On “Ergativity” in Halkomelem Salish (And How to Split and Derive It)1 Martina Wiltschko, University of British Columbia

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Load more

On “ergativity” in Halkomelem Salish (and how to split and derive it)1 Martina Wiltschko, University of British Columbia From looking at a number of different languages which are often classified as “ergative/absolutive”, it becomes clear that “ergativity” is not a uniform phenomenon. This suggests that “ergativity” cannot be reduced to a single “ergativity parameter” provided by universal grammar. Rather, the picture, which emerges is that what we call “ergativity” is a derived phenomenon. Consequently we expect that it can be derived in various (language-specific) ways. The main purpose of this paper is to derive the split ergative properties of Halkomelem Salish from independent morpho-syntactic properties of the language (Johns 1992). 1 Ergativity in Halkomelem. Halkomelem2 shows properties we are used to label as “ergative” in that only transitive but not intransitive subjects trigger subject-verb agreement (see Hukari 1976a, Gerdts 1980, 1988 and Jelinek and Demers 1983 among others). (1) a. q’ó:y-t-es te Strang te sqelá:w kill-trans-3s det Strang det beaver ‘Strang killed the beaver.’ b. í:mex te Strang walking det Strang ‘Strang is walking.’ In contranst, English patterns like a “nominative/accusative” language in that both, transitive and intransitive subjects, trigger subject-verb agreement: (2) a. John kisses Mary. b. John laughs. The standard (principles and parameters) way to account for instances of language variation, like the one we are dealing with here, is to postulate a set of invariant language universals, which are given by universal grammar in addition to a set of parameters which need to be set during language acquisition (Chomsky 1981, and subsequent work). Given the above difference between English and Halkomelem, 1 I would like to thank the elders Rosaleen George and Elizabeth Herrling for sharing their knowledge of Stó:lô Halq’eméylem with me. I am also indebted to Henry Davis whose work on argument structure and on agreement in Salish has been a major source of inspiration for the research presented in this talk. Finally I would like to thank Strang Burton and Rose-Marie Déchaine for helpful comments, as well as audiences at WCCFL 2000 and WECOL 2001 and UBC research seminars where earlier versions of this paper were presented. Research on this paper was supported by APART 435, and SSHRC 410-2002-1078. 2 Halkomelem is a Central Coast Salish language, spoken on the coast of British Columbia. There are three main dialects: Upriver, Downriver and Island Halkomelem. Original data as well as data from Galloway are from the Upriver dialect (Stó:lô Halq’eméylem). Gerdts data are from the Island (Cowichan) dialect. Abbreviations used are as follows: 1=1st person; 2 =2nd person; 3=3rd person; aux=auxiliary; comp=complementizer; cont=continuative; cpl=copula; det=determiner; intrans=intransitive suffix; lnk=linker; neg=negative marker; nom=nominalization; o=object; obl=oblique; pl=plural; poss=possessive agreement; s=subject; ser= serial; sg=singular; ss=subjunctive agreement; stv= stative; subj.cl=subject clitic; subj.suffix = subject suffix; trans=transitive suffix. All data from the Upriver dialect are presented in the practical orthography. The key to this orthography is as follows a = Q or E; ch = tS, ch’ = tS’, e (between palatals) = I, e (between w labials) = U, e (elsewhere) = ´, lh = ¬, o = a, o‚ = o, xw = x , x = x1, y = j, sh = S, th = T, th’ = tT’, tl’ = t¬’, ts = c, ts’ = c’, x = x j w or x , xw = x1 , ‘ = /, ¤ = high pitch stress, $ = mid pitch stress (see Galloway 1980 for discussion on this orthography and Galloway 1993 on the properties of stress in Upriver Halkomelem). 1 it is tempting to propose a general “ergativity” parameter, which would be responsible for “ergativity” across languages (see for example Bobalijk 1993, Ndayiragije 2000 among others for such a view). Let us assume for the moment that this is the correct analysis while abstracting away from the exact nature of this parameter. This view is summarized below: (3) Ergativity Parameter: [+/- ergative] English: no Halkomelem: yes One might add a functgional motivation behind such a parameter along the following lines. With transitive predicates it is necessary to encode the difference between subjects and objects. In order to do so, there are two options: languages can treat either transitive subjects as the other (=ergative) or transitive objects (=accusative). Consequently, intransitive subjects (which do not induce an ambiguity) will pattern with the unmarked (rather than “the other”) form (cf. Dixon 1994, Payne 1997). 2 Problems with an Ergativity Parameter. In this section, I will point out several empirical and theoretical problems the parameter approach to ergativity faces. First, it should become clear from reading through this volume languages differ as to “how ergative” they are, whether the “ergative” is a higher or lower case, and in whether and how they split the “ergative” pattern. This in itself suggests that “ergativity” is not a uniform phenomenon. However, in this paper I will focus on language internal evidence from Halkomelem suggesting that there is no ergativity parameter. 2.1 Split ergativity. It is a well-known fact that languages are almost never purely ergative (see for example Dixon 1994). This is true for Halkomelem as well. In particular, we find two kinds of “split ergativity”: a person split and a split according to agreement type (indicative vs. subjunctive). We start by discussing the person split. Consider the data in (4)-(6). We observe that with 1st and 2nd person arguments, Halkomelem shows a “nominative/accusative” pattern, whereby transitive and intransitive subjects pattern together differentiating them from transitive objects: (4) a. máy-t-tsel b. máy-t-tset help-trans-1sg.s help-trans-1pl.s ‘I help him.’ ‘We help him.’ c. máy-t-chexw d. máy-t-chap help-trans-2sg.s help-trans-2pl.s ‘You help him.’ ‘Youpl help him.’ Galloway 1980: 126 (5) a. yó:ys-tsel b. yó:ys-tset work-1sg.s work-1pl.s ‘I work.’ ‘We work.’ c. yó:ys-chexw d. yó:ys-chap work-2sg.s work-2pl.s ‘You work.’ ‘Youpl work.’ Galloway 1980: 126 (6) a. may-th-óx-es b. may-t-óxw-es help-trans-1sg.o-3s help-trans-1pl.o-3s ‘He helps me.’ ‘He helps us.’ c. may-th-óme-tsel b. may-t-óle-tsel help-trans-2sg.o-1sg.s help-trans-2sg.o-1sg.s ‘I help you.’ ‘I help youpl.’ Galloway 1980: 126 2 Judging from this data, Halkomelem looks like a split ergative system, with a split according to 1st/2nd versus 3rd person (See Gerdts 1980, 1988 and Jelinek & Demers 1983). The relevant agreement paradigm is summarized in (7): (7) Non-subordinate subject and object agreement A S O 1sg. tsel -óx 2sg chexw -ómè 3sg -es ∅ 1pl tset -ó(l)xw3 2pl chap -ólè 3pl -es ∅ from Galloway 1993: 176f. In order to accommodate the “ergativity parameter” for split ergativity we would need to postulate the following parameter setting: (8) Ergativity Parameter: [+/- ergative] English: no Halkomelem: yes for 3rd person subjects no for 1/2nd person subjects In addition to a person split, Halkomelem also shows a split, which differentiates subjunctive from indicative agreement as shown in the following pattern of negation (see Gerdts 1980, 1988). (9) a. éwe-tsel lí-l tl’íls-th-òmè neg-1sg.s aux-1sg.ss want-trans-2sg.o ‘I don’t like you.’ b. éwe-chexw lí-xw tl’íls-th-òx neg-2sg.s aux-2sg.ss want-trans-1sg.o ‘You don’t like me.’ c. éwe lí-s tl’íls-th-òx-es neg aux-3ss want-trans-1sg.o-3s ‘He doesn’t like me.’ Galloway, 1993: 186 (10) a. éwe-tsel lí-l yó:ys neg-1sg.s aux-1sg.ss work ‘I don’t work.’ Wiltschko 2002c: 261 (14a) b. éwe-chexw lí-xw yó:ys neg 2sg.s aux-2sg.ss work ‘You don’t work.’ Wiltschko 2002c: 261 (14b) c. éwe lí-s í:mex neg aux-3ss walking ‘He is not walking.’ Wiltschko 2002c: 281 (50a) In these examples, we observe that both transitive and intransitive predicates pattern alike in that they show subjunctive agreement on the auxiliary. This is summarized in the following table: 3 l in olxw is not used in all dialects of Upriver Halkomelem, i.e. my consultants use oxw instead. 3 (11) Ergativity split according to clause type: A S O 3rd person subjunctive -s ∅ 3rd person indicative -es ∅ For our hypothetical parameter this would require the following adjustments: (12) Ergativity Parameter: [+/- ergative] English: no Halkomelem: yes for 3rd person subjects no for 3rd person subjunctive subjects no for 1/2nd person indicative and subjunctive subjects In addition to the complications for the ergativity parameter introduced by split ergativity, the subjunctive pattern gives rise to a paradox. Observe that in subjunctive clauses in addition to the subjunctive agreement on the auxiliary there is yet another ending on the verb, which is restricted to transitive environments (see (9)c and (10)c). This suggests that one and the same argument can simultaneously triggers both nominative and ergative agreement as indicated below: (13) THE NEGATIVE-ERGATIVE PARADOX aNOM_l éwe lí-s pro tl’íls-th-òx-es z____-_ERG_______m If the choice between an “ergative/absolutive” and a “nominative/accusative” pattern were determined by parameter setting, we would not expect one and the same argument to be associated with both patterns. 2.2 “Intransitive objects”. A further argument against a (functionally motivated) ergativity parameter comes from the behavior of certain objects. In Halkomelem, formally intransitive predicates (that is predicates that are not marked with a transitive but rather with an intransitive suffix) allow for an object as shown in (14):4 (14) a.
Recommended publications
  • Reduplicated Numerals in Salish. PUB DATE 1997-00-00 NOTE 11P.; for Complete Volume, See FL 025 251

    Reduplicated Numerals in Salish. PUB DATE 1997-00-00 NOTE 11P.; for Complete Volume, See FL 025 251

    DOCUMENT RESUME ED 419 409 FL 025 252 AUTHOR Anderson, Gregory D. S. TITLE Reduplicated Numerals in Salish. PUB DATE 1997-00-00 NOTE 11p.; For complete volume, see FL 025 251. PUB TYPE Journal Articles (080) Reports Research (143) JOURNAL CIT Kansas Working Papers in Linguistics; v22 n2 p1-10 1997 EDRS PRICE MF01/PC01 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *American Indian Languages; Contrastive Linguistics; Language Patterns; *Language Research; Language Variation; *Linguistic Theory; Number Systems; *Salish; *Structural Analysis (Linguistics); Uncommonly Taught Languages ABSTRACT A salient characteristic of the morpho-lexical systems of the Salish languages is the widespread use of reduplication in both derivational and inflectional functions. Salish reduplication signals such typologically common categories as "distributive/plural," "repetitive/continuative," and "diminutive," the cross-linguistically marked but typically Salish notion of "out-of-control" or more restricted categories in particular Salish languages. In addition to these functions, reduplication also plays a role in numeral systems of the Salish languages. The basic forms of several numerals appear to be reduplicated throughout the Salish family. In addition, correspondences among the various Interior Salish languages suggest the association of certain reduplicative patterns with particular "counting forms" referring to specific nominal categories. While developments in the other Salish language are frequently more idiosyncratic and complex, comparative evidence suggests that the
  • Curriculum and Resources for First Nations Language Programs in BC First Nations Schools

    Curriculum and Resources for First Nations Language Programs in BC First Nations Schools

    Curriculum and Resources for First Nations Language Programs in BC First Nations Schools Resource Directory Curriculum and Resources for First Nations Language Programs in BC First Nations Schools Resource Directory: Table of Contents and Section Descriptions 1. Linguistic Resources Academic linguistics articles, reference materials, and online language resources for each BC First Nations language. 2. Language-Specific Resources Practical teaching resources and curriculum identified for each BC First Nations language. 3. Adaptable Resources General curriculum and teaching resources which can be adapted for teaching BC First Nations languages: books, curriculum documents, online and multimedia resources. Includes copies of many documents in PDF format. 4. Language Revitalization Resources This section includes general resources on language revitalization, as well as resources on awakening languages, teaching methods for language revitalization, materials and activities for language teaching, assessing the state of a language, envisioning and planning a language program, teacher training, curriculum design, language acquisition, and the role of technology in language revitalization. 5. Language Teaching Journals A list of journals relevant to teachers of BC First Nations languages. 6. Further Education This section highlights opportunities for further education, training, certification, and professional development. It includes a list of conferences and workshops relevant to BC First Nations language teachers, and a spreadsheet of post‐ secondary programs relevant to Aboriginal Education and Teacher Training - in BC, across Canada, in the USA, and around the world. 7. Funding This section includes a list of funding sources for Indigenous language revitalization programs, as well as a list of scholarships and bursaries available for Aboriginal students and students in the field of Education, in BC, across Canada, and at specific institutions.
  • Towards an Rnalysis of Syllable Structure in Nxa?Amxclnl with Respect to Syllabification and Should, Therefore, Be Considered a Resonant

    Towards an Rnalysis of Syllable Structure in Nxa?Amxclnl with Respect to Syllabification and Should, Therefore, Be Considered a Resonant

    114 Towards an Rnalysis of Syllable Structure in Nxa?amxclnl with respect to syllabification and should, therefore, be considered a resonant. Following Bagemihl (1991), we argue that unsyllabified stops are prosodically Marie Louise Willett licensed by a mora node. (The status of fricatives is still unclear). Finally, we argue Ewa Czaykowska-Higgins that Nxa?amxcln has two types of inserted vowels: schwa is epenthetic and obligatory University of Victoria in those environments in which it is required to prosodically license unsyllabified resonants and to bear stress; it is excrescent and optional in all other positions, Introduction serving as a release for obstruents, and as a transitional element between syllables. The paper is organized as follows. Since. schwas play such an important role in Salish languages are well known for having long and complex consonant the grammar of syllable structure we begin in section 1.0 by briefly laying out the clusters. Consequently the languages· have for many years been of interest to those difference between schwa and other vowels and· distinguishing between epenthesis studying universal properties of syllable structure. Some of the earliest work on and excrescence. Section 2.0 provides the principal arguments for the CVC bimoraic Salish syllables focussed on Nuxalk (Bella Coola) and ranged from an account which syllable. Section 3.0 discusses unsyllabified consonants, arguing for epenthesis assumed that the language has no syllable stracture (Newman 1947) to one which before resonants, and moraic licensing of stops. Section 4.0 discusses excrescent assumed that all segments are potentially syllabiC (Hoard 1978). More recently, schwas in more detail.
  • A Bibliography of Salish Linguistics

    A Bibliography of Salish Linguistics

    A Bibliography of Salish Linguistics Jan P. van Eijk First Nations University of Canada Northwest Journal of Linguistics 2.3 A Bibliography of Salish Linguistics Jan P. van Eijk First Nations University of Canada Abstract This bibliography lists materials (books, articles, conference papers, etc.) on Salish linguistics. As such, it mainly contains grammars, dictionaries, text collections and analyses of individual topics, but it also lists anthropological studies, curriculum materials, text collections in translation, and general survey works that have a sufficiently large Salish linguistic content. Criteria for inclusion of items, and the general methodology for assembling a bibliography of this kind, are discussed in the introduction. The work concludes with a list of abbreviations and a language-based index. This bibliography should be of use to linguists, particularly Salishists, but also to anthropologists and curriculum developers. The bibliography is essentially a sequel to Pilling 1893 (listed in the bibliography), although a number of items listed in that older source are also included here. KEYWORDS: Salish languages and dialects; Salish language family; bibliography; language index Northwest Journal of Linguistics 2.3:1–128 (2008) Table of Contents Introduction 4 Restrictions and criteria 5 General principles 8 The Salish conferences 9 Caveats and disclaimer 9 Salish languages and dialects 10 Bibliography of Salish Linguistics 13 Abbreviations 116 Appendix: Language Index 118 Northwest Journal of Linguistics 2.3:1–128 (2008) A Bibliography of Salish Linguistics Jan P. van Eijk First Nations University of Canada Introduction. The following is a selected bibliography of those books and articles that deal with the description and analysis of Salish languages.
  • Kamloops Chinúk Wawa, Chinuk Pipa, and the Vitality of Pidgins

    Kamloops Chinúk Wawa, Chinuk Pipa, and the Vitality of Pidgins

    Kamloops Chinúk Wawa, Chinuk pipa, and the vitality of pidgins by David Douglas Robertson B.A., Columbia University, 1988 A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in the Department of Linguistics © David Douglas Robertson, 2011 University of Victoria All rights reserved. This dissertation may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopying or other means, without the permission of the author. ii Kamloops Chinúk Wawa, Chinuk pipa, and the vitality of pidgins by David Douglas Robertson B.A., Columbia University, 1988 Supervisory Committee Dr. Ewa Czaykowska-Higgins, Supervisor (Department of Linguistics, University of Victoria) Dr. Sarah Grey Thomason, Departmental Member (Department of Linguistics, University of Victoria; University of Michigan) Dr. Wendy Wickwire, Outside Member (Department of History, University of Victoria) iii Supervisory Committee Dr. Ewa Czaykowska-Higgins, Supervisor (Department of Linguistics, University of Victoria) Dr. Sarah Grey Thomason, Departmental Member (Department of Linguistics, University of Victoria; University of Michigan) Dr. Wendy Wickwire, Outside Member (Department of History, University of Victoria) Abstract This dissertation presents the first full grammatical description of unprompted (spontaneous) speech in pidgin Chinook Jargon [synonyms Chinúk Wawa, Chinook]. The data come from a dialect I term ‘Kamloops Chinúk Wawa’, used in southern interior British Columbia circa 1900. I also present the first historical study and structural analysis of the shorthand-based ‘Chinuk pipa ’ alphabet in which Kamloops Chinúk Wawa was written, primarily by Salish people. This study is made possible by the discovery of several hundred such texts, which I have transliterated and analyzed. The Basic Linguistic Theory-inspired (cf.
  • The Typology of PIE Syllabic Sonorants

    The Typology of PIE Syllabic Sonorants

    Indo-European Linguistics 1 (2013) 3–67 brill.com/ieul The Typology of PIE Syllabic Sonorants Adam I. Cooper* Northeastern University, Boston, MA [email protected] Abstract One of the most prominent features of reconstructed PIE phonology is sonorant syllab- icity: sonorant consonants function as syllable peaks when, generally speaking, they are not adjacent to a vowel. The general acceptance of this phenomenon in its various con- tours has persisted (see e.g. Mayrhofer 1986, Fortson 2009, Meier-Brügger 2010, Weiss 2011, etc.), despite the absence, for the most part, of any attempt to ascertain its credi- bility along the cross-linguistic dimension. In this paper, we evaluate the reconstructed PIE system from precisely this perspective. In comparing the established properties of PIE syllabic sonorants—including their distribution across words and morphemes, the complexity of their syllable margins, their participation in prosodic phenomena, their morphophonological alternation, and the directionality of their vocalization—against a survey of syllabic consonants across the languages of the world, we demonstrate the typological plausibility of the reconstruction, and so reinforce the confidence with which it has been maintained. Keywords PIE – sonorants – syllabicity – typology – directionality * Thanks to Michael Weiss, Alan Nussbaum, Draga Zec, Sam Tilsen, participants at the 31st meeting of the East Coast Indo-European Conference and the 2013 Craven Seminar, and two anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments and questions in the preparation of this paper. © adam i. cooper, 2014 | doi: 10.1163/22125892-00101002 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial 3.0 Unported (CC-BY-NC 3.0) License.
  • Santa Barbara Papers in Linguistics

    Santa Barbara Papers in Linguistics

    Santa Barbara Papers in Linguistics Proceedings from the sixth Workshop on American Indigenous Languages April 25-27, 2003 Jeanie Castillo, Editor Department of Linguistics University of California, Santa Barbara Santa Barbara, CA 93106 Papers in Linguistics Linguistics Department University of California, Santa Barbara Santa Barbara, California 93106-3100 U.S.A. Checks in U.S. dollars should be made out to UC Regents with $5.00 added for overseas postage. If your institution is interested in an exchange agreement, please write the above address for information. Volume 1: Korean: Papers and Discourse Date $13.00 Volume 2: Discourse and Grammar $10.00 Volume 3: Asian Discourse and Grammar $10.00 Volume 4: Discourse Transcription $15.00 Volume 5: East Asian Linguistics $15.00 Volume 6: Aspects of Nepali Grammar $15.00 Volume 7: Prosody, Grammar, and Discourses in $15.00 Central Alaskan Yup'ik Volume 8: Proceedings from the first $20.00 Workshop on American Indigenous Languages Volume 9: Proceedings from the second $15.00 Workshop on American Indigenous Languages Volume 10: Proceedings from the third $15.00 Workshop on American Indigenous Languages Volume 11: Proceedings from the fourth $15.00 Workshop on American Indigenous Languages Volume 12: Recent Studies in Empirical $15.00 Approaches to Language Volume 13: Proceedings from the fifth $15.00 Workshop on American Indigenous Languages Volume 14: Proceedings from the sixth $15.00 Workshop on American Indigenous Languages FOREWARD It is with great pleasure that we present the proceedings of the sixth Workshop on American Indigenous Languages (WAIL 2003). In continuing a tradition begun with the student discussion group on North American Indigenous Languages (NAIL), the evolving membership wishes to pay tribute to Marianne Mithun and Wallace Chafe for their consistent encouragement and support.
  • Interior Glottalization and the Suffix -(V)P in Lillooet, Shuswap And

    Interior Glottalization and the Suffix -(V)P in Lillooet, Shuswap And

    41/42 Interior Glottalization and the Suffix -(V)p all three languages. (In particular, it is difficult to find roots which have in Lillooet, Shuswap and Thompson ~/A and also employ any of the aspectual devices discussed below. We therefore Jan P. van Eijk leave roots with ~/A out of consideration in this article.) University of Victoria 2. Aspect in Lillooet, Shuswap and Thompson. Like other Salish languages, Lillooet, Shuswap and Thompson have a complex aspectual system. (For our defi­ o. Introduction. Lillooet, Shuswap and Thompson belong to the Interior branch nition of 'aspect' we follow Comrie 1983: "aspects are different ways of view­ of the Salish (or Salishan) language family, and are spoken in British Columbia, ing the internal temporal constituency of a situation" (p. 3). See Thompson Canada. (For a map of the Salish language area, plus a general introduction to 1979:733-36 for a general discussion of Salish aspect.) Many details of the Salish, see Thompson 1979.) In what follows, we discuss two aspectual devices aspectual systems of Salish languages are still unclear. However, two aspectual in Lillooet, Shuswap and Thompson, in sections 2-6. General information on the devices have been described in sufficient detail to permit a contrastive analy­ phonology of these languages is given in section 1. Lillooet material is taken sis. These devices are (1) 'interior glottalization', which consists of the in­ from Van Eijk 1985,1 Shuswap material is from Kuipers 1974, and Thompson materi­ sertion of the glottal stop (?) adjacent to a root-vowel, (2) the addition al is from Thompson and Thompson 1980.
  • Prosodic and Morphological Factors in Squamish (Skwxwú7mesh) Stress Assignment

    Prosodic and Morphological Factors in Squamish (Skwxwú7mesh) Stress Assignment

    Prosodic and Morphological Factors in Squamish (Skwxwú7mesh) Stress Assignment by Ruth Anne Dyck B.A., University of Alberta, 1990 M.Sc., University of Alberta, 1993 A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in the Department of Linguistics We accept this dissertation as conforming to the required standard Dr. E. Czaykowska-Higgins, Supervisor (Department of Linguistics) Dr. S. Urbanczyk, Department Member (Department of Linguistics) Dr. S. Gessner, Department Member (Department of Linguistics) Dr. J.J. Tucker, Outside Member (Department of English) Dr. P.A. Shaw, External Examiner (Department of Linguistics, University of British Columbia) © Ruth Anne Dyck, 2004 University of Victoria All rights reserved. This dissertation may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopying or other means, without the permission of the author. Supervisor: Dr. Ewa Czaykowska-Higgins ABSTRACT This dissertation is an investigation of the stress system of Squamish (Skwxwú7mesh), one of ten languages that make up the Central division of the North- west Coast branch of Salishan, a linguistic group indigenous to the Pacific Northwest region of North America. Although other researchers have previously investigated aspects of stress in the language, this work provides the first integrated account of the Squamish stress system as a whole, couched in an Optimality Theoretic framework. The first two chapters are introductory, with Chapter 1 supplying a contextual background for the undertaking within linguistics, and especially within Salishan linguistics, while Chapter 2 provides a thorough grounding in the phonology and phonemics of Squamish in particular. Chapter 3 begins the formal analysis of stress in Squamish by examining the way stress surfaces in free root morphemes, which tend to stress penultimate syllables whenever they contain either a full vowel or a schwa followed by a resonant consonant.
  • General Plant Categories in Thompson and Ullooet, Two Interior Salish Languages of British Columbia

    General Plant Categories in Thompson and Ullooet, Two Interior Salish Languages of British Columbia

    t. Ethnobiol. 7(1):55-82 Summer 1987 GENERAL PLANT CATEGORIES IN THOMPSON AND ULLOOET, TWO INTERIOR SALISH LANGUAGES OF BRITISH COLUMBIA NANCY J. TURNER Research Associate Botany Unit British Columbia Provincial Museum Victoria, B.C. Canada V8V lX4 and Adjunct Professor Department of Botany University of British Columbia Vancouver, B.C. Canada V6T 2Bl ABSTRACT.-Lillooet and Thompson, two closely related Salish languages ofnorthwestern North America, are similar, though not identical, in their perception and encoding of major plant classes. Both lack free-standing terms for the "plant" kingdom, but have suffixes which denote "plantness" when incorporated in generic-level plant names. Both recognize nomenclaturally categories of "trees," "grasses," "low, herbaceous, broad-leaved plants," "mosses," "mushrooms" and "berries." Thompson also has a named category of "bushes," whereas this class is only incipient in Lillooet. In both languages there is an incipient, but unnamed class of "edible roots (and underground parts)." The historical derivation of the category names is discussed in relation to suggested encoding patterns of Berlin (1972) and Brown (1984). A number of the major categories are at least partially defined by utilitarian features. The categories are not necessarily mutually exclusive. Most of the major categorieshave many recognizably distinct members which are unnamed at the generic level. Lillooet and Thompson major plant classes seem fluid and ambiguous compared with the "life forms" of Berlin and Brown. INTRODUCTION Folk biological classification has been a major foctis of research by ethnoscientists over the past two decades, stimulated largely by the pioneering investigations of Brent Berlin and his colleagues (cf. Berlin 1972; Berlin, Breedlove and Raven 1966, 1973, 1974).
  • Geographical Names Data Base

    Geographical Names Data Base

    Section 12 Auditing place name them accessible, often through Internet-based purposes, particularly if linked to other spatial data, records Spatial Data Infrastructures, to the widest possible as a name is an intuitive entry point to search for audience. A toponymic database can serve many associated information. Chapter 30 The Canadian In addressing data needs to analyze complex Geographical Names Data Base – an physical and cultural associations, our focus must be example of a national system on the toponymic data itself, its attributes, storage, combining data from different and accessibility so that correct geographical names are widely available. For a national toponymic jurisdictions database to be of optimum use, it is necessary to consider such questions as: what geographical 1 2 Helen Kerfoot , Kristina Kwiatkowski , names and what attributes should be included; how 3 Heather Ross will data derived from different sources be pulled together; how will data quality (e.g. accuracy, 30.1 Introduction consistency across the country, completeness) be planned and achieved; how will the records be kept Where is Flin Flon? Are St. Lawrence River and up to date (and what does that mean); how will the fleuve Saint-Laurent both officially recognized toponymic data be accessed and linked to other names? What was the formerly approved name spatial data. for Iqaluit? In Canada, geographical names constitute a significant part of culture, heritage and Distributed databases identity (Figure 30-1). They are formalized through In some countries, the authority for approving Canada’s national naming authority, the geographical names lies not with a single national Geographical Names Board of Canada (GNBC), and committee or names board, but with stored in the national toponymic database, the boards/authorities at the first level administrative Canadian Geographical Names Data Base (CGNDB).
  • A New Perspective on Indigenous Blackfoot Participation in Museums and Heritage Sites in Alberta, Canada Bryony Annette Onciul

    A New Perspective on Indigenous Blackfoot Participation in Museums and Heritage Sites in Alberta, Canada Bryony Annette Onciul

    Unsettling Assumptions about Community Engagement: A New Perspective on Indigenous Blackfoot Participation in Museums and Heritage Sites in Alberta, Canada Bryony Annette Onciul International Centre for Cultural and Heritage Studies School of Arts and Cultures Newcastle University Submitted in fulfilment of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy September 2011 Abstract In post-colonial nations such as Canada, sharing power and authorship is increasingly used as a strategy by museums to attempt to pluralise, democratise and decolonise relations with, and representations of, Indigenous peoples. While honourable in its intentions, the increasingly ubiquitous practice of community engagement in museums has been under analysed, and its difficulties and complexities understated. This thesis critically analyses engagement in museum and heritage practice and carefully unpicks the nuances of, and naturalised assumptions about, collaboration and self-representation. Power relations and their tangible manifestations in the form of exhibits, employment, relations, and new curatorial practices, are at the core of the analysis. As a comparative study the research provides a cross-disciplinary analysis of mainstream and community museums and heritage sites through four case-studies. Each of the case-studies engaged with Indigenous Blackfoot communities in southern Alberta, Canada, through consultation, partnership, co-ownership or community control. Between 2006 and 2009 I spent twenty-four months in Alberta researching the case- studies and conducting forty-eight in-depth interviews with museum and community members. This research makes a new contribution to the field through its emphasis on community participants’ perspectives; the importance of inter-community collaboration; and its development of the concept of ‘engagement zones’ which builds on James Clifford’s theory of the museum as contact zone.