these individuals allowing for a much smoother hannony between the two schools. 64 Scc J. Vadct's "Ibn Masawayh" in EIZ vol. III p.873. is a point which has been under debate for quite some ,horvever, for the sake of this study, it will be assumed that they are one and the same person.

Ibn Mkawayh's wrîtings were pnmarily in Syiac and Arabic. He is well known for being a physician whose main areas of focus were diet and phamacology. Ibn Mâsawayh's largest contribution to the translation rnovement was twofold. First, he was responsibte for the translations of some Greek scientific texts which he utilized at the Bayt alHiha, and second, he was famous for his instruction of

Hunayn ibn Ishaq, discussed above. One account tells us that Hunayn, although

instructed by Ibn MZsawayh, soon surpassed the knowledge of his teacher and hence, was dismissed by Ibn ~isawa~h~~.

Once brought to Baghdad, Ibn M5sawayh \vas appointed both as court

physician as well as the director of the Bayt aiHiXma. His repuration is centered around his role as court physician to the Caliphs and he is hown to have run with this elite

crowd after gaining his position. As aforementioned, this status did not go without

criticism ,however, he continued to enjoy this elevated lifestyle. He is also known to

'' sec G. Strohrnaids "uunayn b. Ishik al- '~ba&:' in ElZVol. III p. 578. 50 have been one of the many great translators who was sent to the Byzantine lands in order to find manuscripts for translation. He died in the year 857 in Samarra.

Among his translations which were much less than those of the other two men profiled above, t here were the following medical translations:

Hippocrates' Apho~isiasand Melaocholia

Gale n ' s Book ofFeven, On the Pdse, NutnRments,Pre vention of the Hmof

N'iments

When Iooking to the sources dealing with the life and works of Ibn

Masawayh, we note that although he is mentioned in many texts, the information given about Iiim and his contribution to the transiation movement is minimal. In many cases, he is depicted as a rather obscure figure, and much of this probably stems &om the aforementioned confusion as to his true identity as the Latin Mesue Major. Despite this fact, t here is an adequate amount of information nom some of the sources to give a relatively good picture of his life as well as his works. Some of the most useful are the article about him in the Encyclopaedia oflslam Zvol. Di pp. 872-873,where many concise details are given about his life and rote at the 'Abbkid court. There also is Ibn al ~asrn'sRWst which gives both biographical as well as academic details conceming 51 his life, translations and his works. Two other sources which are much more useful in both t heir biographical details as well as their Iists of ibn Mkawayh's translations are:

Donald Campbell's Ara& Medïcu>eand its Uuenceon the Middle Ages Vol. 1 and

Amin Kharirall ah's Ourïhe ofArabc Contti'butions tu 1Medic.e-

QustZ ibn LÜqi al-Ba 'laba

Qustii ibn LÜqa al-Ba 'labakki, was the famous medieval scientist and translator who came from the town of Ba '~abakk~~.He was from a family of Christians and was fluent in Greek, Syriac, and Arabic. With respect to his reputation as a translator, Qusfà had achieved the same status as Hunayn ibn Ishaq in terms of his ability to translate texts correctly. He was one of those translators, sent to Asia Minor to collect books, many of which he tran~lated~~.The fmal part of this life was lived out in Armenia whehere he was under the patronage of Prince ~a&sbwhile he composed many more scholarly work~~~.Qu@ died in Armenia in 9 1î/9 13 A.D. after which a shrine was erected over his grave in order to honor him69. His skills spread over the areas of medicine, philosophy, geometry, arithmetic, astronomy, and music with a a Quqi may have originated fiom either Ba 'lbakk or Heliopolis in Syria. see George Sarton's hrroduction to the History of Scimce Vol. 1 p- 602. 67 sec Ibn al-~a&m'sF~SL (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970) p. 1080 52 part icular specialty in rnedical pathology; And his texts covered areas such as: gout, infectious diseases, insomnia, knowledge of fevers, types of cnsis in itlness and the pulse.

Arnong his translations, Qustii is known to have translated the following mat hemat icat and astronomical works:

Plato's TheRoots ofGeornets.

Euclid's Ehents

Hyps i cles ' Suppfemeafand the Ascemims

Diophantes's agebra

Among his medical translations are:

Account ofthe Naturd HeaVngoriginal text along wit h the Comment ary of Alexander eight sections

Arnong his phitosophical translation are:

Ari s t Ot le's Opera omnr'a,Physics, Generation and Comption

- scc D. Hill's, "Kusti b LÜki" in E12vol V p. 529 6"bid p.529. 53 the comment ary by Alexander of Aphrodisias on Aristotle's Account of the book BeiDg and Corruption, first section as well as Alexander and John Philoponus's comment ary on the Physics.

Pl ut arch's Opininos ofNature, fîve sections and the Pracfice of Tdon the opMons of

Pbilosophy andmysics.

Hippocrat es' Aphunsms

Galens's comment ary on above

The works of Theodose

Aris t arc h us of Samos 'Distances ofthe Sm and Moon

Arnong the sources that deal with the life and works of Qus!: ibn LÜqZ , most do not give specific reference to his life. Hence, many of t he det ails provided above are pieced together from various sources. The most useful are Ibn al ~adim'sFi&ist, as well as

Lucian Leclerc's, Hrstoire de la Médiciae Ara6e which are helpful in the information they give. First, the Fi@fsttells us of Qustâ's persona1 details, as well as some of his translations. Second, Leclerc's Hstoke gives us much more specific detail conceming

Qus!â's translations as well as his individual works. Lastly, the lest useful of the three works mentioned here, but nevertheless helpful in its biographical information on Qusga 54

- is the art ide in the Ehcyc~opedt'aofhhm (2nd ed vol. V p 529 ) entitled "Kustà ibn

Lükà.

Abe Yaqüb Ishâq ibn Huuayn ibn Ishaq al- %a&

Abü Yaqüb Ishiq ibn Hunayn ibn Ishaq al- %a&, the son of the famous

Hunayn ibn Ishiq, was himself a celebrated translater. Like his father, his nisba telIs us that he originated from a group of Nestorian Chnstians who originated from ~iri''. He is well hown also as a physician, however, most of his translations were philosophical.

Some of these works Ive know to have been translated with the help of his father,

Hunayn, however, Ishiq himself attained a similar level of supenonty as did his father".

This was especially evident in his knowledge of the many different languages which were required for the translations. We are told that Ishiq was well versed in Greek

Syriac, Arabic and Peaian. Ishâq was among the group of men who were employed in the school of Hunayn, learning the skills of translation. We are toId that in terms of his mastery of the Arabic language, he even surpassed the skills of his father'2. Along with his translations, Ishaq indulged in writing poetry. This is an interesting point since

70 scc Ibn Khalli km's Biograplir'calDictionatyvol. 1 p. 188. " sec ibn al-Nadim's Fwst pp. 598-599. " Ibid p.672. 55 although the translatoa did not consider poetry to be one of those disciplines wonhy of translation, cleariy they did enjoy it themselves. His other writings were al1 medical and pharmacological in nature and in fact, in 903 A.D., Ishaq composed his ~a'& a(-i@bS

(Histo~ofPhysicims)which has been descnbed as the first known attempt to \rite about the begimings of medicine in comection Wth the history of philosophy and religionTS. Ishaq served the same Caliphs and chiefs whom his father semed and during his Iast days, he was in a preeminent position in the special semice of al-~smibn

'Ubayd Allàh the viz7erto the 'Abbasid caliph &Mu 'tadid ~illah". We are told that

Ishaq's relationship with al-~Zrnibn 'Ubayd Allah was so intimate that he was known to have confided in him those things which Ishaq would not have confided in any other person. Ishaq died after suffering from a stroke at Baghdad in 9 IO AD. after years of seniice to both the caliphs as well as to the advancement of the translation rnovement within Islam.

Among his many philosophical translations were:

Plato's SopHsfs with the commentary of Olympiodom.

Aristotle's De htepntatione into Arabic (with Hunayn), Account of the Analyica pnnorq into Syriac, Topr'ca into Syriac as well as Arnrnonius' and AIexander's

" sec G. Stromahier3 "Ishaq b. Hunayn" in El2 vol. IV p.110. 56 commentary on it. TbeRbetonca into Arabic. Account of the book Un Geneatron and

Comption into Arabic. Account of the Book neSodinto Arabic, Account of the

Book ofLettem known as the Diviae Ttuags, Iae Metaphysics unt il the let t er M, ne

C~mment~es.the Topics, Commentaries of Alexander of Aphrodisias and Arnmonius.

On Genention and Comptioa the Etlucsof Porphyry The soulby Themistius

Porphyry's comment ary of the Efhics and Themistius' commentary on the same.

Alexander of Aphrodisas' Poet'y

Ptolemy's Mmagest

GaIens' On Demonsfration,On the Timeaus of P 1at O, On the tmes ofreasoatag,

Commenfagyon AnstutLe, The Fht Mover,

Arnong his mathematical and astronornical transtations:

Eucl id's the Ekmeafs of Geometw, the Dat4 Optics, Pmpoiïions

Galen 's Book ofPhets, on the Medr'che ofErasistrate

Along with his translations, Ishaq's many original works were aha t remendous contribut ion to the translation movement. His many workr focused

7r scc Ibn Khallikan's BiograpbicalDl'crionaryvol. lp.188 predominantly on philosophy, the area in which he mostly translated texts and this then allowed him to expand and build upon the existing traditions. Among the sources which deal with him, there are Ibn malfikm'EBiogrppbicDictionayfor his biographical details as well as Ibn al-~ad=im'sFiwsf for a list of his translations and his original works. As well, there is a section on Ishaq and his biographical details and his translations in Lucien Leclerc's Histok.

Abu 2akZya Yahy5 bin ai ~i!;~

AbÜ 2akGya Yahy5 bin al E3itzq was a translator who lived during the time of the 'Abbasid Caliph al Ma'mk. He went far beyond the merits of his father, al-

~i!n~in his works and abilitie~'~(sorneonewith whom he is ofien confused). We are unfamiliar with his origins since little information regarding his biographical details exists. However, by looking at his name, al-~ifn~,we can tell that it onginates fiom the Greek Patricus. This in turn may make it fair to assume that his family originated from somewhere in the former Byzantine empire, Y ahyi worked in a team of translators

vizeJj who had concentrated their

75 sec D.M. Dunlop's 'The translations ofal-~i!z~and Yahy5 (Yt&uuiii) b. al-~i!;q'* in fomafofthe Royd hiaric Society ( 1 959) p 143. 58 efforts primarily on astro10~~~~.He was ordered to translate texts nom the books of old.

He was also commissioned by al-Ma'mÜn to bring ancient scientific books from the

Greek territories and to translate those that were found. Yahyà is aIso said to have been

a mawla or a fieedman of al-~a'mün". Unlike the other translators profiled in this study, Yahyii was not a physician, in fact it was more philosophy which was his forte78.

We are toid that he was charged wïth the translations particularly of the books of

Aristotle and also those of Hippocrates as well. It has been mentioned that perhaps

many of his works had been overshadowed by those of Hunayn and his conternporaries who are known to have Iived approximately sixty years later. However, we do know that

YahyZ cast his net quite wide, and is credited as perhaps being the first translator of philosophicaI works in Islam.

Arnong his philosophical translations, we are aware of the following works:

Arist ot le's PoIitics, De Caelo et Mmdo, De Anima, MeferoIog.lcaand Histona

Anùnafium into Syriac

An apocryphal work formerly ascribed to Aristotle entitled Secrerrrm Secntonïm.

76 sec "The translation of Greek Materials into Arabie" in me Cambn'dgc Mstory ofArabic Litmtm Religion, learniag md Sciénce ih the *Abb&idPenod(New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990) p.482. 77 sec D.M.Dunlop's "The Translation of al-I3i!Zq and Yahyà (Yulpmi) b. al-~i!n~"in Jomd ofthe Royal Asiafic Society( 1 959) p. i 42. 7K Ibid. p. 14 1. Plato's Tirnaeus

Arnong his medical translations, we are aware of:

Galen' s Serapioo, De Thenka ad Pisotlem

Hi ppocrat es' On the Sigar ofDeath

And the only mathematical text we know of Y&a~?ibin al-~i!;~translat ing is:

Ptolemy's Tetrabiblon

Arnong the texts which deal with Yulpnnâ al-~i!;~as well as his works. there are very few sources which tell'us about him and his life. The most useful ara tno articles, one which deals specifically with his life, defining his role in the translation movement as well as describing his distinction from his father, (someone with whom he has been fiequently mistaken). This article is Dunlop's "The translations of al43i!nq and Yahyà (Yaanna) b. al-Bitriq" Ur /ornai ofthe Royal Asiatic Society

(1959) pp. 140-150. The second article is "The Translation of Greek Materials into

Arabic" in The Cambn'dge Histoy ofArabic Literatum, Retigron, Le-g adScience in the 'Abb%idPenod. This second article is much more iimited in its scope on

Yuhanna al-Bipiq and it is only useful since it gives us a List of his translations. At this point it is clear that the role and contribution of the above mentioned translators was extremely large. Although they were under the direct patronage of the Caliphs, it is evident that without their skills and expertise not only in translation itself, but also in the subject areas discussed above, they would not have been able to make the texts available to their successors to study from and to comment on. As well as aforementioned, their selective process is what decided which text would be the ones to pass on to subsequent generations of scholars. It is also important at this point to reiterate that although the translation movement is cornmonly termed the translation movement in Islam, al1 the translaton profiled abo~~ewere of non-MusIim ongin. This is important since it heIps us recognize the social situation of the MusIims at that time and allows us to conclude that knowledge as well as the knowledgeable, despite ithheir origin were fairly openly embrace for the punuit of truth and infonnat ion. Conclusion

When looking back to the events which surrounded the translation movement one notes many factors which led to its patronage. Among the most obvious were clearly political, utilitarian and simply a quest for knowledge. Beginning wvith the first point, Le., the political motivation which led to the translation movement, one needs tu refresh oneself with the political setting at the time of its commencement. For instance, just following the 'Abissid revolution, there came the manifestation of various splinter groups which were making political cohesion within the 'Abksid empire almost an impossibility. At this point, there were disputes of many natures, however, one of the most important was that of the right to succession. The 'Abissids had attempted to leçit imize their aut hority by claiming their decendance from the Bap alM@ammad, however, this was not enough. By the influence of foreign philosophy with its various logical arguments which allowed for increased dialogue in the area of dialectic theology, the 'Abksids were able to corne up with a supponive theological argument conceming their right to legitimate rule

From a utilitarian perspective, the tutelage for this knowledge is quite understandable. When reflecting on any one of the three disciplines of astrology, philosophy and medicine, one sees how each could have been useful. Astrology generally was welcomed for its 'ability' to predict future events and gauge the personality of people. Philosophy as mentioned above allowed for the refining of

Muslim religious thought to the point where no subject was left untouched by the future

Islamic philosophers. And with respect to the discipline of medicine, it is probably quite self evident as to why any culture would wish to extend its medical knowledge and

expertise.

The last reason as to why the translation movement was probably so strongly embraced was simply the age old quest for knowtedge undertaken by many cultures in an attempt to emulate the achievements of its predecessors In the case of the Islamic scientists, they clearly had a desire to Ieam and incorporate the ideas of

those older, more refined cultures, sincs the Muslims wished to compete with these

cultures on a more even ground. Militarily, they had already proved their dominance by

successful conquests, however, it is fair to assume that they also wished to compete on

intellect ual grounds as well and t hus, the translation movement was strongly endorsed.

Once the translation movement was initiated, the select ion process of

the sources themselves was done according to various factors. The fint. and probably

the most evident reason for the selection process was the availability of the sources to 63 the Muslims at that time. The other reason goes back to the utility of the lmowledge to the Muslims- For instance, if a source was not usefuI, even if it was othenvise important, it was not selected for translation.

The contribution of the translators to the movement was aIso very important since they were the ones to decide what was to be translateci and what wïs not. Hence, every advancement made within the Islamic lntellectual tradition can be awarded t O the translators since they were responsible for choosing, translat ing and learning from the texts they encountered.

Therefore, due to al1 the above factors, it is clear why the translation movement was embraced. It is also important to mention the ramifications of this movement . First, the Islarnic lntellectual tradition exploded out of this initial effort and continued on for many yean to corne. As well, much of the howledge which was passed on to medieval Europe was that which the Muslims had encountered, translated and commented on. Therefore, it is evident that the translation movement was not only useful to those Muslims during the early 'Abbisid caliphate who wished to refine themselves as well as their culture and Imowledge, but for years to follow, it also radiated to many areas West of Baghdad. This enabled future generations of Muslims 64 a and non-Muslims alike to not only have access to these ancient texts, (some of which were no longer extant in their original form), but to benefit from the Muslims' efforts at

understanding these texts in a possible attempt to refine the cultures to which they

belonged to also. The following appendices contain a list of dl the most significant ancient authors mentioned throughout the course of this thesis as well as many of their most significant works. Although many of the following texts were never translated into Arabic (or Syriac), for the sake of completion, they will be Iisted here.

Appendix A

Apollonius of Perga

Apollonius of Perga's most important text that we know of is his

Konika. This text has been translated into English, Latin and Arabic also. His other texts are:

On the Cutting-offofa Rat&

On the Cuttitfg-Offof an Area

On Detemihate Secrioa

On Tangencies

On Plane Loci

00 ver*gs

On the dodecabe&om aud the icosahedvtl

Pn~c@Iesof Ma tbematia On the CocbIias:

On mordend il;rafioaals

Measurement ofa cimie

Conth ued m u/t~i,iications

On the Bmingbfhmr

Appendix B

Apollonius of Tyana

Among his works are what is commonly termed The Leffem of

ApoIfonius of Tyma and his Treatise on Astrology

Among the wrorks of Archimedes which were translated into bot h

English and Latin are as follows. Those texts whvhich were translated into Arabic will be

noted with an asterisk.

On the Spke and the Cyliodeer*

commentaries include those by Eutocius of Ascalan

Measmemeor ofa Ciide

On Conid and Spberoidc* On Sprials

On the Equ'Iibnnumof Planes

The Sand-Reckuner

Quadrature of the ParaboIa

On Fhting Bodies

BookofLemmasf

The Cattle-Probfem

A~pendixD

Arist archus of Samos

The work of his which Ive have is the Distances ofthe Sm andMoon hpendix E

Arist ot le

The following is a List of Aristotle's texts, as classified by Bekker together with some of the most significant commentaries of these texts. Al1 the texts of kistotle Iisted below have been translated fiom the original Greek into both Latin and

English and those texts with an asterisk next to them were also translated into Arabic.

Catego&e, Categmfes* 58 commentaries include those by: Porphyry, Stephanus of Alexandria, John Philoponus,

Arnmonius, Thernistius, Theophrastus, Simplicus, Theon of Alexandria and Iamblichus

(which may be a false attribution).

De htepretatioae, On hterptetafion * commentaries include Alexander of Aphrodisias who's commentary is non-extant, John

Phiioponus, Iambiichus, Porphysi, the epitome of Stephanus and a rare commentay of

GaIen which is non-extant. haiflica Pnora,PnOr Analflics * commentaries include those of Alexander of Aphrodisias, Alexander of Ammonius,

Themist ius and John Philoponus.

Ana/yica Postenora,Postenor Andflics * commentaries include those of Themistius, Porphyry, Alexander of Aphrodisias who's is non-estant, and Johns Philoponus.

Topica, Topics * partial commentaries by Aiexander of Aphrodisias, Porphyry, Ammonius, and Jonh

Philoponus

Sophis ficiElenctu, SophisrCal Refutations *

Physica, Physics * commentanes include those of Alexander of Aphrodisias Porphyry ,John Philoponus,

John Philoponus and Themistius.

De Caelo, On the Heavens*

There exists a partial cornmentary by Alexander of Aphrodisias and a full cornmentary by Themistius

Dc Generatione et Comptione, On Generation and Comptioa*

Commentaries include, Alexander of Aphrodisias, Olympiodorus, Themistius, and John

Philoponus

Meterologica, Meteoro/ogy* comment aries include those of Olympiodorus and Alexander of Aphrodisias

De Anima, On the Sou/* cornmentaries include those of Themistius, Olympiodorus, John Philoponus, Nicholas of

Damascus and Simplicius

De Sensu, On Seme

De Mernom, On Memo~y

De Somo, On SIeep

De hsolfll~~ïs,On Drem

DeIuvenrute et Seoectute, On Youîh aod OId Age De Partibus Animali'm, Parts ofAnimals* comment aries include that by John Phitoponus

De Motu AnUaaliaa, Movement ofAnuaals*

De Generatione Anhalium, Ceneration of Animais*

Metaphysicq Metapysiks * commentaries include those by Alexander of Aphrodisias, Themistius, and Syrianus

Erhica Nicomachea, Nicbornachean Elliics*

Ethica Eudemi4 Eudemàn Erhics * commentaries include a complete commentary by Porphyry and a partial one by

Themistius

PoIitica, Politics (t ranslat ed int O S yri ac)

Rhvroka, Rhetonc *

Poerica, Poetics *

There is a discourse of Themistius on it, however there is also an opinion that it is falsely attributed to him. hpendix F

Art emidorus

The works which we have of his is the Oneirocn'tica, On the

Intepretarion of Dreams and The hfepretatiotl of Sangs Appendix G

Autolycus

Autolycus' two books are On a mowbg sphem and his two part book On nsingandsettiogsofsfam. Both these books have been translated into English and

Latin and Arabic

Appendix H

Dioscurides

His texts, the De Matena Medica and Herbshave been translated into

English, Latin and Arabic.

Appendix I

Diophantes of Alexandria

His books include the An'thetica, Algebra and On PolygooaalN'bers both of which have been translated into English, Latin and Arabic.

Appendix J

Epaphrodi t us

Arnong his works is his Commentary on Aristotle's Account of the Halo

of the Mooa and Rahtrow.

Appendix K The following is a list of Euclid's texts along with the mon significant cornmentaries. Al1 the texts have been translated into both English and Latin and those texts which were translated into Arabic are noted with an asterisk

The Eiements * commentaries include those of Nichornachus, Pappus of Alexandria, and Theon of

Alexandria

The Data

The Ponsms*

The Conics*

The Surface Loci

The Oprics*

Ap~endixL

Eutocius

Among his t ext s are his Treatise on Lhzes and Mathematical Treatise, both which exist in English and Arabic.

Galen The following is a list of Galen's texts as classified by Meyerhof. AI1 the texts have been translated into English and Arabic (except those texts which were lost which are noted with an astensk). Those texts given with a Latin title were also translated into Latin-

1 Libn'spropn'r's

2 De Ordr'ne Librom SUO~

6 Ad Glaucoaem de Medendi Methodo

7 De Ossibus ad Tirornes

8 DeMuscdom Dissecfime

9 De Nemonun Dissectione

1 0 De Venanua Arten-arumque Bsectione

1 1 De E1ementÏ.s secundm Hippocratem

1 2. De Tempemneotis

13 De Facuitatibus Natmalibw, On the Nafural Facdfia

1 4 De Ca mis et S'tomatibw 1 5 .De Locis flecfis

1 6 De Pdsibus

17 De TpisFebnnm), On Tjpes ofFevers

1 8.De Cn'sibus

1 9 De Diebus Decretonïs

20 Methodus Medendi

2 1 De Anatomicis Administrationibus

22 Epifome Libronrm Antomi'corum Mananlu* comment anes include that by Orbasius

23 DeEpirome Librom Anafom'corumLyci

24 De Anatumica Dissensione this book is lost

25 De Vivonn Anatome

26 De hatome Mortuonna

27 DeWi)pocra fisAnatome

2 8 De Drasistrati Ana tome

29 Ignorata a Lycone in Anatomia

3 0 Adversus Lyctnn 3 1 De UtenDissectione

32 On the Artuclation ofthe Fint Ve~ebra*

33 De Narclra Humaoa @ossiHeLath titZe), On rhe Diffenmeof Homogenous Partr of the Human Body

3 4 Vocalim IBstumeatonrm Dissectio

35 De Anatmnia Ocdom

3 6 De Moru Thoracis et PuhoarS

3 7 De eausis Respliatioms

35 De Voce et Anbefitu

39 De MO~UMwculonrm

40 On the Heterodoxy

4 1 De Usu Puleuum

42 De Respiratiums Usu

43 An in MenYs Natura Sangurj Conrineatm

44 De Prganthn MeaYcanemto~mFaculate

45 De Coosuetudhe

4 6 De P'acitis Hzppocntis et PIatoms

4 7 De Motibus M'anifestis et Obscms 48 De hstnmento Odorat us

49 De Usu Piirfium Co~ponSHtaaacllacll

5 O De Optima Copons Nostn*Constitution

5 1 De Buno Habr'tu

52 De haequdi Iofempene

5 3 De Simplicircm Me&camentonnn Temperamenntis et Facultatibrrr

54 On rhe diagnosis ofthe affStionsof the eyes

55 De Morbonun Trnporibus

56 De Pentudine

57 De TumodxqxaeterNaruram

58 De Caus& Procatarcticis

59 De Causis ContinentÏbus

60 De Iremore, Palpatafime, Rigore et Convulsione

6 1 De Patîibys Mis Medi'cae

62 De Semhe

6 3 De Septlinestri Partu

64 De Atra hie

65 Advenus Eos qui de t'pis scnpsenmt 6 6 Spopsis Libromm Suonna de Pulsibur

67 De Msibus adversus Atchgenem

68 De Dificultate Resp&ationis

69 De Praenotioae

70 Synopsis Methodi Medendi

7 i De Ven3esectiotle advenus Edstratum

72 De Marcore (uarasmo)

73 Pro P uero Epilepth Consilium

74 De Alimentonua Faculratibus

75 De At tenuante Vr'ctus Ratione

76 De Probis Pravisque Mimentom SUCUS

77 O the Ideas ofErasistratos about the Treatment ofDiseses

78 De Deaeta Acutom (Moboruxn) Secmdum Hppocratem

79 De Compositione Mè~camento~secmdm Genera, secundun LOCUS

80 De RemediTs Parabifibus

8 1 De Antidotis

82 De Tbenàca adPhmphifii~~lw

83 De Tbenkca adPisonem 84 De Tuenda Sm'tate

85 Ad ThybyIum

86 De Parve Pilae Exercitio

87 h Hzppocratis jmj~~illldmCommentananus

88 lh Hzppocratis Aphonsmos Commentanï

89 h Hrppoccraius Librtcm De Fracfunk Cornm.

9 O h Hzppocratis Progaosticon Commentan7

9 1 h Hppocratis Proposricm Coommentanï

92 In H@pocratis De Deaeta Acutonoo Libros Comm.

93 h Hzppocratis De U/cenbusLibm Cornm.

94 h H@pocraies De C'iris V'en'busLibnnn Commenî

95 In Xppocratis DeMorbis Populan3m Lik Comm.

96 h Hzppocratis DeHumon'bw Libr- Corma.

9 7 u.1 Hzppocratis praedictionm Lib~Comm.

98 in H~ppcrarisDe OffichaMedrci Commeat

99 h Hzppocratis De Aem, Aquis it Locis Comm.

I O0 ID Hzppocratis De Miment0 Libr. Cornm.

1O 1 h Hzppocratis De Foetus Natm tibr. Cornm. 1 02 lo Hr;Opocratis De Natura Utmiana Lib~camm.

1O3 Quod Optirnus Medcus sit quoque P6ilooppOus

104 DeGenu~~ms Scn;Otis Hippocratis

105 On the Inquhy Mothe Jmtice of the Criicism Ieveled by Qubtus agahst top sqqorten of H'&pocrateses'teachiag concernUg the iour QudÏties

106 De Comate secmdum Hiippocratem

1 07 Dictionum ObsofetarumHipporatÏ.. Exp ficati0

1 O 8 DeSubstantia Animae secundum Asciepiadem

109 De Expen-en fia Medrca

1 i O Oratio SU~ZSOR~ad Ades

1 1 1 DeSubfi'uratione Empfica

1 1 2 On the E~arnihationof the Best Pbysicim

1 1 3 De PropnYs Placitis

1 14 De NomI'nibtrs medrcinnalibus

1 1 5 DeDemonstratÏune Libn*X V

I 1 6 De PRRC@Ï~Sex Sqpsitione 1 19 De Mon'bus LibnnIV

1 20 De hdolentia

12 1. That the Best Peope take Advaotage of the^ Enemis

1 22. De lis Quae Medie scRpa smf io PIatomk TLmaeo

1 23 Quod Animi Mores Copons Temperamenta sequmtrn

124 Platornëo~~~~Dialogonnn Compendia Vm

1 25 i~Pninum Mo vens hmotum

1 26 hstitutio Logica

1 27 De Syflogismom Numero

1 2 8 In Mterum Anstutelis De lotepetatiooe Libtrm,

1 29 Ad Eos qui Voce Soloecissantes reprebendmt

Amendix N

Hippocrat es

The following is a list of the "Hippocratic Collection" as classified by

Adams. All the works have been translated into English, and those texts given with a corresponding Latin title were also translated into Latin. Those texts which were t ranslat ed into Arabic will be noted by an asterisk At this point, it is important to note t hat wit hin the text of the above thesis, there are certain apocryphal texts which were wrongfully ascnbed to Hippocrates and hence, are not included in this list. 1.De aere*

2.quis, et locis*

3.Prognosticon *

4.De dioeta (regUnrae) acutom*

5 .De morbispopuian'brrs I- W*

6.Apborisimi*

7.De natura homims*

8 -Deoctimestxi pattu*

9.Degenitura*

10.De septimam's*

1 1 .Proeceptiones *

1 2.Epist da ad Thessahm*

1 3. Testameatm *

14. Pr0,snostica (De indicris morfis)*

1 5 .Depusîulis et apostematihs ~ip~iTcantibusmodem *

1 6 .De situ rqgï!onuzn et dr'spositione anni tempomm *

1 7.Opera vafa*

1 8.Excepta varia* Appendix O

Hypsicles

His most important texts are, On Risiags, Sqpliment and the

Ascernions which has been translated into both English and Latin.

Appendix P

Menelaus

He wrote a trigonometrical work, Sphaenca, which is estant only in

Arabic and The Ehenfsof Geometry

Appendix Q

NichoIas of Damascus

Among his most important texts are The Hanets as well as a commentary of Aristotle both of which exist in Engfish and Arabic.

Appendix R

Nichornachus

His most important text is his htductzôn to the Study ofNmbezs which exists in English and Arabic.

A~~endixS

Oribasius Among his most important texts is the Eustatbr'zs, ZZe SeverrtyDays and S'psiis, al1 of which exist in English and Arabic.

Paul of Aegina

His most important text is his 7Books, which exists in both English and

Arabic.

Appendix U

Plato

The following is a list of Plato's u-orks as classified by Copleston along with the most significant commentaries on these works. Each text has been translated into bot h Lat in and English and t hose texts which were translated into Arabic will be indicated with an asterisk.

1 The Socratic Period f. Protagoras g. Channr'des h. Lysis

1. Repubi'ic

II The Transition Perïod a- Georgr'as b- Meno c. Euthydemus d. Hippias I e. Hippias II fi CratyZus g . Menexen us

III Period of Maturity a. Symposium b. Phaedo c . Repubi'ic a comment aries include those by Proclus, Galen and Chalcidius IV. Works of OId Age

a. Theaeîetus

b. Pannenlties*

commentaries include those by Plotinus, Syrïanus and Proclus

c . Sopfiis fes *

d. Law and Epinormlc*

e. Letters

f. Politics*

Some of the other significant commentaries on the works of Plato were witten by those

men who embraced his philosophy and carried on his tradition into the philosophical

tradition which we now know as neo-Platonism. These men were Plotinus, Plutarch,

Proclus, Iamblichus and Porphry.

Appendix V

PIot inus

The Edes,written by Plotinus is a significant text in rnany respects.

First, it has been translated into both English as well as Latin. And second, although it

had been translated into Arabic it is important to note that the Arabs had mistaken it for

a work of Aristotle's, whom they named the "greek shaykh". Arnong his other works which were not translated into Arabic are: TBaî the kitellgiles are not outside the bteilect, On the Go04 and On orn AIlotted Guardian Spuit.

Appendix W

PIutarch

Besides being a farnous commentator, Plutarch did write texts of his own- Among his most important texts are his Moralra which encompasses 187 books of which we today possess less than hatf (portions were translated into Syriac and Latin and English) and his Lives which encompasses 40 books. Along with his aforementioned commentaries on the works of Aristotle,

Porphyry is known to have written Agdt the Chslans and the Isagoge.

Appendix Y

Ptolemy

The following is al Iist of Ptolemy's texts al1 of which have been translated into both English and Latin. Those texts which were translated into Arabic are noted with an astensk.

Optics*

Planisphaenkm 5 a commentary exists by Pappus.

Alrnagest *

Geographia

Cosrnopphia *

Catagfogue of îhe Stars*

Textus de Sphera* Amendix Z

P ythagoras

Among Pythogoras' most significant texts listed below, only the first three are st il1 extant, and it is important to note that there is some debate as to whether or not he did in fact write these texts at ail.

On Nature

On Education

On Politics

On the Sud

On Pkty

Helohafes, the Father of Epichannus of COS

Croton

Tn'a3~077U

Scoprads

Amendix AA

Theodose

Among his most important text which we have today is his Sphems, which exists in English and Arzbic. Appendix BB

Theomnestus

His most important texts which we have today is his VetenatyMedche Bibliography

------Le C'ifarde Bagdadla Civilision 'abbar«d-Paris: Suros Alternatives, [1988].

-----1slafluc Science: Cmssmad ofCultures. London: An Exhibition at the Wellcome Institute for the History of Medicine, [1985].

Abel, A. " La place des sciences occultes dans la décadence." C'siccisme et le Déclin Culturel d's IWstoke de 17s.&~(1 956): 29 1-3 15.

Adams, F. The Geauiae WorksofH~$pcrates.Baltimore, The Williams and Wilkins Co., 1939. mmed, AkbarS. ~ivio~lsf&:From Samarkandto Stonzorvay. London: BBC Books, 1993. msan, Muhammad M. Social Li.Under the 'Abb&i& 170-289 AH 7786-90' AD. New York: Longman Group Ltd, 1979.

Al vemy, M .T. La Transmssion des textesphflosophiques et scientifiquesau Moyen Age. Aldenhot: Ed. C. Burnett Variorun, 1994. hawati, G.C.Philosophy, Theology and Mysticism. ed by Joseph Schacht and C.E. Bosworth. ~he~e~acy O~ISI'. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1974.

Armstrong, A.H. PIotUIus 1: Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1966. knaldez, R. "Science et philosophie dans la civilisation de Bagdad sous les premiers '~bbkides",Arabica ix (1962): 357-373.

Asht or, E. A Social and Ecoaomc Hstov of the Near Eat irr the Mddle Ages London: Collins, 1976.

Brom,J. Arabiaa Mediciae, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd., 1949.

Bayrakdar, M. "Muslim Contributions to Modem Science" Mida aildAd Penpectives xi-xii (1995): 8 1-89

B ielawski, Joseph. "Dew penodes dans la format ion de la terminologie scientifique arabe" RocmC- OnentafistycmyXX (1956): .262-320.

Bonncr, Michae!, D. The Emergence of the 'rliughud: the Amb-B'antrde Fronrier h the EN& '~bbsid~~e. London: Amencan Orient al Society, 1987.

Boswort h,C.E. The Arabs, Byzanfium &hm: Srdesia early Islamtc History and Cdtrne. Aldershot: VariournJ996,

Brock, S.P. "Frorn Antagonism to Assimilation: Syrïac Attitudes to Greek Learning". East ofBylatium: SmadAmrenia icr the Fornative Penoh Ed. N. Garison. Dumbarton Oaks Symposium, 1980: 17-34-

Brockeimam, C.Histoly of~shmkPeopks New York: Capricorn Books, 1960.

Bruin, F. & Vondjidis, A. TheBooks ofAufofykossBeirut: Arnerican University of Beirut, 1971.

B usard, H-L. L. The Tmslation ofthe Elements ofEuciid fion the Arabie uIto Latin by Hemaaa ofCa&t.a Amsterdam: Mathemat isch Cent um,1977.

Cahen . httroduction a llusfoire du monde musuUnan mé.ëvalee(VI 1-XV s iec le) Paris: Librairie d'Amerique et d'orient, 1982.

Campbell, Donald. Arabian Me&cine and its Muence on the Middle Ages Vol 1. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner gi Co., LTD., 1926.

C armody, FrancisJ. The Astronomcai Works of ThZbir B. Qlnra Berkeley : University of Califonia Press, 1960.

Coplest on, Frederick. A Estory ofPfiZosophy Vol I Greece &Rome. London: B ums 8c. Oats LTD., 1966.

Corbin, Henri. History ofIsIamicPhifosophy Tram by. Liadain Shemard. London:Kegan Pau1 Internat ional, 1964.

Dampier, Sir William Cecil. A Hjsro'y ofscience ditsReIatiom w*t& Philosophy yaod Religrun. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1942.

Daniel, Elt on L. The Polilcd and SocialHIstory of 1Eibltra~admder '~bb&id Rzde 74732û.Chicago: Bibliotheca Islamica, 1979.

Dodge, Bayard. MUSI'Education L Medeval Times. Washington: The Middle East Institute, 1962.

Dols, Michael. "Origins of the Islamic Hospital: Myth and Reality." Bulleth of the Hisrory ofMedicine 6 1 (1987): 367-390.

------MedievalIslamicMedicine- Berekiey: University ofCalifornia Press, 1984. Dunlop, "The Translations of al-~i~n~and Y*@ (~@a&) b. al-~ïj;~".Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society ( 1959): pp. 140- 150.

Ebied, R. Y. "Thabit ibn Qurra: Fresh Light on an Obscure Medical Composition". Louvain:Le Museon, 1966. extrait du tome LXMX.

Eche, Y. Les bibli~th~~uesarabespubfiques et semi-pubiiques dm Mesopotamie, Sm& Emfeau moyen Âgey Damascus: privately published, 1967.

Eells, Charles P.Lifi and Times ofApoUonius of Tyaoa. Cali, Stanford University Press, 1923.

Galen: Problems mdProspects, ed by V. Nutton. London: Wellcome Institute for the History of Medicine, 198 1.

Gibb, Hamilton.A.R. Studieson fbe Ciwlization ofls%, ed. by Stanford J. Shaw and WilIiam R. Polk. Boston: Beacon Press, 1962.

Goitein, S.D. Stu&sIiII~IarmcHisto~andhtituti~~sLeiden: E.J. Brï11, 1966.

G ut hrie, K. S.(t rans) The Pythagorean Sourcebook and Libragc Grand Rapids: Phanes Press, 1987.

~arn&,~."The Pro- 'alid policy of ~a'mun"Bulletin of the Colfegeof&s and Sciences1 (1959): 96-105.

Heath, J.L. The Works ofhcbimedes. New York: Dover Publications hTC-,19 12.

Heath, S ir Thomas. Anstarchus ofSamos, the Amient Coperncus. Oxford: Oxford at the CIarendonPress, 1959.

Heiberg, 1.L (ed).ApoUoniwPergaeus 1 Lipsaie: In Aedibus B. G. Teubneri, 1890.

Hi11,D. ''Kusti b. LÜkZ' in The Ehcyclopaedr'a ofls' 2 Vol V pp.529-530.

Hfppocratic Wn'tiogsEEd.by G. Lloyd. Tram by J. Chadwick and W Mann. Penguin Book~y1978.

Hitti, Philip K. The Arab~a Sho~Hisfov. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1968.

Hodgson, Marshall. The Vmtmofls&, vol I 7ne ClasicalAge O~ISI&= Chicago: The Univenity of Chicago Press, 1958. Hourani, Albert Ijab'ib. 1~2% in Euopean Thou&bt-Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1991.

Hue T.E. The Rise ofEzfyModem science: fil&, Ckba and the West Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993.

Hunayn ibn khiq. Questions on Medcae fir SchoIars. tram by P. Ghalioungui. Cairo: al &am Centre for Scientific translations, 1980.

------'Collection D'Articles Publies a L'Occasion du onzième Centenaire de sa Mort." Arabica XXI (1 974) -

------Aisrotlé S me te or of^^ ed by Joseph uabM and Ijikme t Najeeb. Baghdad: Synac Academy Publishïng, 1976.

------The Book ofthe 10 treatises on the eye ascn'bed to Hm& ibo ~sbag(809- 877). Translated by Max MeyerhoE Berkeley: University of California Press, 1960. ibn Khallikan. BiogtaphicdDictionaryTrans. by Bn Mac Guckin De Slane, Vol 1 Paris: Oriental Translation fund of Great Britain and Ireland, 1843.

Ibn al- ~azrn,Abu al Faraj. ~i'tabAiE&fst- Beirut: Maktabiit al Khayyst, 1970.

Jacquart , D. The htroduction ofArabic Medicine into the West: the Question ofEtioZo,ay. Heakh, Disease and Heding in Medie va/ cult ire. ed .b y S. Campbell. Basingstoke: MacmiIlan, 1992.

Jones, Alex. (ed).Pa_opus ofAlexandnaBook 70fthe CoZ'ection Part 1.New York: Springer-Verlag,1985.

Kazi, 1.1. "Some Thoughts on the Decline of Muslim Science". 1sIam.Ï~Tbought and Scientific Creatiwly4 ii (1 993): 79-82.

Kennedy, Hugh- The Early '~bbarid~ah~hate-London: Longman Group Ltd., 1981.

------The Prophet ami the Age ofthe C'pbatessLondon: Longman Group Ltd., 1986.

~halidi,Tarit Arabic Hisoiical Thougbt io the Clasicai Perd New York Cambridge University Press, 1994.

Kh ai rall ah, Amin. OutI'e ofArabic Contn'butions to Mediche. Beirut : American Press, 1946 King, David. Islmc Rstmtlomcafb~rume~ts.London: Varionun Reprints, 1987.

Kraemer, Joe1.L. Humans.in theheenar'sssance ofI.sf& Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1986.

Lapidus, Ira. A Hisoy ofIsla~lllc Societies. New York:Cambndge University Press, 1988.

----- "The separat ion of st ate and religion in the development of early Islamic society" htemationdJomal ofMiddle East Stu&&s6 (1975): 363-385.

Lassner, J. The shapuig of 'AbbGid~ule.Pnncton: Princton University Press, 1980.

Lat ham, J.D, R.B. Serjeant and M.J.L. Young eds. llie CambnndgeMstory ofhbic Literalure, Refigion, Leamiog and Science io the ~bb&d~enod New YorkCambridge University Press, 1990.

Le St range, G.Baghdad dmhg the 'Ab&&id~d'hate nom contemporary Arabic and Peniao souces. London: Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1924. ------The Land ofthe Eastern CaLipate. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1930.

Leclerc, Lucien. Hisoire de la médecuie arabe. Paris: Emest Leroux Éditeur, 1876.

Lewis, Bernard. 1s& io Hisoq: Ideas, people aod eveols io the Middle EEart. Chicago: Open Court, 1993.

------"Govemrnent, Society and Economic Life Under the '~bb%ids and Fatimids." Cambn'dge MiedievalHIstu~.IV f 1966-67).

Long, A. A. and Sedley, D.N. The Helemstic P&iZosophers Vol 1 T'amiations of the ??riocipalsource~vith ~oilos&cal Commentay New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987.

Maddison, F. and Savage-Smith, E. "Science, Tools and Magic". Arts andthe Isbnxc Worid 22 (1993): 42-46.

Madi, M@sin."Orientalism and the Study of Islamic Philosophy". /orandof Islanuc Studr'es l(1990): 73-98.

~akdig,George. ThRise ofCoUegps: htitutions ofLearniagio ~s'ad the West-Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 198 1.

Malik, Rab Nawas. The Deveiopment of MmIh Educattooaal Thug& 700-1900. University of Kansas Thesis 1965. Marin Guzman, Roberto. Populardbemiom ofthe '~bbaiid~evuhfion:a Case Study ofMedevalfsI'c SocialHistov. Cambridge: Fulbright-Laspau, 1990. Massignon, R and R. AmaIdez. La Scieocehrique et Mé&évale. Paris: privately published, 1957.

~asu&A. The Mead'ows ofGoMthe '~bbâ~ii- London: Kegan Paul, 1987.

Meyerhof, Max. Studies io Medeval Arabic Miedichz Theos. and Practice- London: Variorurn Reprints, 1984.

------"New Light on Hunain ibn 1sh2~and his period" ISIS 8 (1926): 685-724.

------The Bwk of Ten Treatises un the Eye Ascribed tu Hm& ibn ls&iiqQCairo Govemment Press, 1928.

Mez, Adam. The Renaissance offsi&. Translated by S. Khuda Bukhsh and D.S. Margoliouth, New York: AMS Press, 1975.

Mi el i , Al do La Science Arabe et son Rôle dms I'évofution scientifique Mondiale- Leiden: E.J.Bril1, 1966.

Muir, Sir William. The Cal~phate,itsRise, Declide, andFall. Edinburgh: John Grant, 1915.

Nakost een, ~eh&Hisory ofIsImc U.@s of Mestem Education A.2 800 -1350. Boulder: University of Colorado Press, 1964.

~anj,~zirn.~. ed. The Mdlm Aimmac: a Reference Work on the Histom Faitb, Culture, andPeopLes offsl'.Detroit: Gale Research, 1996.

Nasr, Seyyed Hossein. The 1sIarmc hteffectual Tkidr'tion io Pesia ed. by ~eh& An& ~az&.Richmond: Curzon Press, 1996.

------Scienceaod Civifizationio ISI'. Cambridge: 2nd ed.Islamic Texts Society, 1987. ------"An Annotated Bibliography of Islamic Science" 2 (1978) publi. 36.

------"Islamic Science; an illustrated study." Photography by Roland Michaud. London: World of 1sÏm Festival Publishing Co, 1976.

Nowshervi, A.R. Mmf's,the Pioneers ofMiemScience. Peshawar: Academy of Science, 1993. O'Leary, De Lacy. How GmkScicnce Parsed to the hbs.London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1949.

------Arabic Thou+@ andIts Place io Histo'y. London: Butler and Tanner Ltd, 1954.

Panella, R. The IetfemofApollonius of Tyaaa The Netherlends: E.J. Bn11,1979.

Patton, W,M. Aj5madibn Habal adthe -a: a biograPhy of the h& includr'ng an accomt of the Mo&mmedan ioqm'sition cded the m@na Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1897.

Peerrnahomed, Ebrahim (ed).Mamoon'sDiscussion wirh the 'Uema'4th ed Karachi: Karachi Trust, 1970.

Peters, F.E. A//.k Commonwedth. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1973.

------Aristotle k Arabus, ~onograpbson Meditmean Antiquity D. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1968.

------An'stotle and the A.t-abs; the Aristotelean Tradr'fionh New Y or k: New York University Press, 1968.

------Greek Philosop0ica.fTe- a Histoneal Lex~con-New York: New York University Press, 1967.

------The Harvest ofHei'inism, a Ristory ofthe Near East fiom Alexander th Great to the Tnnumpbof Cbn'stiwly New York: S irnon and Schuster, 1971.

Pet rait is , Cas mir. The Arabie Venion ofAnstotZe 's Meteorofo~.Beyrouth: Dar el- Machreq editeurs, 1967.

Pinto, Olga. "The Libraries of the Arabs During the Time of the '~bbGids."lki'c Culture 3 (1929).

Plessner,M. The Nat ural Sciences and Medicine. ed.by Joseph Schacht and C.E.Boswort h. nie ~e~ac~of~sl'.0xford:Oxford University Press, 1974.

P'utarch 's Moralla Trans. F. Babbit . London: William Heinemann Ltd- 1929.

Qadir, C.A. P6iloophy andScience UI the Isf'c World New York: Croom Helm, 1988. - - QO. QO. ibn Louqa. Le Livrp des ~aractèresde os ta ibn LoG traduire par R- Paul Sbat h. Le Caire: Imprimèrie de L'institut français d'archéologie orient ale, 1941. Racine, O. L'anjoczate aauprem$re sdcle 'abb&fe(doctrate fu 3rd cycle), Toulouse: University of Toulouse II, 1984.

Rahman, Fazl ur. Hedth andiMedic&e io the IsIamc Tradr'tiom-Change ami Idenrit' New York: Crossroad Publishing, 1987.

Rekaya, M. "al-Ma 'm&." Encycfopda of1sI'-VI. (1991): 33 1-339.

Roberts, Joseph B radin. Early Isfarmc HIstono&raphy: Ideology and Meroodofogy. Ohio State Univzrsity thesis, 1986.

Robinson, F. "Knowledge and its Transmission and the making of Muslim Societ ies". me Cambn'dge 111ustratedHisfoyof the kImc LVorId Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996: 208-249.

Rosent h al, Franz. MwIim btefiectual and Socid Histor Alden hot :Variorum Gower Publishing Group, 19 14, ------The CIasscaiHen'tage in 1s1&. London: Rout ledge, 1975.

------ffio ivledge Tn'mpbant; the Concept offfio wîedge in ~edevallsî&- Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1970.

Ruska, J. "Thabit b. Kurra: The EI1 Vol IV p. 452.

Sabra, A.I. Optics, Asîronomy aod Iogic: studes in Arabi. Science aod PhiIosop6yYAldershot :Variorun, 1991. (collected st udies 444). ------"Science and Philosophy in Medieval Islamic Theology: the Evidence of the 14 th Cent ury. " LeitschnA frn Gescfichte der Arabisch-Isfamzschen JVissenscat?en 9 ( 1994) : 142.

------"The Appropriation and Subsequent Nat uraiizat ion of Greek Science in Medicval ~sEm,a Preliminary statement." HistryofSchceZS (1989): 3-28.

S al ama-C arr, Myriam. La Traduction a i%@que 'abbGside: L '&ofle de Huoayn ibn 1sbYq et son Uapofiancepour la traduction. P Pans: Didier Erudit ion, 1990.

S ardar, Ziauddin. "Redirect ing Science Towards 1sÏm: and Examinat ion of Islarnic and Western Approaches to Knowledge and Values" Hamd'kZamtcus 9 (1986): 23-34.

Sart on, George. A Histoy ofScience, Amient Science ~ouglith Go& Age of Greece. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1952. ------Introduction of the Hisiory of Science &nom Humer tu OmarA%ipyam. Washington: Williams and Wilkins Company, 1953.

S aunders, J. J. A ~isto~of1~eaYeva.l ISI& London: Rout ledge and Kegan Paul Ltd., 1965.

Savage-Smith, E. "Gleanings fiom an Arabist's ivorkshop: Current Trends in the Study of Medieval Isiarnic Science and Medicine." ISIS(1979): 246- 272.

Sayi 1i, Aydid. The Institutions ofScience aad Lemgio the Mioslem World Cambndge: Harvard University Archives, 1982.

Schacht, R "Remarques sur la transmission de ?apensée &que au. Arabes", Histoke de fa médicine II (1952): 1 1-19.

Semaan, ~hazlI(ed). Islam and the Medeval Wiest, Aspects oflotenulrd Relations. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1980.

Sezgin, Fuat. Geschichte des Arabischen Sctrn'Arms- Leiden: E.J. Bri11, 1967.

Shaban, M.A. IsZamic Histov a New hterpretatim New York: Cambndge University Press, 1976, shalabi, Mmad. Histov ofMurlim Education- Karachi: Indus Publications, 1979.

Sharon, M. Black Banners fiom the E& Jemalem: The Magnes Press, The Hebrew University, 1983. ------Revok The Social and Mi1i'tq Aspects of the '~bb&id~evoZution~ Jerusalem: The Max Scholessinger Mernorial Fund, the Hebrew University, 1990.

ShibK, ~uman'i,M. al-~a'mÛh.Lahore: no publisher, 1975. siddiG, Mazheruddin. "Greek Civilization and 1skn". Hamdadlslamiz~s9i iii (1986): 77-88.

Sivan, Emmanuel. btepntatiooac ofISZ&, Past and Pksent. Princt on: Danvin Press, 1985.

Sourdel, Dominique. Le Vizirat 'Abbajide. Damas: Institut Francais de Damas, 1959. ------" B ayt al Hi ha." ~he~nc~cIopaedia of1~2'. 1 (1 960): 1 14 1.

------"al Bannakia." TheEncycIopaedia offsf'.I(1960): 1033-1037. ----- "La Politique Religieuse du Calife 'Abbaside al-Ma'mÛn" Remi des études I~.amiquesXXX.(l962):27-48.

St ant on, Charles M. Higer Ledgin Isl*, the Chsicd Pend AB. 700 -1300. New York: Roman & Littlefield, Inc, 1990.

S t einschneider, Mont z. Die Arabischen menefmgenaw dem Gnecaischen. Graz: Akademische Druck-U.Verlagsanst ait, 1960.

Stillman, Norman A. "Charity and Social Services in Medieval Isl5m." Societas 5/2(1975): 105-1 15,

Strohmaier, G. "Hunayn b. IshZk al- '~ba&." The Encyclopaedr'a oflsl;M.2.111 (1 97 1): 578-580.

------"Ishàk b. Hunayn" TheEncycloopaedia offslam2 IV (1973): 1 10. al-~u~u~,~alàluddin. History ofthe Cal@hsSTram by Henry Sullivan Jarrett. Amsterdam: Amsterdam Orient al Press, IWO. al-Tabari. L 'age d'or des 'Abbaridesed. par Pierre Bernard. Paris: La Bibliotheque de 1' Islam, 1983.

------The 'AbbiEFidRevolution. Trans by C E.Boswonh. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1985. v.27.

------The Conquest ofkn. Trans. and annot ated by G. Rex Smith. Albany: St ate University of New York Press, 1994 ------The Crisis of the 'AbbGid Calphare. Tram by C.E. Boswoah. Aibany: St ate University of New York Press, 1985- v.35.

------The Retum ofthe Cdzphate tu Ba@dad Trans by C.E. Bosworth St ate Alabany: University of New York Press, 1985. v.38. ----- 'Abba«d Authon'ty Ai?hed Tram. by C.E. Bosworth. Albany: University of New York Press, f W5.v.24. ------The Reimificaioo of the 'Abbarid Calr;Obate. Translated by C.E. Bosworth. Albany: University of New York Press, 1987.v.32.

Taton, Rene (ed). Ancieot audMedevalScience hmthe Beginniogs tu 1450. Translated by A.J. Pomerans .B.Sc., New York: Basic Books Inc, 1963. ThZbit ibn QuaEu~es&kstmnome~ traduit par Regis Morelon. Paris: Société d'édition "Les Belles Lettres", 1987.

Thesleff, H (ed). The Pythagorean Texts ofthe HeIfemsticPeM Abo: Abo Akademi, 1965.

Thomas, Ivor. GreekMathematl'cal Works 1T'ales fo Euc.~ Cambridge: Hantard University Press, 1939.

------GreekMathematical WorhlL4n'starchus to Papprrs. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1959.

Ullmann, Manfred- IsIac~ucMedic'ne Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, ~1978.

Vadet, J-C. "Ibn iMasawayhVEncyclopda of1slam (1960): 872-873. von Grunebaum "Sources of Islamic Civilization" CambnndgeHistoqv of1sl.vol II p. 469.

W alzer, R. Greek into Arabic, Essays on Isiamrc P'fosophy-Co 1 umbi a: University of South Carolina Press, 1970.

Watt, Montgomery. A Short History of1sI;Ua. Oxford: Oneworld Publishers, 1996.

------The hfluence ofls& OR Medievai Euope- Edinburigh: The University of Edinburgh Press, 1972.

Wensinck, A.J. Coacordmce et indices de la tradition musuimane. Leiden: E.J Brill, 1936.

W i lson, B. R. ~he~akh~sk The& PoIiticai adSocial RoIe Mder the 'Abbarid Cd'phates. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation at New York University, 1974.

Youhanni ben MSsawaih. Le LimswC 'eauD'orage. traduction par le R.P. Paul Sbath. Le Caire: Imprimkrie de I'institute Français d'archéologie orientale, 1939.

Zamk, M@mmadQ. Early 'Abbasid ReIr'grous Policies and the pmto-Sm* 'Crlama' McGill University Thesis, 1994.