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Toward the Reconstruction of Proto-Algonquian-Wakashan. Part 3: the Algonquian-Wakashan 110-Item Wordlist
Sergei L. Nikolaev Institute of Slavic studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences (Moscow/Novosibirsk); [email protected] Toward the reconstruction of Proto-Algonquian-Wakashan. Part 3: The Algonquian-Wakashan 110-item wordlist In the third part of my complex study of the historical relations between several language families of North America and the Nivkh language in the Far East, I present an annotated demonstration of the comparative data that was used in the lexicostatistical calculations to determine the branching and approximate glottochronological dating of Proto-Algonquian- Wakashan and its offspring; because of volume considerations, this data could not be in- cluded in the previous two parts of the present work and has to be presented autonomously. Additionally, several new Proto-Algonquian-Wakashan and Proto-Nivkh-Algonquian roots have been set up in this part of study. Lexicostatistical calculations have been conducted for the following languages: the reconstructed Proto-North Wakashan (approximately dated to ca. 800 AD) and modern or historically attested variants of Nootka (Nuuchahnulth), Amur Nivkh, Sakhalin Nivkh, Western Abenaki, Miami-Peoria, Fort Severn Cree, Wiyot, and Yurok. Keywords: Algonquian-Wakashan languages, Nivkh-Algonquian languages, Algic languages, Wakashan languages, Chimakuan-Wakashan languages, Nivkh language, historical phonol- ogy, comparative dictionary, lexicostatistics. The classification and preliminary glottochronological dating of Algonquian-Wakashan currently remain the same as presented in Nikolaev 2015a, Fig. 1 1. That scheme was generated based on the lexicostatistical analysis of 110-item basic word lists2 for one reconstructed (Proto-Northern Wakashan, ca. 800 A.D.) and several modern Algonquian-Wakashan lan- guages, performed with the aid of StarLing software 3. -
Subordinate Clauses in Squamish 1 Subordinate Clauses in S W Wu7mesh
Subordinate Clauses in Squamish 1 Subordinate Clauses in Sk w xx wu7mesh: Their Form and Function Peter Jacobs University of Victoria ABSTRACT: This paper examines three subordinate clause types in Sk w xx wu7mesh: nominalized clauses, conjunctive clauses and /u/ clauses. These three clause types overlap in their syntactic functions. The first two clause types function as complement clauses. All three clause types function as adverbial clauses. I propose that the distribution of these clause types is due to the degree of certainty of the truth of the subordinate clause proposition, whether from the speaker’s perspective or that of the main clause subject. KEYWORDS: Skwxwu7mesh, Salish, subjunctives, conditionals, subordination 1. Introduction Sk w xx wu7mesh (a.k.a. Squamish) is a Coast Salish language traditionally spoken in an area that extends from Burrard Inlet in Vancouver, along both sides of Howe Sound, and through the Squamish River Valley and the Cheakamus River Valley in southwestern British Columbia.1 This paper is an examination of three subordinate clauses types in Sk w xx wu7mesh: conjunctive clauses, nominalized clauses and /u/ clauses.2 Conjunctive clauses and nominalized clauses function as sentential complements and as adverbial clauses. /u/ clauses only function as adverbial clauses. This paper examines the semantic and functional-pragmatic factors that control the use of these clause types. I do not provide an exhaustive examination of subordination in Sk w xx wu7mesh. That is, I do not consider relative clauses nor clause chaining (a special type of nominalized clause). While such an examination is necessary to understand the full range of subordination strategies in Sk w xx wu7mesh, it is beyond the scope of this paper. -
1996 Matthewson Reinholtz.Pdf
211 TIlE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF DETERMINERS:' (2) OP A COMPARISON OF SALISH AND CREEl /~ Specifier 0' Lisa Matthewson, UBC and SCES/SFU Charlotte Reinholtz, University of Manitoha o/"" NP I ~ the coyote 1. Introduction According to the OP-analysis, the determiner is the head of the phrase and takes NP as its The goal of this paper is to provide a comparative analysis of determiners in Salish languages complement. 0 is a functional head, which selects a lexical projection (NP) as its complement. and in Cree. We will show that there are considerable surface differences between Salish and The lexical/functional split is summarized in (3): Cree, both in the syntax and the semantics of the determiners. However, we argue that these differences can and should be treated as part of a restricted range of cross-linguistic variation (3) If X" E {V, N, P, A}, then X" is a Lexical head (open-class element). within a universally-provided OP (Determiner Phrase)-system. If X" E {Tense, Oet, Comp, Case}, then X" is a Functional head (closed-class element). The paper is structured as follows. We first provide an introduction to relevant theoretical ~haine 1993:2) proposals about the syntax and semantics of determiners. Section 2 presents an analysis of Salish determiners, and section 3 presents an analysis of Cree determiners. The two systems are briefly A major motivation for the OP-analysis of noun phrases comes from the many parallels between compared and contrasted in section 4. clauses and noun phrases. For example, Abney (1987) notes that many languages contain agreement within noun phrases which parallels agreement at the clausal level. -
Fieldwork and Linguistic Analysis in Indigenous Languages of the Americas
Fieldwork and Linguistic Analysis in Indigenous Languages of the Americas edited by Andrea L. Berez, Jean Mulder, and Daisy Rosenblum Language Documentation & Conservation Special Publication No. 2 Published as a sPecial Publication of language documentation & conservation language documentation & conservation Department of Linguistics, UHM Moore Hall 569 1890 East-West Road Honolulu, Hawai‘i 96822 USA http://nflrc.hawaii.edu/ldc university of hawai‘i Press 2840 Kolowalu Street Honolulu, Hawai‘i 96822-1888 USA © All texts and images are copyright to the respective authors. 2010 All chapters are licensed under Creative Commons Licenses Cover design by Cameron Chrichton Cover photograph of salmon drying racks near Lime Village, Alaska, by Andrea L. Berez Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication data ISBN 978-0-8248-3530-9 http://hdl.handle.net/10125/4463 Contents Foreword iii Marianne Mithun Contributors v Acknowledgments viii 1. Introduction: The Boasian tradition and contemporary practice 1 in linguistic fieldwork in the Americas Daisy Rosenblum and Andrea L. Berez 2. Sociopragmatic influences on the development and use of the 9 discourse marker vet in Ixil Maya Jule Gómez de García, Melissa Axelrod, and María Luz García 3. Classifying clitics in Sm’algyax: 33 Approaching theory from the field Jean Mulder and Holly Sellers 4. Noun class and number in Kiowa-Tanoan: Comparative-historical 57 research and respecting speakers’ rights in fieldwork Logan Sutton 5. The story of *o in the Cariban family 91 Spike Gildea, B.J. Hoff, and Sérgio Meira 6. Multiple functions, multiple techniques: 125 The role of methodology in a study of Zapotec determiners Donna Fenton 7. -
Lillooet Between Sechelt and Shuswap Jan P. Van Eijk First
Lillooet between Sechelt and Shuswap Jan P. van Eijk First Nations University of Canada Although most details of the grammatical and lexical structure of Lillooet put this language firmly within the Interior branch of the Salish language family, Lillooet also shares some features with the Coast or Central branch. In this paper we describe some of the similarities between Lillooet and one of its closest Interior relatives, viz., Shuswap, and we also note some similarities be tween Lillooet and Sechelt, one of Lillooet' s western neighbours but belonging to the Coast branch. Particular attention is paid to some obvious loans between Lillooet and Sechelt. 1 Introduction Lillooet belongs with Shuswap to the Interior branch of the Salish language family, while Sechelt belongs to the Coast or Central branch. In what follows we describe the similarities and differences between Lillooet and both Shuswap and Sechelt, under the following headings: Phonology (section 2), Morphology (3), Lexicon (4), and Lillooet-Sechelt borrowings (5). Conclusions are given in 6. I omit a comparison between the syntactic patterns of these three languages, since my information on Sechelt syntax is limited to a brief text (Timmers 1974), and Beaumont 1985 is currently unavailable to me. Although borrowings between Lillooet and Shuswap have obviously taken place, many of these will be impossible to trace due to the close over-all resemblance between these two languages. Shuswap data are mainly drawn from the western dialects, as described in Kuipers 1974 and 1975. (For a description of the eastern dialects I refer to Kuipers 1989.) Lillooet data are from Van Eijk 1997, while Sechelt data are from Timmers 1973, 1974, 1977. -
We Are the Wuikinuxv Nation
WE ARE THE WUIKINUXV NATION WE ARE THE WUIKINUXV NATION A collaboration with the Wuikinuxv Nation. Written and produced by Pam Brown, MOA Curator, Pacific Northwest, 2011. 1 We Are The Wuikinuxv Nation UBC Museum of Anthropology Pacific Northwest sourcebook series Copyright © Wuikinuxv Nation UBC Museum of Anthropology, 2011 University of British Columbia 6393 N.W. Marine Drive Vancouver, B.C. V6T 1Z2 www.moa.ubc.ca All Rights Reserved A collaboration with the Wuikinuxv Nation, 2011. Written and produced by Pam Brown, Curator, Pacific Northwest, Designed by Vanessa Kroeker Front cover photographs, clockwise from top left: The House of Nuakawa, Big House opening, 2006. Photo: George Johnson. Percy Walkus, Wuikinuxv Elder, traditional fisheries scientist and innovator. Photo: Ted Walkus. Hereditary Chief Jack Johnson. Photo: Harry Hawthorn fonds, Archives, UBC Museum of Anthropology. Wuikinuxv woman preparing salmon. Photo: C. MacKay, 1952, #2005.001.162, Archives, UBC Museum of Anthropology. Stringing eulachons. (Young boy at right has been identified as Norman Johnson.) Photo: C. MacKay, 1952, #2005.001.165, Archives, UBC Museum of Anthropology. Back cover photograph: Set of four Hàmac! a masks, collection of Peter Chamberlain and Lila Walkus. Photo: C. MacKay, 1952, #2005.001.166, Archives, UBC Museum of Anthropology. MOA programs are supported by visitors, volunteer associates, members, and donors; Canada Foundation for Innovation; Canada Council for the Arts; Department of Canadian Heritage Young Canada Works; BC Arts Council; Province of British Columbia; Aboriginal Career Community Employment Services Society; The Audain Foundation for the Visual Arts; Michael O’Brian Family Foundation; Vancouver Foundation; Consulat General de Vancouver; and the TD Bank Financial Group. -
Kwakwaka'wakw Storytelling: Preserving Ancient Legends
MARCUS CHALMERS VERONIKA KARSHINA CARLOS VELASQUEZ KWAKWAKA'WAKW STORYTELLING: PRESERVING ANCIENT LEGENDS ADVISORS: SPONSOR: Professor Creighton Peet David Neel Dr. Thomas Balistrieri This report represents the work of WPI undergraduate students submitted to the faculty as evidence of a degree requirement. WPI routinely published these reports on its website without editorial or peer review. For more information about the projects program at WPI, seehttp://www.wpi.edu/Academics/Projects Image: Neel D. (n.d.) Crooked Beak KWAKWAKA'WAKW i STORYTELLING Kwakwaka'wakw Storytelling: Reintroducing Ancient Legends An Interactive Qualifying Project submitted to the faculty of Worcester Polytechnic Institute in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Science. Submitted by: Marcus Chalmers Veronika Karshina Carlos Velasquez Submitted to: David A. Neel, Northwest Coast native artist, author, and project sponsor Professor Creighton Peet Professor Thomas Balistrieri Date submitted: March 5, 2021 This report represents the work of WPI undergraduate students submitted to the faculty as evidence of a degree requirement. WPI routinely published these reports on its website without editorial or peer review. For more information about the projects program at WPI, see http://www.wpi.edu/Academics/Projects ABSTRACT ii ABSTRACT Kwakwaka'wakw Storytelling: Preserving Ancient Legends Neel D. (2021) The erasure of Kwakwaka'wakw First Nations' rich culture and history has transpired for hundreds of years. This destruction of heritage has caused severe damage to traditional oral storytelling and the history and knowledge interwoven with this ancient practice. Under the guidance of Northwest Coast artist and author David Neel, we worked towards reintroducing this storytelling tradition to contemporary audiences through modern media and digital technologies. -
Reduplicated Numerals in Salish. PUB DATE 1997-00-00 NOTE 11P.; for Complete Volume, See FL 025 251
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 419 409 FL 025 252 AUTHOR Anderson, Gregory D. S. TITLE Reduplicated Numerals in Salish. PUB DATE 1997-00-00 NOTE 11p.; For complete volume, see FL 025 251. PUB TYPE Journal Articles (080) Reports Research (143) JOURNAL CIT Kansas Working Papers in Linguistics; v22 n2 p1-10 1997 EDRS PRICE MF01/PC01 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *American Indian Languages; Contrastive Linguistics; Language Patterns; *Language Research; Language Variation; *Linguistic Theory; Number Systems; *Salish; *Structural Analysis (Linguistics); Uncommonly Taught Languages ABSTRACT A salient characteristic of the morpho-lexical systems of the Salish languages is the widespread use of reduplication in both derivational and inflectional functions. Salish reduplication signals such typologically common categories as "distributive/plural," "repetitive/continuative," and "diminutive," the cross-linguistically marked but typically Salish notion of "out-of-control" or more restricted categories in particular Salish languages. In addition to these functions, reduplication also plays a role in numeral systems of the Salish languages. The basic forms of several numerals appear to be reduplicated throughout the Salish family. In addition, correspondences among the various Interior Salish languages suggest the association of certain reduplicative patterns with particular "counting forms" referring to specific nominal categories. While developments in the other Salish language are frequently more idiosyncratic and complex, comparative evidence suggests that the -
Halkomelem Denominal Verbs' 1 Denominal Verbs
Halkomelem denominal verbs' Donna B. Gerdts and Thomas E. Hukari Simon Fraser University and University of Victoria Halkomelem has four denominal verb prefixes: c- 'have, get, make, do', I-'ingest, partake', txW- 'buy', i- 'go to'. These prefixes attach to nominal bases to form intransitive verbs. The noun to which the prefix attaches is usually unspecified, generic, or non-individuated and can be doubled with a free standing nominal of more specific meaning. Syntactically, this nominal is an oblique object, parallel to patients of antipassive or applicative constructions. Denominal verb constructions are widely used, especially for denoting possession. As in the case of denominal verbs in other languages, they can be formed quite freely, as long as the situation allows for an interpretation. 1 Denominal verbs Some intransitive verbs in Halkomelem are composed of a noun base, such as stiqiw 'horse', 8X wimel 'store', or sqew8 'potato', together with a verbalizing prefix.2 These forms appear in a denominal verb construction, where the derived form serves as an intransitive verb.3 I We would like to express our appreciation to the speakers of Island Halkomelem who have provide data for this paper, especially Arnold Guerin, Ruby Peter, and Theresa Thome. We appreciate editorial assistance from Kaoru Kiyosawa, Todd Peterson, and Charles Ulrich. Thanks to audiences at BLS, CLA, and WSCLA for comments on earlier versions of this paper. Funding for our research comes from a Jacobs Fund Grant and SSHRC Standard Research Grants #410-2001-1335 and #410-96-1247. 2 The nominal prefix s- disappears after c- and /- but not after tx w_ and i-. -
Native American Languages, Indigenous Languages of the Native Peoples of North, Middle, and South America
Native American Languages, indigenous languages of the native peoples of North, Middle, and South America. The precise number of languages originally spoken cannot be known, since many disappeared before they were documented. In North America, around 300 distinct, mutually unintelligible languages were spoken when Europeans arrived. Of those, 187 survive today, but few will continue far into the 21st century, since children are no longer learning the vast majority of these. In Middle America (Mexico and Central America) about 300 languages have been identified, of which about 140 are still spoken. South American languages have been the least studied. Around 1500 languages are known to have been spoken, but only about 350 are still in use. These, too are disappearing rapidly. Classification A major task facing scholars of Native American languages is their classification into language families. (A language family consists of all languages that have evolved from a single ancestral language, as English, German, French, Russian, Greek, Armenian, Hindi, and others have all evolved from Proto-Indo-European.) Because of the vast number of languages spoken in the Americas, and the gaps in our information about many of them, the task of classifying these languages is a challenging one. In 1891, Major John Wesley Powell proposed that the languages of North America constituted 58 independent families, mainly on the basis of superficial vocabulary resemblances. At the same time Daniel Brinton posited 80 families for South America. These two schemes form the basis of subsequent classifications. In 1929 Edward Sapir tentatively proposed grouping these families into superstocks, 6 in North America and 15 in Middle America. -
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Lessons from Halkomelem Salish
University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics Volume 13 2007 Issue 1 Proceedings of the 30th Annual Penn Article 28 Linguistics Colloquium 2007 Requirements for a unified Binding Theory: Lessons from Halkomelem Salish Dennis R. Storoshenko Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl Recommended Citation Storoshenko, Dennis R. (2007) "Requirements for a unified Binding Theory: Lessons from Halkomelem Salish," University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics: Vol. 13 : Iss. 1 , Article 28. Available at: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol13/iss1/28 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol13/iss1/28 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Requirements for a unified Binding Theory: Lessons from Halkomelem Salish This working paper is available in University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol13/iss1/28 Requirements for a Unified Binding Theory: Lessons from Halkomelem Salish Dennis Ryan Storoshenko* 1 Introduction In characterizing the distribution of pronouns and reflexives in natural lan guage, two schools of thought are generally cited. One, which I will refer to as the structural approach, is based in the binding conditions of Chomsky (1981), as modified through later permutations of his syntactic theory. An other approach, defined in Reinhart and Reuland (1993 ), makes reference to predicate-argument structure; this will be identified as the predicate approach. In this paper, I present data on reflexivity and the distribution pronominals in Halkomelem Salish, demonstrating that neither the structural nor the predicate approach will accurately account for the phenomena observed. Once reached, this conclusion will feed further research into binding theory, outlining the phenomena a unified binding theory will need to capture.