A PRELIMINARY GRAMMAR of MOK, HWE KOI VARIETY, CHIANG RAI, with SPECIAL FOCUS on the ANAPHORIC USES of Tɤ́ ʔ

A PRELIMINARY GRAMMAR OF MOK, HWE KOI VARIETY, CHIANG RAI, WITH SPECIAL FOCUS ON THE ANAPHORIC USES OF tɤ́ ʔ

PHAKAWEE TANNUMSAENG

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS IN LINGUISTICS

Payap University January 2020

Title: A preliminary grammar of Mok, Hwe Koi variety, Chiang Rai, with special focus on the anaphoric uses of tɤ́ ʔ Researcher: Phakawee Tannumsaeng Degree: Master of Arts in Linguistics Advisor: Assistant Professor Audra Ellen Phillips, Ph.D. Approval Date: 21 January 2020 Institution: Payap University, Chiang Mai, Thailand

The members of the thesis examination committee:

1. ______Committee Chair (Associate Professor Saranya Savetamalya, Ph.D.)

2. ______Committee Member (Assistant Professor Audra Ellen Phillips, Ph.D.)

3. ______Committee Member (Sigrid Lew, Ph.D.)

Payap University, 2020

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First of all, I am deeply thankful to my God, the Lord Jesus Christ, for His grace, wisdom, and strength, which sustains me through the studying thoughout the years. Also, I give thanks to Him for allowing me the opportunity and privilege of studying linguistics.

I would like to express my gratitude to my thesis advisor Assistant Professor Dr. Audra Ellen Phillips for her willingness to take on this thesis and for her advice, encouragement, and time throughout the whole thesis-writing process. I would like to thank you to all the teachers in Linguistics Department for all their teachings and trainings along the way. Especially, I am grateful for Assistant Professor Dr. Thomas Tehan who taught the grammar course and blessed me. I would also like to thank Dr. Jason Diller for encouragement during my work on the thesis. I am also thankful to my classmates for their help and also for proof reading my term papers. I also want to extend my thanks to Tim Armstrong and Terry Gibs for assistance with the computer and software support. Thank you to Christina Scotte Hornéy for her great coordinating for students in the department.

I would also like to thank my wife, Natthida, for all her support, and for traveling with me during the data collection. Thank you to those who grant me a scholarship and monthly financial support investing in me and giving me the opportunity to study. Most of all I am grateful and appreciate those who remembered me in their prayers.

Phakawee Tannumsaeng

Title: A preliminary grammar of Mok, Hwe Koi variety, Chiang Rai, with special focus on the anaphoric uses of tɤ́ ʔ Researcher: Phakawee Tannumsaeng

Degree: Master of Arts in Linguistics Advisor: Assistant Professor Audra Ellen Phillips, Ph.D. Approval Date: 21 January 2020 Institution: Payap University, Chiang Mai, Thailand Number of Pages: 84 Keywords: Angkuic, Palaungic, Khasian-Palaungic, Austroasiatic, syntax

ABSTRACT

This thesis provides a first description of the simple and complex constructions of the Hwe Koi variety of Mok, along with a description of the functions of the unspecified pronoun tɤ́ ʔ. Mok is a member of the Angkuic subgroup of the Palaungic branch of Austroasiatic and spoken in the Shan state of Myanmar and in Chiang Rai province of Thailand. As for data sources, six texts were recorded from native speakers who live in Chiangrai, Thailand. They include three narrative, one procedural, and two expository texts.

The Mok structures are similar to the structures of many Austroasiatic languages of Mainland Southeast Asia. The basic word order of the clause is SVO. In a noun phrase, the head noun is optionally preceded by a demonstrative and followed by stative verbs and noun modifiers, classifier phrases, and possessors. The personal pronouns are singular, dual or plural, with no gender distinction. Dynamic verbs fill the predicate slots of intransitive and transitive clauses and stative verbs serve as predicates of stative clauses. Mok has no ditransitive clause constructions. Instead, a two-clause construction is used to handle transfer events.

As for the Mok complex sentences, this language has no complementizer to introduce a complement clause, while temporal and conditional adverbial clauses are marked by clause-initial subordinators. Additionally, causative constructions are periphrastic.

As for the Mok unspecified pronoun tɤ́ ʔ, it has no semantic constraints with respect to person. It is coreferential with its antecedent, which can only be the subject argument of a clause. The coreferential properties of tɤ́ ʔ are either within a clause, between a complement clause and a matrix clause, or between upstairs and downstairs clauses of a causative construction. tɤ́ ʔ can also function as a reflexive pronoun and as a possessor in noun phrases.

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ชื่อเรื่อง: ไวยากรณ์เบื้องต้นภาษาหมอก เหว่ก๋อย จังหวัดเชียงราย พร้อมด้วยหัวข้อเฉพาะเรื่องการใช้ตัวอ้างอิง tɤ́ ʔ ผู้วิจัย: ภควี ตันน าแสง ปริญญา: ศิลปศาสตรมหาบัณฑิต (ภาษาศาสตร์) อาจารย์ที่ปรึกษาวิทยานิพนธ์หลัก: ผู้ช่วยศาสตราจารย์ ดร. ออดร้า เอลเล็น ฟิลลิปส์ วันที่อนุมัติผลงาน: 21 มกราคม 2563 สถาบันการศึกษา: มหาวิทยาลัยพายัพ จังหวัดเชียงใหม่ ประเทศไทย จ านวนหน้า: 84 ค าส าคัญ: อังกูอิก, ปะหล่องจิก, คาเซียน-ปะหล่องจิก, ออสโตรเอเชียติก, วากยสัมพันธ์

บทคัดย่อ

วิทยานิพนธ์นี้จัดเตรียมค าอธิบายเป็นครั้งแรกเกี่ยวกับโครงสร้างอนุประโยคแบบง่ายและโครงสร้างอนุ ประโยคแบบซับซ้อนของภาษาหมอก เหว่ก๋อย เนื้อหายังประกอบด้วยการอธิบายเกี่ยวกับหน้าที่ของสรรพ นามไม่ระบุเจาะจง tɤ́ ʔ หมอกเป็นภาษาหนึ่งของกลุ่มภาษาอังกูอิกของสาขาปะหล่องจิกในตระกูลภาษา ออสโตรเอเชียติก มีการใช้ภาษานี้พูดในรัฐฉาน ประเทศเมียนมาร์ และในจังหวัดเชียงราย ประเทศไทย ส่วน แหล่งข้อมูลที่น ามาใช้ในการวิเคราะห์นั้น มาจากหกเรื่องที่ได้รับการอัดเสียงจากเจ้าของภาษาที่อาศัยอยู่ใน จังหวัดเชียงราย ประเทศไทย ซึ่งประกอบไปด้วยเรื่องแบบเรื่องเล่าสามเรื่อง แบบขั้นตอนหนึ่งเรื่อง และ แบบอธิบายสองเรื่อง โครงสร้างไวยากรณ์ของภาษาหมอกคล้ายคลึงกับโครงสร้างไวยากรณ์ของหลายๆ ภาษาในตระกูลภาษา ออสโตรเอเชียติกที่พูดกันในเอเชียตะวันออกเฉียงใต้แผ่นดินใหญ่ ในภาษาหมอกล าดับค าของประโยคคือ ภาคประธาน ภาคแสดง และกรรม (SVO) ในนามวลี ค านามหลักสามารถมีค าบอกก าหนดน าหน้าได้ และ สามารถถูกตามด้วยค ากริยาแสดงสภาวะ ค านาม ลักษณะนามวลี และค าแสดงความเป็นเจ้าของ ค าสรรพ นามของภาษาหมอกมีทั้งรูปเอกพจน์ ทวิพจน์ และพหูพจน์ และไม่มีการแยกแยะรูปส าหรับบ่งบอกเพศ ใน ประโยคแบบค ากริยาแสดงอาการ ค ากริยาแสดงอาการจะเติมเต็มในต าแหน่งภาคแสดงของประโยค อกรรมกริยาและประโยคสกรรมกริยา ในขณะที่ประโยคแบบค ากริยาแสดงสภาวะ ค ากริยาแสดงสภาวะจะ เติมเต็มภาคแสดง ภาษาหมอกไม่มีโครงสร้างแบบอนุประโยคที่มีค ากริยาที่ต้องมีทั้งกรรมตรงและกรรมรอง แต่โครงสร้างแบบอนุประโยคสองประโยคจะถูกใช้เพื่อรองรับโครงสร้างประโยคที่มีการถ่ายโอนเหตุการณ์ แทน

ส่วนประโยคซับซ้อนของภาษาหมอก ภาษานี้ไม่มีตัวบ่งชี้นามานุประโยคที่ใช้เพื่อน านามานุประโยค ขณะที่ วิเศษณานุประโยคบอกเวลาและวิเศษณานุประโยคบอกเงื่อนไขจะมีตัวแนะน าอนุประโยคน าอยู่ข้างหน้า นอกจากนี้ โครงสร้างประโยคแบบ causative เป็นแบบ periphrastic ส่วนสรรพนามไม่ระบุเจาะจง tɤ́ ʔ ของภาษาหมอก ซึ่งไม่มีความจ ากัดทางอรรถศาสตร์ส าหรับบุรุษ สามารถ อ้างอิงไปยังผู้แสดงบทบาทที่ถูกกล่าวขึ้นมาก่อนในบริบท ซึ่งสามารถเป็นได้เพียงแค่ภาคประธานของอนุ ประโยคหนึ่งเท่านั้น คุณสมบัติของระบบการอ้างอิงของ tɤ́ ʔ เกิดขึ้นได้ในขอบเขตภายในอนุประโยคเอง หรือระหว่างนามานุประโยคกับประโยคหลัก หรือระหว่างประโยค upstairs และประโยค downstairs ของ โครงสร้างประโยคแบบ causative tɤ́ ʔ สามารถท าหน้าที่เป็นสรรพนามตนเองและค าแสดงความเป็นเจ้าของ ในนามวลีได้

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acknowledgements ...... i Abstract ...... ii บทคัดย่อ ...... iv List of Tables ...... ix List of Figures ...... x List of Abbreviations and Symbols ...... xi Chapter 1 Introduction ...... 1 1.1 Language background ...... 2 1.2 The Mok people ...... 4 1.3 Research questions ...... 6 1.4 Objectives of the study ...... 6 1.5 Scope and limitations of the study ...... 6 1.6 Data sources ...... 6 1.7 Phonology ...... 7 1.8 Literature review ...... 8 1.8.1 Austroasiatic and eastern Austroasiatic literature ...... 8 1.8.2 Palaungic literature...... 10 1.8.3 Angkuic literature ...... 13 1.9 Contributions and composition of study ...... 14 1.10 Structure of the thesis ...... 14 Chapter 2 Simple constructions ...... 15 2.1 Simple argument constructions ...... 15 2.1.1 Noun phrase...... 15 2.1.2 Pronouns ...... 25 2.1.3 Prepositional phrases ...... 32 2.1.4 Summary of simple argument constructions ...... 34 2.2 Simple clause constructions ...... 34 2.2.1 Dynamic verb clause constructions ...... 35 2.2.2 Stative verb clause construction ...... 36 2.2.3 Copula constructions ...... 38 2.2.4 Summary of simple clause constructions ...... 40 2.3 Interrogative and imperative constructions ...... 40 2.3.1 Interrogatives ...... 41

2.3.2 Imperatives ...... 43 2.3.3 Summary of interrogative and imperative constructions ...... 44 2.4 Summary of simple constructions ...... 45 Chapter 3 Complex constructions ...... 46 3.1 Complex argument constructions ...... 46 3.1.1 Coordinate noun phrases ...... 46 3.1.2 Prepositional phrase modifiers ...... 47 3.1.3 Summary of complex noun phrase constructions ...... 47 3.2 Complex clause constructions ...... 47 3.2.1 Coordinate clause constructions ...... 47 3.2.2 Subordinate clause constructions ...... 49 3.2.3 Causative constructions ...... 58 3.2.4 Quotative constructions ...... 61 3.2.5 Summary of complex clause constructions ...... 64 3.3 Summary of complex constructions ...... 65 Chapter 4 The anaphoric uses of tɤ́ʔ ...... 66 4.1 The uses of tɤ́ʔ ...... 67 4.1.1 tɤ́ʔ in complement clause constructions ...... 67 4.1.2 tɤ́ʔ in causative constructions ...... 68 4.1.3 tɤ́ʔ as a possessor ...... 69 4.1.4 tɤ́ʔ as a reflexive pronoun ...... 73 4.1.5 The limitations on the scope of tɤ́ʔ coreference ...... 74 4.1.6 Unspecified first person meaning ...... 75 4.1.7 Summary of the uses of tɤ́ʔ ...... 76 4.2 Comparison with related languages ...... 76 4.3 Summary of the anaphoric uses of tɤ́ʔ ...... 80 Chapter 5 Conclusion ...... 82 5.1 Chapter 2: Simple constructions ...... 82 5.2 Chapter 3: Complex constructions ...... 83 5.3 Chapter 4: The anaphoric uses of tɤ́ʔ ...... 83 5.4 Further research ...... 84 Bibliography ...... 85 Appendix A Mawae and Masod ...... 90 Appendix B A Pig and a dog ...... 108 Appendix C A Child and a tiger ...... 117 Appendix D Rice planting ...... 126 Appendix E Pa pan’s childhood life ...... 141

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Appendix F Sugar cane sticks with nuts ...... 148 Resume ...... 154

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LIST OF TABLES

Table 1 Mok consonant phonemes ...... 7 Table 2 Mok vowel phonemes ...... 8 Table 3 Numerals in Mok ...... 20 Table 4 Quantifying words in Mok ...... 20 Table 5 Classifiers in Mok...... 20 Table 6 Personal pronouns in Mok ...... 25 Table 7 Prepositions in Mok ...... 32 Table 8 Content interrogative words in Mok...... 42 Table 9 Mok simple constructions ...... 45 Table 10 Mok complex constructions ...... 65 Table 11 Semantic constraints of person and number ...... 78 Table 12 Scope of coreference ...... 79 Table 13 Comparison of the uses of the cognate forms ...... 80

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1 The Palaungic branch in Austroasiatic (Sidwell, 2015a) ...... 2 Figure 2 Mok in the Palaungic branch (Adapted from Sidwell, 2015a; 2015b) ...... 2 Figure 3 Areas of Mok settlement (Adapted from Owen, 2018) ...... 3 Figure 4 Mok shirt for women ...... 5

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS

1P first-person plural 1S first-person singular 2D second-person dual 2S second-person singular 3D third-persond dual 3P third-person plural 3S third-person singular CC complement clause CL1 first conjunct of a coordinate clause construction CL2 second conjunct of a coordinate clause construction CL3 third conjunct of a coordinate clause construction COND conditional subordinate clause CO-REF coreferential DO direct object DOWN subordinate clause within a periphrastic causative construction DQ direct quote EXCL exclusive INCL inclusive INTERJ interjection IRR irrealis MC main clause NEG negation POSS possessor POST position following the clause PRE position preceding the clause PROG progressive Q question particle REASON reason subordinate clause S sentence TEMP temporal adverbial clause TOP topic marker UP main clause of a periphrastic causative construction

Chapter 1 Introduction

The grammatical structures of some of the languages in the East Palaungic branch of Austroasiatic have been extensively studied. For example, Man Noi Plang (Lewis, 2008), Kontoi Plang (Paulsen & Block, 1997), Pang Pung Plang (Suknaphasawat, 2007), Wa (Seng Mai, 2012), La-Up Lawa (Komonkitiskun, 1985), and Eastern Lawa (Blok, 2013). However, very little has been written about the grammar of the languages in the Angkuic sub-branch of East Palaungic. The grammatical descriptions of Angkuic languages include a short description of U (Svantesson, 1988) and an unpublished paper on Muak Sa-aak grammar (Hall, 2016). Also, no studies have been published on the grammar of Mok, another Angkuic language. Therefore, this thesis seeks to offer grammatical information about Mok by investigating simple and complex constructions in textual data.

Moreover, several Austroasiatic languages have an anaphoric element that has multiple functions, along with semantic constraints with respect to person and number. For example, in Muak Sa-aak (Hall, 2016), the form ti² is used to refer to a subject referent in a complement clause that is coreferential with the subject in the matrix clause. In Shwe Palaung (Milne, 1921; Mak, 2012; Jenny, 2019), the cognate form de is restricted to the second and third person and serves as a subject in subordinate clauses, a resumptive pronoun after auxiliaries and in chaining constructions, and as a predicative or attributive possession marker. In Khmu (Osborne, 2010; 2011), the unspecified pronoun de: has no semantic constraints with respect to person and number, and has both syntactic and pragmatic uses. This interesting issue invites further research in related languages like Mok, which also has a likely cognate form that behaves in a similar range of functions, namely the unspecified pronoun tɤ́ʔ.

This chapter provides background on the Mok language in Section 1.1, followed by information about the Mok people in Section 1.2. The research questions are covered in Section 1.3, followed by the objectives of the study in Section 1.4, the scope and limitations of the study in Section 1.5, and the data sources in Section 1.6.

An overview of Mok phonology is given in Section 1.7. The relevant literature is reviewed in Section 1.8. The contributions of the study are described in Section 1.9. Finally, the structure of the rest of this thesis is presented in Section 1.10.

1.1 Language background Mok (mqt) is an unwritten Palaungic language of the Khasian-Palaungic family of the Austroasiatic language phylum. The position of the Palaungic branch in Austroasiatic is illustrated in Figure 1.

Figure 1 The Palaungic branch in Austroasiatic (Sidwell, 2015a)

In Figure 1, the Palaungic language branch, together with Khasian language varieties, constitutes the Khasian-Palaungic language family of Austroasiatic. The position of Mok in the Palaungic branch is shown in Figure 2.

Palaungic

Danau Palaung-Riang East Palaungic

Riang Palaung Rumai Lawa Wa Angkuic Lameet Lua

Hu Kiorr Kon Keu Man Met Muak Sa-aak U Mok

Figure 2 Mok in the Palaungic branch (Adapted from Sidwell, 2015a; 2015b)

In Figure 2, Mok is a member of the Angkuic subgroup of the East Palaungic branch, along with Hu, Kiorr, Kon Keu, Man Met, Muak Sa-aak, and U.1

According to Eberhard, Simons, and Fennig (2019), Mok is spoken by approximately 4,000 people in 10 villages in three townships (Mong Khet, Mong Yang, and Kengtung), in the Shan state of Myanmar. Also, approximately 700 speakers in five villages live in Chiangrai province, Thailand. These population numbers include all five varieties of Mok: Hwe Law, Chieng Kham, Pha Lam, Punglong, and Hwe Koi (Owen, 2018, p. 2). The vitality of the Mok language spoken in Myanmar is vigorous (6a) (Eberhard et al., 2019), while in Thailand this is unknown. As for the language contact of Mok, in Myanmar Mok people are mostly surrounded by Burmese and Shan speakers, while in Thailand they are surrounded by speakers of Northern Thai and Central Thai. See Figure 3 for a map of the main Mok population area.

China Mong Yang

Mong Khet

Kengtung

Myanmar

Laos

Chiangrai

Thailand

Figure 3 Areas of Mok settlement (Adapted from Owen, 2018)

1 Eberhard, Simons, and Fennig (2019) also include Samtao and Tai Loi under Angkuic, but they have not been included in this list. This is because the available data for Samtao, including personal communication with Elizabeth Hall, suggests that it is a Plang variety that should be classified as Waic (Paulsen, 1992a). As for Tai Loi, it is not a single language. Tai Loi is a Tai name used for Palaungic languages that are not necessarily classified as Angkuic (Hall, 2017).

In Figure 3, the three circles show the distribution of the Mok villages. The first area of Mok settlement is located between the two townships, Mong Khet and Mong Yang, in Shan state, Myanmar. The second one is located just below Kentung township in Shan state. The final area is located near the border of Thailand and Myanmar, on the Thailand side, in Chiangrai province.

The preliminary result of Owen’s (2018) lexical similarity matrix shows that the lowest lexical similarity value between varieties of Mok is 88%, based on the comparison of 109 items. The Hwe Koi and Punglong varieties are likely to be the two main contenders for the central variety. In contrast, the Mok varieties are markedly different from Standard Wa, Pang Pung Plang, and Samtao. The highest lexical similarity value between a Mok variety and Wa is 49%, the highest value between a Mok variety and Pang Pung Plang is 59%, and the highest value between a Mok variety and Samtao is 56%. However, there are no comparisons between the Mok varieties and other Angkuic languages in the study.

1.2 The Mok people According to native speakers, Mok /mɔ̀k/ means ‘mountain people’ and is the name by which the Mok refer to themselves. Surrounding groups use other terms to refer to the Mok. The Shan call them “Mong Yang (township)”. According to Eberhard, Simons, and Fennig (2019), the Lahu call them [sətɕi], the Akha and Akheu call them [ʔape], and the Burmese call them [siəmcim]. In addition to these exonyms, the Mok are referenced by an additional seven names: A-Mok, Doi, Loi, Loi Cim, Hsem, HsenHsum, and Shim Ceem. Mok has also been listed as an alternate name for Muak Sa-aak (Hall, 2010, p. 4). The words Loi in Shan and Doi in Tai Lue both mean “mountain” and are used to refer to languages within the Palaungic branch, including Waic, Angkuic, and Palaung (Hall, 2017, pp. 3‒4).

The Mok who live in Shan State are mostly farmers and gardeners. They generally grow rice, as well as corn, limes, oranges, and other vegetables. Pigs and chickens are also raised in the villages. In the past, cattle were raised to plow fields and carry loads. However, the Mok of today prefer to use plowing machines. In terms of housing, they often construct their own houses from wood. These houses are built with a space underneath.

The Mok also have their traditional dress. For men, traditional costumes are comprised of a gray shirt and pants. Women wear black shirts and pants that have

strips of red, white, or other colors (Figure 4). These costumes are worn on special occasions, such as ordination and merit ceremonies.

Figure 4 Mok shirt for women

Mok families usually have four to five children. When a child is 6‒7 years old, they begin attending the local village school. Once the boys are 9‒10 years old, they also become novices of Buddhism, in addition to studying at the local primary school. Most children attend school until they are 14‒15 years old, then transition to helping their families with farming. Those who continue on to high school must move to Kengtung township where they can study for an additional 2‒3 years. Those who wish to study in a university must move to one of the larger cities in Myanmar, either Yangon or Mandalay.

The Mok people are strongly Buddhist. Each village tends to have its own temple and monks and the people are careful to observe Buddhism ceremonies. Mok boys often spend time as monks at some point in their childhood. During that time they study the Buddhist scriptures. However, the people also maintain their traditional beliefs about spirits. These spirits are said to have the power to protect the people in a village from harm. Thus, at the center of each Mok village, there is a very small pavilion for the spirits to reside in and where a ceremony can be annually performed.

As for the Mok who live in Maesai district (on the Thailand side of the border), they are construction workers. Some also sell clothing. Many of them live in houses constructed from brick and concrete. For Mok children who live in Thailand, they generally attend school until grade 6 or 9, then become construction workers.

1.3 Research questions The research questions of this study are the following:

1. What are the simple and complex constructions of the Hwe Koi variety of Mok? 2. What are the anaphoric uses of tɤ́ʔ in Mok?

1.4 Objectives of the study The objectives of this study are the following:

1. To provide a preliminary grammatical description of the simple and complex constructions of the Hwe Koi variety of Mok. 2. To provide a description of the anaphoric uses of tɤ́ʔ in Mok.

1.5 Scope and limitations of the study The findings presented in this thesis are an overview of Mok grammar. Also, the research was analyzed from one variety of Mok, namely Hwe Koi, and the textual data was collected from the speakers who live in Chiangrai, Thailand.

This study is based on a limited collection of six short texts. Moreover, due to time constraints this research is based on data collected from native speakers who are geographically separated from the native Mok-speaking areas. Moreover, the limited framework of a thesis does not allow for an in-depth analysis of all the grammatical aspects of Mok.

1.6 Data sources The data for this thesis is based on six texts with a total of 347 lines. The data includes three narrative, one procedural, and two expository texts. These texts were collected from three native speakers of Hwe Koi Mok in Maesai district, Chiangrai, Thailand.

Three texts were elicited from a 29-year-old male. He is from Hwe Koi village, Kengtung township, Shan State, Myanmar. He lived in this village for 13 years, then moved to Thailand where he has lived until now. Besides his first language, Mok, he can also speak Shan, Northern Thai, and Central Thai. Mok is the first language of his father, while it is the second language of his mother. Her first language is unknown. His wife also speaks Mok as her first language. The three texts are titled

“Rice field planting” (RP: 74 lines long), “Mawae and Masod” (MM: 101 lines long), and “A pig and a dog” (PD: 53 lines long). They were collected in January, February, and June 2019, respectively.

The next text is titled “Sugar cane sticks with nuts” (SC). It is 31 lines long. It was collected in February 2019. The speaker is a 60-year-old female. She has been living in Hwe Koi village for 54 years. Her second-best language is Shan, while Mok is her first language. Both of her parents speak Mok as their first language. Her husband also speaks Mok as his first language.

The last two texts are titled “A child and a tiger” (CT: 50 lines long) and “Pa Pan’s childhood life” (PL: 40 lines long). They were collected in February 2019. The narrator was a 64-year-old female from the Hwe Koi village. She had been living in the Hwe Koi village for 54 years. Her best language is Mok, followed by Shan. Her husband and parents speak Mok as their first language.

1.7 Phonology According to Hall and Devereux (2018), Mok has nineteen distinctive consonants. Only some varieties of Mok have /r/ and /f/. Eleven consonants occur syllable- finally: /p, t, c, k, ʔ, m, n, ɲ, ŋ, j, w/. Mok also has reduced syllables which are m̩, n̩, ɲ̩, ŋ̩, pə, tə, kə, and sə. The consonant phonemes are presented in Table 1.

Table 1 Mok consonant phonemes

Bilabial Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal Plosives voiceless asp. pʰ tʰ kʰ voiceless unasp. p t k ʔ Voiceless affricate c Nasal m n ɲ ŋ Voiceless fricatives (f) s h Approximants w l j Trill (r)

Mok has nine monophthongs and three diphthongs. The vowel phonemes are listed in Table 2.

Table 2 Mok vowel phonemes

Front Back Back unrounded rounded Close i ɯ u Close-mid e ɤ o Monophthongs Open-mid ɛ ɔ Open a Diphthongs ia ɯa ua

Mok has two distinctive tones, namely the low tone and the high tone. Since phonology work is in progress and there is no orthography at this time, the Mok transcription of the data in the corpus is presented in a provisional phonemic orthography using the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA).

1.8 Literature review This section first presents a review of the literature on Austroasiatic and eastern Austroasiatic, in Section 1.8.1. The review of Palaungic literature is given in Section 1.8.2, followed by Angkuic literature in Section 1.8.3.

1.8.1 Austroasiatic and eastern Austroasiatic literature Jenny, Weber, and Weymuth (2015) present a typological overview of structures found in AA languages. They divide the Austroasiatics (AA) languages into three subgroups: (1) the Munda languages, (2) the Nicobarese languages, and (3) the eastern languages spoken in Mainland Southeast Asia (MSEA). In common with most AA languages spoken in MSEA, Mok is an isolating, verb-medial language, with no inflectional morphology.

In many AA languages, relative clauses are post-nominal, and complement clauses are unmarked and directly follow the matrix clause. Moreover, the pronominal system has a three-way distinction in number (singular, dual, plural), along with an inclusive and exclusive distinction. The demonstrative system includes three degrees of distance (proximal, medial, and distal). A rich inventory of classifiers is also common.

Other studies of Austroasiatic languages include Alves (2001) on the noun phrase structure of AA languages spoken in MSEA and Eastern India. He analyzes nouns by

using Lexicase, a non-transformational dependency grammar. He lists seven primary subclasses of nouns: anaphoric, common, numeral, pronominal, relator, scope, and unit nouns. He also gives a list of noun phrase orders for 20 surveyed languages in eastern AA, except the Palaungic, Mangic, Pearic, and Nicobarese languages.

Moreover, Alves (2015) describes morphological functions among AA languages, except Munda languages. His study focuses on the functions of affixational and reduplicative morphology from a survey of over three dozen AA languages. Alves groups the 23 categories of the semantico-syntactic functions into seven main categories, together with discussions of each one. They are aspect, indication of semantic roles, deriving lexical categories, mood functions, plurality, other grammatical changes (i.e. negation, reciprocity, and degree of intensity), and other semantic changes (i.e. causative, and semantic generalization). He also mentions that AA languages, except Munda languages, “have fossilized remnants of prefixes and infixes, often in the form of phonologically reduced sesquisyllables, of an apparently historically early productive morphological system. Grammatical functions … tend to be expressed via word order and lexemes, not affixation” (Alves, 2015, p. 524).

Dryer (2001) considers whether the SVO word order of AA languages, except Munda languages, is typical of VO or OV languages. He shows that both orders of demonstrative and noun, i.e. the demonstrative follows or precedes the head noun, are common among VO languages spoken in Southeast Asia.

Concerning non-Palaungic eastern AA languages, Osborne (2010) provides a detailed grammatical analysis of Khmu (Khmuic) nominal constructions and their functions in discourse. She also provides an analysis of participant reference patterns in narrative discourse. Moreover, Osborne (2011) especially discusses the Khmu unspecified pronoun de:. It has a coreferential function and its domain of coreference is a clause (i.e. the scope is within a main clause, within a complement construction, between an adverbial clause and a main clause, or in a tail-head linkage). The coreferent function, however, does not extend over coordinate clause boundaries. The Khmu de: can serve as a possessor, the subject of a clause, and a particle in the verb complex. It points to a referent in the speech situation when there is no antecedent reference in the text. Osborne also indicates that de: can be used to communicate other meanings depending on the pragmatic context.

Watson’s (1964) research on personal pronouns in Pacoh, a Katuic language, includes an account of the anaphoric ngâh. It is categorized by Watson as a pronoun

and it is not restricted in person or number. It is used as the subject of a conditional adverbial clause, indicating that the subject of the main clause is the same.

Olsen (2015) researches the grammar of Ko’ho-sre, a South Bahnaric language of Vietnam. This study provides overview descriptions of phonoloy, word formation, phrase and clause structure, which includes simple and complex sentences. In the Ko’ho-sre conditional sentences, a conditional adverbial clause is introduced by the introducer dilah ‘if’, and can also be optionally marked by the topic-comment linker gɛn at the end of the conditional adverbial clause, which is preceded by the main clause, in the complex sentence construction.

Jenny (2015) provides an overview of the grammar of Modern Mon. In this study, he reports that the particle teh is either used to function as a topic marker or as a clause-final marker of a clause expressing conditional meaning. In order to enforce the conditional function, the topic marker teh occurs in the final position of the clause.

1.8.2 Palaungic literature Si (2015) has researched the grammar of Danau. It appears to have a few cases of derivational affixation. A basic Danau sentence follows SVO word order; however, the language appears to use verbless clauses frequently.

For the Palaung-Riang branch of Palaungic, Janzen (1976) presents a grammar analysis of Silver Palaung (Ruching Palaung), which he refers to as Pale Palaung. The structures he describes include transitive, intransitive, descriptive, equational, imperative, and interrogative clauses. He also describes on nominal, verbal, prepositional, and adverbial phrases.

Milne (1921) provides a description of eight parts of speech in Shwe Palaung. They include nouns, pronouns, adjectives, verbs, adverbs, prepositions, conjunctions, and interjections. This study also provides elicited grammatical sets of clauses and sentences, including a narrative text. Additionally, the anaphoric de is presented in Milne’s study. It can be used in place of second- and third-person pronouns without any constraints on number. In the list of reflexive pronouns, de always co-occurs with tō‘ body’.

Mak’s (2012) research provides a grammatical description of Golden Palaung (Shwe Palaung). Golden Palaung generally follows SVO word order. Mak also mentions the reflexive personal pronoun de ‘self’ and explains that it is coreferential with the

subject of the same clause in which it appears. However, from the data, it appears that the coreference of this personal pronoun can occur in an embedded clause. There is an instance in which de refers back to a subject of the matrix clause, while functioning as the subject of the embedded clause. Also, de is used as a possessor.

Jenny (2019) discusses the anaphoric de of Shwe Palaung in AA perspective. It is restricted to the second and third person. It can function as a resumptive pronoun after auxiliaries, the subject in subordinate clauses, resumptive subject in chaining constructions, and is used to express either predicative or attributive possession. The pronoun de is not used to express reflexive meaning; the loan word to ‘body’ from Shan is used instead. Moreover, the use of de is optional. It can be replaced by a personal pronoun in subordinate clauses and chaining constructions.

Finally, Deepadung, Rattanapitak, and Buakaw (2015) provide an overview of the grammar of Dara’ang Palaung, a variety of Silver Palaung spoken in Chiangmai province, Thailand. This research discusses the topic-comment linker, which occurs between nouns or pronouns and verbs, or between clauses. They also describe this element as “a discourse related marker which indicates the noun or pronoun as a topic in a topic-comment construction, or marks the clause (or other constituent) to its left as topic and the clause (or other constituent) to its right as comment” (Deepadung, Rattanapitak, & Buakaw, 2015, p. 1084).

Grammatical descriptions of the East Palaungic branch of Palaungic languages are also provided, especially of the Plang varieties. Block (1994) investigates the discourse grammar of first-person narrative in Kontoi Plang, including a chapter on Kontoi grammar. Kontoi Plang is an isolating language. The head noun is optionally followed by modifiers in a noun phrase. The language has singular, dual, and plural pronouns, in first, second, and third person. It follows SVO word order. Block (1996) provides a description of possessive noun phrases in Kontoi Plang, including the possessive particle re, which assimilates to the final consonant of the preceding word, changing to ne or le. She notes that in the possessive noun phrases consisting of a head noun and the possessive particle re, the possessive particle can be coreferential with the subject referent of the clause, whether the referent is overtly stated within the clause or not. Block (1994, p. 32) also notes that the possessive particle and the reflexive pronoun in Kontoi are homophonous.

Paulsen and Block (1997) describe independent clause structures in Kontoi Plang. The focus of this research is on the simple event and state clause constructions, including copula constructions. Kontoi Plang has a ditransitive clause construction,

in which the direct object comes before the indirect object of a clause. An equative clause contains a copula that is preceded by the optional subject and followed by the copula complement. Adjective phrases are constructed as adjectival complements, without any copula, in the state clause construction. An existential clause consists of a copula verb followed by a noun phrase referent.

Suknaphasawat (2007) has provided a grammatical sketch of Pang Pung, another Plang variety. He claims that the basic word order in Pang Pung changes from SVO to VSO in direct quotations, in structurally important places in discourse (i.e. introduction, peak, and closure), and in spoken language. The personal pronouns include singular, dual, and plural distinctions and an exclusive and inclusive distinction. Also, transfer events are expressed by a two-clause construction, which Suknaphasawat interprets as a ditransitive construction.

Lewis (2008) describes the grammar of Man Noi Plang. Her thesis includes lexical categories, adverbial adjuncts, phrases, and simple clause constructions. She also discusses the uses of clitics and discourse particles. This study discusses the particle na, which is usually used as topic marker. na can also function as a topic continuity marker that is used to refer to the topicalized element in a sentence.

Komonkitiskun (1985) describes the general characteristics of the grammar of the La-Up variety of Western Lawa, which is spoken in Thailand. Word classes, phrases, clauses, and sentence constructions are described, including the semantic structure of sentences. Two forms, ʔɨ and tɛʔ, serve as a possessor and are coreferential with the subject within a clause. Furthermore, tɛʔ, as the subject of a post-clausal adverbial clause is coreferential with the subject of the main clause, while ʔɨ, as the subject of a pre-clausal adverbial clause indicates coreference with the subject of the main clause. In addition, ʔɨ is restricted to the third person and can function as the subject in an interrogative clause.

Blok (2013) presents a description of Eastern Lawa grammar at the lexical, phrasal, and clause level, including voice and valence changing. He reports that the word order varies between SVO and VSO, but the latter order is predominant.

Seng Mai (2012, p. 42) discusses the inventory of personal pronouns of Wa. She reports a singular, dual, and plural distinction in pronouns, including an exclusive and inclusive distinction. The Wa word order can be both SVO and VSO and varies depending on clause type. SVO word order occurs in a conditional adverbial clause with pʰan ‘if’ or viaŋ ‘although’ as its subordinator, while VSO word order occurs in a

temporal adverbial clause with hoik or kʰaiʔ ‘after’, or ja̤m ‘when’ as the subordinators.

Watkins’ (2002) study gives a description of the phonology of Wa, including the segmental phonetics and suprasegmental phonetics. This study also provides sociolinguistic information about Wa and its orthography.

1.8.3 Angkuic literature Regarding published phonological descriptions, the phonology of four Angkuic languages have been provided: U (Svantesson, 1988), Hu (Svantesson, 1991), Muak Sa-aak (Hall, 2010; 2013), and Man Met (Chen, 2005). In addition to these papers, four phonological profiles of Angkuic languages (U, Hu, Muak Sa-aak, and Man Met) are summarized by Sidwell (2015b), in addition to other Palaungic languages.

For the phonological study of Mok, Hall and Devereux (2018) provide a short description of Mok phonology. They report that Mok has nineteen consonants (i.e. p, pʰ, t, tʰ, c, k, kʰ, ʔ, m, n, ɲ, ŋ, f, s, h, l, r, j, and w), nine monophthongs (i.e. i, ɯ, u, e, ɤ, o, ɛ, a, and ɔ), and three diphthongs (i.e. ia, ɯa, and ua). Some Mok varieties include /r/ and /f/. Mok has two tones: high and low. Vowel length is not contrastive.

So far, two grammatical descriptions of Angkuic languages are available: U (Svantesson, 1988) and Muak Sa-aak (Hall, 2016). Svantesson (1988, pp. 101-102), describes the basic noun phrase and clause structure. In the noun phrase, the head noun is optionally followed by possessors, numeral phrases, or relative clauses, while demonstratives precede the head noun. The U word order is SVO. Personal pronouns are singular, dual, and plural.

Hall (2016) provides a description of word formation patterns and the phrase, simple clause, and complex sentence structures of the Muak Sa-aak language. Muak Sa-aak has no inflectional morphology, but it uses particles to mark aspect and mood. For the noun phrase structure, the head noun can be optionally followed by possessors, classifier phrases, demonstratives, or relative clauses. Moreover, Hall mentions that the reflexive pronoun ti² ‘self’ may be used in place of a regular pronoun. ti² also has an alternative form tɯː³. From the data, the reflexive pronoun ti²/tɯː³ serves as a possessive pronoun and is coreferential with either the subject within its immediate clause or the subject of the matrix clause in a complex sentence construction. The language follows an SVO word order. Muak Sa-aak has no

ditransitive clause; instead, the language uses a second clause to handle the second object. In the complement clause construction, the language has a complementizer to introduce the complement clause. Subordinate clauses precede main clauses, with the requirement of subordinating conjunctions at the beginning of the subordinate clause. Muak Sa-aak has a relativizer to introduce relative clauses, which are post- nominal.

Finally, Hall (2019) also report on the adverbial subordinate clause in Muak Sa-aak. Adverbial clauses typically precede the main clause and the word order of an adverbial clause is SVO. The adverbial clause is introduced by a subordinating conjunction. A predictive conditional clause requires a different subordinating conjunction from a counterfactual conditional clause. Moreover, a reason clause may also be expressed by using a copula structure.

1.9 Contributions and composition of study This thesis is produced with three contributions. The first contribution is documentation of an unstudied variety of Mok. The second contribution is to increase the grammatical information about languages in the Angkuic branch of Austroasiatic. Finally, the third contribution is to supply information for future language development among the Mok people.

1.10 Structure of the thesis The remainder of this thesis begins with the description of simple constructions of Mok in Chapter 2. The description of complex constructions is provided in Chapter 3, which is followed by the study of the anaphoric uses of tɤ́ʔ in Chapter 4. The thesis ends with the conclusion in Chapter 5.

Chapter 2 Simple constructions

This chapter provides a description of simple constructions. They include simple argument constructions in Section 2.1, followed by simple clause constructions in Section 2.2. Finally, the interrogative and imperative constructions are discussed in Section 2.3.

2.1 Simple argument constructions This section describes the three simple argument constructions in Mok: noun phrase, pronouns, and prepositional phrases. Noun phrase is discussed in Section 2.1.1, followed by the pronoun inventory in Section 2.1.2, and then prepositional phrases in Section 2.1.3.

2.1.1 Noun phrase The description of the Mok noun phrase begins with the simple noun phrase construction in 2.1.1.1. A description of noun phrase heads follows in 2.1.1.2. Then, details of the five simple noun phrase modifiers (nouns, stative verbs, classifier phrases, possessors, and demonstratives) are presented in Sections 2.1.1.3 ‒ 2.1.1.7.

2.1.1.1 Simple noun phrase construction The Mok simple noun phrase consists of an obligatory head noun and optional modifiers. The structure of the noun phrase is presented in (1).

(1) Mok simple noun phrase construction

(Demonstrative) + Head + (Modifier(s)) + (Classifier phrase) + (Poss)

As shown in (1), the noun head can be optionally preceded by a demonstrative (proximal, medial, or distal), and optionally followed by one or more descriptive modifiers (noun or stative verb), a classifier phrase, or a possessor.

A noun head with a stative verb and a classifier phrase is illustrated in (2).

(2) RP.059

[Ø N̩ .càŋ ʔíʔ jɤ̀ pʰɔ́]CL1 lɛ́ʔkɔ̀ [Ø ʔɔ̀j

3P hire people go hit and.then 3P bring

máʔtɤ́ʔ pɔ́t líʔ cɔ́m cànpán ʔuán mò each.other carry take put.in burlap.bag be.big one

sák mò sák cɤ̀]CL2

CL.bag one CL.bag *** Lit. ‘ (They) hire people go hit (stacks of harvested rice ), and then (they) bring each other carry, take, put (harvested rice) in big burlap bags, one bag, one bag.’ ‘(They) hire people to hit (stacks of harvested rice), and then (they) come together to carry (and) put (harvested rice) in big burlap bags, one after another.’

In the second clause in (2), the noun phrase consists of the head noun cànpán ‘burlap.bag’, followed by the stative verb ʔuán ‘be.big’, and the reduplicated classifier phrase mò sák mò sák ‘one after another’. In contrast, the direct object noun phrase, ʔíʔ ‘people’, of the first clause, consists of just the noun head.

A noun phrase with a demonstrative and a possessor is given in (3).

(3) MM.015 lák N̩ .láʔ pʰiám t.háʔ kʰɔ̀n máʔwɛ̀ then steal kill that child Mawae ‘Then (Masod) stole and killed that Mawae's child.’

In (3), the head noun kʰɔ̀n ‘child’ is preceded by the medial demonstrative t.háʔ ‘that’, and followed by the possessor máʔwɛ̀ ‘Mawae’.

The Mok simple noun phrase construction has been reviewed. The description of the noun phrase heads is provided in the next section.

2.1.1.2 Noun phrase heads The head of the noun phrase can be a common noun, a proper noun, or a compound noun. Mok nouns are not marked for gender or number.

An example of a common noun head is illustrated in (4).

(4) MM.077 sàŋ jɤ̀ tɔ̀n s.klúʔ pʰlɯ́ʔpʰíw elephant go step.on stem white.gourd ‘The elephant stepped on the stem of the white gourd.’

In (4), the common noun sàŋ ‘elephant’ acts as the head of the subject noun phrase.

A proper noun head is illustrated in (5).

(5) PL.023 máʔsɤ́ kàʔ lí Muser then down ‘Then the Muser (Lahu) people came down (from the mountain).’

In (5), the proper noun máʔsɤ́ ‘Muser’ serves as the head of the subject noun phrase.

A compound noun head is illustrated in (6).

(6) CT.028 p.klák náʔ sɯ́m kʰɛ̀ siànk.tú ʔɛ́n someone TOP IRR eat intestine 3S.POSS ‘As for someone, (they) will eat her intestine.’

In (6), the compound noun siànk.tú ‘intestine’, literally sián ‘string’ + k.tú ‘abdomen’, functions as the head of the object noun phrase. This noun head is modified by the possessor ʔɛ́n ‘3S.POSS’.

To summarize, a common noun, a proper noun, or a compound noun can be the head of a noun phrase. The first type of noun head modifier is covered in the next section.

2.1.1.3 Nouns In Mok, the noun head can be modified by a noun. Noun modifiers follow the noun head in a simple noun phrase construction.

A noun head modified by a noun is illustrated in (7).

(7) SC.009 tòk ʔúp ŋáʔ pound cooked.rice sesame ‘(We) pound the sesame rice.’

In (7), the common noun ŋáʔ ‘sesame’ modifies the head noun ʔúp ‘rice’. The noun modifier ŋáʔ indicates the kind of the rice.

Another example of a noun modifying a noun head is illustrated in (8).

(8) SC.008

[sáʔ sák pʰɛ́ tɤ́ʔ]CL1 [tám]CL2 wash seed nut CO-REF boil ‘(We) wash our nuts (and) boil (them).’

In the first clause in (8), the object noun phrase consists of the head noun sák ‘seed’, followed by its modifiers, a common noun pʰɛ́ ‘nut’ and tɤ́ʔ ‘CO-REF’, which is functioning as the possessor in the noun phrase. The noun modifier pʰɛ́ is indicating the type of seed.

To summarize, in a simple noun phrase, the head noun can be modified by another noun, indicating a kind of the head noun. Since word formation is not a focus of this study, there is a need for more investigation on whether a noun phrase consisting of a head noun and its noun modifier can be considered a compound noun or not. The next type of modifier, stative verbs, are discussed in the next section.

2.1.1.4 Stative verbs Stative verbs express static situations in which no change occurs. They include seven types of attributive meanings: dimension, physical property, colour, human propensity, age, value, and speed (Dixon, 1982). In Mok, stative verbs immediately follow the noun head they modify.

An example of a noun head modified by a stative verb is illustrated in (9).

(9) MM.071 cɔ̀c kʰlɛ́ŋ lák súc k.tʰáʔ p.sɔ́ɲ ant be.red then sting tail snake ‘The red ant, then, stung the snake’s tail.’

In (9), the noun phrase còc kʰlɛ́ŋ ‘red ant’ consists of the noun head còc ‘ant, followed by its modifier, the stative verb kʰlɛ́ŋ ‘be.red’. The stative verb is indicating that the color of the ant is red.

Another example of a stative verb modifier is illustrated in (10).

(10) RP.059

[Ø N̩ .càŋ ʔíʔ jɤ̀ pʰɔ́]CL1 lɛ́ʔkɔ̀ [Ø ʔɔ̀j

3P hire people go hit and.then 3P bring

máʔtɤ́ʔ pɔ́t líʔ cɔ́m cànpán ʔuán mò each.other carry take put.in burlap.bag be.big one

sák mò sák cɤ̀]CL2

CL.bag one CL.bag *** Lit. ‘ (They) hire people go hit (stacks of harvested rice), and then (they) bring each other carry, take, put (harvested rice) in big burlap bags, one bag, one bag.’ ‘(They) hire people to hit (stacks of harvested rice), and then (they) come together to carry (and) put (harvested rice) in big burlap bags, one after another.’

Example (10) shows that the stative verb ʔuán ‘be.big’ directly follows the head noun cànpán ‘burlap.bag’ and precedes the classifier phrase construction mò sák mò sák ‘one after another’. The stative verb ʔuán indicates that the size of burlap bags is big.

In Mok, stative verbs directly follow the head noun they modify. This is similar to Man Noi Plang (Lewis, 2008, p. 55), Kontoi Plang (Block, 1996, p. 3), and Wa (Seng Mai, 2012, p. 64), other three Palaungic languages, in which the stative verbs occur after the head noun. In addition to stative verbs, a noun can be modified by classifier phrases.

2.1.1.5 Classifier phrases In a classifier phrase, the classifier is the head and it is preceded by a quantifier. Quantifiers are of two types: numerals and quantifying words. The quantifier and the classifier together occur after the head noun in the noun phrase structure, quantifying the head noun. The list of Mok numerals is shown in Table 3.

Table 3 Numerals in Mok

Mok word English gloss mò one ʔà two ʔɔ̀j three puàn or sì four p.sián five lɔ́k six N̩ .pʰúj or cèt seven piàt eight kàw nine mòkʰiáw ten ʔàkʰiáw twenty

The list of quantifying words is shown in Table 4.

Table 4 Quantifying words in Mok

Mok word English gloss kám some klák some

The classifiers from the data are listed in Table 5.

Table 5 Classifiers in Mok

Mok word English gloss sák CL.bag s.klú CL.hole ʔíʔ CL.person

An example of a classifier phrase with a numeral is illustrated in (11).

(11) RP.059

[Ø N̩ .càŋ ʔíʔ jɤ̀ pʰɔ́]CL1 lɛ́ʔkɔ̀ [Ø ʔɔ̀j

3P hire person go hit and.then 3P bring

máʔtɤ́ʔ pɔ́t líʔ cɔ́m cànpán ʔuán mò each.other carry take put.in burlap.bag be.big one

sák mò sák cɤ̀]CL2

CL.bag one CL.bag *** Lit. ‘ (They) hire people go hit (stacks of harvested rice), and then ( they) bring each other carry, take, put (harvested rice) in big burlap bags, one bag, one bag.’ ‘(They) hire people to hit (stacks of harvested rice), and then (they) come together to carry (and) put (harvested rice) in big burlap bags, one after another.’

In (11), the reduplicated classifier phrase mò sák mò sák ‘one after another’ is modifying the head noun cànpán ‘burlap.bag’, which is modified by the stative verb ʔuán ‘be.big’. The reduplication of the classifier phrase indicates that the number of the burlap bags with rice continuously increase, one after another.

An example of a classifier phrase with a quantifying word is given in (12).

(12) CT.025

[klák ʔíʔ náʔ]PRE [sɯ́m kák kʰɯ́ŋ ʔɛ́n]CL some CL.person TOP IRR bite head 3S.POSS ‘As for some people, (they) will bite her head.’

In (12), the quantifier klák ‘some’ and the classifier ʔíʔ ‘CL.person’ occur without an overt head noun.

Another example of a quantifying word is shown in (13).

(13) RP.038 kám ʔíʔ náʔ ʔíʔ kàʔ wá piàk some CL.person TOP people then give money ‘As for some people, people then give money.’

In (13), the classifier phrase, consisting of the quantifier kám ‘some’ and the classifier ʔíʔ ‘CL.person’, occurs without an overt head noun. In the context, they are referring to the farmers who give money to hire other people to go plant their rice field.

To summarize, in a classifier phrase, a classifier is preceded by a quantifier. A quantifier can be either a numeral, e.g., ʔà ‘two’, ʔɔ̀j ‘three’, or a quantifying word, e.g., kám ‘some’. Classifier phrases follow the head noun that they modify. A classifier phrase with a quantifying word can occur without a head noun. Possessors are discussed in the next section.

2.1.1.6 Possessors The possessor of a noun head can be expressed by a common noun, a proper noun, or a personal pronoun. In this section, common and proper noun possessors are discussed, and pronoun possessors are discussed in Section 2.1.2.1.2.

A common noun functioning as a possessor in a noun phrase is illustrated in (14).

(14) MM.071 cɔ̀c kʰlɛ́ŋ lák súc k.tʰáʔ p.sɔ́ɲ ant be.red then sting tail snake ‘The red ant, then, stung the snake’s tail.’

In (14), the common noun p.sɔ́ɲ ‘snake’ is the possessor of the possessee noun head k.tʰáʔ ‘tail’.

The possessor can also be a proper noun as illustrated in (15).

(15) MM.017 tám t.háʔ kʰɔ̀n máʔwɛ̀ nɛ́ k.ʔɔ̀jsòŋ ʔuán boil that child Mawae in steaming.pot be.big ‘(Masod) boiled Mawae’s child in a big steaming pot’

In (15), the proper noun máʔwɛ̀ ‘Mawae’ is the possessor of the possessee noun head kʰɔ̀n ‘child’.

In Mok, possessors can be encoded by a common noun, a proper noun, or a personal pronoun. The Mok possessors, similarly to Muak Sa-aak (Hall, p. 2016), Man Noi Plang (Lewis, 2008, p. 57), Kontoi Plang (Block, 1996, p. 3), and Wa (Seng Mai,

2012, p. 69), follow the head noun they modify, which is the possessee. Next, the last type of modifiers, demonstratives, is discussed.

2.1.1.7 Demonstratives Demonstratives are used to encode the distance from speakers and the thing they identify. The six demonstratives of Mok include the following: the proximal demonstrative ʔɤ́ ‘this’, the medial demonstratives háʔ ‘that’ and t.háʔ ‘that’, the distal-level demonstrative jɤ́ ‘that over there’, the distal-above demonstrative ŋɤ́ ‘up over there’, and the distal-below demonstrateve tɤ́ ‘down over there’. There are no plural forms for these demonstratives. In Mok, demonstratives occur before a head noun.

The demonstrative háʔ ‘that’ is illustrated in (16).

(16) MM.087 ʔó háʔ kʰìt tʰiáŋ lúp láʔsòk ʔɔ́ʔ tɛ́ INTERJ that bat fly enter ear 1S.POSS *** ‘“Oh! That bat flew into my ear.”’

In (16), the noun head kʰìt ‘bat’ is modified by the demonstrative háʔ ‘that’, which indicates that the bat is now distant from the speaker, but still visible.

The demonstrative t.háʔ ‘that’ is illustrated in (17).

(17) MM.078 pʰlɯ́ʔpʰíw k.lɔ́c lí cáp t.háʔ ʔɔ̀jsòŋ white.gourd roll down touch that steaming.pot ‘The white gourd rolled down and touched that steaming pot’

In (17), the noun head ʔɔ̀jsòŋ ‘steaming pot’, literally ʔɔ̀j ‘pot’ + sòŋ ‘steam’, is modified by the demonstrative t.háʔ ‘that’.

Example (18) illustrates the demonstrative tɤ́ ‘down.over.there’.

(18) RP.061

[ʔíʔ ɲàŋ]CL1 [jɤ̀ pɔ́t]CL2 [ʔì tɤ́ càŋlɔ̀ŋ]CL3 people take go carry go down.over.there road ‘People take (burlap bags) (and) carry (them), going (along) the road down over there.’

In (18), the prepositional phrase consists of the omitted preposition and the object of the preposition tɤ́ càŋlɔ̀ŋ ‘the road down over there’. The demonstrative tɤ́ ‘down.over.there’ precedes the head noun, càŋlɔ̀ŋ ‘road’, indicating that the location of the bags is below and distant from the speaker.

Example (19) illustrates the demonstrative ʔɤ́ ‘this’.

(19) RP.008

[mák sɯ́ʔkʰlɔ́ŋ]CL1 [ʔì N̩ .lɛ̀ ʔɤ́ kéʔ tɤ́k slash bamboo.wood go surround this 3P row

kàʔ tɤ́ʔ ʔún]CL2 seedling CO-REF keep Lit. ‘(People) slash the bamboo wood (and) go, surround, this, them, their seedling rows, keep.’ ‘(People) slash the bamboo wood (and) surround their seedling rows to keep (them).’

In the second clause in (19), the object noun phrase contains the proximal demonstrative ʔɤ́ ‘this’, followed by the pronoun kéʔ ‘3P’ and the possessive noun phrase tɤ́k kàʔ tɤ́ʔ ‘their seedling rows’. The proximal demonstrative ʔɤ́ ‘this’ is modifying the head noun, tɤ́k ‘row’, and indicates that the row of seedlings is near the speaker. kéʔ ‘3P’ is used to express plurality information about the noun head referent tɤ́k ‘row’.

Mok demonstratives are proximal, medial, distal-level, distal-above, and distal- below. These demonstratives have no plural forms. The Mok demonstratives precede the noun head in the noun phrase. This is similar to the U language (Svantesson, 1988, p. 102), in which demonstratives precede the head noun in a noun phrase. However, this phenomenon is different from Muak Sa-aak (Hall, 2016, pp. 5‒6), an Angkuic language, and other Palaungic languages such as Man Noi Plang (Lewis, pp. 58‒59), and Kontoi Plang (Block, 1996, p. 3), in which demonstratives follow the head noun they modify.

To summarize, the simple noun phrase consists of an obligatory head noun which can be optionally preceded by a demonstrative, and followed by descriptive modifier(s) (noun or stative verb), a classifier phrase, and/or a possessor. As the Mok noun phrase has been described, pronouns are covered in Section 2.1.2.

2.1.2 Pronouns This section concerns the Mok personal pronoun inventory. First, personal pronouns are presented in 2.1.2.1. The reciprocal pronoun máʔtɤ́ʔ ‘each.other’ is discussed in 2.1.2.2. Finally, indefinite pronouns are covered in 2.1.2.3. As for interrogative pronouns, they will be discussed in Section 2.3.1.

2.1.2.1 Personal pronouns Personal pronouns in Mok are singular, dual or plural, with no gender distinction. In addition, first-person dual and plural forms differentiate inclusive and exclusive reference. Personal pronouns can be used as a substitute for a noun phrase (Section 2.1.2.1.1), a possessor in a noun phrase (Section 2.1.2.1.2), an appositional pronoun (Section 2.1.2.1.3), or a marker of plurality (Section 2.1.2.1.4). Table 6 lists the personal pronouns in Mok.

Table 6 Personal pronouns in Mok

Singular Dual Plural Inclusive Exclusive Inclusive Exclusive First Person ʔɔ́ʔ ʔɛ́ʔ jɛ́ʔ ʔéʔ jéʔ Second Person mɯ́ʔ pʰɛ́ʔ pʰéʔ Third person ʔɛ́n kɛ́ʔ kéʔ

The function of personal pronouns as a substitute for a noun phrase is discussed first.

2.1.2.1.1 Personal pronouns as noun phrase substitutes In Mok, personal pronouns have the same form in the subject and object positions of a clause.

Example (20) illustrates the third person singular pronoun ʔɛ́n.

(20) MM.049 ʔɛ́n jɤ̀ lɔ̀m máʔsɔ̀t sɤ́ 3S go see Masod *** ‘He went and saw Masod.’

In (20), the pronoun ʔɛ́n ‘3S’ is substituting for the subject noun phrase.

Another example of the third person singular pronoun ʔɛ́n is illustrated in (21).

(21) RP.055

[jám ʔíʔ lɛ̀t ʔɛ́n ʔún sàŋ]TEMP [ʔún ʔà when people harvest 3S keep *** keep two

ʔɔ̀j ŋíʔ]MC three CL.day ‘When people harvest it, (they ) leave (it ) for two or three days .’

In the temporal adverbial clause in (21), the pronoun ʔɛ́n ‘3S’ is functioning as the object noun phrase.

Example (22) illustrates the second person dual pronoun pʰɛ́ʔ.

(22) PD.050

[màkcɯ́ m wá pʰɛ́ʔ]UP [ʔuàt N̩ .tʰák mátɤ́ʔ]DOWN prohibit give 2D be.at near each.other ‘“(I) prohibit you two to stay near each other.”’

In (22), the pronoun pʰɛ́ʔ ‘2D’ is functioning as the object noun phrase of the upstairs clause of the periphrastic causative construction and refers to the cause argument.

Example (23) illustrates the third person dual pronoun kɛ́ʔ.

(23) PD.003

[sáŋ kɛ́ʔ]UP [jɤ̀ cíʔ mɛ̀]DOWN order 3D go do dry.field ‘(Buddha) ordered the two of them to go work the dry field.’

In the causative construction in (23), the pronoun kɛ́ʔ ‘3D’ fills the object slot of the upstairs clause in the periphrastic causative construction.

Two types of non-singular first person pronouns are inclusive and exclusive. The inclusive distinction includes the addressee, while the exclusive distinction does not.

An example of the inclusive distinction is illustrated in (24).

(24) RP.069 ʔéʔ ɲàŋ jɤ̀ wá ʔíʔ sí 1P.INCL take go give people mill ‘We (you and us) take (rice) (and) have people mill (it).’

In (24), the first person inclusive pronoun ʔéʔ is used and the addressee is included.

The exclusive distinction is illustrated in (25).

(25) PL.021 jéʔ pʰòj ʔiá tán ʔíʔtʰán 1P.EXCL go find offer elder ‘We (not you) went to find (elders) (and) offered (things) to elders.’

In (25), the first-person exclusive pronoun jéʔ is used and the addressee is excluded.

2.1.2.1.2 Personal pronouns as possessors The Mok personal pronouns can also be used to represent a possessor in a noun phrase. Possessors follow the head noun they modify in a possessive noun phrase.

The pronoun ʔɔ́ʔ functioning as a possessor is illustrated in (26).

(26) MM.087 ʔó háʔ kʰìt tʰiáŋ lúp láʔsòk ʔɔ́ʔ tɛ́ INTERJ that bat fly enter ear 1S.POSS *** ‘“Oh! That bat flew into my ear.”’

In (26), the noun phrase object consists of the head noun láʔsòk ‘ear’ and the possessor, which is expressed by the pronoun ʔɔ́ʔ ‘1S.POSS’.

The possessor ʔɛ́n ‘3S.POSS’ is illustrated in (27).

(27) MM.065 lák pɔ́t nàm ʔɛ́n ʔì then carry blood 3P.POSS go ‘Then (Masod) carried his (Mawae) blood and went.’

In (27), the possessor ʔɛ́n ‘3P.POSS’ signals possession, modifying the noun head nàm ‘blood’ in the noun phrase nàm ʔɛ́n ‘his blood’.

An example with the possessor mɯ́ ʔ ‘2S.POSS’ is illustrated in (28).

(28) MM.051 ʔé kʰɔ̀n mɯ́ʔ kʰlɯ́ sɯ́ŋ ʔuàm nɤ́ nátá INTERJ child 2S.POSS fall at water here *** ‘“Eh! Your child fell into the water here.”’

In (28), the pronoun mɯ́ʔ ‘2S.POSS’ is modifying the noun head kɔ̀n ‘child’.

2.1.2.1.3 Personal pronouns as appositional pronouns Additionally, personal pronouns can also occur in apposition to noun phrases. This is illustrated in (29).

(29) RP.045 kàn ʔuàm ʔɛ́n kuàt ʔíʔ kɔ̀ jɤ̀ cɔ́m if water 3S be.little people then go put.in

ʔuàm ʔɛ́n water 3S Lit. ‘If the water, it, (in the rice field) be .little, peopl e then go put .in the water, it (in the rice field).’ ‘If there is less water (in the rice field), then people go put water (in the rice field).’

In (29), in both the subject and object positions, the noun phrase ʔuàm ‘water’ and the appositional pronoun ʔɛ́n ‘3S’ refer to the same entity and have the same grammatical relations in the sentence. In the context of the story, the storyteller is talking about the step of planting the seedlings in the rice field and the need to watch the water levels. In RP.044 and RP.045, the story only talks about how to deal with changing the amount of water in the field. The appositional construction occurring in this example is used to emphasize the water.

2.1.2.1.4 Personal pronouns as markers of plurality In addition, the third plural pronoun kéʔ can be used to indicate the plurality of the noun head, as illustrated in (30).

(30) MM.016

[hɔ̀c sɤ́]PRE [líʔ háʔ kéʔ sɯ́ʔŋó tʰáp finish *** take that 3P log overlay

háʔ kéʔ k.ʔàŋ ʔɛ́n ʔún]MC that 3P bone 3S.POSS keep Lit. ‘Finish, (Masod) takes that, them, logs to overlay that, them, his (Mawae’s child) bones keep.’ ‘Then, (Masod) took those logs to overlay his bones.’

In (30), the third person plural pronoun kéʔ is used in the two noun phrases, háʔ kéʔ sɯ́ʔŋó ‘those logs’ and háʔ kéʔ k.ʔàŋ ʔɛ́n ‘his bones’. The first noun phrase consists of

the demonstrative háʔ ‘that’, which is modifying the noun head sɯ́ʔŋó ‘log’, followed by the pronoun kéʔ ‘3P’, which is supplying plurality information to the noun head sɯ́ʔŋó. The second noun phrase consists of the demonstrative háʔ ‘that’, followed by the pronoun kéʔ ‘3P’, and then the possessive noun phrase k.ʔàŋ ʔɛ́n ‘his (Mawae’s child) bone’.

2.1.2.1.5 Summary of personal pronouns To summarize, Mok has first-, second-, and third-person pronouns. The number distinctions of the pronouns are singular, dual, and plural. Mok personal pronouns have no gender distinction. Personal pronouns occurring in both subject and object positions have the same form. Both person and number distinctions in Mok are similar to the three dialects of Plang (Kontoi (Block, 1996, p. 5), Man Noi (Lewis, 2008, pp. 17‒18), and Pang Pung (Suknaphasawat, 2007, p. 14)), Golden Palaung (Mak, 2012, p. 88), Wa (Seng Mai, 2012, p. 42), and the two Angkuic languages, Muak Sa-aak (Hall, 2016, p. 7) and U (Savantesson, 1988, p. 102).

Mok, in common with Pang Pung Plang (Suknaphasawat, 2007, p. 14), Golden Palaung (Mak, 2012, p. 88), and Wa (Seng Mai, 2012, p. 42), also has an inclusive and exclusive distinction for non-singular first person pronouns.

Additionally, the Mok personal pronouns can be used as possessors in noun phrases. In the possessive noun phrase, the possessor occurs after the head noun. Furthermore, personal pronouns can also stand in apposition to noun phrases. They are used to emphasize noun phrases, which function as their antecedents. Moreover, the third plural pronoun kéʔ can be used to indicate the plurality of the noun head. As the personal pronouns have been reviewed, a reciprocal pronoun is described next.

2.1.2.2 Reciprocal pronoun máʔtɤ́ʔ In Mok, a reciprocal relationship is expressed by using the form máʔtɤ́ʔ ‘each.other’.

A reciprocal construction is illustrated in (31).

(31) PD.050

[màkcúm wá pʰɛ́ʔ]UP [Ø ʔuàt N̩ .tʰák máʔtɤ́ʔ]DOWN prohibit give 2D 2D be.at near each.other ‘“(I) prohibit you two to stay near each other.”’

In (31), the elided subject in the downstairs clause is coreferential with the object referent in the upstairs clause, which is expressed by the second person dual pronoun pʰɛ́ʔ. In the context, pʰɛ́ʔ refers to a pig and a dog, the causee in the causative construction. The reciprocal pronoun máʔtɤ́ʔ ‘each.other’ indicates that the pig cannot stay near the dog, and the dog cannot stay near the pig.

Another example of a reciprocal construction is illustrated in (32).

(32) RP.053 Ø cɔ̀t máʔtɤ́ʔ jɤ̀ lɛ̀t people help each.other go harvest ‘(People) help each other harvesting (the rice in the field).’

In (32), the reciprocal pronoun máʔtɤ́ʔ ‘each.other’ takes the elided subject as its antecedent. The reciprocal pronoun máʔtɤ́ʔ ‘each.other’ is used to indicate that the people are performing a single action together, which is to help harvesting the rice.

Example (33) shows another use of the reciprocal pronoun máʔtɤ́ʔ.

(33) PD.006 lɤ̀k N̩ .tɔ́ʔ sɔ́ʔ lák ʔɔ̀j máʔtɤ́ʔ jɤ̀ kàʔ mɛ̀ pig and dog then bring each.other go to dry.field ‘Pig and dog, then, together go to the field.’

In (33), máʔtɤ́ʔ ‘each.other’ refers to the two individuals, the lɤ̀k ‘pig’ and sɔ́ʔ ‘dog’. máʔtɤ́ʔ combines with the preceding verb ʔɔ̀j ‘bring’, and forms the complex verb ʔɔ̀j máʔtɤ́ʔ giving the meaning ‘together/with one another’. ʔɔ̀j máʔtɤ́ʔ precedes the main verb jɤ̀ ‘go’ and indicates that the pig and the dog went to the field together.

To summarize, Mok uses the form máʔtɤ́ʔ ‘each.other’ to express a reciprocal meaning. máʔtɤ́ʔ can also be used to indicate that participants act together. In this section, the discussion of a reciprocal pronoun has been given. Indefinite pronouns are discussed in the next section.

2.1.2.3 Indefinite pronouns Indefinite pronouns are of two types: specific indefinite and general indefinite pronouns. A specific indefinite pronoun found in the data is p.klák ‘someone’, whereas a general indefinite word is mɔ̀ ‘anyone’.

Example of the specific indefinite pronoun p.klák ‘someone’ is illustrated in (34).

(34) CT.028

[p.klák náʔ]PRE [sɯ́m kʰɛ̀ siànk.tú ʔɛ́n]CL someone TOP IRR eat intestine 3S.POSS ‘As for someone, (they) will eat her intestine.’

In (34), the indefinite pronoun p.klák ‘someone’ is functioning as the left-dislocated subject noun phrase, which refers to the tiger’s children in the context. It is marked by the topic marker náʔ.

An example of the general indefinite pronoun mɔ̀ ‘anyone’ is illustrated in (35).

(35) MM.012

[máʔwɛ̀ tìʔ]MC [ʔɤ́ mɔ̀ súj N̩ .túʔ N̩ .táʔ tɤ́ʔ Mawae *** INTERJ anyone dig end line CO-REF

k.làc náʔ wá ʔɛ́n ʔì náŋ tʰúʔ]DQ first TOP give 3S go make vegetable ‘Mawae said, “Er! Anyone who digs to the end of his line first, have him go and make the vegetable curry.”’

In (35), the indefinite pronoun mɔ̀ ‘anyone’ is functioning as the subject of the verb súj ‘dig’. It expresses the meaning that either of them, that is Mawae or Masod, could dig the field to the end of the line first.

2.1.2.4 Summary of pronouns In summary, Mok personal pronouns are singular, dual or plural, with no gender distinction. There is an inclusive and exclusive distinction for the first person dual and plural pronouns. Personal pronouns can be used as a substitute for a noun phrase, a possessor in a noun phrase, an appositional pronoun, or a marker of plurality. In order to express a reciprocal meaning, the reciprocal pronoun máʔtɤ́ʔ ‘each.other’ is used. Finally, p.klák ‘someone’ is used as a specific indefinite pronoun, while mɔ́ ‘anyone’ is used as a general indefinite pronoun. Now that the first two simple argument constructions, i.e., noun phrases and pronouns, have been described, the third type of simple argument construction, prepositional phrases, is described in the next section.

2.1.3 Prepositional phrases The last type of argument constructions to be considered are prepositional phrases, which are used to encode oblique object arguments in a clause. The prepositional phrase construction can be diagrammed as follows.

(36) Mok simple prepositional phrase construction

(Preposition) + Simple noun phrase Personal pronoun

As diagrammed in (36), the head of the prepositional phrase is the preposition, which can be elided. Its object can be either a simple noun phrase or a personal pronoun. Table 7 provides the Mok prepositions in the data.

Table 7 Prepositions in Mok

Preposition Meaning sɯ́ŋ at N̩ .pàn on nɛ́ in ŋuàm under N̩ .lúm under (house) láʔ from kàʔ to tàʔ to tɯ́ŋ with lɔ̀c until

A prepositional phrase with a noun phrase as the object of the preposition is illustrated in example (37).

(37) MM.069 háʔ lɔ́ʔ lák N̩ .pʰúc lí láʔ N̩ .tʰɔ̀k ʔɛ́n that head.bag then slip.out down from brain 3S.POSS ‘Then that bag slipped down from his head.’

In (37), the object of the preposition, láʔ ‘from’, is the noun phrase N̩ .tʰɔ̀k ʔɛ́n ‘his brain’. The preposition láʔ is used to mark a source argument.

Example (38) illustrates a pronoun as the object of the preposition.

(38) PL.006 mɯ́? jɤ̀ tɯ́ŋ ʔɔ́ʔ mò ŋíʔ 2S go with 1S one CL.day ‘You go with me for one day.’

In (38), the prepositional phrase, tɯ́ŋ ʔɔ́ʔ ‘with me’, consists of the preposition tɯ́ŋ ‘with’ that takes as its object, the pronoun ʔɔ́ʔ ‘1S’. The preposition tɯ́ŋ is used to express accompaniment.

A goal oblique argument may be indicated by the preposition kàʔ ‘to’ or sɯ́ŋ ‘at’.

The preposition kàʔ ‘to’ is illustrated in (39).

(39) SC.020 lát lòc N̩ .làʔtán ʔíʔ sà kàʔ wát come receive offering people ascend to temple ‘(People) come to receive people’s offering (and) take up to the temple’

In (39), the prepositional phrase consists of the goal preposition kàʔ ‘to’, followed by the object of the preposition wát ‘temple’. kàʔ is used to indicate a goal oblique argument.

Example (40) illustrates the preposition sɯ́ŋ ‘at’.

(40) MM.010 jɤ̀ lɔ̀c sɯ́ŋ mɛ̀ go arrive at dry.field ‘(Mawae and Masod) went (and) arrived at the dry field.’

In (40), the preposition sɯ́ŋ ‘at’ is the head of the prepositional phrase sɯ́ŋ mɛ̀ ‘at the dry field’. sɯ́ŋ is used to indicate a goal oblique argument.

Another example of the preposition sɯ́ŋ ‘at’ is illustrated in (41).

(41) PD.048 sɔ́ʔ ʔuàt sɯ́ŋ kàŋ dog be.at at house ‘“The dog stays at the house.”’

In (41), the preposition sɯ́ŋ heads the object of the preposition, kàŋ ‘house’. sɯ́ŋ is used to indicate a locative oblique argument.

The preposition ŋuàm ‘under’ is illustrated in (42).

(42) MM.090 kɛ́ts.plíʔ mɯ́ʔ cíʔmɔ̀càŋ tùj ŋuàm N̩ .tàmʔùmtɔ́ʔ pangolin 2S why dig under banana.tree ‘“Pangolin, why did you dig under the banana tree?”’

In (42), the prepositional phrase consists of the preposition ŋuàm ‘under’ and its object N̩ .tàmʔùmtɔ́ ‘banana tree’.

To summarize, the Mok simple prepositional phrase, in common with Muak Sa-aak (Hall, 2016, p. 9), Wa (Seng Mai, 2012, p. 86), Eastern Lawa (Blok, 2013, p. 66), and the other three varieties of Plang: Man Noi (Lewis, 2008, p. 71), Pang Pung (Suknaphasawat, 2007, pp. 35‒37), and Kontoi (Paulsen & Block, 1997), is headed by a preposition that is followed by the object of the preposition. In this construction, the preposition can be elided. The objects of the preposition can be either a simple noun phrase or a personal pronoun.

2.1.4 Summary of simple argument constructions This section has introduced three simple argument construction types: simple noun phrases, pronouns, and simple prepositional phrases. The simple noun phrase is composed of an obligatory noun head that is optionally preceded by demonstratives, and followed by descriptive modifier(s) (noun or stative verb), classifier phrases, and/or possessors. The Mok personal pronouns can be used as a substitute for a noun phrase, a possessor in a noun phrase, an appositional pronoun, and a marker of plurality. Mok also has a reciprocal pronoun, máʔtɤ́ʔ ‘each.other’, and indefinite pronouns, p.klák ‘someone’ and mɔ̀ ‘anyone’. Finally, the simple prepositional phrase is composed of a preposition that takes as its object either a simple noun phrase or a personal pronoun. These three simple argument constructions serve as arguments in simple clause constructions, which are discussed in the next section.

2.2 Simple clause constructions Mok has both dynamic and stative verbs. Dynamic verbs describe actions that change throughout their duration, while stative verbs describe states of affairs that

do not change over a period of time (Binnick, 1991, p. 183). The dynamic verb clause constructions are discussed in Section 2.2.1, followed by the stative verb clause construction in Section 2.2.2. In addition to these two clause constructions, Mok also has copula constructions, which are discussed in Section 2.2.3.

2.2.1 Dynamic verb clause constructions The Mok dynamic verb clauses are either intransitive or transitive. The discussion begins with the dynamic intransitive clause construction, which can be diagrammed as follows.

(43) Dynamic intransitive clause construction

Subject + Dynamic intransitive predicate

For (43), the intransitive clause has two obligatory elements: a subject argument and a dynamic intransitive predicate.

A dynamic intransitive clause is illustrated in (44).

(44) PL.017 Ø súmʔuàm 1P.INCL bathe ‘(We) bathe.’

In (44), the dynamic verb súmʔuàm ‘bathe’ fills the predicate slot of the clause, which takes an elided subject argument.

The dynamic transitive clause requires two core arguments: the subject and the direct object, as in (45).

(45) Transitive clause construction

Subject + Transitive predicate + Direct object

As shown in (45), the transitive clause has three requirements: a subject argument, a dynamic transitive predicate, and a direct object argument.

A transitive clause is illustrated in (46).

(46) MM.072 p.sɔ́ɲ lák pʰlúʔ N̩ .lɔ̀ŋ ʔiàplíʔ snake then strike nest wild.chicken ‘The snake, then, struck the wild chicken’s nest.’

Example (46) shows that the dynamic verb pʰlúʔ ‘strike’ takes the subject argument p.sɔ́ɲ ‘snake’ and the object argument N̩ .lɔ̀ŋ ʔiàplíʔ ‘wild chicken’s nest’.

Mok does not allow ditransitive verbs. Instead, transfer events are expressed by a two-clause construction, as illustrated in (47).

(47) PL.039

[Ø líʔ níʔ]CL1 [[Ø wá ʔíʔ]UP [Ø nɔ́m Ø]DOWN]CL2 1P.INCL take meat 1P.INCL give people people get meat Lit. ‘(We) take meat (and) (we) give people get (it).’ ‘(We) took meats (and) (we) allowed people to get (meats).’

In the first clause of the coordinate clause construction in (47), the subject argument is elided. The verb líʔ ‘take’ takes as its object argument, níʔ ‘meat’. The second clause of the coordinate clause construction is a causative construction. It contains two clauses: Ø wá ʔíʔ ‘(we) give people’, and Ø nɔ́m Ø ‘(people) get (meat)’. The object referent of the first clause is also the elided subject referent of the second clause. They both refer to the causee. Since the focus of this study is on nominal constructions, this example needs to be investigated to determine whether it is better characterized as a serial construction.

To summarize, dynamic verbs fill the predicate slot of an intransitive clause and a transitive clause. The intransitive clause does not require a core object, while the transitive clause requires one core object. In order to handle the second object in a transfer construction, Mok uses a two-clause construction, which is similar to Muak Sa-aak (Hall, 2016, pp. 17‒18), Pang Pung Plang (Suknaphasawat, 2007, pp. 4‒5), and Khmu (Jenny, Weber, & Weymuth, 2015, p. 66). A further review of the stative verb clause construction is given in the following section.

2.2.2 Stative verb clause construction Dryer (2007, p. 259) comments that the property meanings encoded by adjectives in languages that have a distinct adjective word class is similar to that of stative verbs in a language with no distinct adjective class. In Mok, stative verbs serve as predicates of stative clauses, which are often called attributive predicates. The stative verb clause construction is diagrammed as in (48).

(48) Stative verb clause construction

Subject + Stative predicate

A stative clause construction is illustrated in (49).

(49) CT.031

[lɔ̀c píʔpòj pòj lát]TEMP [háʔ ɲɔ̀m until night late arrive that kid

kà làt]MC then be.afraid Lit. ‘Until night late arrive, that kid, then, be afraid.’ ‘Until late at night, that kid, then, was afraid.’

In the main clause in (49), the stative verb làt ‘be.afraid’ takes the subject noun phrase háʔ ɲɔ̀m ‘that kid’. The conjunction kà ‘then’ occurs in the second position of the clause, between the subject and the stative predicate.

Another example of a stative clause construction is illustrated in (50).

(50) RP.045

[kàn ʔuàm ʔɛ́n kuàt]COND [ʔíʔ kɔ̀ jɤ̀ cɔ́m if water 3S be.little people then go put.in

ʔuàm ʔɛ́n]MC water 3S Lit. ‘If the water, it, (in the rice field) be .little, people then go put. in the water, it (in the rice field).’ ‘If there is less water (in the rice field), then people go put water (in the rice field).’

In the conditional clause in (50), the stative verb kuàt ‘be.little’ occurs with the subject noun phrase ʔuàm ‘water’ and the appositional pronoun ʔɛ́n ‘3S’.

In the Mok stative verb clause constructions, the stative verbs fill the predicate slot of a stative verb clause. The Mok structure is similar to stative verb clause constructions in Muak Sa-aak (Hall, 2016, p. 13), Man Noi Plang (Lewis, 2008, pp. 78‒79), Kontoi Plang (Paulsen, & Block, 1997, p. 9), and Pang Pung Plang (Suknaphasawat, 2007, p. 2), in which stative verbs function as predicates of stative clauses. In addition to stative verb constructions, Mok has a set of copula constructions that are discussed in the next section.

2.2.3 Copula constructions Copulas are used to express the relations between two arguments, copula subjects (CS) and copula complements (CC). The relations include identity, location, possession, and existence (Dixon, 2010b, pp. 159‒160). Two constructions are considered in this section, a copula construction and an existential construction. The Mok copula construction is diagrammed in (51).

(51) Copula construction

Subject + Copula + Copula complement

For (51), a copula construction consists of a copula subject, followed by a copula, and then the copula complement. The copula subject and complement are both nominal constructions.

Mok uses three copulas for the relations of identity, location, possession, and existence: the copula verbs jɯ́ʔ ‘be’, ʔuàt ‘be.at’, and kʰòj ‘exist’. Note that kʰòjcan be used in a copula construction or an existential clause construction. The discussion begins with the copula verb jɯ́ʔ.

An identity relation can be expressed with the copula jɯ́ʔ ‘be’, which is illustrated in (52).

(52) MM.030

[Ø cɔ́k Ø sà náʔ]TEMP [Ø kɔ̀ Mawae scoop 3S ascend TOP Mawae then

lɔ̀m [ʔɛ́n jɯ́ʔ tʰíʔ kʰɔ̀n tɤ́ʔ]CC]MC see 3S be hand child CO-REF ‘When (Mawae) scooped up (the vegetable soup), (Mawae) then saw that it was his child’s hand.’

In (52), the copula construction consists of the copula subject, which is expressed by the pronoun ʔɛ́n ‘3S’. The copula complement is tʰíʔ kʰɔ̀n tɤ́ʔ ‘his child’s hand’, and the copula is jɯ́ʔ ‘be’. The copula construction with jɯ́ʔ ‘be’ expresses the identity of the copula subject.

Mok uses the copula ʔuàt ‘be.at’ to express a location relation. The ʔuàt copula construction is illustrated in (53).

(53) PD.048 sɔ́ʔ ʔuàt sɯ́ŋ kàŋ dog be.at at house ‘“The dog stays at the house.”’

In (53), the copula subject is the noun phrase sɔ́ʔ ‘dog’. The location of the entity in the subject position is indicated by the prepositional phrase sɯ́ŋ kàŋ ‘at the house’, which fills the copula complement position.

The copula kʰòj ‘exist’ is used to express a possession relation, as illustrated in (54).

(54) RP.063

[ʔàjám ɲèt]TEMP [ʔíʔ kʰòj sɯ́ŋkɛ̀]CL1 [kʰòj time this.time people exist motorcycle exist

sámlɔ̀ náʔ]CL2 [ʔíʔ kɔ̀ líʔ sɯ́ŋkɛ̀ tricycle TOP people then take motorcycle

sámlɔ̀ jɤ̀ tàŋ líʔ]CL3 tricycle go carry take ‘In the present, people have motorcycles (and) have tricycles, then people take motorcycles (and) tricycles to go, carry, and take (burlap bags).’

In (54), the noun ʔíʔ ‘people’ serves as the possessor copula subject of the two possessive coordinated clauses; ʔíʔ kʰòj sɯ́ŋkɛ̀ ‘people have motorcycles’ and kʰòj sámlɔ̀ ‘(they) have tricycles’. The possessed entities, sɯ́ŋkɛ̀ ‘motorcycles’ and sámlɔ̀ ‘tricycles’, fill the copula complement slots of the two copula clauses.

The copula kʰòj ‘exist’ is also used to indicate an existence relation in an existential clause construction, as diagrammed in (55).

(55) Existential clause construction

kʰòj+ Copula subject

For (55), an existential clause construction consists of the copula verb kʰòj ‘exist’, followed by the copula subject.

An existential clause construction with kʰòj ‘exist’ is illustrated in (56).

(56) PD.001

[káp p.cuà jámkʰùʔ]TEMP [kòj lɤ̀k N̩ .tɔ́ʔ sɔ́ʔ]MC age Buddha past.time exist pig and dog ‘During the age of Buddha, there was a pig and a dog.’

In (56), the existential verb kʰòj ‘exist’ occurs at the beginning of the existential clause, and the thing that exists, the coordinated noun phrase lɤ̀k N̩ .tɔ́ʔ sɔ́ʔ ‘a pig and a dog’, follows the copula. The existential clause in the main clause is preceded by the temporal adverbial káp p.cuà jám kʰùʔ ‘during the age of Buddha’.

To summarize, in the Mok copula constructions, the jɯ́ʔ ‘be’ is used to express an identity relation. The copula ʔuàt ‘be.at’ is used to express a location relation. Finally, the existential kʰòj ‘exist’ is used to express possessive and existence relations. For expressing a possessive relation, the structure of the sentence follows a typical copula construction, while in an existence relation, the copula subject follows the existential clause construction. The copula constructions of Muak Sa-aak (Hall, 2016, pp. 14‒15), an Angkuic language, are similar to Mok. Muak Sa-aak uses three different verbal copulas. The first one, mɯn¹ ‘be’, is used for expressing an identity relation. The second one, ŋoːt¹ ‘stay’, it is used to express a location relation. As for the third copula of Muak Sa-aak, pa² ‘have’, is used to express possession and existence relations. In the Muak Sa-aak existential clause construction, similar to Mok, the copula precedes the copula subject.

2.2.4 Summary of simple clause constructions This section has described the dynamic verb clause constructions, the stative verb clause construction, and copula constructions. Mok dynamic verbs fill the predicate slots of intransitive and transitive clauses. In Mok, transfer events are expressed by a two-clause construction, instead of a ditransitive clause construction. Mok stative verbs code property concepts encoded by adjectives in other languages and serve as predicates of a stative verb clause. The Mok copula constructions can be used to express identity, location, possession, and existence relations. Now that the simple clause constructions have been covered, the next section discusses interrogative and imperative constructions.

2.3 Interrogative and imperative constructions This section presents two major types of sentences in Mok: interrogative constructions (Section 2.3.1) and imperative constructions (Section 2.3.2).

2.3.1 Interrogatives Interrogatives are of two types: polar interrogatives (e.g. yes-no interrogatives) and content interrogatives. The discussion begins with polar interrogatives.

For the Mok polar interrogatives, the question particle sɤ́ is used clause-finally, as in (57).

(57) Polar interrogative construction

Sentence + sɤ́

As shown in (57), the polar interrogative construction consists of a sentence followed by the polar question particle sɤ́.

Example (58) illustrates a polar interrogative.

(58) MM.006 mɯ́ʔ sɯ́m wá ʔɔ́ʔ jɤ̀ sɤ́ 2S IRR give 1S go Q ‘“Will you let me go?”’

In (58), the question particle sɤ́ is added at the end of the causative sentence mɯ́ʔ sɯ́m wá ʔɔ́ʔ jɤ̀ ‘you will let me go’. It signals that the sentence is a polar interrogative.

Another example of a polar interrogative is illustrated in (59).

(59) PD.033

[p.cuà lák wàŋ sɔ́ʔ]MC [sɔ́ʔ mɯ́ʔ súj mɛ̀ Buddha then ask dog dog 2S dig dry.field

pɤ̀n pʰɔ́ŋ sɤ́]DQ able.to much Q ‘Buddha then asked the dog “Dog, were you be able to dig the dry field much?”’

In (59), the question particle sɤ́ is added at the end of the direct quote to indicate that it is a polar question.

For the Mok content interrogative, interrogative words are used in the same position as the omitted information which is asked for. The content interrogative words from the textual data are listed in Table 8.

Table 8 Content interrogative words in Mok.

Word Interrogative meaning mɔ̀ what where how many cíʔmɔ̀càŋ why pʰómɔ̀ how many

The interrogative word mɔ̀ ‘what’ is given in (60).

(60) MM.057

[ʔé]PRE [sɯ́m pɔ́t mɔ̀ ʔɛ́n jɔ̀ŋ lɛ̀ ʔɯá]CL INTERJ IRR carry what 3S.POSS be.good Q *** Lit. ‘“Eh! (I) will carry what (body parts) his would be good?”’ ‘“Eh! Which of his (body parts) would (I) carry?”’

In (60), the interrogative word mɔ̀ ‘what’ serves as the head noun of the direct object noun phrase mɔ̀ ʔɛ́n ‘what of his’. The question particle lɛ̀ occurs at the end of the content interrogative.

A content interrogative with mɔ̀ ‘where’ is illustrated in (61).

(61) MM.023

[ʔé]PRE [ʔɛ́n N̩ .lɔ́ jáŋ mɔ̀ lɛ̀]CL1 [pàʔ ʔèw]CL2 INTERJ 3S run go where Q NEG know ‘“Eh! Where does he run to? I don’t know.”’

In the first clause of (61), the interrogative word mɔ̀ ‘where’ is functioning as the goal oblique argument. The use of mɔ̀ ‘where’ indicates that the speaker wants to know the goal of the subject referent. The question particle lɛ̀ occurs at the end of the content interrogative clause. Since the question particle lɛ̀ only appears in two sentences in the corpus, further research is needed to determine when this particle is likely to occur.

Example (62) illustrates the interrogative word mɔ̀ ‘how.many’.

(62) CT.007 pɤ̀n mɔ̀ s.klú able.to how.many CL.hole ‘“How many holes do (you) get?”’

In (62), the content interrogative word mɔ̀ ‘how many’ occurs in the same position of a numeral and co-occur with the classifier s.klú ‘CL.hole’ in the classifier phrase. It is used to indicate that the speaker wants to know a quantity.

Finally, the interrogative word cíʔmɔ̀càŋ ‘why’ is illustrated in (63).

(63) MM.096

[p.sɔ́ɲ]PRE [mɯ́ʔ cíʔmɔ́càŋ pʰlúʔ N̩ .lɔ̀ŋ ʔiàplíʔ] snake 2S why strike nest wild.chicken ‘“Snake, why do you strike the wild chicken’s nest?”’

In (63), the interrogative word cíʔmɔ́càŋ ‘why’ occurs in the second position of the interrogative. It is preceded by the second singular pronoun mɯ́ʔ which refers to the subject referent. cíʔmɔ̀càŋ ‘why’ is used to indicate that the speaker wants to know the reason for the situation expressed in the clause.

To summarize, in Mok, the polar question particle sɤ́ occurs at the end of a polar interrogative construction. Except for cíʔmɔ́càŋ ‘why’, content interrogative words are used in the same position as the omitted information which is asked for. The question particle lɛ̀ occurs at the end of the content question. The Mok polar and content interrogative constructions are similar to Muak Sa-aak (Hall, 2016, p. 20), in which a polar question particle is used clause-finally, and a content interrogative word is used in place of the questioned element. In the next section, imperatives are discussed.

2.3.2 Imperatives Imperatives are defined by Auwera (2006, p.565) as “constructions of grammar that typically express a state of affairs as desirable by the speaker and that furthermore appeal to the hearer(s) to fulfill the desire.” Mok has no special markers to form the imperative. Instead, the language utilizes syntactic structure to express a command, which is diagrammed in (64).

(64) Imperative construction

Predicate + Complement

As shown in (64), the imperative construction consists of a predicate, followed by a complement, which can be either a noun phrase, a prepositional phrase, or a clause. The construction elides reference to the addressee who is being told to do something.

An imperative is illustrated in (65).

(65) MM.008 ʔɔ̀j ɲiàm tɤ́ʔ kéʔ jɤ̀ N̩ .kʰɔ́m ʔàŋ bring younger.sibling CO-REF 3P go too *** ‘“Have your younger siblings go (with you) too.”’

In (65), reference to the addressee in the subject position is elided. The imperative begins with the verb ʔɔ̀j ‘bring’, followed by a clausal complement. The clausal complement consists of the subject noun phrase ɲiàm tɤ́ʔ kéʔ ‘your younger siblings’ and the complex predicate jɤ̀ N̩.kʰɔ́m ‘go (with you) too’.

Example (66) shows a negative command.

(66) PD.050 màkcúm wá pʰɛ́ʔ ʔuàt N̩ .tʰák máʔtɤ́ʔ prohibit give 2D be.at near each.other ‘“(I) prohibit you two to stay near each other.”’

In (66), the negative command is formed by using the negative command word màkcúm ‘prohibit’ as part of the predicate, which includes the verb wá ‘give’. The predicate takes the clausal complement pʰɛ́ʔ ʔuàt N̩ .tʰák máʔtɤ́ʔ ‘you (two) stay near each other’.

2.3.3 Summary of interrogative and imperative constructions This section discussed two sentence types: interrogatives and imperatives. The interrogative constructions include polar interrogatives and content interrogatives. The polar interrogative construction contains a main clause and the polar question marker sɤ́. In the content interrogative construction, content interrogative words appear in the same position as the omitted information that is asked for, except for cíʔmɔ́càŋ ‘why’, which occurs in the second position of the clause. The question particle lɛ̀ occurs at the end of the content interrogatives. The Mok imperative construction contains a predicate and a complement (i.e. a noun phrase, a prepositional phrase, or a clause). The negative imperative word màkcúm ‘prohibit’ is used in a negative command.

2.4 Summary of simple constructions The preceding discussion has introduced the Mok simple argument and clause constructions, as well as interrogative and imperative constructions. These are all summarized in Table 9.

Table 9 Mok simple constructions

Construction Name Structure Simple nominal constructions: Noun phrase (Demonstrative) + Head + (Modifier(s)) + (Classifier phrase)+ (Poss) Prepositional phrase (Preposition) + Noun phrase or Pronoun

Simple clause constructions: Dynamic intransitive clause Subject + Dynamic predicate Transitive clause Subject + Dynamic predicate + Direct object Stative clause Subject + Stative predicate Copula clause Subject + Copula + Copula complement Existential clause kʰòj + Copula subject

Speech act constructions: Polar interrogative Clause + sɤ́ Content interrogative Subject + cíʔmɔ́càŋ + Predicate + DO + (lɛ̀) Note: Other interrogative words appear in situ.

This chapter provides the reader with a background on the simple constructions of Mok. Complex constructions are described in the next chapter.

Chapter 3 Complex constructions

This chapter describes complex constructions in Mok. They include complex argument constructions, which are discussed in Section 3.1, and complex clause constructions, which are discussed in Section 3.2.

3.1 Complex argument constructions This section concerns complex argument constructions, i.e., coordinate noun phrases (Section 3.1.1) and noun phrases with a prepositional phrase modifier (Section 3.1.2). Relative clause modifiers are not found in the textual data.

3.1.1 Coordinate noun phrases In coordinate constructions, two or more units of the same type are combined into a large unit and have the same semantic relations with other surrounding elements. The coordinate units can be either words, phrases, clauses, or full sentences (Haspelmath, 2007, p. 1). In Mok, the conjunction N̩ .tɔ́ʔ ‘and’ is used to join two noun phrases, as illustrated in (67).

(67) PD.002 p.cuà tʰɯ́p lɤ̀k N̩ .tɔ́ʔ sɔ́ʔ ŋáŋ Buddha tell pig and dog listen ‘Buddha told the pig and the dog to listen.’

In (67), the object of the clause lɤ̀k N̩ .tɔ́ʔ sɔ́ʔ ‘the pig and the dog’, consists of the two noun phrases: lɤ̀k ‘pig’ and sɔ́ʔ ‘dog’. They are connected by the conjunction N̩ .tɔ́ʔ ‘and’ to form a coordinate noun phrase.

Mok is similar to Wa (Seng Mai, 2012, p. 70), in which the conjunction kɛʔ is only used to connect noun phrases in complex noun phrases. In this section, the coordinate noun phrase has been described. Next, a noun phrase with a prepositional phrase modifier is discussed.

3.1.2 Prepositional phrase modifiers Prepositional phrases can modify the noun head in a noun phrase. This is shown in (68).

(68) MM.009 ʔó háʔ kʰɔ̀nsɔ́ʔ tík N̩ .lúm kàŋ jɤ̀ INTERJ that puppy be.small under house go

lɤ́p tɤ́ʔ N̩ .kʰɔ́m ʔàŋ follow CO-REF too *** Lit. ‘“Oh! That puppy be.small under house go follow you too.”’ ‘ “Ohǃ (Have) that small puppy under the house go with you too.”’

In (68), the prepositional phrase, which consists of the preposition N̩ .lúm ‘under’, followed by the object of the preposition kàŋ ‘house’, is modifying the compound noun head kʰɔ̀nsɔ́ʔ ‘puppy’, literally kʰɔ̀n ‘child’ + sɔ́ʔ ‘dog’. The noun head kʰɔ̀nsɔ́ʔ is preceded by the demonstrative háʔ ‘that’, and followed by the stative verb tík ‘be.small’.

3.1.3 Summary of complex noun phrase constructions The complex noun phrase constructions considered in this section include coordinate noun phrases, and noun phrases containing prepositional phrase modifiers. The coordinate noun phrase is achieved by combining a noun phrase with another noun phrase, with the conjunction N̩ .tɔ́ʔ ‘and’. In complex noun phrases, a prepositional phrase modifier appears after the noun head. Complex clause constructions are discussed in Section 3.2.

3.2 Complex clause constructions This section presents complex clause constructions in Mok. The discussion of coordinate clause constructions is provided in Section 3.2.1, followed by subordinate clause constructions in Section 3.2.2. The causative constructions are discussed in Section 3.2.3. Finally, quotative constructions are described in Section 3.2.4.

3.2.1 Coordinate clause constructions Coordinate clauses in Mok are not connected by the conjunction N̩ .tɔ́ʔ ‘and’, which is used to linked noun phrases together, as illustrated in (67). Instead, coordinate

clauses are connected by either juxtaposition, or the coordinating conjunction lɛ́ʔkɔ̀ ‘and then’, which is a loan from Shan. The coordinate construction is diagrammed as in (69).

(69) Coordinate clause construction

Clause1 + (lɛ́ʔkɔ̀) + Clause2

In (69), coordinate clauses are optionally linked together by the conjunction lɛ́ʔkɔ̀ ‘and then’.

A coordinate construction with no overt marking of coordination is illustrated in (70).

(70) PL.030

[Ø náŋ tʰúʔ]CL1 [Ø lúʔ ʔíʔ]CL2 1P.INCL make vegetable 1P.INCL raise people ‘(We) made the vegetable soup (and) (we) treat people.’

In (70), the coordinate clauses are linked together by juxtaposition, with no overt marking of coordination. The elided subject for both clauses is the same, which refers to the the speaker and others. Note that further research is needed to confirm whether this example can be a serial verb construction or not.

An example of coordinate clauses that contrast with each other is given in (71).

(71) PD.038

[p.cuà lák lɔ̀m t.háʔ kéʔ N̩ .kʰó sɔ́ʔ k.mát]CL1 Buddha then see DEM 3P footprint dog all

[Ø pàʔ cɯ́m lɔ̀m N̩ .kʰó lɤ̀k tùj]CL2 3S NEG ever see footprint pig dig ‘Buddha, then, saw all of those dog’s footprints, (but he) did not ever see footprints of a pig’s digging.’

In (71), the adversative coordinate clauses are juxtaposed. The subject, p.cuà ‘Buddha’, is the same for both clauses. However, reference to p.cuà ‘Buddha’ is elided in the second clause.

A coordinate construction with the coordinating conjunction lɛ́ʔkɔ̀ ‘and then’ is illustrated in (72).

(72) RP.059

[Ø N̩ .càŋ ʔíʔ jɤ̀ pʰɔ́]CL1 lɛ́ʔkɔ̀ [Ø ʔɔ̀j

3P hire person go hit and.then 3P bring

máʔtɤ́ʔ pɔ́t líʔ cɔ́m cànpán ʔuán mò each.other carry take put.in burlap.bag be.big one

sák mò sák cɤ̀]CL2

In (72), the conjunction lɛ́ʔkɔ̀ ‘and then’ occurs between two coordinated clauses. The subject is elided for both clauses. Note that there are only two sentences in the corpus where the clauses are connected by the coordinating conjunction lɛ́ʔkɔ̀ ‘and then’.

In Mok, clauses in a coordinate clause construction can be joined by either juxtaposition, or by the conjunction lɛ́ʔkɔ̀ ‘and then’. Mok, in common with Wa (Seng Mai, 2012, p. 109), Eastern Lawa (Blok, 2013, p. 101), and La-Up Lawa (Komonkitiskun, 1992, pp. 203‒205, p. 144), has a conjunction to connect coordinate clauses. Also, Mok is similar to La-Up Lawa, in which juxtaposition is used to connect coordinate clauses. In this section, the coordinate clause construction has been discusssed. Next, the discussion of subordinate clause constructions is given.

3.2.2 Subordinate clause constructions Two types of subordinate clauses are found in the data include complement clauses and adverbial clauses. Complement clause constructions are discussed in Section 3.2.2.1, and adverbial clause constructions in Section 3.2.2.2.

3.2.2.1 Complement clause constructions Complement clauses are the clauses that serve as an argument, both subject and object, of another clause (Dixon, 2010a, p. 94). In Mok, the internal constituent structure of the complement clause is the same as a main clause. Mok has no complementizer to introduce the complement clause. The Mok complement clause construction is diagrammed in (73).

(73) Complement clause construction

(Subject) + Predicate + DO:Clausal complement

In (73), the matrix clause consists of an optional subject noun phrase preceding the predicate. Then, a clausal complement fills the direct object position of the matrix clause. Complement-taking predicates include the attention verbs lɔ̀m ‘see’, and ŋáŋ ‘hear’, and the thinking verb N̩ .tʰiàm ‘think’.

A complement clause construction with lɔ̀m ‘see’ is illustrated in (74).

(74) PD.031

ʔɔ́ʔ lɔ̀m [ʔɛ́n ʔiàt sɯ́ŋ tòk]CC làj 1S see 3S sleep at hut *** ‘“I saw him sleep at the hut.”’

In (74), the clausal complement of the attention verb lɔ̀m ‘see’ consists of the subject pronoun ʔɛ́n ‘3S’, followed by the predicate ʔiàt ‘sleep’, and then the prepositional phrase sɯ́ŋ tòk ‘at the hut’. The complement clause fills the object argument slot of the matrix clause.

Another example of a complement clause construction with lɔ̀m ‘see’ is illustrated in (75).

(75) PD.032

ʔɔ́ʔ pàʔ lɔ̀m [ʔɛ́n sà súj]CC 1S NEG see 3S ascend dig ‘“I didn't see him go up digging.”’

In (75), the attention verb lɔ̀m ‘see’ is preceded by the negation marker pàʔ and followed by the clausal complement. The complement clause fills the object argument slot of the clause. It consists of the subject pronoun ʔɛ́n ‘3S’, followed by the complex predicate sà súj ‘go up digging’.

A complement clause construction with ŋáŋ ‘hear’ is shown in (76).

(76) MM.068

[Ø ŋáŋ [t.háʔ k.púŋ p.lòc]CC]CL1 [Ø lák Masod hear that sky thunder Masod then

ʔɯàŋ kʰɯ́ŋ tɤ́ʔ sà]CL2 turn.up head CO-REF ascend ‘(Masod) heard the sky thundering and (Masod) then turned up his head.’

In the first clause in (76), the clausal complement of the attention verb ŋáŋ ‘hear’, consists of the subject noun phrase t.háʔ k.púŋ ‘that sky’, followed by the predicate p.lòc ‘thunder’. The clausal complement appears in the object position of the matrix clause.

In summary, Mok has no complimentizer to introduce a complement clause. In the Mok complement clause construction, the subject noun phrase of the matrix clause is optional. The complement-taking predicate is followed by the complement clause that fills the direct object position of the matrix clause. The internal constituent structure of the complement clause is SVO. Complement-taking predicates include the attention verbs lɔ̀m ‘see’ and ŋáŋ ‘hear’, and the thinking verb N̩ .tʰiàm ‘think’. The Mok complement clause construction is different from Muak Sa-aak, in which the language has a complementizer that is used to introduce a complement clause (Hall, 2016, p. 15). Adverbial clauses, another type of subordinate clause, are discussed in the following section.

3.2.2.2 Adverbial clause constructions Adverbial clauses function as modifiers of verb phrases or entire clauses (Thompson, Longacre, & Hwang, 2007, p. 238). Mok adverbial clauses typically precede the main clause. The adverbial clause construction is diagrammed as in (77).

(77) Adverbial clause construction

[(Subordinating conjunction) + Clause]SUB + ClauseMC

The adverbial clause construction, in (77), consists of the subordinate clause that is optionally introduced by a subordinating conjunction, and the main clause. Subordinating conjunctions include jám ‘when’, lɔ̀c ‘until’, and kàn ‘if’. The three types of adverbial clauses found in the data are the following: temporal, conditional, and reason. The discussion of adverbial clauses begins with temporal adverbial clauses.

A temporal adverbial clause is illustrated in (78).

(78) PL.001

[jám Ø jɯ́ʔ ɲɔ̀m tík N̩ .kʰùʔ]TEMP [[Ø when 1S be kid be.small past 1S

jáŋ kuát sɯ́ʔ]CL1 [Ø N̩ .tʰú sák] CL2 go cut wood 1S pound paddy.rice

[Ø líʔ ʔuàm] CL3]MC 1S take water ‘When (I) was a little kid, (I) went to cut wood (and) (I ) pounded the rice seeds (and) (I) took up the water.’

In (78), the temporal adverbial clause occurs before the main clause and is introduced by the subordinate conjunction jám ‘when’. The main clause consists of a series of coordinate clauses, which are Ø jáŋ kuát sɯ́ʔ ‘(I) went to cut wood’, Ø N̩ .tʰú sák ‘(I) pounded the rice seeds’, and Ø líʔ ʔuàm ‘(I) took up the water’. The temporal clause gives information about the time of the proposition expressed in the main clause, which is when the story teller was a kid.

Another temporal adverbial clause is illustrated in (79).

(79) RP.055

[jám ʔíʔ lɛ̀t ʔɛ́n ʔún sáŋ]TEMP [Ø when people harvest 3S keep *** people

ʔún Ø ʔà ʔɔ̀j ŋíʔ]MC keep 3S two three CL.day ‘When people harvest it, (people) keep (it) for two to three days.’

Example (79) shows that the temporal adverbial clause is marked by the subordinating conjunction jám ‘when’, and the adverbial clause precedes the main clause. The main clause consists of the verb ʔún ‘keep’, which takes elided subject and object referents, and the prepositional phrase ʔà ʔɔ̀j ŋíʔ ‘for two to three days’. The temporal clause provides time information for the proposition expressed in the main clause.

A temporal adverbial clause with the subordinating conjunction lɔ̀c ‘until’, is illustrated in (80).

(80) CT.031

[lɔ̀c píʔpòj pòj lát]TEMP [háʔ ɲɔ̀m until night late arrive that kid

kà làt]MC then be.afraid Lit. ‘Until late at night had arrived, that kid, then, was afraid.’ ‘Until late at night, that kid, then, was afraid.’

In (80), the temporal adverbial clause consists of the subordinating conjunction lɔ̀c ‘until’, which precedes the adverbial clause pípòj pòj lát ‘late at night’. In the main clause, the stative verb làt ‘be.afraid’ takes the subject argument háʔ ɲɔ̀m ‘that kid’. The conjunction kà ‘then’ occurs between the subject and the predicate of the clause.

A conditional adverbial clause is illustrated in (81).

(81) RP.031

[kàn kàʔ ʔíʔ tɔ́n jɔ̀ŋ hɔ̀c]COND if seedling people be.old be.good finish

[ʔí? jɤ̀ lút kàʔ tɤ́ʔ]MC people go pull seedling CO-REF ‘If people’s seedlings are ripe already, people go to pull their seedlings.’

In (81), the conditional adverbial clause is introduced by the subordinating conjunction kàn ‘if’, and it precedes the main clause. In the conditional clause, the subordinating conjunction kàn precedes the clause, which consists of the subject noun phrase kàʔ ʔíʔ ‘people’s seedlings’ and a complex predicate, tɔ́n jɔ̀ŋ ‘ripe’. The particle hɔ̀c ‘finish’ occurs at the end of the clause. The main clause consists of the subject noun phrase ʔíʔ ‘people’, and the complex verb jɤ̀ lút ‘go to pull’ that takes its direct object noun phrase kàʔ tɤ́ʔ ‘their seedlings’. The conditional clause gives the conditions for the accomplishment of the event expressed in the main clause.

Another example of a conditional adverbial clause is given in (82).

(82) a. MM.055 máʔsɔ̀t N̩ .tʰiàm sɤ́wàŋ cóp Masod think *** *** ‘Masod thought.’

b. MM.058

[sɯ́m pɔ́t cɤ̀ŋ ʔɛ́n]COND [Ø làt [ʔɛ́n N̩ .tát tɤ́ʔ]CC]MC IRR carry leg 3S.POSS 1S be.afraid 3S kick CO-REF ‘“(If I) were to carry his leg, (I) am afraid that he would kick me.”’

In (82b), the conditional adverbial clause can also occur without any subordinator and it precedes the main clause. The conditional clause consists of the verb phrase sɯ́m pɔ́t ‘were to carry’ and the direct object argument cɤ̀ŋ ʔɛ́n ‘his leg’. The subject argument is elided. In the main clause, the subject noun phrase is elided and the stative verb ‘be.afraid’ takes a clausal complement that fills the object slot of the matrix clause. The complement clause consists of the subject pronoun ʔɛ́n ‘3S’, followed by the verb N̩ .tát ‘kick’ that takes the direct object tɤ́ʔ ‘CO-REF’. tɤ́ʔ is coreferential with the elided subject referent of the matrix clause, which refers to the subject referent in (82a).

A reason adverbial clause is illustrated in (83).

(83) MM.053

[máʔwɛ̀ júŋ ʔɛ́n]REASON [Ø lák N̩ .pʰián Mawae believe 3S Mawae then jump

lúp t.háʔ sɯ́ŋ ʔuàm]MC enter that at water ‘Because Mawae believed him, (Mawae) then jumped into the water.’

In (83), the reason adverbial clause occurs before the main clause. The reason clause provides a reason that the subject referent of the main clause would jump into the water. The reason adverbial clause has no overt marking in this sentence.

Furthermore, Mok has the particle náʔ that might be used as a topic marker, and it can also be used to mark some kinds of adverbial clauses. Haiman (1978) observed that the marker of a topic and conditional adverbial clauses is identical in a number of unrelated languages. Givon (2001b, p. 344) also comments that some languages mark adverbial clauses with the same marker that is used to mark topicalized phrases.

The particle náʔ functioning as a topic marker is illustrated in (84).

(84) a. CT.024

[t.háʔ kéʔ kʰɔ̀n làʔwɛ̀ Ø]MC [[ʔùʔ ʔɔ̀ʔ pɤ̀n that 3P child tiger said father 1S.POSS able.to

ʔúpɲɤ́ ʔúpŋɛ̀ ʔì ʔɔ̀ʔ kʰɛ̀]S [ʔùʔ ʔɔ̀ʔ breakfast lunch go 1S eat father 1S.POSS

pɤ̀n ʔúpɲɤ́ ʔúpŋɛ̀ ʔì ʔɔ̀ʔ kʰɛ̀]S]DQ able.to breakfast lunch go 1S eat ‘Those tiger’s children (said) “My father has brought breakfast (and ) lunch back (for) me to eat. My father has brought breakfast (and) lunch back (for) me to eat. ”’

b. CT.025

[klák ʔíʔ náʔ]PRE [sɯ́m kák kʰɯ́ŋ ʔɛ́n]CL some CL.person TOP IRR bite head 3S.POSS ‘As for some people, (they) will bite her head.’

In (84b), the particle náʔ is marking the left-dislocated noun phrase klák ʔíʔ ‘some people’ as the topic of a sentence. klák ʔíʔ refers to the tiger’s children, which is established information from the previous sentence. In the data, only two arguments are marked with the particle náʔ and they both refer to the subject referent of the clause. In order to be confirm whether náʔ is functioning as a topic marker or not, sentences with topicalized object arguments are required.

The particle náʔ can also used to mark a temporal adverbial phrase, as illustrated in (85).

(85) PL.012

[ŋíʔlup náʔ]PRE [ʔɔ̀j máʔtɤ́ʔ ʔì] CL evening TOP bring each.other go ‘In the evening, (we) went back together.’

In (85), the adverbial phrase ŋíʔlup ‘in the evening’ is functioning as a time adjunct in the pre-causal position of the sentence, which is marked by the particle náʔ.

In addition, the particle náʔ can also be used to mark conditional adverbial clauses, as shown in (86).

(86) MM.037 máʔsɔ̀t ʔì pòŋ sɯ́ʔŋó ʔuán lák tʰɯ́p sɯ́ʔŋó Masod go meet log be.big then tell log

ʔuán ŋáŋ [[sɯ́ʔŋó kàn mɯ́ʔ lɔ̀m máʔwɛ̀ be.big listen log if 2S see Mawae

jɤ̀ nɤ́ náʔ]COND [kàn ʔɛ́n sɯ́m N̩ .kùt go here TOP if 3S IRR pass.under

mɯ́ʔ ná]COND [[mɯ́ʔ pìŋ tɤ́ʔ]UP [tiàn]DOWN ʔú]MC]DQ 2S TOP 2S make CO-REF be.low *** ‘Masod met a big log, then (he) told the big log to listen “Log, if you see Mawae coming here, if he will pass under you, you make yourself low.”’

In the direct quote in (86), the particle náʔ marks the two conditional adverbial clauses. The two conditional adverbial clauses set the conditions for the action of the main clause.

Another example of a conditional adverbial clause with the particle náʔ is illustrated in (87).

(87) MM.060

[sɯ́m pɔ́t kʰɯ́ŋ ʔɛ́n náʔ]COND [kɔ̀ làt [ʔɛ́n tút tɤ́ʔ]CC]MC IRR carry head 3P.POSS TOP then be.afraid 3S head.strike CO-REF ‘“(If I ) were to carry his head, (I) am afraid that he would strike me.”’

In (87), the particle náʔ is marking the conditional adverbial clause that precedes the main clause of the sentence. The conditional adverbial clause expresses the condition for the accomplishment of the action of the main clause.

Another example of a conditional adverbial clause with the particle náʔ is illustrated in (88).

(88) MM.046

[sɯ́m N̩ .kùt náʔ]COND [kɔ̀ ɲiáp]MC IRR pass.under TOP then be.difficult ‘(If Mawae) were to pass under (the log), (it) would then be difficult .’

In (88), the conditional adverbial clause is marked by the particle náʔ and precedes the main clause of the sentence. The result in the main clause is a consequence of an action in the conditional adverbial clause.

Moreover, the particle náʔ can be used to mark temporal adverbial clauses, as illustrated in (89).

(89) MM.030

[Ø cɔ́k Ø sà náʔ]TEMP [Ø kɔ̀ Mawae scoop 3S ascend TOP Mawae then

lɔ̀m [ʔɛ́n jɯ́ʔ tʰíʔ kʰɔ̀n tɤ́ʔ]CC]MC see 3S be hand child CO-REF ‘When (Mawae) scooped up (the vegetable soup), (Mawae) then saw that it was his child’s hand.’

In (89), the temporal adverbial clause is marked by the particle náʔ, preceding the main clause. The event in the main clause occurs after the event in the temporal adverbial clause.

Example (90) shows another example of a temporal adverbial clause.

(90) RP.070

[wá ʔíʔ sí hɔ̀c náʔ]TEMP [kɔ̀ ɲàŋ ʔì]MC give people mill finish TOP then take go ‘When (we) have people mill (it), (we) then carry (the milled rice) back (home).’

In (90), the temporal adverbial clause is marked by the clause-final particle náʔ.

To summarize, the Mok adverbial clause typically occurs before the main clause, which is the same as in Muak Sa-aak (Hall, 2019). In Mok, the temporal, and conditional clauses can be introduced by a subordinating conjunction at the beginning of the clause. The subordinating conjunctions that are used to introduce temporal adverbial clauses in the data are jám ‘when’ and lɔ̀c ‘until’. Conditional adverbial clauses are introduced by kàn ‘if’. From the texts so far, it appears that the reason adverbial clause does not have an introducer. In contrast, Muak Sa-aak (Hall, 2019), Man Noi Plang (Lewis, 2008, pp. 50‒51), and Wa (Seng Mai, 2012, pp. 115‒116), use a subordinating conjunction to introduce the reason clause. As for conditional adverbial clauses, Muak Sa-aak (2019) and Wa (2012, p. 116) have

subordinating conjunctions to introduce a conditional clause and the word order in a conditional clause is SVO, which is similar to Mok. In the temporal adverbial clause construction, Wa (2012, p. 113‒114) has subordinators to introduce the temporal clause. However, the word order occurring in a temporal clause is VSO, which is different from Mok.

Additionally, Mok has the particle náʔ, which appears to be used as a topic marker. So far, however, it only occurs with arguments that refer to a subject referent. Therefore, further research is needed to determine whether topicalized object arguments can also be marked by náʔ. In the data, the particle náʔ is also used to mark adverbial phrases in the pre-clausal position of a clause, as well as conditional and temporal adverbial clauses in complex sentence constructions. The Mok form náʔ is similar to the form na in Man Noi Plang (Lewis, 2008, p.100), in which it is functioning as a topic marker. However, the Man Noi Plang na does not appear to mark adverbial phrases and clauses.

The complement clause and the adverbial clause constructions, including the particle náʔ, have been discussed. The description of causative constructions is provided in the next section.

3.2.3 Causative constructions The Mok causative construction is a periphrastic structure with two clauses. These are a causative verb in the main clause and a lexical verb in a complement clause or in some other kind of subordinate clause (Dixon, 2012, p.245). The Mok causative construction is diagrammed in (91).

(91) Mok periphrastic causative construction

[(Causer) + Predicate + Causee]UP + [Ø + Predicate + (DO)]DOWN Upstairs Downstairs

For (91), a causative construction consists of two clauses that share an argument. For ease of description, the clause with the causer subject is called the upstairs clause, while the clause with a causee subject is called the downstairs clause. The upstairs clause consists of an optional subject noun phrase, which refers to the causer, followed by the predicate, which is a causative verb, and the object of the upstairs clause, which refers to the causee. Causative verbs in the data include sáŋ ‘order’, wá ‘give’, pɔ̀j ‘release’, and pìŋ ‘make’. In the downstairs clause, the elided

subject argument also refers to the causee. The predicate is either intransitive or transitive, which takes a direct object argument.

A periphrastic causative construction with sáŋ ‘order’ is illustrated in (92).

(92) PD.003

[Ø sáŋ kɛ́ʔ]UP [Ø jɤ̀ cíʔ mɛ̀]DOWN Buddha order 3D 3D go do dry.field ‘(Buddha) ordered the two of them to go work the dry field.’

In (92), the subject of the upstairs clause, which refers to the causer, is elided. The causative predicate is sáŋ ‘order’. Its overt object argument, kɛ́ʔ ‘they two’, refers to the causee. In the downstairs clause, reference to the causee is elided in the subject position. The complex predicate jɤ̀ cíʔ ‘go do’ takes the direct object argument mɛ̀ ‘dry.field’.

Another example of a periphrastic causative construction with sáŋ ‘order’ is illustrated in (93).

(93) MM.002

[máʔwɛ̀ jɤ̀ sáŋ máʔsɔ̀t]UP [Ø jɤ̀ N̩ .wɛ́ tɤ́ʔ]DOWN Mawae go order Masod Masod go take.turn CO-REF ‘Mawae went and ordered Masod to go take turns (with) him (Mawae).’

In (93), the causer is máʔwɛ̀ ‘Mawae’, which serves as the subject of the upstairs clause. The causative verb sáŋ ‘order’ takes máʔsɔ̀t ‘Masod’ as its object argument, which refers to the causee. The causee is also the elided subject of the downstairs clause.

Example (94) illustrates a causative construction with wá ‘give’.

(94) PL.039

[Ø líʔ níʔ]CL1 [[Ø wá ʔíʔ]UP [Ø nɔ́m Ø]DOWN]CL2 1P.INCL take meat 1P.INCL give people people get meat ‘(We) took meats (and) (we) allowed people to get (meats).’

In the second sentence in (94), the elided subject argument refers to the causer. The overt object argument of the causative verb wá ‘give’ refers to the causee. This same cause, ʔíʔ ‘people’, is referenced by the elided subject argument of the downstairs clause, with the lexical verb nɔ́m ‘get’ and an elided object argument.

Another example of wá ‘give’ is given in (95).

(95) PD.047

[Ø wá sɔ́ʔ]UP [Ø kʰɛ̀ ʔúp]DOWN 1S give dog dog eat cooked.rice ‘“(I) allow the dog to eat rice.”’

In (95), the object referent of the upstairs clause, sɔ́ʔ ‘dog’, is also the elided subject referent of the downstairs clause.

A periphrastic causative construction with pɔ̀j ‘release’ is shown in (96).

(96) RP.017

[Ø pɔ̀j kʰlàk]UP [Ø ʔiá kʰɛ̀]DOWN hɔ̀c people release buffalo buffalo find eat finish ‘(People) let the buffaloes find (something) to eat already.’

In (96), the subject of the upstairs clause is elided. Overt reference to the causee fills the object position of the downstairs clause. However, reference to the causee, kʰlàk ‘buffalo’, is elided in the subject position of the downstairs clause, which occurs with the complex predicate ʔiá kʰɛ̀ ‘finding (something) to eat’.

Example (97) illustrates a periphrastic causative construction with pìŋ ‘make’.

(97) MM.038

[kàn ʔɛ́n sɯ́m N̩ .pʰián tàŋ mɯ́ʔ náʔ]COND if 3S IRR jump cross 2S ***

[[mɯ́ʔ pìŋ tɤ́ʔ]UP [Ø lɤ̀ŋ]DOWN]MC 2S make CO-REF CO-REF be.high ‘“If he will jump crossing over you, you make yourself high.”’

In the context of the example shown in (97), Masod has run away from Mawae and met a big log. Masod tells the big log to make itself high when Mawae comes. In this example, the causer mɯ́ʔ ‘2S’ is serving as the subject of the upstairs clause, with the causative verb pìŋ ‘make’. The overt object referent of the upstairs clause, encoded by the unspecified pronoun tɤ́ʔ, is the same as the referent of the elided subject of the downstairs clause. tɤ́ʔ is coreferential with the subject pronoun mɯ́ʔ ‘2s’ of the upstairs clause.

To summarize, the Mok causative clause construction is a periphrastic construction, with two clauses. The upstairs clause consists of a subject argument, the causer, the causative verb and an direct object argument, the causee. In the downstairs clause, reference to the causee in the subject slot of the downstairs clause is elided, which is followed by a predicate that can take an optional direct object argument. The Mok causative construction is similar to Muak Sa-aak (Hall 2016, p. 18) and Khmu (Jenny, Weber, & Weymuth, 2015, p. 66) periphrastic causative constructions. Now that the causative constructions have been discussed, quotative constructions are described in the next section.

3.2.4 Quotative constructions Two ways of reporting the words spoken by another person are direct and indirect quotes (Kroeger, 2005, p. 224). From the data so far, only direct quotes are found. The direct quotative construction is diagrammed as follows:

(98) Mok direct quotative construction

Subject + (Quotative predicate) + (DO:Addressee) + Direct Quote

For (98), the direct quotative construction consists of the subject noun phrase, which refers to the speaker, followed by an optional quotative predicate, followed by an optional object argument, which refers to the addressee, which is then followed by the direct quote complement. From the textual data, the quotative predicates include wàŋ ‘ask’, ŋèŋ ‘call’, tʰɯ́p ‘tell’, tì ‘answer’, and ʔút ‘reply’.

A direct speech complement contains the exact word spoken by the speaker and it is embedded in a simple clause. The following examples illustrate the quotative constructions with a direct speech.

A quotative construction with tì ‘answer’ is illustrated in (99).

(99) PD.028

[lɤ̀k tì]MC [[ʔɤ́]PRE [ʔɔ́ʔ pɤ̀n pʰɔ́ŋ N̩ .kuá ʔɤ́] CL]DQ pig answer INTERJ 1S able.to be.much quite *** ‘The pig answered “Er! I quite obtain in large quantity.”’

In (99), the direct quote is preceded by the main clause, which consists of the subject argument lɤ̀k ‘pig’ and the quotative predicate tì ‘answer’. The speech complement begins with the interjection ʔɤ́ ‘Er!’, followed by the pronoun ʔɔ́ʔ that is

coreferential with the speaker, lɤ̀k ‘pig’. The complex predicate is pɤ̀n pʰɔ́ŋ N̩ .kuá ‘quite obtain in large quantity’. The direct quote represents the pig’s answer to a question.

A quotative construction can also occur with no quotative predicate, as illustrated in (100).

(100) PD.044

[p.cuà]MC [[ʔɤ́]PRE [mɯ́ʔ càŋ cúʔcúʔ ʔíʔ]CL [lɤ̀k ʔó Buddha INTERJ 2S do lie people pig ***

mɯ́ʔ ʔà]POST]DQ 2S *** ‘Buddha (said) “Erǃ You lie (to) people, Pig, you.”’

In (100), the quotative predicate is not obligatory in the main clause which consists of just the subject argument p.cuà ‘Buddha’, which refers to the speaker. The direct quote occurs directly after the subject noun phrase p.cuà of the main clause. The direct speech complement begins with the interjection ʔɤ́ ‘Er!’, followed by the subject pronoun mɯ́ʔ ‘2S’, followed by the complex predicate càŋ cúʔcúʔ ‘do lie’, and the oblique argument ʔíʔ ‘(to) people’. The common noun lɤ̀k ‘pig’ and the pronoun mɯ́ʔ ‘2S’ are in the post-causal position of the the speech complement.

Example (101) shows a quotative construction with wàŋ ‘ask’.

(101) PD.033

[p.cuà lák wàŋ sɔ́ʔ]MC [[sɔ́ʔ]PRE [mɯ́ʔ súj mɛ̀ Buddha then ask dog dog 2S dig dry.field

pɤ̀n pʰɔ́ŋ sɤ́]CL]DQ able.to much Q ‘Buddha then asked the dog “Dog, were you be able to dig the dry field much?”’

The speech complement in (101) is preceded by reference to the addressee, sɔ́ʔ ‘dog’, which serves as the direct object of the main clause.

A quotative construction with ŋèŋ ‘call’ is illustrated in (102).

(102) MM.050

[ʔɛ́n lák ŋèŋ t.háʔ máʔsɔ̀t]MC [[máʔsɔ̀t]PRE [mɯ́ʔ pʰiám 3S then call that Masod Masod 2S kill

kʰɔ̀n ʔɔ̀ʔ tɛ̀]CL [mɯ́ʔ ʔàŋ]POST]DQ child 1S.POSS *** 2S *** ‘He (Mawae), then, called that Masod “Masod, you killed my child, you .”’

In (102), the addressee t.háʔ máʔsɔ̀t ‘that Masod’ is referenced in the direct object position of the clause. It is followed by the speech complement.

Example (103) shows a quotative construction with tʰɯ́p ‘tell’.

(103) MM.041 Ø lɔ̀c N̩ .tʰák ʔuàm [Ø lák tʰɯ́p [ʔuàm Masod arrive beside water Masod then tell water

ŋáŋ]CC]MC [[ʔuàm ʔó] PRE [[kàn mɯ́ʔ màŋtàn sɯ́m listen water INTERJ if 2S hardly IRR

N̩ .klú náʔ]COND [mɯ́ʔ pìŋ [tɤ́ʔ N̩ .klú]CC]MC]S]DQ be.deep TOP 2S make CO-REF be.deep ‘(Masod) arrived beside the water, (Masod) then told the water to listen “Water! Oh! If you are not deep enough, you make yourself deep.”’

In (103), the elided reference to the speaker is followed by the conjunction lák ‘then’ and the quotative predicate tʰɯ́p ‘tell’. The direct object of the main clause is filled by the clausal complement ʔuàm ŋáŋ ‘water listen’. The speech complement follows the main clause. It begins with the noun ʔuàm ‘water’ in the pre-causal position of the sentence, followed by the interjection ʔó ‘oh!’. ʔó is followed by a conditional clause that is introduced by kàn ‘if’ and then the main clause of the direct quote. In the direct quote, the conditional clause sets the conditions for the action of the big log.

Unlike the previous examples of the quotative construction, in which the direct quote is usually preceded by the main clause; the direct quote can also occur at the beginning of the quotative constructon, as illustrated in (104).

(104) PD.012

[ʔɤ́ t.mɔ́t ʔɔ́ʔ nàm súj ná]DQ [sɔ́ʔ ʔút tìtì]MC INTERJ moment 1S gradually dig *** dog reply like.this ‘“Er! For a moment, I gradually dig,” the dog replied like this.’

In (104), the direct quote occurs before the main clause. The verb phrase ʔút tìtì ‘reply like this’ is the predicate of the quotative construction.

To summarize, the Mok direct quotative construction consists of a subject argument (the speaker), followed by an optional quotative predicate, an optional object argument (the addressee), and the direct speech complement. The direct quote can also precede the main clause in the direct quotative construction.

3.2.5 Summary of complex clause constructions The complex clause constructions introduced in this section include coordinate clauses, complement clauses, adverbial clauses, periphrastic causative clauses, and direct quotative constructions.

Coordinate clauses are connected by juxtaposition, and can be medially marked by the coordinating conjunction lɛ́ʔkɔ̀ ‘and then’. In Mok, the complement clause construction has no complimentizer. The complement clause directly follows the complement-taking predicate. In adverbial clause constructions, the adverbial clause typically occurs before the main clause. Temporal and conditional adverbial clauses are introduced by a subordinating conjunction at the beginning of the clause. There is no overt subordinator for the reason adverbial clause. Additionally, Mok has a topic marker náʔ. In addition to marking topicalized arguments, it can also used to mark adverbial phrases and conditional and temporal adverbial clauses. However, further research is needed to confirm whether náʔ is a topic marker or not.

As for the Mok periphrastic causative construction, it consists of the causer, serving as the subject argument of the upstairs clause, followed by the causative verb. Overt reference to the causee fills the object position of the upstairs clause. Reference to the causee in the subject slot of the downstairs clause is elided, and is followed by the predicate and an optional direct object argument.

Finally, a direct quotative construction consists of a subject noun phrase, which is the speaker, followed by an optional quotative predicate, followed by an optional object argument that refers to the addressee, and then the direct speech

complement. The direct speech complement can also occurs at the beginning of the direct quotative construction.

3.3 Summary of complex constructions The preceding discussion has introduced complex noun phrase constructions and complex clause constructions. These are summarized in Table 10.

Table 10 Mok complex constructions

Construction Name Structure Complex noun phrase constructions:

Coordinate noun phrases Noun phrase1 + N̩ .tɔ́ʔ + Noun phrase2 Noun phrases with a prepositional Head + Simple prepositional phrase phrase modifier construction

Complex clause construction:

Coordinate clause construction Clause1 + (lɛ́ʔkɔ̀) + Clause2 Complement clause construction (Subject) + Predicate + DO:Clausal complement

Periphrastic causative construction [(Causer) + Predicate + Causee]UP +

[Ø + Predicate + (DO)]DOWN Adverbial clause construction [(Subordinating conjunction) +

Clause]SUB + ClauseMC

Direct quotative construction Subject + (Quotative predicate) + (DO:Addressee) + Direct quote

Now that the Mok complex constructions have been described, another interesting issue in Mok, which is in common to several AA languages, is the unspecified pronoun tɤ́ʔ. It has multiple functions, along with semantic constraints, which are discussed in the next chapter.

Chapter 4 The anaphoric uses of tɤ́ʔ

The unspecified pronoun tɤ́ʔ has no semantic constraints with respect to person. From the data so far, it is restricted to singular and plural number. It serves a coreferential function, referring back to the subject argument of a clause. tɤ́ʔ can be coreferential with a subject referent encoded by common nouns, proper nouns, and pronouns, as illustrated in examples (105) ‒ (107).

(105) RP.023 ʔíʔ jɤ̀ wák ná tɤ́ʔ people go turn.over rice.field CO-REF ‘People go turning over their rice field.’

(106) MM.027

[ʔɛ́n lák Ø]MC [ʔó máʔwɛ̀ kʰɛ̀ kʰɔ̀n 3S then shout INTERJ Mawae eat child

pʰlɯ́m tɤ́ʔ máʔwɛ̀ kʰɛ̀ kʰɔ̀n pʰlɯ́m tɤ́ʔ]DQ be.old CO-REF Mawae eat child be.old CO-REF ‘He then (shout) “Oh! Mawae ate his former child. Mawae ate his former child.”’

(107) PL.002

[ʔéʔ kʰɛ̀ ʔúp tɤ́ʔ náʔ]TEMP [jáŋ kàʔ mɛ̀]MC 1P.INCL eat rice CO-REF TOP go to dry.field ‘When we ate our rice, (we) went to the field.’

In (105), tɤ́ʔ is coreferential with the subject referent encoded by the common noun ʔíʔ ‘people’. In (106), tɤ́ʔ is coreferential with the subject proper noun máʔwɛ̀ ‘Mawae’. In the temporal adverbial clause in (107), tɤ́ʔ is coreferential with the referent of the subject pronoun ʔéʔ ‘1P.INCL’.

This chapter will first provide a discussion of the uses of the unspecified pronoun tɤ́ʔ in Section 4.1. A comparison between the uses of tɤ́ʔ and the uses of the cognate forms in related languages is given in Section 4.2. Finally, a summary of the anaphoric uses of tɤ́ʔ is provided in Section 4.3.

4.1 The uses of tɤ́ʔ In this section, the discussion begins with tɤ́ʔ in complement clause constructions in Section 4.1.1, followed by tɤ́ʔ in causative constructions in Section 4.1.2. tɤ́ʔ as a possessor is presented in Section 4.1.3. tɤ́ʔ functioning as a reflexive pronoun is described in Section 4.1.4. The limitations on the scope of tɤ́ʔ coreference are examined in Section 4.1.5. A discussion of tɤ́ʔ interpreted as an unspecified first person meaning, in the context where there is no syntactic antecedent, is given in Section 4.1.6.

4.1.1 tɤ́ʔ in complement clause constructions The unspecified pronoun tɤ́ʔ may occur as the subject or object of the complement clause in the complement clause construction. tɤ́ʔ can be used as the subject of a complement clause, as shown in (108).

(108) PD.043

ʔɔ́ʔ ʔiàm [tɤ́ʔ súj pʰɔ́ŋ]CC nájnàj 1S feel CO-REF dig be.much *** ‘“I feel that I dug (the field) a lot.”’

In (108), tɤ́ʔ, as the subject of the complement clause, is coreferential with the subject referent of the matrix clause, which is encoded by ʔɔ́ʔ ‘1S’. tɤ́ʔ can also occur as the object of a complement clause, as illustrated in (109).

(109) a. MM.055 máʔsɔ̀t N̩ .tʰiàm sɤ́wàŋ cóp Masod think *** *** ‘Masod thought.’

b. MM.058

[sɯ́m pɔ́t cɤ̀ŋ ʔɛ́n]COND [Ø làt [ʔɛ́n N̩ .tát tɤ́ʔ]CC]MC IRR carry leg 3S.POSS 1S be.afraid 3S kick CO-REF ‘“(If I) were to carry his (Mawae) leg, (I) (Masod) am afraid that he (Mawae) would kick me (Masod).” ’

In the main clause in (109b), the subject argument is elided and refers to the referent of the subject proper noun, máʔsɔ̀t ‘Masod’, in (109a). The verb làt ‘be.afraid’ takes a complement clause as its object argument. The complement clause consists of the subject pronoun ʔɛ́n ‘3S’, followed by the dynamic verb N̩ .tát ‘kick’ and the direct object tɤ́ʔ. tɤ́ʔ is coreferential with the elided subject referent of the main clause. tɤ́ʔ is not coreferential with the subject of the complement clause, since the subject referent is not the same as the referent of tɤ́ʔ.

In addition to its function as the subject and object in complement clause constructions, tɤ́ʔ can also serve as a reflexive pronoun and the object in a causative construction, which are described in the next section.

4.1.2 tɤ́ʔ in causative constructions The unspecified pronoun tɤ́ʔ may serve as a reflexive pronoun in the upstairs clause of a periphrastic causative construction. It also occur as the object of the downstairs clause of a periphrastic causative construction.

The reflexive pronoun use of tɤ́ʔ in the upstairs clause of a causative construction, is illustrated in (110).

(110) MM.038

[kàn ʔɛ́n sɯ́m N̩ .pʰián tàːŋ mɯ́ʔ náʔ]COND if 3S IRR jump cross 2S ***

[[mɯ́ʔ pìŋ tɤ́ʔ]UP [Ø lɤ̀ŋ]DOWN]MC 2S make CO-REF CO-REF be.high ‘“If he will jump crossing over you, you make yourself high.”’

In the context of (110), Masod has run away from Mawae and met a big log. Masod tells the big log to make itself high when Mawae comes. In this example, tɤ́ʔ fills the object slot of the upstairs clause and is coreferential with the subject pronoun mɯ́ʔ ‘2s’ of the clause, which refers to the big log. The overt referent of the object of the upstairs clause is also the same as the elided referent of the subject of the downstairs

clause. A reflexive meaning is indicated by tɤ́ʔ and it conveys the sense that the causee, the big log, is making itself high.

Additionally, the unspecified pronoun tɤ́ʔ may also occur as the object in the downstairs clause of a causative construction, as illustrated in (111).

(111) MM.002

[máʔwɛ̀ jɤ̀ sáŋ máʔsɔ̀t]UP [Ø jɤ̀ N̩ .wɛ́ tɤ́ʔ]DOWN Mawae go order Masod Masod go take.turn CO-REF ‘Mawae went andordered Masod to go take turns (with) him (Mawae).’

In (111), tɤ́ʔ is the object of the downstairs clause of a periphrastic causative construction. It is coreferential with the subject máʔwɛ̀ ‘Mawae’ of the upstairs clause. Note that the elided referent of the subject of the downstairs clause is not the same as the subject of the upstairs clause.

Other than functioning as a reflexive pronoun and the object in a causative construction, tɤ́ʔ can also serve as a possessor, which is discussed in the following section.

4.1.3 tɤ́ʔ as a possessor tɤ́ʔ can also serve as a possessor in a noun phrase, as illustrated in (112).

(112) RP.023 ʔíʔ jɤ̀ wák ná tɤ́ʔ people go turn.over rice.field CO-REF ‘People go turning over their rice field.’

In (112), tɤ́ʔ is serving as the possessor in the noun phrase ná tɤ́ʔ ‘their rice field’, which fills the object slot of the clause. It is coreferential with the subject argument ʔíʔ ‘people’, indicating that the possessor is the same entity as the subject of the clause. According to a Mok speaker, if tɤ́ʔ is replaced by the pronoun kéʔ ‘3P’, kéʔ does not refer to the subject referent, ʔíʔ ‘people’. Instead, it refers to someone else.

Another example of tɤ́ʔ as a a possessor is shown in (113).

(113) MM.027

[ʔɛ́n lák Ø]MC [ʔó máʔwɛ̀ kʰɛ̀ kʰɔ̀n 3S then shout INTERJ Mawae eat child

pʰlɯ́m tɤ́ʔ máʔwɛ̀ kʰɛ̀ kʰɔ̀n pʰlɯ́m tɤ́ʔ]DQ be.old CO-REF Mawae eat child be.old CO-REF ‘He then (shout) “Oh! Mawae ate his former child. Mawae ate his former child.”

In (113), tɤ́ʔ serves as the possessor of the noun head possessee kʰɔ̀n ‘child’ in the noun phrase kʰɔ̀n pʰlɯ́m tɤ́ʔ ‘his former child’. It is coreferential with the referent of the subject proper noun máʔwɛ̀ ‘Mawae’, signaling that the possessor is the same entity as the subject in the clause. According to a Mok speaker, if the third person singular pronoun ʔɛ́n substitutes for tɤ́ʔ, the child will belong to someone else.

When a personal pronoun functioning as a possessor in a noun phrase occurs rather than tɤ́ʔ, it refers to another referent outside the immediate clause, as illustrated in (114).

(114) a. MM.053

[máʔwɛ̀ júŋ ʔɛ́n]REASON [Ø lák N̩ .pʰián Mawae believe 3S Mawae then jump

lúp t.háʔ sɯ́ŋ ʔuàm]MC enter that at water ‘Because Mawae believed him, (Mawae) then jumped into the water.’

b. MM.065 Ø lák pɔ́t nàm ʔɛ́n ʔì Masod then carry blood 3S.POSS go ‘(Masod) then carried his (Mawae) blood and went.’

In (114b), the third-person singular pronoun ʔɛ́n is serving as the possessor in the noun phrase nàm ʔɛ́n ‘his blood’. In this sentence, ʔɛ́n is not coreferential with the elided subject. Instead, it is referring to another referent in a previous sentence, which is the subject noun phrase máʔwɛ̀ ‘Mawae’ of the subordinate clause in (114a).

Example (115) shows tɤ́ʔ as a possessor that occurs with the possessive marker pʰɔ́ʔ. Note that this example is the only one in the corpus that contains the possessive marker pʰɔ́ʔ.

(115) PD.016 lɤ̀k súj Ø pʰɔ́ʔ tɤ́ʔ hɔ̀c hɔ̀c pig dig area of CO-REF finish finish ‘The pig had finished digging his (area).’

In (115), the direct object noun phrase consists of the elided noun head, the possessive marker pʰɔ́ʔ and tɤ́ʔ. tɤ́ʔ refers to the possessor of the possessee, which is the elided noun head. However, from the context we know that the elided noun head refers to a field. tɤ́ʔ indicates that the possessor is coreferential with the subject noun phrase referent, lɤ̀k ‘pig’, of the clause.

Another example of tɤ́ʔ functioning as a possessor is shown in (116).

(116) a. PL.002

[ʔéʔ kʰɛ̀ ʔúp tɤ́ʔ náʔ]TEMP [jáŋ kàʔ mɛ̀]MC 1P.INCL eat rice CO-REF TOP go to dry.field ‘When we ate our rice, (we) went to the field.’

b. PL.003 Ø jáŋ súj mɛ̀ tɤ́ʔ 1P.INCL go dig dry.field CO-REF ‘(We) went digging our field.’

In the subordinate clause in (116a), tɤ́ʔ is coreferential with the subject referent encoded by the pronoun ʔéʔ ‘1P.INCL’. It is used to signal that the possessor in ʔúp tɤ́ʔ ‘our rice’ is the same entity as the subject of the adverbial clause. As for tɤ́ʔ in (116b), it is coreferential with the elided subject referent in its immediate clause. It is functioning as the possessor in the noun phrase mɛ̀ tɤ́ʔ ‘our field’ that fills the object slot of the clause. tɤ́ʔ as a possessor in an oblique argument is shown in (117).

(117) a. PL.010

[lɔ̀c mɤ́]TEMP [ʔéʔ kʰɛ̀ ʔúp náʔ]TEMP [ʔéʔ arrive time 1P.INCL eat cooked.rice TOP 1P.INCL

kʰɛ̀ ʔúp tɤ́ʔ]MC eat cooked.rice CO-REF ‘The time had arrived, when we ate rice, we ate our rice .’

b. PL.013 Ø ʔì sɯ́ŋ kàŋ tɤ́ʔ 1P.INCL go at house CO-REF ‘(We) went back to our houses.’

In (117b), the preposition sɯ́ŋ ‘at’ heads its object of the preposition, kàŋ tɤ́ʔ ‘our house’. tɤ́ʔ is coreferential with the elided subject of the clause, which refers to the referent of the subject ʔéʔ ‘1P.INCL’ in the main clause in (117a). It is functioning as the possessor of the possessee kàŋ ‘house’. The preposition sɯ́ŋ is used to indicate a goal oblique argument. For tɤ́ʔ in (117a), it is coreferential with the subject pronoun ʔéʔ ‘1P.INCL’ of the main clause, serving as the possessor in the noun phrase ʔúp tɤ́ʔ ‘our rice’.

Another example of tɤ́ʔ functioning as a possessor and its coreference occurring in a complement construction is illustrated in (118).

(118) a. MM.029 máʔwɛ̀ cɔ́k kʰɛ̀ t.háʔ ʔuàm tʰúʔ Mawae scoop eat that water vegetable

tɔ́ʔ mò pɔ́k again one CL.time ‘Mawae scooped (and) ate that vegetable soup once again.’

b. MM.030

[Ø cɔ́k Ø sà náʔ]TEMP [Ø kɔ̀ Mawae scoop 3S ascend *** Mawae then

lɔ̀m [ʔɛ́n jɯ́ʔ tʰíʔ kʰɔ̀n tɤ́ʔ]CC]MC see 3S be hand child CO-REF ‘When (Mawae) scooped up (the vegetable soup), (Mawae) then saw that it was his child’s hand.’

In (118b), the elided subject of the main clause is the same entity as the subject proper noun referent máʔwɛ̀ ‘Mawae’ in (118a). In (118b), tɤ́ʔ is coreferential with the elided subject of the main clause. It is used as a possessor that modifies the head noun, kʰɔ̀n ‘child’, of the noun phrase kʰɔ̀n tɤ́ʔ ‘his child’. The possessor noun phrase kʰɔ̀n tɤ́ʔ is modifying the head noun, the possessee tʰíʔ ‘hand’.

The use of tɤ́ʔ as a possessor has been reviewed. Another function of tɤ́ʔ as a reflexive pronoun is described in the next section.

4.1.4 tɤ́ʔ as a reflexive pronoun The unspecified pronoun tɤ́ʔ can function as a reflexive pronoun, as shown in (119).

(119) SC.029 ʔíʔ játʔuàm tɤ́ʔ people pour.water CO-REF ‘People water-pour themselves.’

In (119), in the Buddhist religious ceremony, after the monks have given blessings to the people who come to make merit, people will take the water from jugs and pour it into Buddhist water containers. In this example, tɤ́ʔ is coreferential with the subject noun phrase ʔíʔ ‘people’ and fills the object slot of the clause. It indicates that the people individually pour water on themselves without any help from others.

Another example of tɤ́ʔ serving as a reflexive pronoun is illustrated in (120).

(120) PL.015 Ø ʔì súmʔuàm tɤ́ʔ 1P.INCL go bathe CO-REF ‘(We) went to bathe ourselves.’

In (120), tɤ́ʔ is coreferential with the elided subject referent of the clause and fills the object slot.

An example of tɤ́ʔ functioning as a reflexive pronoun in a causative construction is given in (121).

(121) MM.038

[kàn ʔɛ́n sɯ́m N̩ .pʰián tàːŋ mɯ́ʔ náʔ]COND if 3S IRR jump cross 2S ***

[[mɯ́ʔ pìŋ tɤ́ʔ]UP [Ø lɤ̀ŋ]DOWN]MC 2S make CO-REF CO-REF be.high ‘“If he will jump crossing over you, you make yourself high.”’

In (121), tɤ́ʔ fills the object slot of the upstairs clause, which refers to the causee. It is coreferential with the subject pronoun mɯ́ʔ ‘2s’ of the clause, which refers to the causer. The overt object reference of the upstairs clause is also the same as the elided subject referent in the downstairs clause. tɤ́ʔ is indicating that the causee, which is the big log, is making itself high.

Although the coreference for tɤ́ʔ can occur either within a clause, within a complement clause construction, or within a causative construction, as shown in the previous examples, there are still limitations of coreference for tɤ́ʔ, which are discussed in Section 4.1.5.

4.1.5 The limitations on the scope of tɤ́ʔ coreference The coreferential function of the unspecified pronoun tɤ́ʔ does not occur between an adverbial clause and a main clause, as illustrated in (122).

(122) PD.014

[ʔɤ́]PRE [kàn mɯ́ʔ súj N̩ .túʔ k.làc ʔɔ́ʔ tìnáʔ]COND INTERJ if 2S dig end first 1S ***

[mɯ́ʔ/*tɤ́ʔ kàʔ ʔì k.làc ʔɔ́ʔ wàŋ]MC 2S/CO-REF then go first 1S *** ‘“Er! If you dig (the field) to the end before me, you, then, go back (to the house) before me.”’

In the main clause in (122), which follows the adverbial clause, the pronoun mɯ́ʔ ‘2S’ must be used. Using tɤ́ʔ is ungrammatical, even though the subject referent is the same in both clauses.

Moreover, the coreferential function of tɤ́ʔ also does not extend across coordinate clause boundaries, as illustrated in (123).

(123) PD.041 [ʔɔ́ʔ pàʔ lɔ̀m N̩ .kʰó tɯ́ŋ mɯ́ʔ súj 1S NEG see footprint *** 2S dig

m.sít sɔ́t]CL1 [ʔɔ́ʔ/*tɤ́ʔ lɔ̀m N̩ .kʰó sɔ́ʔ làc]CL2 few *** 1S/CO-REF see footprint dog only ‘“I did not see (even) a few of footprints of your digging, I saw only dog's footprints.”’

In (123), the adversative coordinate clauses are connected by juxtaposition. Even though the subject referent is the same in both clauses, the personal pronoun ʔɔ́ʔ ‘1S’ must be used. It is ungrammatical to use tɤ́ʔ.

Now that the discussions of the context where there is an overt antecedent reference for tɤ́ʔ have been described, an instance where there is no syntactic antecedent reference in the context is discussed.

4.1.6 Unspecified first person meaning In Mok, instances of no syntactic antecedent to the unspecified pronoun tɤ́ʔ are also possible. In this case, tɤ́ʔ may be used to express an unspecified first person meaning, as illustrated in (124).

(124) SC.005 jɤ̀ kuát sɯ́ʔ tɤ́ʔ ʔún go cut wood CO-REF keep ‘(We) go to cut our wood.’

In (124), no overt antecedent reference for tɤ́ʔ occurs in this clause or in earlier sentences in the text. So, tɤ́ʔ is interpreted as having first-person plural meaning based on the speech situation. When there is a religious ceremony, which is called pʰɛ́ʔuàmmiʔ ‘Sugar cane sticks with nuts’, people will go to cut wood and help each other cooking the pʰɛ́ʔuàmmiʔ for use in the ceremony. The set of referents that tɤ́ʔ refers to would include the speaker and anyone who might go to cut the wood with them. In this example, tɤ́ʔ is serving as the possessor in the noun phrase sɯ́ʔ tɤ́ʔ ‘our wood’.

4.1.7 Summary of the uses of tɤ́ʔ To summarize, tɤ́ʔ serves to indicate coreferentiality with the subject argument of a clause. The scope of coreference can occur either within a clause, between a complement clause and a matrix clause in a complement construction, or between an upstairs clause and downstairs clause in a causative construction. However, coreference for tɤ́ʔ does not occur between adverbial and main clauses or between coordinate clauses. tɤ́ʔ can also serve as a possessor in noun phrases and a reflexive pronoun. Moreover, tɤ́ʔ has an unspecified first person meaning when there is no syntactic antecedent. It points to a referent from the speech situation, which includes the speaker and his/her colleagues.

The syntactic uses of tɤ́ʔ have been described in Section 4.1. The comparison between the uses of tɤ́ʔ and the cognate forms in other related languages is presented in the next section.

4.2 Comparison with related languages This section compares the uses of the unspecified pronoun tɤ́ʔ in Mok with the uses of cognate forms in related languages. They include Muak Sa-aak (Hall, 2016), Kontoi Plang (Block, 1994; 1996, pp. 6‒8), La-Up Lawa (Komonkitiskun, 1985, pp. 31‒33; 1992, pp. 203‒205), Shwe Palaung (Milne, 1921, pp. 17‒37; Mak, 2012, pp. 89‒94; Jenny, 2019), and Khmu (Osborne, 2010, pp. 32‒33; 2011).

This section first introduces each cognate form in related languages. Next, the comparison for semantic constraints of person and number is given. Then the comparison of the scope of coreference for the cognate forms is examined. Finally, the uses of tɤ́ʔ in Mok and the cognate forms in other related languages are compared.

The six cognate forms of the five languages are the Muak Sa-aak ti², the Kontoi Plang ne (note that ne is an alternative form of the original form re), the La-Up Lawa tɛʔ and ʔɨ, the Shwe Palaung de, and the Khmu deː. Examples begin with Muak Sa-aak ti² (Hall, 2016, p. 7), as shown in (125).

(125)

[t.wa:j³ lot² ɯː¹ [ti² kʰɯ¹ iː³ pʰul³]CC]MC tiger *** say self IRR go.up cook ‘The tiger said he will come cook.’

In (125), in the indirect quote complement clause, ti² is coreferential with the subject of the matrix clause t.waːj³ ‘tiger’.

The cognate form ne, in Kontoi Plang (Block, 1994, p. 128), is illustrated in (126).

(126) Ø ew cang ne 1P go.out hire REFL ‘(We) hired ourselves out.’

In (126), ne is coreferential with the elided subject of the clause. It is used as a reflexive pronoun.

The first cognate form in La-Up Lawa tɛʔ (Komonkitiskun, 1992, p. 205) is shown in (127).

(127) miʔ hrak maʔ tɛʔ Mi love mother her ‘Mi loves her mother.’

In (127), tɛʔ refers back to the subject of the clause and serves as a possessor in the possessive noun phrase maʔ tɛʔ ‘her mother’ in the object position of the clause.

The second La-Up Lawa form ʔɨ (Komonkitiskun, 1992, p. 204), is given in (128).

(128)

[miʔ həo hoŋhiən]CL1 [maʔ ʔɨ paŋmə buk puʔ Mi go school mother her but ride prog.mk

həo khiən toʔ kat]CL2 go bicycle in market ‘Mi went to school, but her mother was riding a bicycle to the market.’

In (128), in the second clause of the coordinate construction, the subject noun phrase consists of the head noun maʔ ‘mother’, followed by ʔɨ ‘her’ that serves as the possessor. ʔɨ is coreferential with the subject noun phrase, miʔ ‘Mi’, of the first clause.

The Shwe Palaung de (Mak, 2012, p. 89) is illustrated in (129).

(129)

[ʔʌn sin dah [de l̥aˑ]CC]MC 3S desire say SUBJ clever ‘He wanted- to say that he is clever.’

In (129), de is functioning as the subject of the complement clause. It is coreferential with the subject referent of the matrix clause, which is encoded by the third singular pronoun ʔʌn.

Finally, (130) shows the cognate form de: in Khmu (Osborne, 2011, p. 113).

(130) gəː gɔʔ taŋ hɨrˈȵɨam deː ləʔ ləʔ 3SGM so.then set.up heart CO-REF good good ‘So he made up his mind firmly.’

In (130), deː is functioning as the possessor in the possessive noun phrase hɨrˈȵɨam deː ‘his mind’, which fills the object slot of the clause. de: is coreferential with the subject gəː ‘3SGM’ of the clause.

As illustrated in the examples (125) – (130), one common feature of the unspecified pronoun tɤ́ʔ and the cognate forms in related languages is coreferentialty with the subject of a clause.

However, the semantic constraints, with respect to person and number, of the cognate forms in each language are different, as illustrated in Table 11.

Table 11 Semantic constraints of person and number

Language Cognate form Person and number constraints

Mok tɤ́ʔ Any person, singular and plural Muak Sa-aak ti²/tɯː³ 1st and 3rd person pronouns, any number Kontoi Plang re/ne/le 1st and 3rd person pronouns, any number La-Up Lawa tɛʔ 1st and 3rd person pronouns, any number

ʔɨ 3rd person pronoun, any number Shwe Palaung de 2nd and 3rd person pronouns, any number Khmu deː None

Table 11 shows that Mok tɤ́ʔ has no semantic constraints with respect to person. However, it is restricted to singular and plural number so far. The anaphoric elements in Muak Sa-aak, Kontoi Plang, and the La-Up Lawa tɛʔ can be used in place of the first and the third person pronoun, regardless of the number. The La-Up Lawa ʔɨ is restricted to third-person referents, whereas, in Shwe Palaung, de is restricted to second- and third-person referents, regardless of the number. Only the Khmu de: that has no semantic constraints with respect to person or number.

Additionally, the scope of coreference for the cognate forms is both similar and different between related languages, as tabulated in Table 12.

Table 12 Scope of coreference

Coreference boundary Mok Muak Kontoi La-Up Shwe Khmu Sa-aak Plang Lawa PL Within a clause Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes In a complement construction Yes Yes Yes - Yes Yes In a causative construction Yes Yes - - - Yes Between an adverbial clause No - - Yes - Yes and a main clause Between coordinate clauses No - - Yes - No

As shown in Table 12, the coreferential properties of the cognate forms of all compared languages can occur within a clause. Also, the coreference occurring in a complement construction is possible for the cognate forms in five languages, i.e. Mok, Muak Sa-aak, Kontoi Plang, Shwe Palaung and Khmu. The coreferential function of the cognate forms of Mok, Muak Sa-aak, and Khmu can occur in a causative construction. The coreferential function of the Mok tɤ́ʔ cannot occur between an adverbial clause and a main clause, while it is possible for La-Up Lawa and Khmu. The coreference does not extend across coordinate clause boundaries in Mok and Khmu, while in La-Up Lawa, it does. (Note: The hyphens in the table mean no evidence was found in the literature.)

Futhermore, the functions of each cognate form found in Mok and the related languages are similar and different. Table 13 provides a comparison of the uses of tɤ́ʔ in Mok and the cognate forms in other related languages.

Table 13 Comparison of the uses of the cognate forms

Functions Mok Muak Kontoi La-Up Shwe Khmu Sa-aak Plang Lawa PL Subject of a complement clause Yes Yes - - Yes Yes Object of a complement clause Yes - - - No - Reflexive pronoun in an Yes - - - - - upstairs clause Object in a downstairs clause Yes - - - - - Possessor Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Reflexive pronoun Yes - Yes No No No

As shown in Table 13, the common function of the cognate forms found in all compared languages is as a possessor. In four languages, i.e. Mok, Muak Sa-aak, Shwe Palaung, and Khmu, the cognate forms can serve as the subject of a complement clause. In Mok, tɤ́ʔ may serve as the object of a complement clause, while the Shwe Palaung de does not. Moreover, the related forms in La-Up Lawa, Shwe Palaung, and Khmu,2 are not used as a reflexive pronoun, while this function is possible for the form in Mok and Kontoi Plang. Furthermore, no clear evidence occurs in the literature, reviewed in this thesis, that proves that these cognate forms are used as a reflexive pronoun in the upstairs clause or the object of the downstairs clause in the causative constructions in these related languages.

Moreover, instances of no syntactic antecedent to tɤ́ʔ in Mok are similar to Khmu. According to Osborne (2011, p. 115) “…where there is no syntactic antecedent, de: points to a referent in the speech situation or the cultural context. It evokes a set of referents that includes the speaker and is not specified as to number.”

4.3 Summary of the anaphoric uses of tɤ́ʔ To summarize, tɤ́ʔ has no semantic constraints with respect to person. From the data so far, it is restricted to singular or plural number. Also, it serves a coreferential function with its antecedent, which can only be the subject argument of a clause. As for the scope of coreference of tɤ́ʔ, it can occur either within a clause, between a complement clause and a matrix clause in a complement construction, or between an upstairs clause and downstairs clause in a causative construction. However, coreference for tɤ́ʔ does not occur between adverbial and main clauses or between

2 Premsrirat (1987, p. 33) describes the cognate form deː in Khmu as a reflexive pronoun. However, Osborne (2010, p. 32) notes that there are no instances in the texts where deːhas a reflexive meaning.

coordinate clauses. tɤ́ʔ serves as the subject or object of a complement clause, a reflexive pronoun in the upstairs clause and the object of the downstairs clause of a periphrastic causative construction, a possessor in noun phrases, and a reflexive pronoun. Additionally, where there is no syntactic antecedent reference, tɤ́ʔ has the unspecified first person meaning. It points to the referent from the speech situation. The referents include the speaker and his/her colleagues.

The unspecified pronoun tɤ́ʔ of Mok and cognate forms that are found in five related languages, i.e. Muak Sa-aak, Kontoi Plang, La-Up Lawa, Shwe Palaung, and Khmu, are all coreferential with the subject argument of a clause. However, the cognate forms of Shwe Palaung, La-Up Lawa, Muak Sa-aak, and Kontoi Plang have semantic constraints with respect to person, while the cognate forms of Mok and Khmu do not. As for the scope of coreference, all of the compared elements are used anaphorically within a clause. However, beyond a clause, these languages behave differently. The coreference occurring in a complement construction and a causative construction is possible for the cognate forms in Mok, Muak Sa-aak, and Khmu. In Kontoi Plang and Shwe Palaung, the coreference for the cognate forms can occur in a complement construction. The scope of coreference in La-Up Lawa and Khmu can occur between an adverbial clause and a main clause. Only in La-Up Lawa does the coreference extend across coordinate clause boundaries, while in Mok and Khmu it does not. Finally, a comparison of the uses of the cognate forms shows that all of them can serve as a possessor. Now that the last issue, the anaphoric uses of tɤ́ʔ, has been described, the conclusion is given in Chapter 5.

Chapter 5 Conclusion

This thesis has provided a preliminary grammar of the Hwe Koi variety of Mok and examined the anaphoric uses of tɤ́ʔ. In the following sections the findings of Chapters 2 through 4 are summarized in Section 5.1‒5.3. Finally, suggestions for further research are given in Section 5.4.

5.1 Chapter 2: Simple constructions Chapter 2 contained a description of simple argument, simple clause, and interrogative and imperative constructions. In the Mok argument constructions, a simple noun phrase consists of an obligatory noun head that is optionally preceded by a demonstrative and followed by descriptive modifier(s), classifier phrases, and/or possessors. Personal pronouns have a singular, dual, and plural distinction, as well as an inclusive and exclusive distinction in the dual and plural first person pronouns. The Mok personal pronouns can be used as a substitute for a noun phrase, a possessor, an appositional pronoun, and a marker of plurality. Mok also has a reciprocal pronoun, máʔtɤ́ʔ ‘each.other’, and indefinite pronouns, p.klák ‘someone’ and mɔ̀ ‘anyone’. Simple prepositional phrases consist of an optional preposition heading the object of the preposition, which can be either a simple noun phrase or a personal pronoun.

In simple clause constructions, Mok dynamic verb clauses are divided into intransitive and transitive clauses. The intransitive clause consists of a subject argument and a dynamic intransitive predicate. The transitive clause consists of a subject argument, a transitive predicate, and a direct object argument. Mok has no ditransitive clause construction. Transfer events are expressed by a two-clause construction instead. In the Mok stative verb clauses, stative verbs serve as predicates. The Mok copula constructions can be used to express identity, location, possession, and existence relations.

In interrogative constructions, the Mok polar interrogative construction consists of a main clause and ends with the polar question marker sɤ́. For content interrogatives, interrogative words are used in the same position as the omitted information which is asked for, excluding cíʔmɔ́càŋ ‘why’. The question particle lɛ̀ occurs at the end of content interrogatives. The imperative construction contains a predicate, followed by a complement, which can be either a noun phrase, a prepositional phrase, or a clause. In a negative command, the negative imperative word màkcúm ‘prohibit’ is used.

5.2 Chapter 3: Complex constructions Chapter 3 presented complex noun phrases and complex clause constructions. Coordinate noun phrases are connected by the conjunction N̩ .tɔ́ʔ ‘and’. In complex noun phrases, the noun head can be modified by a prepositional phrase.

For complex clause constructions, the Mok coordinate clause construction can be connected by either juxtaposition or the conjunction lɛ́ʔkɔ̀ ‘and then’. In complement clause constructions, Mok has no complimentizer. A complement clause follows a complement-taking predicate. In adverbial clause constructions, the adverbial clause typically precedes the main clause. A temporal and conditional adverbial clause are introduced by subordinating conjunctions. The internal constituent structure of the subordinate clauses, i.e. the complement and the adverbial clauses, is the same as a main clause. Mok also has the particle náʔ that might be used as a topic marker, and it can be used to mark conditional and temporal adverbial clauses in a complex sentence construction. The causative construction in Mok is periphrastic. The internal constituent structure of the upstairs and downstairs clauses of a causative construction is SVO. In quotative constructions, the speech complement follows the main clause. The main clause contains a subject argument (the speaker) followed by an optional quotative predicate, and an optional object argument (the addressee).

5.3 Chapter 4: The anaphoric uses of tɤ́ʔ Chapter 4 examined the features and uses of the unspecified pronoun tɤ́ʔ, and compared tɤ́ʔ with the cognate forms of five related languages, i.e. Muak Sa-aak, Kontoi Plang, La-Up Lawa, Shwe Palaung, and Khmu. tɤ́ʔ serves a coreferential function with its antecedent, which can only be the subject argument of a clause. It has no semantic constraints with respect to person. Based on the textual data, tɤ́ʔ can be used in place of the number of singular or plural. The scope of coreference

for tɤ́ʔ is either within a clause, a complement construction, or a causative construction. tɤ́ʔ serves as the subject or object of a complement clause, a reflexive pronoun in the upstairs clause and the object of the downstairs clause in a causative construction, and a possessor in noun phrases, as well as a reflexive pronoun. Moreover, tɤ́ʔ has the unspecified first person meaning when there is no syntactic antecedent reference.

In comparison with cognate forms in related languages, a common feature is coreferentialty with the subject in a clause. Another common feature is that the scope of coreference can occur within a clause. The third similarity between Mok tɤ́ʔ and other cognate forms is its function as a possessor in a possessive noun phrase. The cognate forms in Mok and Khmu have no semantic constraints with respect to person. The anaphoric elements in Muak Sa-aak, Kontoi Plang, and the La-Up Lawa tɛʔ is restricted to the first and the third person referents, regardless of the number. The La-Up Lawa ʔɨ is restricted to third-person referents. As for the cognate form in Shwe Palaung, it is restricted to second- and third-person referents, regardless of the number.

5.4 Further research The findings in this thesis only represent a start to an understanding of Mok grammar. Many areas of Mok syntax remains to be studied. First, even though noun phrase modifiers were discussed, each modifier itself should be investigated for a more-detailed syntactic analysis. Second, the structure of predicates and verbal aspect, as well as the particles that express mood, need to be discovered, since nominals were the focus of this thesis. Third, relative clauses need further investigation. Fourth, three types of adverbial clause, i.e. conditional, temporal, and reason clauses have been discussed. However, they still require a more-detailed analysis. In addition, other types of adverbial clauses, such as manner, result, and concessive clauses need to be studied. Fifth, indirect quotative constructions still need to be discovered. Sixth, an overview description of the particle náʔ was given; however, this particle needs to be investigated at the discourse level. Finally, whether the unspecified pronoun tɤ́ʔ can be used for dual referents needs to be investigated. Moreover, tɤ́ʔ may involve other pragmatic functions. For example, it may be used to signal the meaning of intimacy or friendship, mitigation of the emotive force of a speech act, or marking events off the storyline. These pragmatic uses of tɤ́ʔ need to be investigated in detail.

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APPENDIX A MAWAE AND MASOD

MM.001 máʔwɛ̀ máʔsɔ̀t jɤ̀ N̩ .wɛ́ máʔtɤ́ʔ Mawae Masod go take.turn each.other ‘Mawae (and) Masod went taking turn each other.’

MM.002 máʔwɛ̀ jɤ̀ sáŋ máʔsɔ̀t jɤ̀ N̩ .wɛ́ tɤ́ʔ Mawae go order Masod go take.turn CO-REF ‘Mawae went and ordered Masod to go take turns (with) him (Mawae).’

MM.003 máʔsɔ̀t mɯ́ʔ jɤ̀ N̩ .wɛ́ ʔɔ́ʔ pɤ̀n sɤ́ wɔ̀ŋʔɤ́ Masod 2S go take.turn 1S able.to Q today

ʔá INTERJ ‘“Masod, can you go taking turn me? Today ah.”’

MM.004 ʔé ʔɔ́ʔ ʔì wàŋ liák ʔùʔ pàʔ tɤ́ʔ INTERJ 1S go ask watch father mother CO-REF

kéʔ wɛ́t ʔɛ́ 3P first *** ‘“Eh. I go to ask my father (and) mother first .’”

MM.005 ʔùʔ pàʔ máʔwɛ̀ sáŋ ʔɔ́ʔ jɤ̀ N̩ .wɛ́ tɤ́ʔ father mother Mawae order 1S go take.turn CO-REF ‘“Father, mother, Mawae orders me to go taking turn him.”’

MM.006 mɯ́ʔ sɯ́m wá ʔɔ́ʔ jɤ̀ sɤ́ 2S IRR give 1S go Q ‘“Will you allow me to go?”’

MM.007 sɯ́m jɤ̀ kàʔ jɤ̀ ʔàŋ IRR go then go *** ‘“(You) would like to go, then go.”’

MM.008 ʔɔ̀j ɲiàm tɤ́ʔ kéʔ jɤ̀ N̩ .kʰɔ́m ʔàŋ bring younger.sibling CO-REF 3P go too *** ‘“Have your younger siblings go (with you) too.”’

MM.009 ʔó háʔ kʰɔ̀nsɔ́ʔ tík N̩ .lúm kàŋ jɤ̀ lɤ́p INTERJ that puppy be.small under house go follow

tɤ́ʔ N̩ .kʰɔ́m ʔàŋ CO-REF too *** ‘“Ohǃ (Have) that small puppy under the house go with you too.”’

MM.010 jɤ̀ lɔ̀c sɯ́ŋ mɛ̀ go arrive at dry.field ‘(Mawae and Masod) went (and) arrived at the dry field .’

MM.011 máʔwɛ̀ N̩ .tɔ́ʔ máʔsɔ̀t Mawae and Masod ‘Mawae and Masod’

MM.012 máʔwɛ̀ tì ʔɤ́ mɔ́ súj N̩ .túʔ N̩ .táʔ tɤ́ʔ Mawae answer INTERJ anyone dig end line CO-REF

k.làc náʔ wá ʔɛ́n ʔì náŋ tʰúʔ first TOP give 3S go make vegetable ‘Mawae said, “Er! Anyone who digs to the end of his line first, have him go and make the vegetable curry.”’

MM.013 máʔsɔ̀t ʔɛ́n súj wáj tɛ́ Masod 3S dig be.quick *** ‘Masod dug fast.’

MM.014 máʔsɔ̀t lák ʔì ʔì náŋ tʰúʔ Masod then go go make vegetable ‘Masod, then, went back to make the vegetable curry.’

MM.015 lák N̩ .láʔ pʰiám t.háʔ kʰɔ̀n máʔwɛ̀ then steal kill that child Mawae ‘Then (Masod) stole and killed that Mawae's child.’

MM.016 hɔ̀c sɤ́ líʔ háʔ kéʔ sɯ́ʔŋó tʰáp háʔ finish *** take that 3P log overlay that

kéʔ k.ʔàŋ ʔɛ́n ʔún 3P bone 3P.POSS keep ‘Then, (Masod) took those logs to overlay his bones.’

MM.017 tám t.háʔ kʰɔ̀n máʔwɛ̀ nɛ́ k.ʔɔ̀jsòŋ ʔuán boil that child Mawae in steaming.pot be.big ‘(Masod) boiled Mawae’s child in a big steaming pot.’

MM.018 náŋ sɯ́n hɔ̀c kɔ̀ ŋèŋ máʔwɛ̀ ʔì kʰɛ̀ make be.cooked finish then call Mawae go eat

ʔúp cópʔà cooked.rice *** ‘(Masod) had made (the vegetable curry ) already, then (Masod ) called Mawae went to eat meal.’

MM.019 máʔwɛ̀ ʔì kʰɛ̀ ʔúp ʔà Mawae go eat cooked.rice *** ‘“Mawae go to eat meal.”’

MM.020 ʔɤ́ ʔɤ́ ʔɤ́ INTERJ INTERJ INTERJ ‘“Er! Er! Er!”’

MM.021 máʔwɛ̀ ʔì lɔ̀c Mawae go arrive ‘Mawae went and arrived.’

MM.022 háʔ kʰɔ̀n ʔɔ́ʔ jáŋ that child 1S.POSS *** ‘“(Where is) my child?”’

MM.023 ʔé ʔɛ́n N̩ .lɔ́ jáŋ mɔ́ lɛ̀ pàʔ ʔèw INTERJ 3S run go where Q NEG know ‘“Eh! Where does he run to? I don’t know.”’

MM.024 lák kʰɛ̀ ʔúp sɯ́m ʔák ʔ.dɛ́ then eat cooked.rice IRR be.full *** ‘Then (Mawae and Masod) ate meal and almost full.’

MM.025 háʔ máʔsɔ̀t tìʔ ʔé ʔɔ́ʔ lí kiàn ʔuàm that Masod *** INTERJ 1S descend dip water

mɔ́t ʔú one.moment *** ‘Masod said, “Eh! I will go down to dip the water for a moment .”’

MM.026 sà ŋɤ́ tìʔ N̩ .pàn s. kʰɔ́j sɤ́ N̩ .lɔ́ ascend up.over.there *** on mountain *** run

lí tìʔ jɤ̀ mò nà cán lí descend *** go one side *** descend

kiàn ʔuàm dip water ‘(Masod) went up over there on the mountain, then (Masod ) ran down and went down to another side dipping the water.’

MM.027 ʔɛ́n lák ʔó máʔwɛ̀ kʰɛ̀ kʰɔ̀n pʰlɯ́m tɤ́ʔ 3S then INTERJ Mawae eat child be.old CO-REF

máʔwɛ̀ kʰɛ̀ kʰɔ̀n pʰlɯ́m tɤ́ʔ Mawae eat child be.old CO-REF ‘He then (shouted) “Oh! Mawae ate his former child. Mawae ate his former child .”’

MM.028 máʔsɔ̀t lák N̩ .láʔ ʔì Masod then steal go ‘Masod, then, sneaked away.’

MM.029 máʔwɛ̀ cɔ́k kʰɛ̀ t.háʔ ʔuàm tʰúʔ tɔ́ʔ mò Mawae scoop eat that water vegetable again one

pɔ́k CL.time ‘Mawae scooped (and) ate that vegetable soup once again .’

MM.030 cɔ́k sà náʔ kɔ̀ lɔ̀m ʔɛ́n jɯ́ʔ tʰíʔ scoop ascend TOP then see 3S be hand

kʰɔ̀n tɤ́ʔ child CO-REF ‘When (Mawae) scooped up (the vegetable soup ), (Mawae ) then saw that it was his child’s hand.’

MM.031 cɔ́k sà náʔ kɔ̀ lɔ̀m jɯ́ʔ tìʔ cɤ̀ŋ scoop ascend TOP then see be *** leg

kʰɔ̀n tɤ́ʔ child CO-REF ‘When (Mawae) scooped up (the vegetable soup ), (Mawae ) then saw that ( it) was his child’s leg.’

MM.032 cɔ́k sà tɔ́ʔ N̩ .pɔ́ʔ kɔ̀ lɔ̀m jɯ́ʔ tìʔ scoop ascend again one.time then see be ***

sɯ́ʔŋɛ̀ kʰɔ̀n tɤ́ʔ eye child CO-REF ‘When (Mawae) scooped up (the vegetable soup ) once again, (Mawae ) then saw that (it) was his child’s eye.’

MM.033 ʔé ʔɤ́ máʔsɔ̀t ʔɛ́n N̩ .láʔ pʰiám kʰɔ̀n ʔɔ́ʔ INTERJ INTERJ Masod 3S steal kill child 1S.POSS

tɛ̀ʔʔɯá *** ‘“Eh! Er! Masod stole and killed my child .”’

MM.034 máʔwɛ̀ lák N̩ .lɔ́ lɤ́p t.háʔ máʔsɔ̀t Mawae then run follow that Masod ‘Mawae, then, ran after that Masod.’

MM.035 máʔsɔ̀t kʰɔ́p ʔì ʔì lɔ̀c jɤ́jɤ̀ hɔ̀c Masod *** go go arrive far.over.there finish ‘Masod had arrived far over there already.’

MM.036 máʔsɔ̀t ʔì pùn hɔ̀c tɛ́ Masod go go.beyond finish *** ‘Masod had already gone off.’

MM.037 máʔsɔ̀t ʔì pòŋ sɯ́ʔŋó ʔuán lák tʰɯ́p sɯ́ʔŋó Masod go meet log be.big then tell log

ʔuán ŋáŋ sɯ́ʔŋó kàn mɯ́ʔ lɔ̀m máʔwɛ̀ be.big listen log if 2S see Mawae

jɤ̀ nɤ́ náʔ kàn ʔɛ́n sɯ́m N̩ .kùt go here TOP if 3S IRR pass.under

mɯ́ʔ náʔ mɯ́ʔ pìŋ tɤ́ʔ tiàn ʔú 2S TOP 2S make CO-REF be.low *** ‘Masod met a big log, then (he) told the big log to listen “Log, if you see Mawae coming here, if he will pass under you, you make yourself low.”’

MM.038 kàn ʔɛ́n sɯ́m N̩ .pʰián tàŋ mɯ́ʔ náʔ mɯ́ʔ if 3S IRR jump cross 2S TOP 2S

pìŋ tɤ́ʔ lɤ̀ŋ make CO-REF be.high ‘“If he will jump crossing over you, you make yourself high.”’

MM.039 ʔì ʔì go go ‘(Masod) kept going.’

MM.040 máʔsɔ̀t ʔì lɔ̀c jɤ́jɤ̀ N̩ .tʰák ʔuàm cópʔà Masod go arrive far.over.there be.near water *** ‘Masod had arrived far over there, near the river.’

MM.041 lɔ̀c N̩ .tʰák ʔuàm lák tʰɯ́p ʔuàm ŋáŋ ʔuàm arrive be.near water then tell water listen water

ʔó kàn mɯ́ʔ màŋtàn sɯ́m N̩ .klú náʔ INTERJ if 2S hardly IRR be.deep TOP

mɯ́ʔ pìŋ tɤ́ʔ N̩ .klú 2S make CO-REF be.deep ‘(Masod) arrived near the water, then (Masod) told the water to listen “Water ! Oh! If you are not deep enough, you make yourself deep.”’

MM.042 kàn máʔwɛ̀ sɯ́m N̩ .pʰián tàŋ mɯ́ʔ tìʔ náʔ if Mawae IRR jump cross 2S *** TOP

mɯ́ʔ kɔ̀ pìŋ tɤ́ʔ wá ʔú 2S then make CO-REF be.wide *** ‘“If Mawae will jump crossing over you, then you make yourself wide.”’

MM.043 ʔì lɔ̀c jɤ́jɤ̀ go arrive far.over.there ‘(Masod) had arrived far over there.’

MM.044 máʔwɛ̀ lɤ́p lɤ́p ʔɛ́n ʔì lɔ̀c t.háʔ sɯ́ʔŋó Mawae follow follow 3S go arrive that log ‘Mawae followed after him and arrived at that log.’

MM.045 sɯ́m N̩ .kùt náʔ kɔ̀ ɲiáp IRR pass.under TOP then be.difficult ‘(If Mawae) were to pass under (the log), (it) would then be difficult .’

MM.046 sɯ́m N̩ .pʰián náʔ kɔ̀ ɲiáp IRR jump TOP then be.difficult ‘(If Mawae) were to jump crossing over (the log), (it) would then be difficult ’

MM.047 pùn sɯ́ʔŋó ʔì hɔ̀c go.beyond log go finish ‘(Mawae) had gone beyond the log already.’

MM.048 jɤ̀ lɔ̀c kʰɔ́p ʔuàm cópʔà go arrive beside water *** ‘(Mawae) arrived beside the river.’

MM.049 ʔɛ́n jɤ̀ lɔ̀m máʔsɔ̀t sɤ́ 3S go see Masod *** ‘He went and saw Masod.’

MM.050 ʔɛ́n lák ŋèŋ t.háʔ máʔsɔ̀t máʔsɔ̀t mɯ́ʔ pʰiám 3S then call that Masod Masod 2S kill

kʰɔ̀n ʔɔ́ʔ tɛ̀ mɯ́ʔ ʔàŋ child 1S.POSS *** 2S *** ‘“He, then, called that Masod “Masod, you killed my child, you .”’

MM.051 ʔé kʰɔ̀n mɯ́ʔ kʰlɯ́ sɯ́ŋ ʔuàm nɤ́ nátá INTERJ child 2S.POSS fall at water here *** ‘“Eh! Your child fell into the water, here.”’

MM.052 mɯ́ʔ N̩ .pʰián lúp liák lɛ́ 2S jump enter watch *** ‘“You would jump (to the river) and found (Mawae's child).”’

MM.053 máʔwɛ̀ júŋ ʔɛ́n lák N̩ .pʰián lúp t.háʔ sɯ́ŋ Mawae believe 3S then jump enter that at

ʔuàm water ‘Mawae believed him, ( Mawae) then jumped to the river .’

MM.054 lák siát t.háʔ k.tú tɤ́ʔ ɲiám t.háʔ nɛ́ then stab that abdomen CO-REF die that in

sɯ́ŋ ʔuàm at water ‘(Mawae) then was stabbed at his abdomen and died in the river .’

MM.055 máʔsɔ̀t N̩ .tʰiàm sɤ́wàŋ cóp Masod think *** *** ‘Masod thought.’

MM.056 ʔé ɲàŋ t.háʔ máʔwɛ̀ ʔì lá lá ʔɛ́n INTERJ take that Mawae go split split 3S

jɯ́ʔ pɔ́t jɯ́ʔ pɔ́t be piece be piece ‘“Eh! (I) would take that Mawae and splited it into pieces .”’

MM.057 ʔé sɯ́m pɔ́t mɔ́ ʔɛ́n jɔ̀ŋ lɛ̀ ʔɯá INTERJ IRR carry what 3P.POSS be.good Q *** ‘“Eh! Which of his (body parts) would (I) carry?”’

MM.058 sɯ́m pɔ́t cɤ̀ŋ ʔɛ́n làt ʔɛ́n N̩ .tát tɤ́ʔ IRR carry leg 3P.POSS be.afraid 3S kick CO-REF ‘“(If I) were to carry his leg, (I) am afraid that he would kick me.”’

MM.059 sɯ́m pɔ́t tʰíʔ ʔɛ́n làt ʔɛ́n tɔ́p tɤ́ʔ IRR carry hand 3P.POSS be.afraid 3S beat CO-REF ‘“(If I) were to carry his hand, (I) am afraid that he would beat me.”’

MM.060 sɯ́m pɔ́t kʰɯ́ŋ ʔɛ́n náʔ kɔ̀ làt ʔɛ́n IRR carry head 3P.POSS TOP then be.afraid 3S

tút tɤ́ʔ head.strike CO-REF ‘“(If I) were to carry his head, then (I ) am afraid that he would strike me.”’

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MM.061 sɯ́m pɔ́t láʔsòk ʔɛ́n náʔ kɔ̀ làt ʔɛ́n IRR carry ear 3P.POSS TOP then be.afraid 3S

ŋáŋ tɤ́ʔ listen CO-REF ‘“(If I) were to carry his ear, then (I) am afraid that he would hear me.”’

MM.062 sɯ́m pɔ́t sɯ́ʔŋɛ̀ ʔɛ́n náʔ kɔ̀ làt ʔɛ́n IRR carry eye 3P.POSS TOP then be.afraid 3S

lɔ̀m tɤ́ʔ see CO-REF ‘“(If I) were to carry his eye, then (I) am afraid that he would see me.”’

MM.063 ʔé sɯ́m pɔ́t N̩ .táɲ ʔɛ́n náʔ kɔ̀ làt INTERJ IRR carry mouth 3P.POSS TOP then be.afraid

ʔɛ́n kák tɤ́ʔ 3S bite CO-REF ‘“Eh! (If I) were to carry his mouth, then (I ) am afraid that he would bite me .”’

MM.064 ʔé ʔá pɔ́t nàm ʔɛ́n sɤ́ INTERJ INTERJ carry blood 3P.POSS *** ‘“Eh. Ah. (I) would carry his blood.”’

MM.065 lák pɔ́t nàm ʔɛ́n ʔì then carry blood 3P.POSS go ‘(Masod) then carried his blood and went.’

MM.066 náʔ ʔì lɔ̀c *** go arrive ‘(Masod) had arrived.’

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MM.067 ʔì ʔì lɤ́p lɔ̀ŋ sɤ́ go go follow road *** ‘(Masod) went along the road.’

MM.068 ŋáŋ t.háʔ k.púŋ p.lòc lák ʔɯàŋ kʰɯ́ŋ tɤ́ʔ hear that sky thunder then turn.up head CO-REF

sà ascend ‘(Masod) heard the sky thundering and (Masod ) then turned up his head.’

MM.069 háʔ lɔ́ʔ lák N̩ .pʰúc lí láʔ N̩ .tʰɔ̀k ʔɛ́n that head.bag then slip.out descend from brain 3P.POSS ‘Then that bag slipped down from his head.’

MM.070 t.háʔ nàm lák N̩ .kʰɔ́p cáp t.háʔ sɯ́ŋ tʰúʔ that blood then spill touch that at hole

cɔ̀c kʰlɛ́ŋ ant be.red ‘That blood, then, spilt and touched at the hole of red ants.’

MM.071 cɔ̀c kʰlɛ́ŋ lák súc k.tʰáʔ p.sɔ́ɲ ant be.red then sting tail snake ‘The red ant, then, stung the snake’s tail.’

MM.072 p.sɔ́ɲ lák pʰlúʔ N̩ .lɔ̀ŋ ʔiàplíʔ snake then strike nest wild.chicken ‘The snake, then, struck the wild chicken’s nest.’

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MM.073 ʔiàplíʔ tʰiáŋ lɔ́p sɯ́ʔŋó wild.chicken fly hold log ‘The wild chicken flew and holded a log..’

MM.074 sɯ́ʔŋó lák lɔ́k kʰɯ́p háʔ sɯ́ŋ tʰúʔ háʔ log then fall.down overlay that at hole that

kɛ́ts.plíʔ pangolin ‘The log, then, fell down and overlayed at the hole of that pangolin .’

MM.075 kɛ́ts.plíʔ jɤ̀ tùj háʔ N̩ .tàmʔùmtɔ́ʔ pangolin go dig that banana.tree ‘The pangolin went digging that banana tree.’

MM.076 háʔ kʰìt ʔuàt nɛ́ N̩ .tàmʔùmtɔ́ʔ tʰiáŋ jɤ̀ that bat be.at in banana.tree fly go

lúp nɛ́ láʔsòk sàŋ enter in ear elephant ‘That bat that was in the banana tree entered, flying, into the elephant's ear..’

MM.077 sàŋ jɤ̀ tɔ̀n s.klúʔ pʰlɯ́ʔpʰíw elephant go step.on stem white.gourd ‘The elephant stepped on the stem of a white gourd.’

MM.078 pʰlɯ́ʔpʰíw k.lɔ́c lí cáp t.háʔ ʔɔ̀jsòŋ white.gourd roll descend touch that steaming.pot ‘The white gourd rolled down and touched that steaming pot.’

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MM.079 háʔ ʔɔ̀jsòŋ lák plúk t.háʔ cɤ̀ŋ that steaming.pot then scald that leg

já N̩ .lɛ́ŋ grandmother Daeng ‘That steaming pot, then, scalded grandmother Daeng's leg.’

MM.080 já N̩ .lɛ́ŋ ʔó súʔ cɔ́tté grandmother Daeng INTERJ be.hurt exceedingly ‘Grandmother Daeng (shouted) “Oh! It is so hurt.”’

MM.081 wàŋ wɔ́t t.háʔ lɯàŋ ask return that story ‘(Grandmother Daeng) asked back about that story.’

MM.082 háʔ ʔɔ̀jsòŋ mɯ́ʔ cíʔmɔ́càŋ plúk cɤ̀ŋ that steaming.pot 2S why scald leg

ʔɔ́ʔ 1S.POSS ‘“That steaming pot, why did you scald my leg?”’

MM.083 ʔé háʔ pʰlɯ́ʔpʰíw k.lɔ́c táʔ ʔɔ́ʔ cáp INTERJ that white.gourd roll touch 1S touch

ʔɔ́ʔ játé 1S *** ‘“Eh! That white gourd rolled and touched me.”’

MM.084 pʰlɯ́ʔpʰíw mɯ́ʔ cíʔmɔ́càŋ k.lɔ́c cáp ʔɔ̀jsòŋ white.gourd 2S why roll touch steaming.pot ‘“White gourd, why did you roll and touch the steaming pot?”’

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MM.085 ʔó háʔ sàŋ pàʔ tɔ̀n s.klúʔ ʔɔ́ʔ já INTERJ that elephant *** step.on stem 1S.POSS *** ‘“Oh! That elephant stepped on my stem.”’

MM.086 sàŋ mɯ́ʔ cíʔmɔ́càŋ tɔ̀n s.klúʔ pʰlɯ́ʔpʰíw elephant 2S why step.on stem white.gourd ‘“Elephant, why did you step on the white gourd's stem?”’

MM.087 ʔó háʔ kʰìt tʰiáŋ lúp láʔsòk ʔɔ́ʔ tɛ́ INTERJ that bat fly enter ear 1S.POSS *** ‘“Oh! That bat flew into my ear.”’

MM.088 kʰìt mɯ́ʔ cíʔmɔ́càŋ tʰiáŋ lúp láʔsòk sàŋ bat 2S why fly enter ear elephant ‘“Bat, why did you enter the elephant's ear, flying?”’

MM.089 ʔé háʔ kɛ́ts .plíʔ pàʔ tùj ŋuàm N̩ .tàmʔùmtɔ́ʔ té INTERJ that pangolin *** dig under banana.tree *** ‘“Eh! That pangolin dug under the banana tree.”’

MM.090 kɛ́ts.plíʔ mɯ́ʔ cíʔmɔ́càŋ tùj ŋuàm N̩ .tàmʔùmtɔ́ʔ pangolin 2S why dig under banana.tree ‘“Pangolin, why did you dig under the banana tree?”’

MM.091 ʔó sɯ́ʔŋó wát kʰɯ́p sɯ́ŋ tʰúʔ ʔɔ́ʔ té INTERJ log trash overlay at hole 1S.POSS *** ‘“Oh! The log trashed and overlayed at my hole.”’

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MM.092 sɯ́ʔŋó mɯ́ʔ cíʔmɔ́càŋ lɔ́k kʰɯ́p sɯ́ŋ tʰúʔ kɛ́ts .plíʔ log 2S why fall.down overlay at hole pangolin

jáŋ *** ‘“Log, why did you fall down and overlay at the pangolin's hole? ”’

MM.093 ʔá ló háʔ ʔiàplíʔ tʰiáŋ lɔ́p ʔɔ́ʔ INTERJ INTERJ that wild.chicken fly hold 1S

játɛ́ *** ‘“Ah Lo! That wild chicken flew and holded me.”’

MM.094 ʔiàplíʔ mɯ́ʔ cíʔmɔ́càŋ tʰiáŋ lɔ́p sɯ́ʔŋó wild.chicken 2S why fly hold log ‘“Wild chicken, why did you fly and hold the log?”’

MM.095 p.sɔ́ɲ pàʔ pʰlúʔ N̩ .lɔ̀ŋ ʔɔ́ʔ tɛ́ snake *** strike nest 1S.POSS *** ‘“The snake stiked my nest.”’

MM.096 p.sɔ́ɲ mɯ́ʔ cíʔmɔ́càŋ pʰlúʔ N̩ .lɔ̀ŋ ʔiàplíʔ snake 2S why strike nest wild.chicken ‘“Snake, why did you strike the wild chicken's nest?”’

MM.097 cɔ̀ckʰlàm súc k.tʰáʔ ʔɔ́ʔ já fire.ant sting tail 1S.POSS *** ‘“The fire ant stung my tail.”’

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MM.098 cɔ̀ckʰlàm mɯ́ʔ cíʔmɔ́càŋ súc k.tʰáʔ p.sɔ́ɲ fire.ant 2S why sting tail snake ‘“Fire ant, why did you sting the snake's tail?”’

MM.099 nàm ʔɛ́n N̩ .kʰɔ́p sɯ́ŋ tʰúʔ ʔɔ́ʔ játɛ́ blood 3S spill at hole 1S.POSS *** ‘“As for the blood, it spilled at my hole.”’

MM.100 ʔíʔ lák líʔ t.háʔ nàm wɔ́t ʔì lóp people then take that blood return go apply

t.háʔ cɤ̀ŋ já N̩ .lɛ́ŋ that leg grandmother Daeng ‘People, then, took that blood and went to apply to grandmother Daeng's leg.’

MM.101 tɤ̀ hɔ̀c be.healed finish ‘(Grandmother Daeng's leg) had been healed already.’

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APPENDIX B A PIG AND A DOG

PD.001 káp p.cuà jámkʰùʔ kʰòj lɤ̀k N̩ .tɔ́ʔ sɔ́ʔ age Buddha past.time exist pig and dog ‘During the age of Buddha, there was a pig and a dog.’

PD.002 p.cuà tʰɯ́p lɤ̀k N̩ .tɔ́ʔ sɔ́ʔ ŋáŋ Buddha tell pig and dog listen ‘Buddha told the pig and the dog to listen.’

PD.003 sáŋ kɛ́ʔ jɤ̀ cíʔ mɛ̀ order 3D go do dry.field ‘(Buddha) ordered the two of them to go work the dry field.’

PD.004 lɤ̀k sɔ́ʔ pʰɛ́ʔ ʔɔ̀j máʔ tɤ́ʔ jɤ̀ súj mɛ̀ pig dog 2D bring each.other go dig dry.field

lɛ́ *** ‘“Pig, Dog, you two together go to dig the field.”’

PD.005 mɔ́ súj pɤ̀n pʰɔ́ŋ láʔ mɔ́ ná ʔì anyone dig able.to be.much *** anyone *** go

tʰɯ́p ʔɔ́ʔ ŋáŋ tell 1S listen ‘“Anyone who is able to dig more than whom, come to tell me .”’

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PD.006 lɤ̀k N̩ .tɔ́ʔ sɔ́ʔ lák ʔɔ̀j máʔtɤ́ʔ jɤ̀ kàʔ pig and dog then bring each.other go to

mɛ̀ dry.field ‘“Pig and dog, then, together went to the field.”’

PD.007 lɤ̀k jɤ̀ lɔ̀c pig go arrive ‘The pig arrived.’

PD.008 lɤ̀k súj súj súj súj mɛ̀ sút ŋíʔ pig dig dig dig dig dry.field end day ‘The pig kept digging the field for a whole day.’

PD.009 sɔ́ʔ ɲèt ʔiàt sɯ́ŋ tòk dog *** sleep at hut ‘The dog slept at the hut.’

PD.010 lɤ̀k súj kʰáp sɯ́m hɔ̀c ʔít pig dig be.enough IRR finish *** ‘The pig dug almost to finish.’

PD.011 lɤ̀k wɔ́t ʔì ŋèŋ sɔ́ʔ sɔ́ʔ mɯ́ʔ càŋmàŋ pig return go call dog dog 2S why.not

cɔ̀t ʔɔ́ʔ súj help 1S dig ‘Pig went to call the dog “Dog, why don't you help me dig?”’

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PD.012 ʔɤ́ t.mɔ́t ʔɔ́ʔ nàm súj ná sɔ́ʔ INTERJ awhile 1S gradually dig *** dog

ʔút tìtì reply like.this “Er! For awhile, I will gradually dig .” the dog repled like this.’

PD.013 kʰáp sɯ́m tiàn ŋɛ̀ŋíʔ kàʔ sɯ́m lúp be.enough IRR be.low sun then IRR enter

ʔít tɛ́ʔɯá *** *** ‘“(The sun) is enough to be low , the sun then will go down .”’

PD.014 ʔɤ́ kàn mɯ́ʔ súj N̩ .túʔ k.làc ʔɔ́ʔ tìnáʔ INTERJ if 2S dig end first 1S ***

mɯ́ʔ kàʔ ʔì k.làc ʔɔ́ʔ wàŋ 2S then go first 1S *** ‘“Er! If you dig (the field) to the end before me, you, then, go back (to the house) before me.”’

PD.015 ʔɔ́ʔ ʔì N̩ .wáj sàj sɔ́ʔ ʔút tìtì 1S go be.fast *** dog reply like.this ‘“I can go fast.” the dog replied like this.’

PD.016 lɤ̀k súj pʰɔ́ʔ tɤ́ʔ hɔ̀c hɔ̀c pig dig of CO-REF finish finish ‘The pig had finished digging his (area).’

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PD.017 lɤ̀k ʔì cúpʔà pig go *** ‘The pig went.’

PD.018 ʔɤ́ ʔɔ́ʔ ʔì k.làc mɯ́ʔ ti sɔ́ʔ ʔú INTERJ 1S go first 2S *** dog *** ‘“Er! I go back first, dog.”’

PD.019 ʔɤ́ ʔì tɯ́k tɯ́k ʔàŋ INTERJ go *** *** *** ‘“Er! please go back.”’

PD.020 t.mɔ́t ʔɔ́ʔ nàm ʔì lɤ́p N̩ .kán mɯ́ʔ náwàŋ awhile 1S gradually go follow after 2S *** ‘“For awhile, I will gradually after you.”’

PD.021 sɔ́ʔ lák dog then (Mistake from the speaker )

PD.022 lɤ̀k lák ʔì pig then go ‘Then the pig went.’

PD.023 sɔ́ʔ lák N̩ .láʔ jɤ̀ líʔ cɤ̀ŋ tɤ́ʔ jɤ̀ dog then steal go take leg CO-REF go

tɔ̀n t.háʔ kéʔ N̩ .kʰó lɤ̀k tùj step.on that 3P footprint pig dig ‘The dog, then, secretly took his legs to step on those footprints of a pig’s digging.’

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PD.024 tɔ̀n tɔ̀n tɔ̀n cɔ́t cɔ́t tɤ step.on step.on step.on entire entire *** ‘(The dog) stepped on the entire (space).’

PD.025 sɔ́ʔ ʔì lɔ̀c sɯ́ŋ kàŋ cúpʔà dog go arrive at house *** ‘The dog arrived at the house.’

PD.026 ʔì go ‘(The pig and the dog) went (to see Buddha).’

PD.027 p.cuà lák wàŋ kɛ́ʔ lɤ̀k sɔ́ʔ pʰɛ́ʔ súj Buddha then ask 3D pig dog 2D dig

mɛ̀ lɔ̀c pɤ̀n pʰɔ́ŋ sɤ́ dry.field arrive able.to be.much Q ‘Buddha, then, asked they two “Pig, dog, were you two able to dig the field much?”’

PD.028 lɤ̀k tì ʔɤ́ ʔɔ́ʔ pɤ̀n pʰɔ́ŋ N̩ .kuá ʔɤ́ pig answer INTERJ 1S able.to be.much moderately *** ‘The pig answered “Er! I moderately obtain in large quantity.”’

PD.029 sɔ́ʔ ɲèt ʔɔ́ʔ pàʔ ʔèw dog *** 1S NEG know ‘“As for dog, I don't know.”’

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PD.030 ʔɔ́ʔ sáŋ ʔɛ́n súj 1S order 3S dig ‘“I ordered him to dig.”’

PD.031 ʔɔ́ʔ lɔ̀m ʔɛ́n ʔiàt sɯ́ŋ tòk làj 1S see 3S sleep at hut *** ‘“I saw him sleep at the hut.”’

PD.032 ʔɔ́ʔ pàʔ lɔ̀m ʔɛ́n sà súj 1S NEG see 3S ascend dig ‘“I didn't see him go up digging.”’

PD.033 p.cuà lák wàŋ sɔ́ʔ sɔ́ʔ mɯ́ʔ súj mɛ̀ Buddha then ask dog dog 2S dig dry.field

pɤ̀n pʰɔ́ŋ sɤ́ able.to be.much Q ‘Buddha then asked the dog “Dog, were you be able to dig the dry field much?”’

PD.034 ʔá ʔɔ́ʔ kàʔ pɤ̀n pʰɔ́ŋ N̩ .kuá sànátá INTERJ 1S then able.to be.much moderately *** ‘“Ah! I also moderately obtain in large quantity.”’

PD.035 ʔɔ́ʔ kàʔ lɔ̀m tɤ́ʔ súj ti súj ná 1S then see CO-REF dig *** dig ***

sɤ́ʔjɔ́ *** ‘“I also saw that I intently dug .”’

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PD.036 ʔɤ́ k.wɔ́ŋ ʔɔ́ʔ nàm jɤ̀ liák ná INTERJ morning 1S gradually go watch ***

p.cuà ʔút tì Buddha reply like.this ‘“Er! in the morning, I would go to watch” Buddha replied like this.’

PD.037 p.cuà lák jɤ̀ liák Buddha then go watch ‘Buddha, then, went to wactch.’

PD.038 p.cuà lák lɔ̀m t.háʔ kéʔ N̩ .kʰó sɔ́ʔ k.mát Buddha then see that 3P footprint dog all

pàʔ cɯ́m lɔ̀m N̩ .kʰó lɤ̀k tùj NEG ever see footprint pig dig ‘Buddha, then, saw all of those dog’s footprints, (but he) did not ever see footprints of a pig’s digging.’

PD.039 p.cuà lák ʔúc kàʔ lɤ̀k Buddha then reproach to pig ‘“Buddha, then, reproached to the pig.”’

PD.040 lɤ̀k mɯ́ʔ càŋ tʰɤ̀n tɤ́ʔ súj pig 2S do say CO-REF dig ‘“Pig, you do saying that you dug (the field).”’

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PD.041 ʔɔ́ʔ pàʔ lɔ̀m N̩ .kʰó tɯ́ŋ mɯ́ʔ súj 1S NEG see footprint *** 2S dig

m.sít sɔ́t ʔɔ́ʔ lɔ̀m N̩ .kʰó sɔ́ʔ làc few *** 1S see footprint dog only ‘“I did not see even a few of footprints of your digging, I saw only dog's footprints.”’

PD.042 ʔé ʔɔ́ʔ súj sɤ́ ɲámɲà INTERJ 1S dig *** moment.ago ‘“Eh. I dug just a moment ago.”’

PD.043 ʔɔ́ʔ ʔiàm tɤ́ʔ súj pʰɔ́ŋ nájnàj 1S feel CO-REF dig be.much *** ‘“I felt I dug (the field) a lot.”’

PD.044 p.cuà ʔɤ́ mɯ́ʔ càŋ cúʔcúʔ ʔíʔ lɤ̀k ʔó Buddha INTERJ 2S do lie people pig ***

mɯ́ʔ ʔà 2S *** ‘Buddha (said) “Erǃ You lie (to) people, Pig, you.”’

PD.045 tàŋtɛ̀ ʔ.jám pʰòj mɯ́ʔ mákcɯ́m kʰɛ̀ ʔúp since in.the.present go 2S prohibit eat cooked.rice ‘“From now on, you do not eat rice.”’

PD.046 wá mɯ́ʔ kʰɛ̀ N̩ .kʰàm làc give 2S eat husk only ‘“(I) allow you to eat only husk.”’

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PD.047 wá sɔ́ʔ kʰɛ̀ ʔúp give dog eat cooked.rice ‘“(I) allow the dog to eat rice.”’

PD.048 sɔ́ʔ ʔuàt sɯ́ŋ kàŋ dog be.at at house ‘“The dog stays at the house”’

PD.049 mɯ́ʔ ʔuàt N̩ .lúm kàŋ ʔú 2S be.at under house *** ‘“You stay under the house.”’

PD.050 mákcɯ́m wá pʰɛ́ʔ ʔuàt N̩ .tʰák máʔtɤ́ʔ prohibit give 2D be.at be.near each.other ‘“(I) prohibit you two to stay near each other.”’

PD.051 ʔuàt ʔíʔ mɔ́ʔ mò tí pʰɛ́ʔ ʔà be.at people each one place 2D *** ‘“Stay in different places, you two.”’

PD.052 sɔ́ʔ ná súm ʔuàm jɔ̀ŋ dog *** shower water be.good ‘“The dog showers with the good water.”’

PD.053 mɯ́ʔ súm mók ʔàŋ mɯ́ʔ 2S shower mud *** 2S ‘“You shower with the mud, you.”’

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APPENDIX C A CHILD AND A TIGER

CT.001 jáŋ sà N̩ .tàmsɯ́ʔ go ascend tree ‘(The tiger) climbed up a tree .’

CT.002 jáŋ líʔ pʰlɯ́ʔ màʔʔútmàʔláŋ go take fruit Maut-Malang ‘(The tiger) took Maut Malang fruits.’

CT.003 sáŋ t.háʔ ɲɔ̀m líʔ tìʔ cɤ̀ŋkʰiáw tɤ́ʔ táʔ order that kid take *** waistcloth CO-REF close

sɯ́ʔŋɛ̀ tɤ́ʔ eye CO-REF ‘(The tiger) ordered that kid to take her waistcloth (and) close her eyes .’

CT.004 sà wát t.háʔ pʰlɯ́ʔ màʔʔútmàʔláŋ ascend trash that fruit Maut-Malang ‘(Tiger) climbed up (and) trashed Maut Malang fruits’

CT.005 pɤ̀n mɔ̀ s.klú náŋ able.to how.many CL.hole female ‘“How many holes do (you) get, lady?”’

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CT.006 pɤ̀n mò s.klú able.to one CL.hole ‘“(I) get one hole.”’

CT.007 pɤ̀n mɔ̀ s.klú able.to how.many CL.hole ‘“How many holes do (you) get?”’

CT.008 pɤ̀n ʔà s.klú able.to two CL.hole ‘“(I) get two holes.”’

CT.009 pɤ̀n mɔ̀ s.klú able.to how.many CL.hole ‘“How many holes do (you) get?”’

CT.010 pɤ̀n ʔɔ̀j s.klú able.to three CL.hole ‘“ (I) get three holes.”’

CT.011 kʰáp ʔít ʔàʔ kʰáp be.enough *** not.yet be.enough ‘“Enough or not enough yet?”’

CT.012 ʔàʔ kʰáp not.yet be.enough ‘“Not enough yet.”’

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CT.013 lák wát tɔ́ʔ then trash again ‘(The tiger) then trashed again .’

CT.014 pɤ̀n mɔ̀ s.klú able.to how.many CL.hole ‘“How many holes do (you) get?”’

CT.015 pɤ̀n puàn s.klú able.to four CL.hole ‘“(I) get four holes.”’

CT.016 lák wát tɔ́ʔ then trash again ‘“(The tiger) then trashed again .”’

CT.017 pɤ̀n mɔ̀ s.klú able.to how.many CL.hole

CT.018 pɤ̀n p.sián s.klú able.to five CL.hole ‘“(I) get five holes.”’

CT.019 kʰáp ʔít be.enough *** ‘“Enough?”’

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CT.020 kʰáp ʔít be.enough *** ‘“Enough.”’

CT.021 lák ʔɔ̀j máʔtɤ́ʔ ʔì tɯ́ʔcúp ʔà then bring each.other go *** *** ‘Then (the tiger and the kid) together go back (home).’

CT.022 ʔì ʔì lɔ̀c sɯ́ŋ kàŋ t.háʔ làʔwɛ̀ go go arrive at house that tiger ‘(The tiger and the kid) went and arrived at the house of that tiger .’

CT.023 hɔ̀c sɤ́ finish *** ‘Finish.’

CT.024 t.háʔ kéʔ kʰɔ̀n làʔwɛ̀ ʔùʔ ʔɔ́ʔ pɤ̀n ʔúpɲɤ́ that 3P child tiger father 1S.POSS able.to breakfast

ʔúpŋɛ̀ ʔì ʔɔ́ʔ kʰɛ̀ ʔùʔ ʔɔ́ʔ pɤ̀n lunch go 1S eat father 1S. POSS able.to

ʔúpɲɤ́ ʔúpŋɛ̀ ʔì ʔɔ́ʔ kʰɛ̀ breakfast lunch go 1S eat ‘Those tiger’s children (said) “My father has brought breakfast (and) lunch back (for) me to eat. My father has brought breakfast (and) lunch back (for) me to eat.”’

CT.025 klák ʔíʔ náʔ sɯ́m kák kʰɯ́ŋ ʔɛ́n some CL.person TOP IRR bite head 3P. POSS ‘As for some people, (they) will bite her head.’

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CT.026 klák ʔíʔ náʔ sɯ́m kák cɤ̀ŋ ʔɛ́n some CL.person TOP IRR bite leg 3P. POSS ‘As for some people, (they) will bite her legs.’

CT.027 p.klák náʔ sɯ́m kʰɛ̀ sɯ́ʔŋɛ̀ ʔɛ́n someone TOP IRR eat eye 3S ‘As for someone, (they) will eat her eyes.’

CT.028 p.klák náʔ sɯ́m kʰɛ̀ siánk.tú ʔɛ́n someone TOP IRR eat intestine 3P. POSS ‘As for someone, (they) will eat her intestine.’

CT.029 p.klák náʔ sɯ́m kʰɛ̀ k.tʰɔ̀m ʔɛ́n someone TOP IRR eat liver 3P. POSS ‘As for someone, (they) will eat her liver.’

CT.030 hɔ̀c sɤ́ finish *** ‘Finish.’

CT.031 lɔ̀c pɯ́pòj pòj lát háʔ ɲɔ̀m kàʔ làt arrive night late come that kid then be.afraid ‘Until late at night, that kid, then, was afraid.’

CT.032 ʔiàtnɔ́m tɤ́ sɤ́ sleep *** *** ‘Sleep.’

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CT.033 kéʔ kʰɔ̀n làʔwɛ̀ lot líʔ tìʔ k.tʰáʔ tɤ́ʔ 3P child tiger *** take *** tail CO-REF

kɛ́ kɛ́ t.háʔ ɲɔ̀m place.on place.on that kid ‘The tiger's children took their tails (and) placed on that kid .’

CT.034 ʔiàt sleep ‘Sleep.’

CT.035 kéʔ pɤ̀n 3P able.to (Mistake from the speaker )

CT.036 kéʔ kʰɔ̀n làʔwɛ̀ ʔiàt hɔ̀c sɤ́ 3P child tiger sleep finish *** ‘The tiger's children have slept already.’

CT.037 ɲɔ̀m lák wɔ́t líʔ t.háʔ kéʔ sɯ́ŋtó kid then return take that 3P fire.wood

jáŋ kɛ́ tìʔ k.tʰáʔ t.háʔ kéʔ kʰɔ̀n go place.on *** tail that 3P child

làʔwɛ̀ sɤ́ tiger *** ‘The kid, then, went back (to her house ) (and) took those firewoods (and) placed on tails of those tiger's children.’

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CT.038 lɔ́t N̩ .láʔ ʔì *** steal go ‘(The kid) sneaked away.’

CT.039 N̩ .láʔ ʔì kàŋ tɤ́ʔ steal go house CO-REF ‘(The kid) sneaked away (and) went back to her house .’

CT.040 sáŋ tìʔ múɲ N̩ .tɔ́ʔ N̩ .kʰià ʔì tʰún tɤ́ʔ order *** star and moon go send CO-REF

wá tɤ́ʔ lɔ̀c tàʔ ʔùʔ tàʔ pàʔ give CO-REF arrive *** father *** mother

tɤ́ʔ CO-REF ‘(The kid) ordered the star and the moon to send her (and) to allow her to arrive at her father and mother.’

CT.041 hɔ̀c finish ‘Finish.’

CT.042 ʔì ʔì lɔ̀c sɯ́ŋ kàŋ tɤ́ʔ lák N̩ .láʔ go go arrive at house CO-REF then steal

sà ʔuàt ŋɤ́ŋɤ̀ k.wɔ́k ascend be.at up.far.over.there space.on .crossbeam ‘(The kid) went (and) arrived at her house, then (she) secretly went up (and) stayed on the crossbeam up over there.’

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CT.043 hɔ̀c sɤ́ finish *** ‘Finish.’

CT.044 lɔ̀c k .wɔ́ŋ pàʔ ʔɛ́n kéʔ wɤ́j arrive morning mother 3P. POSS 3P wake.up ‘Arrived in the morning, her mother woke up.’

CT.045 lɔ̀m tìʔ kʰɔ̀n tɤ́ʔ ʔuàt k.wɔ́k ŋiàt see *** child CO-REF be.at space.on.crossbeam snoop

liák tɤ́ʔ watch CO-REF ‘(The mother) saw her child staying on the crossbeam (and) snooping her (the mother.)’

CT.046 lák sáŋ kʰɔ̀n tɤ́ʔ N̩ .pʰát lí then order child CO-REF jump descend ‘(The mother) then ordered her child to jump down.’

CT.047 náŋ ʔó N̩ .pʰát lí ʔàŋ female INTERJ jump descend *** ‘“Lady, oh! jump down.”’

CT.048 N̩ .pʰát lí ʔuàt sɯ́ŋ N̩ .mlɔ̀ŋ pàʔ ʔàŋ jump descend be.at at lap mother *** ‘“Jump down on mother's lap.”’

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CT.049 ʔɛ́n lák N̩ .pʰát lí sɯ́ŋ N̩ .mlɔ̀ŋ pàʔ ʔɛ́n 3S then jump descend at lap mother 3S ‘she, then, jumped down on the mother’s lap.’

CT.050 pʰɔ́k cɤ̀ŋ break leg ‘(She) broke the legs .’

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APPENDIX D RICE PLANTING

RP.001 lɯàŋ ʔíʔ cíʔ ná ɲèt story people do rice.field *** ‘The story that people do the rice planting.’

RP.002 jámŋuàm ɲèt ʔíʔ ɲàŋ sák cɔ́m nɛ́ cànpán first *** people take paddy.rice put.in in burlap.bag ‘First, people take the paddy rice (and) put in burlap bags.’

RP.003 ɲàŋ jɤ̀ cì nɛ́ ʔuàm wɛ́t mɔ́k ʔɔ̀j take go soak in water first about three

pòj CL.night ‘(People) take (paddy rice) (and ) go soaking in the water first for about three nights.’

RP.004 sák ʔéʔ sɯ́m ŋɔ̀ tɤ́ náʔ paddy.rice 1P.INCL.POSS IRR germinate *** TOP

ʔíʔ ɲàŋ jɤ̀ wán people take go sow ‘When our paddy rice geminates, people take (it) (and) go sowing .’

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RP.005 pìŋ tɤ́k kàʔ tɤ́ jɔ̀ŋ jɔ̀ŋ náʔ make row seedling *** be.good be.good TOP

ʔíʔ ɲàŋ jɤ̀ wán people take go sow ‘When (people) make the seedling rows good, people take (paddy rice) and go sowing.’

RP.006 wán hɔ̀c sow finish ‘Finish sowing.’

RP.007 líʔ ʔɤ́ kéʔ sɯ́ʔkʰlɔ́ŋ take this 3P bamboo.wood ‘(People) take bamboo woods.’

RP.008 mák sɯ́ʔkʰlɔ́ŋ ʔì N̩ .lɛ̀ ʔɤ́ kéʔ tɤ́k slash bamboo.wood go surround this 3P row

kàʔ tɤ́ʔ ʔún seedling CO-REF keep ‘(People) slash the bamboo wood (and) surround their seedling rows to keep (them).’

RP.009 ʔíʔ cɔ́m ʔuàm ná tɤ́ʔ hɔ̀c people put.in water rice.field CO-REF finish ‘People have filled the water in their rice field already.’

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RP.010 k.mát hɔ̀c náʔ ʔuàm ʔɛ́n N̩ .tʰuàm k.mát hɔ̀c all finish TOP water 3S be.full all finish

ʔíʔ ɲàŋ kʰlàk people take buffalo ‘When all has been done already, the water has fulled already, people get buffaloes.’

RP.011 càj kʰlàk use buffalo ‘(People) use buffaoes.’

RP.012 jámkʰùʔ ʔíʔ càj kʰlàk past.time people use buffalo ‘In the past, people use buffalo.’

RP.013 ɲàŋ kʰlàk jɤ̀ tʰɛ́ ná tɤ́ʔ take buffalo go plow rice.field CO-REF ‘(People) take buffalo (and) go to plow their rice field.’

RP.014 ʔiàtnɔ́m sleep ‘Sleep.’

RP.015 tɤ́ wɤ́j pàʔmán sì móŋ p.ŋiàp *** wake.up about four hour morning ‘(People) wake up about four o'clock in the morning.’

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RP.016 tʰɛ́ tʰɛ́ lɔ̀c pàʔmán sák cèt piàt móŋ plow plow arrive about about seven eight hour

lɛ́ʔkɔ̀ʔ wá pɔ̀j kʰlàk ʔiá kʰɛ̀ and.then give release buffalo find eat ‘(People) keep plowing until about seven or eight o'clock and then let the buffaloes find (something) to eat.’

RP.017 pɔ̀j kʰlàk ʔiá kʰɛ̀ hɔ̀c release buffalo find eat finish ‘(People) let the buffaloes find (something) to eat already .’

RP.018 ŋíʔtiàn sà sák sì móŋ tɔ́ʔ ʔíʔ kɔ̀ʔ evening *** about four hour again people then

wá wɔ́t give return ‘In the evening, about four o'clock, then people take (the buffaloes ) back again.’

RP.019 líʔ kʰlàk wɔ́t ʔì tʰɛ́ ná tɔ́ʔ take buffalo return go plow rice.field again ‘(People) take the buffaloes back to plow the rice field again.’

RP.020 tʰɛ́ plow ‘Plow.’

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RP.021 kàn ʔíʔ tʰɛ́ ná tɤ́ʔ hɔ̀c k.mát hɔ̀c if people plow rice.field CO-REF finish all finish

hɔ̀c ʔíʔ wɔ́t finish people return ‘If people have plowed their rice field already, then people go back .’

RP.022 s.pʰɤ̀n turn.over ‘Turn over.’

RP.023 ʔíʔ jɤ̀ wák ná tɤ́ʔ people go turn.over rice.field CO-REF ‘(People) go turning over their rice field.’

RP.024 wák tɤ́k ná tɤ́ʔ turn.over row rice.field CO-REF ‘(People) turn over their rows of rice field.’

RP.025 wá ʔɛ́n jɯ́ʔ wák wák hɔ̀c give 3S be CL.row CL.row finish ‘Make it in the rows.’

RP.026 kàn nɔ́j púk jɔ̀ŋ hɔ̀c ʔíʔ kɔ̀ʔ ɲàŋ if grass be.rot be.good finish people then take

ʔɤ́ kéʔ jɤ̀ s.pʰɤ̀n ʔɛ́n tɔ́ʔ this 3P go turn.over 3S again ‘If the grass be rotten already, then people take (the buffaloes) (and) go turning over it again.’

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RP.027 s.pʰɤ̀n ʔɛ́n hɔ̀c turn.over 3S finish ‘(People) have turned over it already.’

RP.028 ʔíʔ pìŋ ʔɛ́n jɔ̀ŋ jɔ̀ŋ sàʔmɤ́ k.mát hɔ̀c people make 3S be.good be.good be.parallel all finish ‘People have made it well, all in parallel, already.’

RP.029 ʔá ʔíʔ wɔ́t INTERJ people return ‘Ah! People go back.’

RP.030 jɤ̀ go ‘Go.’

RP.031 kàn kàʔ ʔíʔ tɔ́n jɔ̀ŋ hɔ̀c ʔíʔ jɤ̀ if seedling people be.old be.good finish people go

lút kàʔ tɤ́ʔ pull seedling CO-REF ‘If people's seedlings are ripe already, people go to pull their seedling .’

RP.032 lút kàʔ tɤ́ʔ hɔ̀c ʔíʔ ɲàŋ jɤ̀ sɔ́m pull seedling CO-REF finish people take go plant ‘(People) have pulled their seeedling already, then people take (it) (and) go planting.’

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RP.033 kàn ʔíʔ sɔ́m ɲèt ʔíʔ nɔ́m ʔíʔ nú if people plant *** people get people be.many ‘If people plant, people get many people.’

RP.034 ʔuàt tàʔ ʔíʔ N̩ .càŋ ʔíʔ be.at to people hire people ‘(It) depends on (how) people hire (others) people.’

RP.035 ʔíʔ jɤ̀ láp N̩ .càŋ ʔíʔ people go receive hire people ‘People go to hire others.’

RP.036 mò kʰià ʔà kʰià pʰómɔ́ ʔíʔ one CL.month two CL.month how.many people ‘One month, two month, how many people.’

RP.037 ʔɤ́ ná ʔɤ́ sɯ́m nɔ́m pʰómɔ́ ʔíʔ this rice.field this IRR get how.many people ‘How many people that this rice field would get.’

RP.038 kám ʔíʔ náʔ ʔíʔ kàʔ wá piàk some CL.person TOP people then give money ‘As for some people, people then give money.’

RP.039 kám ʔíʔ náʔ jɤ̀ N̩ .càŋ jɤ̀ N̩ .wɛ́ some CL.person TOP go hire go take.turn

máʔtɤ́ʔ líʔ each.other take ‘As for some people, (they) go to hire (and) ( they) go to take turn with each other.’

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RP.040 jɤ̀ N̩ .wɛ́ máʔtɤ́ʔ hɔ̀c nà go take.turn each.other finish *** ‘(People) have gone to take turn each other already.’

RP.041 ʔíʔ wɔ́t lɔ̀c people *** arrive ‘People have arrived’

RP.042 lɔ̀c mɤ́ ʔíʔ sɔ́m ná ʔíʔ jɤ̀ cɔ̀t arrive time people plant rice.field people go help

ʔíʔ sɔ́m people plant ‘The time has arrived, when people plant the rice field, people go to help people plant.’

RP.043 sɔ́m hɔ̀c ʔíʔ kɔ̀ʔ jɤ̀ liák liák ʔuàm plant finish people then go watch watch water

ʔɛ́n 3S ‘Finish planting, then people go to watch the water.’

RP.044 kàn ʔuàm ʔɛ́n pʰɔ́ŋ kɔ̀ʔ líʔ ʔuàm ʔɛ́n if water 3S be.much then take water 3S

lí plàʔkák descend be.some ‘If there is much water (in the rice field), then (people) take some water out (off the rice field).’

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RP.045 kàn ʔuàm ʔɛ́n kuàt ʔíʔ kɔ̀ʔ jɤ̀ cɔ́m if water 3S be.little people then go put.in

ʔuàm ʔɛ́n water 3S ‘If there is less water (in the rice field), then people go put water (in the rice field).’

RP.046 tɤ́k ná ɲèt kʰòj lɤ̀ŋ kʰòj tiàn row rice.field *** exist be.high exist be.low ‘Rows of the rice field have high level (and) have low level.’

RP.047 kàn ʔuàt mɔ́n hɔ̀c if be.at long.time finish ‘If (it) has lived for long time already.’

RP.048 ʔíʔ lùmlá ʔɛ́n jɔ̀ŋ jɔ̀ŋ hɔ̀c people look.after 3S be.good be.good finish ‘People have already looked after it well.’

RP.049 kàn ʔɛ́n if 3S ‘If it …’

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RP.050 kàn ʔɤ́ kàʔ ʔíʔ tɔ́n hɔ̀c ʔúp if *** seedling people be.old finish cooked.rice

ʔíʔ tɔ́n hɔ̀c ʔíʔ jɤ̀ kʰáŋ ʔuàm people be.old finish people go confine water

ʔɛ́n 3S ‘If people's seedling is ripe already, people's rice is ripe already, then people go to confine the water.’

RP.051 kàn ʔɛ́n túm sák ʔéʔ túm if 3S be.mature paddy.rice 1P.INCL.POSS be.mature

jɔ̀ŋ hɔ̀c cúp há ʔíʔ kɔ̀ʔ wɔ́t be.good finish all *** people then return ‘If it is mature, our paddy rice has been mature well already, people then come back.’

RP.052 ʔɛ́n túm jɔ̀ŋ ʔíʔ kɔ̀ʔ jɤ̀ ʔiá ʔíʔ 3S be.mature be.good people then go find people ‘It is mature well, people then go to find people.’

RP.053 cɔ̀t máʔtɤ́ʔ jɤ̀ lɛ̀t help each.other go harvest ‘(People) help each other harvesting.’

RP.054 jɤ̀ lɛ̀t hɔ̀c ɲàŋ ʔì N̩ .kɔ́ŋ go harvest finish take go stack ‘(People) have harvested already, (they) take (the mature rice) and go to stack (it).’

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RP.055 jám ʔíʔ lɛ̀t ʔɛ́n ʔún sàŋ ʔún ʔà when people harvest 3S keep *** keep two

ʔɔ̀j ŋíʔ three CL.day ‘When people harvest it, (they) leave (it) for two or three days .’

RP.056 kàn ʔéʔ tán hɔ̀c ʔéʔ ɲàŋ jɤ̀ N̩ .kɔ́ŋ if 1P.INCL be.free finish 1P.INCL take go stack

N̩ .kɔ́ŋ hɔ̀c stack finish ‘If we have been free already, we have taken (the harvested rice) (and ) gone to stack already, …’

RP.057 cɤ̀ tɔ́ʔ mò ŋíʔ lɔ̀c ʔíʔ sɯ́m pʰɔ́ *** again one CL.day arrive people IRR hit

ʔɛ́n cɤ̀ ʔíʔ jɤ̀ N̩ .càŋ ʔíʔ 3S *** people go hire people ‘Another day has arrived, people will hit it (stacks of harvested rice), people go to hire people.’

RP.058 N̩ .càŋ ʔíʔ jɤ̀ pʰɔ́ tɔ́ʔ hire people go hit again ‘(People) hire people going to hit (stacks of harvested rice ) again.’

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RP.059 N̩ .càŋ ʔíʔ jɤ̀ pʰɔ́ lɛ́ʔkɔ̀ʔ ʔɔ̀j máʔtɤ́ʔ hire people go hit and.then bring each.other

pɔ́t líʔ cɔ́m cànpán ʔuán mò carry take put.in burlap.bag be.big one

sák mò sák cɤ̀ CL.bag one CL.bag *** ‘(They) hire people to hit (stacks of harvested rice), and then (they ) come together to carry (and) put (harvested rice) in big burlap bags, one after another.’

RP.060 ʔɤ́ kéʔ lùp sàŋsì cɤ́ʔcɤ̀ʔ wàŋ this 3P picture lion like.this *** ‘These (burlap bags with) the lion picture, like this.’

RP.061 ʔíʔ ɲàŋ jɤ̀ pɔ́t ʔì tɤ́ càŋlɔ̀ŋ people take go carry go *** road ‘People take (burlap bags) (and) carry (them), going (along) the road down over there.’

RP.062 sɯ́ʔmàjpʰlɯ́m ɲèt ʔíʔ líʔ N̩ .mláŋ líʔ ʔɤ́ in.the.past *** people take horse take this

kéʔ kʰlàk tɤ́ʔ jɤ̀ làk líʔ 3P buffalo CO-REF go drag take ‘In the past, people take horses (and) take their buffaloes going to drag.’

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RP.063 ʔ.jám ɲèt ʔíʔ kʰòj sɯ̀ŋkɛ̀ kʰòj sámlɔ̀ in.the.present *** people exist motorcycle exist tricycle

náʔ ʔíʔ kɔ̀ʔ líʔ sɯ̀ŋkɛ̀ sámlɔ̀ TOP people then take motorcycle tricycle

jɤ̀ tàŋ líʔ go carry take ‘In the present, when people have motorcycles (and) have tricycles, people then take motorcycles (and) tricycles to go, carry, and take (burlap bags).’

RP.064 tàŋ hɔ̀c náʔ ɲàŋ ʔì ʔún carry finish TOP take go keep ‘When (people) have finish carried already, (people) take (burlap bags with rice) (and) keep (them).’

RP.065 ʔì ʔún sɯ́ŋ jùŋ go keep at barn ‘(People) keep (burlap bags with rice) at the barn.’

RP.066 ʔún sɯ́ŋ jùŋ p.ʔàʔ kʰiá ʔɛ́n keep at barn not.yet unpack 3S ‘(People) keep (burlap bags with rice) at the barn, (they) do not unpack it yet .’

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RP.067 ɲàŋ líʔ ták p.láŋ wɛ́t wá ʔɛ́n hìŋ take take dry sunlight first give 3S be.dry

hìŋ jɔ̀ŋ náʔ ɲàŋ ʔì tʰɔ́k sɯ́ŋ be.dry be.good TOP take go pour at

jùŋ tɔ́ʔ mò lɔ́p barn again one CL.time ‘When (people) take (rice in burlap bags) and dry (it) in the sunlight (and) allow (it) to dry well, then (people) take (it) (and) pour (it) into the barn once again.’

RP.068 kàn ʔɤ́ kéʔ ʔíʔ sɯ́m kʰɛ̀ ʔíʔ wɔ́t if this 3P people IRR eat people return

làm ʔɛ́n tɔ́ʔ dry 3S again ‘If the things (rice) that people will eat, people go back (and) dry it again .’

RP.069 ʔéʔ ɲàŋ jɤ̀ wá ʔíʔ sí 1P.INCL take go give people mill ‘We take (rice) (and) have people mill (it).’

RP.070 wá ʔíʔ sí hɔ̀c náʔ kɔ̀ʔ ɲàŋ ʔì give people mill finish TOP then take go ‘When (we) have people mill (it), (we) then carry (the milled rice) back (home).’

RP.071 ʔì náʔ ʔì lɔ̀c sɯ́ŋ kàŋ náʔ kúm go TOP go arrive at house TOP winnow

kúm ʔɛ́n winnow 3S ‘When (we) come back, when (we ) arrive at the house, then (we) winnow it.’

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RP.072 kúm hɔ̀c náʔ wɔ́t winnow finish TOP return ‘When (We) have winnowed (rice) already, then (we) returned .’

RP.073 ʔéʔ sɯ́m kʰɛ̀ náʔ kɔ̀ʔ wá kʰɛ̀ 1P.INCL IRR eat TOP then give eat ‘When we will eat (rice), then (we) let go to eat.’

RP.074 kàn ʔɤ́ kéʔ ʔúp ʔéʔ lɤ́ if this 3P cooked.rice 1P.INCL.POSS be.surplus

náʔ ʔéʔ wá lɤ̀k wá ʔià tɤ́ʔ TOP 1P.INCL give pig give chicken CO-REF

kʰɛ̀ ʔɛ́n eat 3S ‘If our rice is surplus, then we allow pig (and ) allow our chicken to eat it.’

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APPENDIX E PA PAN’S CHILDHOOD LIFE

PL.001 jám jɯ́ʔ ɲɔ̀m tík N̩ .kʰuʔ jáŋ kuát sɯ́ʔ when be kid be.small past go cut wood

N̩ .tʰú sák líʔ ʔuàm pound paddy.rice take water ‘When (I) was a little kid, (I) went to cut wood (and) pounded the rice seeds (and) took up the water.’

PL.002 ʔéʔ kʰɛ̀ ʔúp tɤ́ʔ náʔ jáŋ kàʔ mɛ̀ 1P.INCL eat cooked.rice CO-REF TOP go to dry.field ‘When we ate our rice, (we) went to the field.’

PL.003 jáŋ súj mɛ̀ tɤ́ʔ go dig dry.field CO-REF ‘(We) went to dig our field.’

PL.004 jɤ̀ N̩ .wɛ́ máʔtɤ́ʔ go take.turn each.other ‘(We) went taking turn each other.’

PL.005 jáŋ líʔ ŋíʔ máʔtɤ́ʔ go take day each.other ‘(We) went taking day each other.’

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PL.006 mɯ́ʔ jɤ̀ tɯ́ŋ ʔɔ́ʔ mò ŋíʔ 2S go with 1S one CL.day ‘You go with me for one day.’

PL.007 ʔɔ́ʔ jɤ̀ tɯ́ŋ mɯ́ʔ mò ŋíʔ 1S go with 2S one CL.day ‘I go with you for one day.’

PL.008 N̩ .wɛ́ máʔtɤ́ʔ pʰòj cɤ́ʔcɤ̀ʔ take.turn each.other *** like.this ‘(We) took turn each other, like this.’

PL.009 làwàŋ jéʔ *** 1P.EXCL ‘We...’

PL.010 lɔ̀c mɤ́ ʔéʔ kʰɛ̀ ʔúp náʔ ʔéʔ kʰɛ̀ arrive time 1P.INCL eat cooked.rice TOP 1P.INCL eat

ʔúp tɤ́ʔ cooked.rice CO-REF ‘The time had arrived, when we ate rice, we ate our rice .’

PL.011 kʰɛ̀ ʔúpɲɤ́ náʔ súj mɛ̀ tɔ́ʔ eat breakfast TOP dig dry.field again ‘When (We) ate breakfast, (we) dug the field again.’

PL.012 ŋíʔlup náʔ ʔɔ̀j máʔtɤ́ʔ ʔì evening TOP bring each.other go ‘In the evening, (we) went back together.’

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PL.013 ʔì sɯ́ŋ kàŋ tɤ́ʔ go at house CO-REF ‘(We) went back to our houses.’

PL.014 ʔì sɯ́ŋ kàŋ tɤ́ʔ go at house CO-REF ‘(We) went back to our houses.’

PL.015 ʔì súmʔuàm tɤ́ʔ go bathe CO-REF ‘(We) went to bathe ourselves.’

PL.016 líʔ ʔuàm take water ‘(We) took water.’

PL.017 súmʔuàm bathe ‘(We) bathe.’

PL.018 ʔíʔ kʰɛ̀ ʔúp máksɔ̀ ti ná people eat cooked.rice Maksore *** *** ‘People ate Maksore rice.’

PL.019 jéʔ kàʔ 1P.EXCL then (Mistake from the speaker ) ‘We, then, ...’

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PL.020 ʔùʔ pàʔ jéʔ pìŋ ʔúp máksɔ̀ wá jéʔ father mother 1P.EXCL.POSS make cooked.rice Maksore give 1P.EXCL ‘Our parents did Maksore rice (and) gave us.’

PL.021 jéʔ pʰòj ʔiá tán ʔíʔtʰán 1P.EXCL go find offer elder ‘We went to find (elders) (and) offered (things) to elders.’

PL.022 ʔiá lɛ̀p tán máʔtɤ́ʔ sɯ́ŋ kàŋ find visit offer each.other at house ‘(We) found (and) visited (and) offered (things to elders) together at houses .’

PL.023 máʔsɤ́ kàʔ lí Muser then descend ‘Then the Muser (Lahu) people came down (from the mountain ).’

PL.024 cɔ̀t ʔùʔ pàʔ tɤ́ʔ náŋ tʰúʔ help father mother CO-REF make vegetable ‘(We) helped our parents making the vegetable soup.’

PL.025 s.tʰɔ́t náʔwàŋ be.tired *** ‘(We) were tired.’

PL.026 jéʔ 1P.EXCL (Mistake from the speaker ) ‘We.’

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PL.027 kɔ̀ʔ kàʔ lí Ahka then descend ‘Ahka people, then, came down.’

PL.028 máʔsɤ́ kàʔ lí Muser then descend ‘Muser people, then, came down.’

PL.029 mɔ́ kàʔ lát cɤ̀wàŋ anyone then come *** ‘Whoever, then, came.’

PL.030 náŋ tʰúʔ lúʔ ʔíʔ make vegetable raise people ‘(We) made the vegetable soup (and) treat people .’

PL.031 s.tʰɔ́t náʔwàŋ be.tired *** ‘(We) were tired.’

PL.032 ná ʔíʔ kʰɛ̀ *** people eat ‘People ate.’

PL.033 lát kʰɛ̀ ʔúp sɯ́ŋ kàŋ come eat cooked.rice at house ‘(People) came to eat rice at (our) house.’

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PL.034 míɲiàm ʔéʔ lát kàʔ ʔéʔ sibling 1P.INCL. POSS come to 1P.INCL ‘Our siblings came to us.’

PL.035 hɔ̀c cɤ́ ʔíʔ kʰɛ̀ wɔ́ tɤ́ʔ cɤ́ ʔéʔ finish *** people eat tradition CO-REF *** 1P.INCL

kàʔ jɤ̀ kàʔ ʔíʔ cɤ́ then go to people *** ‘Finish already, (when) people had their tradition, then we would go to them .’

PL.036 ʔéʔ pɤ̀n kʰɛ̀ ʔúp ŋáʔ ʔíʔ 1P.INCL able.to eat cooked.rice sesame people ‘We got to eat people's sesame rice.’

PL.037 ʔíʔ líʔ ʔúp ŋáʔ líʔ níʔ wá ʔéʔ people take cooked.rice sesame take meat give 1P.INCL

nɔ́m cɤ́ʔcɤ̀ʔ wàŋ get like.this *** ‘People took sesame rice (and) took meats (and ) (people) allowed us to get ( them), like this.’

PL.038 ʔíʔ lát tàʔ ʔéʔ cɤ́ ʔéʔ líʔ people come to 1P.INCL *** 1P.INCL take

ʔúp máksɔ̀ wá ʔíʔ nɔ́m cooked.rice Maksore give people get ‘When people came to us, we took Maksore rice (and) (we) allowed people to get (Maksore rice).’

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PL.039 líʔ níʔ wá ʔíʔ nɔ́m take meat give people get ‘(We) took meats (and) (we) allowed people to get (meats).’

PL.040 líʔ nàmnáŋ wá ʔíʔ nɔ́m cɤ́wàŋ take crisp.rice give people get *** ‘(We) took crisp rice (and) (we) allowed people to get (crisp rice).’

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APPENDIX F SUGAR CANE STICKS WITH NUTS

SC.001 jɤ̀ kuát sɯ́ʔ náʔ jɤ̀ tám pʰɛ́ ʔuàm go cut wood TOP go boil nut water

míʔ cià sugar.cane *** ‘When (We) go to cut wood, (we) go to boil the sugar cane soup with nuts .’

SC.002 ʔɤ́ tɔ́ʔ mò ŋíʔ ʔɛ́n jɯ́ʔ ŋíʔ sín INTERJ again one day 3S be day precept

ʔàtɛ́ *** ‘Er! One more day, it is the day of precept .’

SC.003 tɔ́ʔ jɤ́ ʔà ʔɔ̀j ŋíʔ náʔ lɔ̀c ŋíʔ again over.there two three CL.day TOP arrive day

sín ʔàtɛ́ precept *** ‘Two or three more days, the day of precept would arrive .’

SC.004 jɔ̀ŋ jɤ̀ kuát sɯ́ʔ tɤ́ʔ ʔún be.good go cut wood CO-REF keep ‘It is good to go cutting our wood.’

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SC.005 jɤ̀ kuát sɯ́ʔ tɤ́ʔ ʔún go cut wood CO-REF keep ‘(We) go to cut our woods.’

SC.006 jɤ tám pʰɛ́ ʔuàm míʔ *** boil nut water sugar.cane ‘(We) boil the sugar cane soup with nuts later.’

SC.007 ʔiá sɯ́p ŋáʔ sák ŋáʔ sák pʰɛ́ find collect sesame seed sesame seed nut ‘(We) find (and) collect sesame seeds (and) nuts.’

SC.008 sáʔ sák pʰɛ́ tɤ́ʔ tám wash seed nut CO-REF boil ‘(We) wash our nuts (and) boil.’

SC.009 tòk ʔúp ŋáʔ pound cooked.rice sesame ‘(We) pound the sesame rice.’

SC.010 ʔɔ̀j máʔtɤ́ʔ lát cɔ̀t máʔtɤ́ʔ bring each.other come help each.other ‘(We) come together helping each other.’

SC.011 kéʔ ɲɔ̀m tìʔsáŋ 3P kid *** ‘Kids...’

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SC.012 cɔ̀t máʔtɤ́ʔ tòk ʔúp ŋáʔ ʔàŋ help each.other pound cooked.rice sesame *** ‘(We) help each other to pound the sesame rice.’

SC.013 cɔ̀t máʔtɤ́ʔ kút ŋé pʰɛ́ ʔuàm míʔ help each.other ignite fire nut water sugar.cane

ʔàŋ *** ‘(We) help each other starting the fire (to boil) the sugar cane soup with nuts.’

SC.014 ŋíʔtiàn náʔ kàʔ mán liák ʔɛ́n sɯ́n evening TOP then grasp watch 3S be.cooked

ʔɛ́n kʰám náʔ ʔɔ̀j máʔtɤ́ʔ pát 3S be.rot TOP bring each.other lift.up

ʔɛ́n lí sà 3S descend ascend ‘In the evening, (we) then grasp it whether it is cook (or ) it is rot well, (we ) come together (and) lift it down (and) up (to the temple).’

SC.015 líʔ sà ʔún sɯ́ŋ wát ʔàŋ take ascend keep at temple *** ‘(We) take (the sugar cane soup with nuts) up (and) keep (it) at the temple .’

SC.016 líʔ sà tán sɯ́ŋ wát ʔàŋ take ascend offer at temple *** ‘(We) take (the sugar cane soup with nuts) up (and) offer (it) at the temple .’

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SC.017 t.mɔ́t líʔ sà tán pʰáʔ sáʔwàŋ awhile take ascend offer monk *** ‘For awhile, (we) take (the sugar cane soup with nuts) up (and) offer to monk s.’

SC.018 sáŋ ʔíʔ lát lòc N̩ .làʔtán ʔíʔ ʔàŋ order people come receive offering people *** ‘(We) ask people to come (and) receive people's offerings.’

SC.019 ʔɔ̀j máʔtɤ́ʔ sáŋ ʔíʔ làná lòc N̩ .làʔtán bring each.other order people invite receive offering

ʔíʔ ʔàŋ people *** ‘(We) come together asking people to receive people's offerings .’

SC.020 lát lòc N̩ .làʔtán ʔíʔ sà kàʔ wát come receive offering people ascend to temple ‘(People) come to receive people's offerings (and) take up to the temple.’

SC.021 sà lòc pʰɛ́ ʔuàm míʔ ʔíʔ ʔàŋ ascend receive nut water sugar.cane people *** ‘(People) go up (and) receive people's sugar cane soup with nuts.’

SC.022 sà lòc ʔúp ŋáʔ ʔíʔ ʔàŋ ascend receive cooked.rice sesame people *** ‘(People) go up (and) receive people's sesame rice.’

SC.023 líʔ sà tán sɯ́ŋ wát take ascend offer at temple ‘(People) take up (and) offer at the temple.’

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SC.024 tán wá tàʔ pʰáʔ offer give to monk ‘(People) offer (and) give to monks.’

SC.025 páŋ pʰáʔ sà mɔ̀ ʔíʔ nɔ́m ʔàŋ invite monk ascend bless people get *** ‘(People) invite monks to bless to people.’

SC.026 ʔɔ̀j máʔtɤ́ʔ líʔ páŋ túʔ sà ʔàŋ bring each.other *** invite senior.monk ascend *** ‘(People) come together inviting senior monks.’

SC.027 páŋ túʔ páŋ pʰáʔ sà mɔ̀ ʔíʔ nɔ́m invite senior.monk invite monk ascend bless people get

ʔàŋ *** ‘(People) invite senior monks (and ) invite monks to bless to people .’

SC.028 túʔ pʰáʔ sà mɔ̀ ʔíʔ nɔ́m senior.monk monk ascend bless people get ‘Senior monks (and) monks ascend (and) bless to people.’

SC.029 ʔíʔ játʔuàm tɤ́ʔ people pour.water CO-REF ‘People water-pour themselves.’

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SC.030 játʔuàm tɤ́ʔ pour.water CO-REF ‘(People) water-pour themselves .’

SC.031 kàʔ hɔ̀c lá then finish *** ‘Then finish.’

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RESUME

Name: Phakawee Tannumsaeng

Date of Birth: 26 December 1985

Place of Birth: Thailand

Institutions Attended: 2017-2019, Master of Arts in Linguistics, Payap University

2009-2011, Master of Divinity, McGilvary College, Payap University

2004-2007, Bachelor of Science in Computer Science, Chiangmai University

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