Viewpoints The State of the Arts in the Middle East: Volume V

The Middle East Institute Washington, DC July 2010

This edition of MEI Viewpoints features essays that shed light on the relationship between artistic production and changing societal conditions and norms. Clayton Keir discusses “rap” music in – its integration of Western and Persian cultural influences, politics, and popularity. Brigid Maher reflects on the making of Veiled Voices, her award-winning documentary film that profiles three female Muslim religious leaders from Egypt, Lebanon, and Syria.

Middle East Institute Viewpoints • www.mei.edu Middle East Institute

The mission of the Middle East Institute is to promote knowledge of the Middle East in Amer- ica and strengthen understanding of the United States by the people and governments of the region.

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Call for Papers

The arts of the Middle East are “alive” — with new artists, genres, and themes continuously being graft- ed onto old, adding shades and texture. While some of these are represented in this volume, many more are not. In the interest of providing a fuller picture of the state of the arts in the region, MEI welcomes additional essays from young and established scholars. These essays (1,000-1,200 words) must be acces- sible to non-specialists and aim to shed light on the importance of a specific artist, body of work, theme, or genre. Topic proposals will be accepted on a rolling or ongoing basis. Essays accepted for publication will be added to the current collection and published in electronic format. Please submit topic propos- als in the form of a 100-word abstract (including full name, title, and affiliation) to Dr. John Calabrese at [email protected]

Cover photos, clockwise from the top left hand corner: Wikimedia user YASfans, Tiny Leaps Productions, LLC , Wikimedia user Irazfan, Wikimedia user Poeterfan, Wikimedia user Need4change, Wikimedia user Irazfan, Tiny Leaps Productions, LLC

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The State of the Arts in the Middle East: Volume V

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Middle East Institute Viewpoints • www.mei.edu 119 Tupac and the Ayatollahs

Clayton Keir

In February 2010, Stockholm, Sweden hosted the Persian Hip Hop Festival: Voices of Change. Persian rappers came from around the world to call for changes in Iran through their rap music. Prior to her performance, one of Iran’s female rappers, Ghogha (Rebel), said to the audience:

I come from a place where music is a crime. New ideas are crimes. They execute young people for having new ideas. We have come together here to remember the children of Iran.1

Although the Islamic Republic’s suppression of students and new ideas has existed for Clayton Keir received his many years, Ghogha was specifically condemning the events after Iran’s 2009 presiden- Bachelor and Master’s de- tial election, attacking the government’s use of violence to suppress protests, and asking grees from the Georgetown the audience to remember the young university students who have been executed. She School of Foreign Service. He then went on to perform her most famous song, “Aroosak Kooki” (Wind-up Doll). In it learned Persian by studying she says: at the Middle East Institute, Georgetown University, and One can live like a doll abroad in Tajikistan, where Living for years among the abusiveness of men he recorded a Persian rap With its tough strain. CD in the Winter of 2009. Yell: I’m a very lucky woman. Clayton also taught Persian Scream this! at the Middle East Institute I’m just here to tell you who I am. in the Spring of 2010. He also I am the voice of 1,000 abused women. wishes to thank Minoo Raza- I don’t want to live like a wind-up doll.2 vi and Leila Milani for their assistance. For Ghogha, Iranian woman are mere toys for male enjoyment. In Iran, women are not free; men control their actions, making women into wind-up dolls. Additionally, by stating that she is the voice of a thousand abused women, Ghogha ascribes to rap music and musicians the ability to speak for a segment of the Iranian population. She is using her rap music to persuade. The Persian Hip Hop Festival, Ghogha’s comments, and her song, reflect how Persian rap music has emerged as a musical form of protest. Many Persian rap musicians write lyrics to highlight injustices in society, criticize government repression, or call for Iranians to take action. These songs stem from years of frustration with social injustices and seek to persuade listeners and promote opposition.

Persian rap music’s popularity and influence over Iran’s modern youth signifies that trends in the music and analysis of the messages are meaningful. For many years rap has been a vehicle of commentary on social, economic, political, and gender issues. How- ever, the events surrounding the June 2009 presidential election have led many rappers to increasingly and more explicitly address political issues in their music. Opposition,

1. Choghok, “Iranian Hiphop Festival in Stockholm.” Iranian.com, February 7, 2010, http:// www.iranian.com/main/blog/choghok/iranian-hiphop-festival-stockholm (Second video) All translations by author unless otherwise indicated. 2. Ghogha, “Aroosak Kooki.” YouTube, October 18, 2008, http://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=MJGUCeehJMI (Assistance with translation from Minoo Razavi). 120 Middle East Institute Viewpoints • www.mei.edu The views expressed in these Viewpoints are those of the authors; the Middle East Institute does not take positions on Middle East policy. Keir...

support for political factions, and criticism of the government have become increasingly large parts of Persian rap mu- sic. The art form’s growing popularity in Iran makes such a change significant in understanding political developments inside the country. TUPAC’S LEGEND

Although Tupac has been dead for 14 years, his influence and legacy are alive in the basement rap music studios of Teh- ran. about many of the same issues as Tupac (poverty and problems with the police) Persian rappers frequently cite Tupac as one of the reasons they chose rap music. , a popular Persian rapper, claims that Tupac’s lyrics inspired his decision to rap about socio-economic issues. He states, “I started to translate the lyrics and realized he’s singing about society and the culture, about his perspective. I realized then that any kind of music that was going to stick around and have any kind of lasting effect had to say something real. It had to have a message and a deeper significance to it, in any kind of genre.”3

In his music, Yas frequently addresses poverty and other socio-economic issues. In “Dard o Del” (a play on words ref- erencing the Persian phrase for getting something off your chest), Yas talks about the struggles of growing up in a poor family and questions whether God was really looking out for him:

Don’t be afraid that God will pick you for suffering, Because these pains were already tested on Yas. I was like a laboratory mouse for God. The results were staring across from me, and there were more difficulties.4

Hichkas, arguably the most famous Persian rapper, addresses poverty in Tehran and its social implications in the song “Khoda Pasho” (Wake up God!). The song talks about Although Tupac has how poverty has forced people to abuse each other, and even though we are all from been dead for 14 the same source, the gaps between classes have grown wide.5 ’s songs in par- years, his influence ticular invoke the same sense of “thug” street life present in Tupac’s songs. In his song and legacy are alive “Ye Mosht Sarbaz” (A Bunch of Soldiers), Hichkas appears with a group of fellow street thugs and brags about how they have learned from the streets.6 in the basement rap music studios of Te- Iranian rappers have chosen rap music in large part due to the mark that African- hran. Americans such as Tupac have left on it. Iranian rappers view rap music as the music of an economically disenfranchised group and an outlet for grievances. The music form traditionally has an angry, protest-friendly tone. Additionally, the lyrically-based music genre allows for the greater development of criticisms and encourages the listener to focus on what the musician has to say.

BEYOND TUPAC

In Iran, rap music has evolved beyond its original Western tradition. Of course, not all of Tupac’s messages directly apply to the conditions that impoverished Iranians face. Instead of Tupac’s focus on historical racism against African- Americans, Iranians have addressed social issues particular to Iran. Repression, women’s issues, and merging Western influences with Persian tradition have become important topics for Iranian rappers.

3. Marc Gabriel Amigone, “Yas: Iran’s Hip Hop Sensation,” December 12, 2008, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/modiba/yas-irans-hip- hop-sensati_b_150348.html. 4. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=j03onCtldm4. 5. Hichkas, “Ekhtelaf” (Difference) Iran Song, http://www.backupflow.com/song/25067.htm [The song is called by the names “Khoda Pasho” and “Ekhtelaf.”] 6. Hichkas, “Bunch of Soldiers,” YouTube May 13, 2008, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QU1NNAH6b_g&feature=related. Middle East Institute Viewpoints • www.mei.edu 121 Keir...

For example, feminist rap in Iran is remarkably different from its counterpart in America. Female American rappers often focus on appropriating sexuality, trying to demonstrate that women can approach sex with the same casual ap- proach as men. Iranian feminist rappers have seldom addressed sexuality, but have attacked the existing role of women in society and political restrictions on women, notably the hijab. Shahin Najafi, a male rapper who writes feminist lyrics, talks about the abuse of women and encourages Iranian men to treat women better in his song “Harfe zan” (Woman’s Speech):

Don’t look, my headscarf is on, it’s my yoke. I don’t believe the solution is waiting. This means my right is to live. I am a person, tell me, I want to know, how am I any less than you? Give me two minutes to say what I have to say as a woman. People are people; you have to understand my pain You are right in everything you say, the law is on your side The law says hit, hitting is the only thing you say. This head is for breaking; yeah, it hurts, hit it. I speak too, look who’s in the agony of death.7

The first line analogizes the mandatoryhijab to a cow’s yoke. Najafi is pointing out that not only is the hijab a restricting article, but that it has reduced women to a subhuman Rap music offers status. Women have become like animals under the control of their male masters. Na- another vehicle for jafi, again through the voice of a woman, asks how a woman is any less of a human to women to voice merit such treatment. Najafi then appeals to the humanity of men to reveal how Iranian their complaints laws have disrespected women’s human dignity. Spousal abuse is widespread in Iran about their role in and the legal avenues available for women are almost nonexistent. Because spousal abuse is so ingrained in the culture, legal authorities in Iran generally do not consider society and to chal- beating one’s wife to be a crime.8 lenge existing con- ceptions of gender Although Najafi is the most vocal feminist rapper, rap music has also attracted female in Iran. rappers to speak against injustice. Two women, Farinaz and Sogand, have formed a fe- male rap group called Entegham (revenge). Farinaz addresses the social role of women in Iranian society and questions why their accomplishments have always been so diminished. Shaya, another feminist rapper, questions the traditional definition of women, titling one of her songs “Man az to Mardtaram” (I am More Manly than You).9 Rap music offers another vehicle for women to voice their complaints about their role in society and to challenge existing conceptions of gender in Iran.

Iranian rappers’ efforts to integrate their music into Persian culture display a fascinating dynamic between Western and Persian influences. In interviews, Iranian rap musicians have frequently stated their desire to play upon the long his- tory of Persian poetry, which carries tremendous significance in Iran. In many songs, rap musicians cite the works of classical poets, such as Saadi, Ferdowsi, and Khayyam. In one of Najafi’s better-known songs, “Ma Mard Nistim” (We are not Men), Najafi appeals to Iranians to change their behavior because Rustam, the champion of Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh, would be ashamed of how Iranians currently behave.10 The appeal to classical Persian poetry is also part of rappers’ ef- forts to secure mainstream acceptance for rap music in Iran. Many Persians do not consider rap to be a legitimate art form, and rap musicians in Iran must struggle against this perception.

7. Shahin Najafi, “Harfe Zan,” (Women’s Speech) June 11, 2008, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZtfMp8JuBas&feature=related. 8. Golnaz Esfandiari, “Violence Against Women - In Iran, Abuse Is Part Of The Culture (Part 2),” Radio Free Europe/ Radio Liberty (2003), http://www.parstimes.com/women/violence_culture.html. 9. Shaya, “Man az to Mardtaram,” YouTube, April 27, 2009, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lPb183MNPA0&feature=related. 10. Shahin Najafi, “Ma Mard Nistim” (We Are Not Men), February 18, 2009, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=A_c-5jJCZxE. 122 Middle East Institute Viewpoints • www.mei.edu Keir...

Interestingly, although Iranian rappers often criticize the way that the Islamic Republic has imposedshari‘a , religion re- mains a relatively unexplored topic. Very few Iranian rappers challenge Islam, or explore their faith. However, some rap songs, such as those of Yas and Hichkas, offer a new relationship with God, challenging God for his absence from their struggles. In “Khoda Pasho,” Hichkas repeatedly tells God to get up and listen to him, which is a tremendous departure from the traditionally deferential approach towards God typical of Shi’a Islam.11 There are several possible explanations for why Islam remains relatively unexplored. First, casting doubt onto Islam would almost certainly result in a strong government reaction. Second, many Iranian rappers seek to talk about issues of Persian pride, and Islam is still seen as an Arab influence.

RAPPING AND POLITICS

Iranian rappers have also sought to play a more political role than American rappers traditionally have. Sahand Quazi, Amir Dva, Amir Nasser, Kianoosh Saeedi, and Shaya The government in- recorded the song “Mibarim Ma” (We’re Gonna Win) in support of Mir Hussein Mous- itiated a campaign savi’s presidential campaign.12 Sasy Mankan, who does not normally record politically to arrest rap musi- or socially-oriented rap songs, recorded a single in support of Mehdi Karrubi’s cam- 13 cians in 2007-2008; paign. rap music is still

Rappers in the have been able to write more specific criticisms of the widely considered government. After the election violence, Shahin Najafi, who resides in Germany, re- to be illegal in Iran. corded a song dedicated to Neda Agha Soltan, the woman killed by government forces during protests after the 2009 presidential elections.14 He has also recorded other songs criticizing various government policies and claims that the situation will change. Foad Manshahi, a Baha’i, has written many songs criticizing govern- ment actions, including the pursuit of nuclear weapons, whipping prisoners, and the persecution of Baha’is.

Although existing policy towards rap music is ambiguous, the government is aware of the potentially subversive in- fluence of oppositional Persian rap. Although the government has not stated that the art form is categorically illegal, receiving a government-granted mojavvez (permission) is prohibitively difficult.15 The mojavvez allows musicians to sell their CDs and give concerts. Despite acknowledging that the art form is not inherently illegal, the Iranian government has stated that rap, as it has been produced thus far, is illegal.16 The government initiated a campaign to arrest rap musi- cians in 2007-2008; rap music is still widely considered to be illegal in Iran.17 The fact that the government singled out rap music for a campaign of arrests indicates that they may perceive it to have a powerful subversive influence.

It also appears that the government may wish to exploit the power of rap music. Mohammad Isfahani released a pro- government rap song for the anniversary of the Islamic Revolution on Bahman 22 (February 11).18 The song extols the virtues of the Islamic Republic, criticizes the Green Movement, and considers the supporters of the Green Movement to be aristocrats trying to take from the soul of Iran. It is unclear what role the government had in producing the song, but it could indicate that the government believes that rap music has real influence. 11. Hichkas “Ekthelaf” (also known as “Khoda Pasho”), WMG Entertainment March 1, 2010, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U7L9y- Wmz1o&feature=youtube_gdata. 12. “Mibarim Ma” (We’re Gonna Win), YouTube May 30, 2009, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3XpuBSqqlBo. 13. “Manken, Sasy” (Mehdi Karrubi), YouTube June 7, 2009, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f86f5GJMG54&feature=related. 14. Shahin Najafi, “Neda,” http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=H6GET9sNiSg, June 24, 2009 (Translation by author). 15. Sholeh Johnston, “Persian Rap: The Voice of Modern Iran’s Youth,” Journal of Persianite Studies, Vol. 1 (2008), pp. 106-07. 16. “Iran cracks down on ‘obscene’ rap music.” Agence France Press, Nov 29, 2007, http://afp.google.com/article/ALeqM5gDHtIIF- mFQvsclb8b_2c0NMqXeA . 17. Anuh Chopra, “Iran’s ‘illegal’ rappers want cultural revolution,” January, 28 2008, http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle- east/irans-illegal-rappers-want-cultural-revolution-774943.html. 18. Zelzalsolh, “Helicopter over Tehran 5 Million Dawn,” February 12, 2010, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HbYqckFvUJI&feature =PlayList&p=D192D4A931414B0B&playnext=1&playnext_from=PL&index=10 (Translation by author). Middle East Institute Viewpoints • www.mei.edu 123 Keir...

INFLUENCE AND POPULARITY

Although Iranian rap will likely not produce regime change, it cannot be ignored as a social force. Rap music is espe- cially popular among Iranian youth, who constitute a large majority of the country’s population19 and have sharp griev- ances about government restrictions and the lack of opportunities. Iranian youth can both air their grievances through rap songs and identify with the messages within the songs.

Popular American music is a mix of songs and artists that may or may not address political and socio-economic issues. Much of popular American rap music involves showing off wealth, sexual conquests, or being a “gangsta.” Persian rap involves many songs that do not address political or socio-economic issues either. Love, partying, and “dissing” other rappers are popular topics. However, contrary to American rap music, the most popular Persian rap songs and artists address social issues. The two most popular Iranian rappers, Yas and Hichkas, focus most of their efforts on socio- economic issues. Most of the big names in Persian rap music and the most popular songs on YouTube, a popular online video community, and Persian rap web-sites address social issues.

The fact that socio-economic rap is more popular than political rap does not mean that rap music will not ultimately have political influences. Much of popular socially-aware rap is social out of necessity. Directly criticizing the govern- ment inside the country could result in imprisonment. However, drawing attention to poverty and other social prob- lems is a subtle criticism of the government, indicating that the Islamic Republic has failed in some respects. The art form itself is an act of protest, since it has not been approved by the government and endorses Western influences.

Although politically-oriented rappers and songs have generally not gained high levels of popularity, rappers are increas- ingly addressing political issues.20 Salome, Iran’s first female rap artist, recorded the song “Don’t Muddy the Water” prior to the 2009 presidential election. The song was a call to action for Iranians to voice their opposition to the govern- ment. After the election, Hichkas, who previously only addressed socio-economic issues, recorded the very popular and politically-charged song, “Yeh Rooze Khoob Miad” (A Good Day Will Come). In it he states, “As long as I can remember, this land has always been the land of ‘Neda’, that a new day will come when there won’t be chaos anymore.”21 The use of the word “Neda,” meaning a voice or message, is a powerful double entendre also referencing Neda, the woman who died in the post-election violence. Because Neda has become an icon of the Green Movement Hichkas’s double entendre credits her with being the voice or message of Iran. Through the use of cryptic lyrics, Hichkas cloaks his oppositional message.

Rap music also preserves a cultural space for resistance. It offers a place for airing grievances and spreading the mes- sages to those with similar complaints, enhancing group solidarity. The music form also provides a cultural space to preserve Western influences, despite the government’s efforts to eliminate such openings.

Persian rap has continued Tupac’s trend of focusing rap music on the problems of the poor and oppressed. As rap music has evolved in Iran, Iranian rappers have used it as a medium to express their own grievances about life in Iran. The Islamic Republic seems to recognize that its growing popularity and the fact that it gives voice to a frustrated youth pose a threat. It remains unlikely that Tupac will cause the downfall of the clerical regime, but he might play a part.

19. Iranians in the 18-35 age group constitute 70% of the population. 20. “Results of Active Polls: Which Rapper’s Style do You Enjoy the Most?” Bia2rap, http://www.bia2rap.com/modules.php?name=Surve ys&op=results&pollID=13&mode=&order=&thold=. 21. Golnaz Esfandiari, “Rapper Reportedly Detained For ‘Repulsive’ Dance Moves,” Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, March 31, 2010, http://www.rferl.org/content/Rapper_Detained_For_Repulsive_Dance_Moves/1998949.html. 124 Middle East Institute Viewpoints • www.mei.edu From the Director’s Chair: The Making of the Documentary Film Veiled Voices

Brigid Maher

Last year, I completed an hour-long documentary, Veiled Voices, profiling the role that women can play as religious leaders in the Middle East. This essay briefly discusses my discoveries over the four years working on the project and the decisions I made regard- ing how to responsibly and visually represent these women on film.

In spring 2005, I was teaching as a Fulbright Scholar in a university about ten miles north of Beirut. I arrived two weeks before the former Prime Minister of Lebanon, Rafik Harriri, was assassinated and stayed through the elections in the summer. It was a historic time to be teaching documentary filmmaking. I would arm my students with video cameras before they would leave for downtown Beirut to shoot, sleep, and protest, calling for the withdrawal of Syrian troops from the country. Brigid Maher is a filmmaker In summer 2005, Dr. Karen Bauer, a childhood friend of mine, was finishing her PhD and assistant professor in the dissertation research in Damascus, Syria. She had been interviewing contemporary re- School of Communication at ligious scholars on their views on four Ayas in the Qur’an having to do with women American University. Her -research that was fresh and fascinating. award-winning films have shown in festivals in the U.S. Karen contacted me after she had interviewed Huda al-Habash. Karen was struck by and abroad as well as on tele- Huda’s modern outlook on her faith and how she balanced modernity and tradition. vision. Karen suggested that looking at these women leaders might make a great documentary. After some hesitation, as I pondered how we could obtain funding for such a project, I agreed that we should go for it. This collaborative effort shifted my film work in an amazing new direction.

After a year and half of research, I began to shoot Veiled Voices on a shoestring budget. Beirut, Lebanon was my base while I traveled to Damascus and Cairo to interview and follow the public and private lives of women who were taking leadership roles in Islam. The result was an hour-long documentary.

Veiled Voices investigates the world of female Muslim religious leaders, as seen through the eyes of three women in Lebanon, Egypt, and Syria. Drawing me to these stories were intriguing questions: Do these women “practice what they preach” within their homes? How do their private worlds influence their public roles and vice versa? What I discov- ered was quite extraordinary.

Initially, making Veiled Voices was a struggle. Although I had built a reputation among my peers as a solid filmmaker, I was aware that filming a documentary on any subject related to Muslim women would likely raise eyebrows. This attitude stems from a deep mistrust on all sides of how this subject matter has typically been represented in the media. I knew I had to be extremely careful about how I approached visual representa- tion of these women in the film.

Traditional, full-length fiction film is structured in three acts. Act One introduces char-

Middle East Institute Viewpoints • www.mei.edu 125 The views expressed in these Viewpoints are those of the authors; the Middle East Institute does not take positions on Middle East policy. Maher... acters and conflict; Act Two, the longest, addresses the center of the story; and Act Three concludes and resolves the con- flict. The challenge of making a film likeVeiled Voices is how to delve deeply into scholarship while still being accessible and appealing to a mainstream audience. I also wanted to engage mainstream stereotypes and progress beyond them. Therefore, I structured the film clearly in three acts, yet moved back and forth between the three women’s stories.

A former student, Samer Chehab, brought Ghina Ham- moud’s work to my attention in 2005. “Sheikha Ghina,” as she was known, had her own Islamic Center and also made television appearances. For many years, she taught lessons on Future Television, a station owned by the Har- riri family. I knew she was divorced, but not much else about the circumstances. Nor did I know if she would share her personal story with me.

On a fateful day after filming Sheikha Ghina for several weeks, she opened up to me. We were sitting in a café along the corniche and had just ordered breakfast. I was prepping my camera when a passerby recognized Sheikha Ghina and stopped to ask her a religious question. By the time she finished her answer, my camera was on and ready to go. The gentleman left his card. As she looked at it, she joked that he was a heart surgeon. This humorous moment transitioned into a startling confession. She told me about how she had endured years as a battered wife. The story poured out of her. I was riveted.

This confession created a huge dilemma for me. It was “juicy” footage for a filmmaker and could open doors to many mainstream festivals. I could suddenly shift my entire focus and just make a film about her. But would that provide a fair portrayal of Muslim women leaders? Would I not be abandoning my original premise? What about my responsibility to the story as a whole?

I chose to tell the original story. I realized that to tell Sheikha Ghina’s story in a responsible fashion I had to focus on how the overall story was structured. In Act One, I began with the personal journey of Ghina Hammoud, consciously playing into and engaging general audience expectations and stereotypes. Hammoud divorced her husband after suffering years of domestic violence. The beginning of her story plays to stereotypes.

The film then moves to the introduction of Dr. Su’ad Saleh, who speaks about the concept of what marriage ought to be in Islam and how she married her husband for love. She speaks about this openly on a television show, demonstrating that she has no trepidation about sharing her personal life as well as her scholarly opin- ions in a public setting. Huda al-Habash has had a pub- lic role as an educator in a mosque in Damascus and travels across the Middle East teaching. In her introduc- tion, I focus primarily on her husband, who takes over domestic duties when she teaches abroad.

Act Two focuses on the public role women can play in Islam within institutions and as advisors to their students. That public role is not without challenges. Dr. Saleh wants to be a muftiya, a recognized religious scholar, but faced opposition in the al-Azhar Council, which voted against her peti- tion to join. In contrast, the Grand Mufti in Syria has initiated a program to support women asmuftiyas , and al-Habash

126 Middle East Institute Viewpoints • www.mei.edu Maher... has institutional support. Hammoud takes a very open approach to how she teaches her students and sees her belief in Islam as a means to overcome her personal struggles.

Act Three looks to the future, relating the stories of the leaders’ daughters and their views on the role of women in leadership and society. In an overall arc, we watch how Hammoud overcame her divorce and rose to become a very influential independent woman, how Dr. Saleh continues her work despite her public challenges, and how al-Habash succeeds by virtue of her support in her public and private worlds.

The structure pulls apart the web of stereotypes the viewer may have and, at the same time, reveals the challenges that female leaders continue to face, thus providing a fair and careful representation of each woman. The viewer may not agree with them, but at the same time cannot deny that they are in control of their fates, however problematic their obstacles.

Five years after teaching in Lebanon,Veiled Voices was finished. It was released in 2009. The film has screened in festivals throughout the world and reached a potential audience of 118 million people. I also traveled across the United States screening in universities and community settings. These screenings were the most meaningful, as I could talk one- on-one with Muslim and non-Muslims about their discoveries after watching the film. It was a privilege to film these women’s remarkable stories.

I made the discovery as a woman and filmmaker that although cultures may differ, the struggle for recognition and re- spect for women continues to be universal. It was amazing to see women achieve success using their own cultural and religious frameworks.

Middle East Institute Viewpoints • www.mei.edu 127 The State of the Arts in the Middle East Cumulative Index

Volume I (May 2009) Introduction 7

I. Language and Literature

Fiction and Publics: The Emergence of the “Arabic Best-Seller”, by Roger Allen 9

An Introduction to Arabic Calligraphy, by Mahdi Alosh and Muhammad Ali Aziz 13

Turkey through the Looking Glass: Modern Fiction, by Robert Finn 17

Resistance in Writing: Ghassan Kanafani and the “Question of Palestine”, by Barbara Harlow 20

Illustrating Independence: The Algerian War Comic of the 1980s, by Jennifer Howell 23

The Iraqi Tragedy, Scheherazade, and Her Granddaughters, by Ikram Masmoudi 26

II. Performing Arts

Flourishing Arts in the Arabian Peninsula, by Steven Caton 31

Flowers in the Desert, by Mark LeVine 34

The Palestinian Cultural Scene: Narrating the Nakba, by Hala Khamis Nassar 38

The Hilarity of Evil: The Terrorist Drama in Israeli and Palestinian Films, by Yaron Shemer 40 Two Icons of Hollywood on the Nile’s Unlikely Golden Age, by Christopher Stone 44

III. Visual Arts

Art and Revolution in the Islamic Republic of Iran, by Shiva Balaghi 49

Hosay: A Shi‘i Ritual Transformed, by Peter J. Chelkowski 53

Mapping Modernity in Arab Art, by Nuha N.N. Khoury 56

L’appartement 22: Creating Space for Art and Social Discourse in Morocco, by Katarzyna Pieprzak 59

Iraqi Art: Dafatir, by Nada Shabout 62

Orientalist Art in Morocco, by Mary Vogl 65

Arts of the Middle East: Selected Web Resources 69

Volume II (September 2009)

Samia Zaru, by Carol Malt 74

Mutiny in the Harem: Nadir Moknèche’s Algiers Trilogy, by May Telmissany 77

Turkish Cypriot Women Artists and Their Role in Society, by Netice Yildiz 81

Volume III (December 2009)

Mostafa Fathi’s The World of Boys: TheShabab Literature Movement of Egypt and Breaking Taboos, by W. Scott Chahanovich 90

Sabiha Sumar — Pakistan’s Award-Winning Filmmaker, by Martin Gani 93

The Egyptian Culture in Spoken Language, by Gamil Sinki 96 Volume IV (March 2010)

Against Erasures: Memory and Loss in the Art of Emily Jacir and Eman Haram, by Najat Rahman 106

Orientalism and Sexual Identity in the Works of Abdellah Taïa, by W. Scott Chahanovich, with contributions from Pauline Pannier 109

Volume V (July 2010)

Tupac and the Ayatollahs, by Clayton Keir 120

From the Director’s Chair: The Making of the Documentary Film Veiled Voices, by Brigid Maher 125

116 Middle East Institute Viewpoints • www.mei.edu Middle East Institute

117 Middle East Institute Viewpoints • www.mei.edu