“OUTOFMANYKINDREDSANDTONGUES”: RACIALIDENTITYANDRIGHTSACTIVISMINVANCOUVER,1919Ͳ1939      by     LiLynnWan    Submittedinpartialfulfilmentoftherequirements forthedegreeofDoctorofPhilosophy   at   DalhousieUniversity Halifax,NovaScotia April2011        ©CopyrightbyLiLynnWan,2011 

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TONGUES”:RACIALIDENTITYANDRIGHTSACTIVISMINVANCOUVER,1919Ͳ1939”by

LiLynnWaninpartialfulfillmentoftherequirementsforthedegreeofDoctorof

Philosophy.



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DALHOUSIEUNIVERSITY



 DATE: April14,2011

AUTHOR: LiLynnWan

TITLE: “OUTOFMANYKINDREDSANDTONGUES”:RACIALIDENTITYANDRIGHTS ACTIVISMINVANCOUVER,1919Ͳ1939 

DEPARTMENTORSCHOOL: DepartmentofHistory

DEGREE: PhD CONVOCATION: October YEAR: 2011

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iii TableofContents:     Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………vi  ListofAbbreviationsUsed..…………………………………………………………………………………………..vii  Acknowledgements……………………………………………………………………………………………………..viii  Chapter1:Introduction…………………………………………………………………….………………...... 1 Historiography………………………………………………………………………………………11 TheRaceLiterature…………………………………………………………………………..….12 Intersection………………………………………………………………………………………..…22 TheRightsLiterature…………………………………………………………………………….23 ANoteonSources……………………………………..…….……………………………………33 Organization…………………………………………………………………………………………36  Chapter2:“ALongDramaofUntamableCourage,Resolution,  Heroism,RepellentCrueltyandRomance”:ThePioneer  MythologyasNationalistNarrative.……………………………………………………….…....….40 DeconstructingthePioneerMythology…………………………………………...... 45  Chapter3:“ByVirtueoftheAccidentofBirth”:Municipal  PoliticsinVancouver...... 58 TheKlaninVancouver…………………………………………………………………………..59 TheNativeSonsandDaughtersofBritishColumbia………………………….…..65 TheHierarchyofWhiteness…………………………………………………………………..71 AntiͲOrientalAgitationinthe1920s………………………………………………….…..74 EconomicReforminthe1930s………………………………………………………….…..84  Chapter4:“ANationofArtists”:IndigenousArtandImagery  asParadoxicalSitesofRacialization……………………………………..…………………..……..89 BritishColumbiaIndianArtsandCraftsRevival…………………………………….94 “TheRemarkableGiftsofFrancoisBaptiste”……………………………………….105  Chapter5:“BeforetheWhitemansCame”:IndigenousPolitics  inVancouver……………………………………………………………………………………………….….119 TheLegendofQoitchetahl,theSerpentSlayerofSquamish………………..122 TheBritishColumbiaLandQuestion…………………………………………………….126 TheVillageofSnauq/KitsilanoIndianReserve#6………………………………133 ConflatingRaceandPlace…………………………………………………………………..149 

iv Chapter6:“Raven’sdoctrinewas‘Theendjustifiesthemeans’”:  TheGoldenJubileeCelebrationsasanExhibitionofRacial  Difference………………………………………………………………………..……………………...…….165 ExhibitingtheIndian……………………………………………………………………………168 TheOrientalSpectacle………………………………………………………………………..176  Chapter7:Huáqiáo:ThePoliticsofEthnicityinVancouver…...... 186 FromGoldMountaintotheSlumsofChinatown…………………………………188 ‘ChineseCanadian’(asdistinctfrom‘ChineseinCanada’)…………………..194 “LittleFlower[s]ofChinaOvertheSeas”………………………………………….…197  Chapter8:“WithintheFourSeas,AllareBrothers”:Ethnicity,  Indigenism,andtheInterwarRhetoricofRights...... 207 TheRightsofEthnicity…………………………………………………………………………209 TheRightsofIndigenism……………………………………………………………………..225 TheRightsofHumanity……………………………………………………………………….236  Chapter9:“KeepCanadaCanadian”:AGrainofSalt...... 254 Chinatown’sWhiteWaitresses……………………………………………………………255 PoliticalSolidarityandWomen’sRights………………………………………………265   Chapter10:Conclusion………...... 275  Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………………………………………….…283 

             

v Abstract    Thisdissertationexamines“race”politicsinVancouverduringtheinterwar periodasoneoriginofhumanrightsactivism.RaceͲbasedrightsactivismisa fundamentalelementofthemodernhumanrightsmovementandhumanrights consciousnessinCanada.TherhetoricofraceͲbasedrightswasproblematicfromits inceptionbecauseactivistsassertedequalityrightsbasedonanassumptionofracial difference–aparadoxthatpersistsinhumanrightsrhetorictoday.Whilethelate interwarperiodmarkstheoriginofmodernrightsrhetoric,italsorevealsaparallel turningpointinthehistoryof“race.”Theracialcategoriesof“Oriental”and“Indian” originatedasdiscursivetoolsofcolonialoppression.Butduringtheinterwarperiod, thesecategorieswerebeingredefinedbyactiviststoconnoteapoliticalidentity,to advocateforrightsandprivilegeswithintheCanadiannation.Whilemanyscholars interpretthedrivingforcebehindtheCanadian“rightsrevolution”asaresponsetothe workofcivillibertariansandtheeventsoftheSecondWorldWar,Iarguethatchanging interpretationsofrightswerealsoaresultofactivismfromwithinracialized communities.  InterwarVancouverwasacentralsiteforCanadian“race”politics.Thistypeof politicalactivismmanifestedinresponsetoarangeofdifferentevents,includinga persistent“WhiteCanada”movement;theIndianArtsandCraftsrevival;conflictover thesaleoftheKitsilanoReservation;the1936GoldenJubileecelebrations;sustained antiͲOrientallegislation;andapolicecampaignto“cleanup”Chinatown.Atthesame time,economistsandintellectualsinVancouverwerebeginningtorecognizethe importanceofinternationalrelationswithPacificRimcountriestoboththeprovincial andnationaleconomies.When“whiteness”wasarticulatedbybusinessmenand politiciansinCityHall,itwasmostoftenusedasameansofdefendinglocalprivileges.In contrast,the“Indian”and“Oriental”identitiesthatwereconstructedbyactivistsinthis periodwereinfluencedbytransnationalnotionsofhumanrightsandequality.Theracial identitiesthatwereformedinthislocalcontexthadanenduringinfluenceonthe nationaldebatesandstrategiesconcerningrightsthatfollowed.      

vi  ListofAbbreviationsUsed     B.C.H.A. BritishColumbiaHistoricalAssociation C.B.A.   ChineseBenevolentAssociation C.I.I.A.  CanadianInstituteofInternationalAffairs I.P.R.  InstituteofPacificRelations N.G.C.  NationalGalleryofCanada                           

vii  Acknowledgements     WithMuchAppreciation: ShirleyTillotson,ToddMcCallum,JerryBannister,JohnReid,JohnLutz,HowardRamos, PhilZachernuk;TinaJonesandValeriePeck;thestaffoftheVancouverCityArchives, theBritishColumbiaProvincialArchives,andtheUniversityofBritishColumbiaArchives; andtheSocialSciencesandHumanitiesResearchCouncilofCanada.    WithLoveandAffection: KahYinandChengHootKhoo,EricNellis,CynthiaRussell,BradandKristiWelch,Becky MoyͲBehre,AmberFarrell,VanessaNeil,AmandaMiller,SiobhanMcCollum,Bob Harding,KeithMercer,RogerMarsters,EmilyBurton,ThaneEhler,RuthannLee,Sheila Burke,UrsulaSnyder,JosephineLoo,JoelNickels,DevasiaandSueSebastian,Daveand JunkoYoung,DaveandLauraBaldwin,KateCarson,TheTaylors,TheWilliams’,Ben,the Chongs,andallthekids!   WithEverything: MomandDad,and,ofcourse,Lucas.      

viii Chapter1~Introduction





 Citizenshipregimesincludehistoricallyspecificconceptionsofrights.InCanada inthe1940s,theideaofhumanrightsemergedasanewandcentralelementof citizenship.IntheUniversalDeclarationofHumanRightsof1948andinthenewhuman rightslawsofthesucceedingdecades,racialidentitiesplayedakeyroleinnaming rights.Theoriginsofthoseracialidentitiesareapartofthehistoryofhumanrightsin

Canada.Muchofthecurrentliteratureinthathistorytakesracialidentitiesas commonsensegivens.Inthisthesis,however,Iwillarguethattheracialidentitiesthat definedtheconceptualframeworkofhumanrightsinthe1940sand1950swerefirst producedaspoliticaltoolsintheinterwaryears.Inthisformativeperiodforhuman rightsconcepts,BritishColumbia’shistoryandVancouver’sinparticularwerecentral.

Here,activists,communityleaders,reformers,andintellectualsestablishedracial identitiesthatlaterstructuredthehumanrightsmovement,inanuneven,sporadic,and

contradictoryfashion.

 Vancouverbetween1919and1939wasabreedinggroundfor“race,”rights, citizenship,andimmigrationpolitics.Itsgeographiclocation,demographicmakeͲup, economicvulnerabilityduringtheDepression,andpoliticalinfluenceinOttawamadeits racialculturebothdistinctiveandnationallysignificant.Threeinterconnectedprocesses ofracializationwereimportant.First,thisperiodsawtheassertionofanewvocabulary of“whiteness”asaracialcategory.Second,achangeoccurredintheway“nonͲwhite”

1 racialcategorieswerepoliticizedintheseyears,mostnotablyintermsof“Chinese”and

“Indian.”Andfinally,inthisperiodaconceptualdistinctionwasbeingmadebetween ethnicity,ontheonehand,andindigenismontheother.1Thesethreeprocessesenabled andproduceddiscoursesof“race”thatwerepremisedontheassertionofrights,and notionsofwhatitmeanttobeaCanadiancitizen.Theway“Chinese”and“Indian”were politicizedduringtheinterwarperiodinvolvedthearticulationofwhatmighttodaybe understoodas“race”Ͳbasedequalityrights.Theseearlyinterpretationsofrightshad twonotableconsequencesinthesecondhalfofthetwentiethcentury.Theassertionof indigenousrightsenabledAboriginalactiviststoengageinarightsmovementinthe

1960sand70sthat,atleastintheory,precludedthepoliticsoftheCanadiannation state.2Atthesametime,theassertionofrightsofethnicitythatwasarticulatedby,for example,Vancouver’sChinatowncommunitythroughtheleadershipoftheChinese

BenevolentAssociation(C.B.A.)gaverisetoarhetoricthatadvocateduniversalrights.

1AccordingtoKallen,inthe1970stheterm“ethnicity”wasunderstoodbysociologistsandpolicymakers inCanadaas“anattributeofanorganizedandcohesiveethnicgroupwhosemembersshareddistinctbioͲ culturalattributeswhichtheytransmittedfromgenerationtogenerationthroughtheprocessesof inbreeding(intraͲethnicmating)andenculturation(distinctiveethnicsocialization)”(60).“Indigenous”isa specifictypeofethnicity,but,asKallenargues,isdistinctinCanadabecauseitincludes“territorialclaims basedonAboriginalstatus”(68).Niezenfurtherexpandsonthisdistinctionbyassertingthatwhileboth “ethnicity”and“indigenism”areanalyticalconcepts,“indigenism”isalso“anexpressionofidentity”(3). SeeEvelynKallen,EthnicityandHumanRightsinCanada(Toronto:GagePublishing,1982);andRonald Niezen,TheOriginsofIndigenism:HumanRightsandthePoliticsofIdentity(Berkeley:Universityof CaliforniaPress,2003).  2Forexample,theAmericanIndianMovement,whichwaspartofthecivilrightsmovementbased primarilyoutoftheUnitedStatesandactiveduringthe1960sand70s,functionedasalobbyinggroup thatsentrepresentativestointernationalforums.TheseforumsincludedindigenousnonͲgovernmental organizations(NGOs),aswellasthevariousCouncils,Committees,Commissions,andconferencesfocused onindigenousrightsandissuesorganizedthroughtheUnitedNations.SeeNiezen,TheOriginsof Indigenism,40Ͳ45.

2 ThissamesentimentofuniversalitywasincorporatedintoCanadianlegislationby governmentofficialsandpolicymakersinthelatterpartofthetwentiethcentury.3

 Racialtensionscharacterizedthesocial,economic,andpoliticaldevelopmentof

theprovince.EachofthethreemostcommonlyusedracialcategoriesinBritish

Columbia–“white,”“Indian,”and“Oriental”–wasanamalgamofmultipleethnicities andnationalities.Theseinternalmultiplicitieswereincreasinglyobscuredaseach categorydevelopednewpoliticalmeaningsintheearlytwentiethcentury.Inthe processofpoliticizationwhichensued,peopleorganizedtomanipulateracial designationsinordertoclaimpoliticalstatusandrights.Whileracialidentityisalways political,whatisstrikingabouttheinterwarcontextistheparticularwaythatracewas beingpoliticizedbylocalactivists,communityleaders,reformers,andintellectuals.In thisperiod,racialidentitieswerepoliticizedsoastoclaimrightsandprivilegeswithin theCanadianstate.Inotherwords,organizedadvocacygroupsarguedfortherightto workas“ChineseͲCanadians”;therighttolandandresourcesas“indigenous

Canadians”;andtherighttovote,tolive,andtomakealivingas“hyphenated”

Canadians.Inthesepolitics,racializationwasdeployedasameansofresisting oppression.Atthesametime,racializationinthisperiodsimultaneouslyservedasaway ofguardingprivilege.Variouscivicorganizationsassertedtherighttorestrictothers

fromlandandresources,anddefendedtherighttopolitical,social,andeconomic

3Forexample,intherepealofs.14(2)(i)oftheDominionsElectionsActin1948;followedbythe1960 CanadianBillofRights;thevariousprovincialHumanRightsActsofthe1960s;Quebec’s1975Charterof HumanRightsandFreedoms;the1977CanadianHumanRightsAct;andthe1982CanadianCharterof RightsandFreedoms.Seepages24Ͳ27below,forananalysisoftheliteraturethatdiscussestheseActs andCharters. 

3 privilegeas“white”Canadians.Inallofthesediscourses–of“whiteness,”indigenism, andethnicity–“race”wastakenasageneticabsoluteandracialidentitywasassumed tobeabasisforpoliticalsolidarity.

 Atthesametime,thedifferencesapparentinthemakingofspecificracial identitiesprovidesomeexplanationforthedistincttrajectoriesthateachracialcategory wouldtakeinpoliticalrhetoricaftertheSecondWorldWar.First,“whiteness”wasoften imbuedwithnotionsofracialsuperiority,incontrastwiththeassertionsofequality articulatedby“Chinese,”“Japanese,”and“Aboriginal”Canadians.Intheaftermathof theHolocaustexplicitarticulationsofracialsuperioritybecametaboo,and“whiteness”

becameaninvisiblebackdroptotheCanadianmosaic.Visibleracialandreligious minoritiesemergedasclearͲcutpoliticalmanifestations.Secondly,bythepostwar period,acleardistinctionwasheldinthemindsofmanyCanadiansbetweenethnicity andindigenism.Themoststrikingoutcomeofthisconceptualdifferentiationisapparent inhindsight,intheremovalof“race”asgroundsforpoliticalexclusionintheDominion

ElectionsActthatenfranchised“Chinese”and“Japanese”Canadiansin1948,incontrast withthecontinueddisenfranchisementofmany“Aboriginal”Canadiansuntil1960.4

4UndertheDominionElectionsAct,1900,c.12,thefederalfranchisewasextendedonlytothose individualswhohadthelegalrighttovoteinaprovincialelection.InBritishColumbia,‘Chinese’and ‘Hindu’Canadiansweregivenprovincialfranchise(and,therefore,alsotherighttovotefederally)in1947 viatheStatutesofBritishColumbia,1947,c.28,s.14.Thefollowingyear,“race”wasremovedasagrounds forexclusionfromthefederalfranchisewhens.14(2)(i)oftheDominionElectionsActwasrepealed. However,JapaneseBritishColumbianswerenotgrantedtheprovincialfranchiseuntil1949.Most “Aboriginal”CanadianswerealsodeniedthevoteviatheDominionElectionsAct,1900,c.14s.2,byvirtue oftheirstatusunderthe1876IndianAct,andnotbyvirtueoftheir“race.”Thus,whens.14(2)(i)ofthe DominionElectionsActwasrepealedin1948,thisdidnotapplyto“Aboriginal”Canadians,whowere grantedthefederalfranchisein1960. 

4 ThesedevelopmentsinVancouver’sracialculturehadtheirrootsinthe expeditionsofthelateeighteenthcenturyandthetransͲPacificpatternsofmigration thatfollowed.Throughoutthelateeighteenthandnineteenthcenturies,individuals fromvariouspartsofEurope,China,thePhilippines,India,KoreaandJapanfrequented andinhabitedthisplacethatwashometohundredsofdistinct“Aboriginal” communities,andthatwastobecometheprovinceofBritishColumbia.By

Confederation,however,onlythreemajorracialcategorieswereusedbygovernment officialsintheinterestsofgovernance–thecategoriesof“white,”“Indian,”and

“Oriental.”5InthedecadesimmediatelyfollowingConfederation,thecreationofthe

IndianAct,thedisenfranchisementof“Chinese”and“Aboriginal”Canadians,andthe considerableincreaseof“whites”intheprovinceasaresultofNationalPolicyinitiatives bythefederalgovernmentledtoaheightenedtensionin“raceͲrelations”inthe province.Duringthisperiod,“Indians”and“Orientals”weresubstantiallyexcludedfrom

theexerciseofpoliticalrightsintheprovince.Discriminationinawholehostofsocial andeconomicspheresledtospatialsegregationandeconomicmarginalization.Allof theselimitstofullcitizenship,political,social,andeconomic,werejustifiedby governmentofficialsandmany“white”Canadiansonthebasisofthemoralqualities thattheyattachedto“Indian”and“Oriental”asracialdesignations.Mostnotably,

“Chinese”wasdefinedbyviceandtransience,while“Indian”wascharacterizedby primitivism.Ontheotherhand,thedesignationsof“white”and“European”werelinked tothepositivemoralconceptsofsettlementandcivilization.

5Inthearchivaldocumentsusedinthisthesis,theterm“Asiatic”wasalsosometimesused interchangeablywith“Oriental”duringthisperiod.

5 RacialdiscriminationinBritishColumbiapersistedwellintothetwentieth century,butchangesinboththenationalandinternationalrealmsshedadifferentlight ontheseconflicts.Duringtheinterwarperiod,thesenationalandinternational influencesexplicitlychallengednotonlythenotionbutalsotheviabilityof“white” supremacyinBritishColumbia.Theinterwarperiodwasoneofinternalpoliticalstruggle inCanada.Regionaldissatisfactionwiththefederalgovernmentappearedinan organizedfashionacrossthecountry,forexamplethroughtheriseoftheProgressive

PartyandtheCoͲoperativeCommonwealthFederationinWesternCanada.

Furthermore,bythe1920sthedemographicdistributionofthecountryhadshifted frombeingpredominantlyruraltoincreasinglyurban,andmostpeoplelivinginthe citiesdependedonwagedlabourforsurvival.Thestockmarketcrashof1929revealed theprecariousnessoftheindustrialeconomy.Throughoutthe1920sand1930s,more thanhalfofallCanadianssharedthecommonexperienceofpoverty.6TheDepression

meantdifferentthingsinthedifferentregionsofCanada,asmightbeexpectedfroma countrywithdistinctiveregionalhistories,demographicpatterns,andphysical landscapes.Vancouverhadthehighestpercapitaincomeinthecountryduringthe

1920s,andBritishColumbiawasoneoftheprovincesmostimpactedbyandslowestto

recoverfromtheDepression.7

6MichielHorn,“Preface,”InTheDirtyThirties:CanadiansintheGreatDepression(Toronto:CoppClark, 1972),14.  7JeanBarman,TheWestBeyondtheWest:AHistoryofBritishColumbia(Toronto:UniversityofToronto Press,1991),236Ͳ269. 

6 VancouverwascharacterizedbypatternsofmodernCanadianurbanlife.Its boundarieswerepermeableandshifting,withtransientandnonͲresident(especially merchantandlabour)populationsconstantlymovinginandoutofthecitycore.Thecity isbestunderstoodasthenodeofaregion,acorewithinextricableconnectionstothe

outlyingperiphery.Becauseofthecentralityofitsportandoceanicorientation,

Vancouverwasoneofthemostinternationaland“multiracial”citiesinCanada.By

1930,VancouverhadawellestablishedChinatown,andintheprovinceofBritish

Columbiatherewasatotal“Oriental”population(includingthedesignationsof

“Chinese,”“Japanese,”“Hindu,”and“Other”)estimatedatoverfiftythousand.8Many

oftheseindividualslivedinVancouver,andwereasignificantminorityinthecity’stotal populationofonehundredandfiftythousand.9Inaddition,thelandbaseofthe

AboriginalreservesintheVancouveragencytotaled17553acres.10Therecordsfor

populationscountedaccordingtoracialdesignationfortheinterwarperiodispatchy,at best.CertaingroupsofCanadianswereidentified,counted,tallied,andcategorized accordingtoracialdesignations,butonlyatspecificmomentsandinresponseto particularcircumstances.11

8PeterWard,WhiteCanadaForever:PopularAttitudesandPublicPolicyTowardOrientalsinBritish Columbia(Montreal&Kingston:McGillͲQueen’sUniversityPress,1978),170Ͳ171.  9Ibid.;DerekHayes,HistoricalAtlasofVancouverandtheLowerFraserValley(Vancouver:Douglasand McIntyre,2005),120.  10Canada,DepartmentofIndianAffairsAnnualReport,1931.  11MyunderstandingofpopulationmakingasapracticederivesfromBruceCurtis,ThePoliticsof Population:StateFormation,Statistics,andtheCensusofCanada,1840Ͳ1875(Toronto:Universityof TorontoPress,2001).Curtisarguesthatcensusmaking“isinherentlyadisciplinarypractice,asMichel Foucaultemploysthatterm.Itseekstotieindividualstoplaceswithinanadministrativegridandthento holdthemsteadysothattheymaybecomeobjectsofknowledgeandgovernment”(6).

7  Duringtheinterwaryears,racializationoccurredmostexplicitlyin representationsofpopularhistory,inelectoralpolitics,andintheworkplace.Spaceslike

Chinatownandthereservesinvolvedthecreationofraciallydefinedpopulationsby tyinggroupsofindividualstoaparticularplace,withrealphysicalboundaries.Inthefirst halfofthetwentiethcentury,competitionoverlandandresourcesgaverisetodebates inwhichtheseracialandspatialdesignationswerecontinuouslybeingcreatedand recreatedbyactivists,communityleaders,reformers,andintellectuals,aswellasby residentsofthosecommunities,localpoliticians,thepolice,andjournalists.Inthese processes,racialdesignationswerenotonlyimposedoncertaincommunities,butwere alsoassertedasameansofclaimingpower.MilitaryparticipationintheFirstWorldWar by“nonͲwhite”Canadians–andindeed,theeffectsofwaritselfonlocal,national,and internationalcircumstances–instigatedashiftinprocessesofracializationduringthe

interwarperiod.Whilenewandexistinglegislationreaffirmedearliersocialand statutorynotionsof“race,”thesewerebeingcontested.IntheyearsfollowingtheFirst

WorldWar,afirstgenerationofEnglishspeaking,universityeducatedChineseand

AboriginalCanadianswerepoliticallyactiveinVancouver.Newracialidentitieswere

beingassertedbytheseBritishColumbians,whichbetterreflectedthediversity, ambiguity,andcomplexityofsocietyandpoliticsintheinterwarperiod.

Theconvergenceoflocalcircumstancesandtransnationalinfluenceswere centraltothisprocessofconstructingracialidentityintheinterwarperiod,and

Vancouver’sregionalspecificitywascharacterizedbythecity’stransnationalties.Local



8 circumstancesinVancouver,mostimportantlythepromotionofarespectable

“Chinese”communityandanindigenous“Indian”identity,providedactivists,politicians,

andintellectualswithaconcretefoundationfromwhichtodeveloparhetoricthat advocatedpoliticalequalityregardlessofracialdifference.Boththe“Chinese”and

“Aboriginal”communitiesmaintainedtransnationallinkswellbeforetheoutbreakof

theSecondWorldWar.Inthecaseofthe“Chinese,”thiswasbecauseoftheirhistories asimmigrantsinconjunctionwiththelongstandingprejudiceandsegregationthese groupsexperiencedinNorthAmerica.For“Aboriginal”organizations,indigenousrights, bydefinition,supersedednationalboundaries.Thebasisofindigenousrightsclaimsis

theassertionofsovereignty,andfromthisperspectiveindividual“Aboriginal”nations areconsideredlegitimatepoliticalentities.Thus,alliancesbetweenindividual

“Aboriginal”nationsaswellastreatiesmadebetween“Aboriginal”and“nonͲ

Aboriginal”(i.e.,Canadian)nationsconstituteinternationalagreements.12Indigenous rightsorganizationsintheinterwarperiodfoundsolidarityinasenseof“panͲIndianism” thathadaninternationalscopeandassertedsovereigntybymakingaunilateraldemand totheCanadianfederalgovernmentfortherecognitionof“Aboriginal”title.13

Manynotableleadersofnational“race”Ͳbasedequalityrightsmovementsbegan theircareersinVancouver’s“race”politicsintheinterwaryears.Theworkofthese

12See,forexample,Kallen,EthnicityandHumanRights,68Ͳ69;DaleTurner,ThisisNotaPeacePipe: TowardsaCriticalIndigenousPhilosophy(Toronto:UniversityofTorontoPress,2006),4.  13Imakeadistinctionherebetween“international”and“transnational”wheretheformerrefersto formalagreementsmadebetweennationͲstates,whilethelatterreferstothemoregeneralmovementof orrelationshipbetweenthings,bodies,andideasacrossnationalboundaries.Thus,“international”and “transnational”influencesaredistinct;“international”relationsareonetypeof“transnational”relation; but,“transnational”connectionsdonotalwaysoronlymanifestintheformof“international”relations. 

9 activists,communityleaders,reformers,andintellectualsredefinedfederalcitizenship andimmigrationpolicyinthe1940sandafterwards.Thelanguageofpoliticalequality thatemergedinthisperiodwasonethatoftenassumedinherentracialdifferencebut assertedpolitical,economic,andsocialrightsdespitethesedifferences.Thisrhetoricof rightswasshapedbyaconfluenceofregionalandinternationalinfluences.The expansionofinternationaltradeandeconomiccooperationbetweenthePacificnations, inparticular,highlightedthepersistenceanddistinctivenessofdiscriminatorylegislation againstOrientalsinBritishColumbia.Whiletrulyinternationalsocialmovementsdidnot occuruntilthe1970s,thetransnationaltiesthatexistedwithinlocalmovementsand campaignsforsocialjusticegaverisetoacommonassertionofuniversalrights–a fundamentalpremiseofmodernhumanrightsrhetoric.

 ThisthesishighlightsthesignificanceofVancouverasaplacewhere“race” politicsproliferatedatacrucialpointinthehistoryofrightsinCanada,andbecame

formativetothedevelopmentofaCanadianrightsdiscourse.Thiscasestudyisalso significantbecauseVancouveroffersmultipleperspectiveson“race,”wherethe categoriesof“white,”“Oriental,”and“Indian”canbeexaminedtogether.14This

perspectiveisuseful,becauseitrevealswhatcontinuestobeakeypointofconflictin contemporarydebatesoverhumanrightsandideaslikemulticulturalism.Historical understandingsofrightsdiscoursesbasedonracialidentitiescontinuetoinfluence

14Thevariousderivationsoftheterms“white,”“Oriental,”and“Indian”(including“Chinese,”“Japanese,” and“Aboriginal”)aswellastheterm“race,”aresetinquotationsinthisfirstsectionoftheintroduction, toreinforcetheconstructed(andthereforesubjectiveandhistoricallyspecific)natureofthesecategories ofidentity.Forthesakeofclarity,however,hereafterquotationsareonlyusedaroundthesetermsto provideadditionalemphasis. 

10 contemporarypolitics,albeitinthelanguageofhumanrights.Oneofthegreatest difficulties,aswellasthemostsalientaspectsofthisprojectisthattheverysubjectof study–racialization–alsoconstitutesaprimaryobstacleinthatthistypeof politicizationreinforcesracialdifference.15Thus,thehumanrightsdiscourseassumedby

theCanadiangovernmentinthepostwarperiodpromotedanidealofequalitybasedon anassumptionofracial,ethnic,andculturaldifference–apointofconflictthatpersists tothisday.



Historiography

 Thisdissertationispositionedattheintersectionoftwoliteratures:the

historiographyofraceandthatofthehumanrightsmovement.Thefirstpartofthe followinghistoriographicalanalysisidentifiesseveralimportantconceptualfoundations thathavebeenestablishedintheextantliteratureon“race”inCanadianhistory.The worksdiscussedhereshowthatimperialistnotionsofracialorderwerecentraltothe

Canadianprojectofnationalisminthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies, butthatbythemidͲtwentiethcentury,transnationalideasofhumanrightsandequality engenderedashiftinCanadiandiscoursesofrace.Bothofthesediscourses–ofan imperialistracialorderandofhumanrightsandequality–simultaneouslyinfluenced

processesofracializationinthisperiod.Thesecondpartofthishistoriographicalanalysis examinesseveralworksonthehistoryofhumanrightsinCanada.Whilescholarsagree

15Forathoroughandinsightfulanalysisofthisparadoxof“naming,”seeDeniseRiley,“AmIThatName?”: FeminismandtheCategoryof“Women”inHistory(Minneapolis:UniversityofMinnesotaPress,2003). 

11 thatakeycomponentintheintellectualtrajectoryofhumanrightshistorywasanotion ofegalitarianismandsocialrightswhichprecludedthepoliticsofthenationͲstate,the historiographytendstofocusalmostexclusivelyoninternationalpoliticsand organizations.ThisfocushasobscuredtheroleofgrassrootsraceͲbasedequalityrights

activism,includingproͲwhiteactivism,inthebroaderhistoryofhumanrightsinCanada.



TheRaceLiterature

 AsJoͲAnneLeeandJohnLutzhavepointedout,historyshowsthat“westandon thebedrockofearlierformsofracialconsciousness.”16Thismeansthathistoriansof racethemselveswritefromwithinparticularexperiencesthatareshapedby racialization–thesocialprocessofconstructing/producingraceconsciousness.17Asa

result,theracehistoriographyismarkedbytwolimitations.First,thereisatendencyto conflatehistoriesofracismwiththehistoryofrace.Although,asLeeandLutzrightly assert,racismisinherenttoracialization,eveninprocessesthataredeployedand presentedinapositivelight(i.e.,asnotracistbutinsteadascontributingtosuch conventionalidealsinpoliticaldiscourseasliberty,equality,andjustice)18–thehistories

ofracismandracializationinCanada,whilecloselyconnected,arenotthesame.

Secondly,themultiplicityinherenttoracehistoryischaracterizedbyisolationrather

16JoͲAnneLeeandJohnLutz,eds.,Situating“Race”andRacismsinTime,Space,andTheory:Critical EssaysforActivistsandScholars(Montreal&Kingston:McGillͲQueen’sUniversityPress,2005),5.  17RobertMiles,Racism,2nded.(London:Routledge,2003),99Ͳ103.AlthoughMilesusesthespelling racialisation,IfollowLeeandLutz’susageofracialization.  18LeeandLutz,SituatingRace,13Ͳ14. 

12 thancohesion.IntheCanadiancontext,thissecondlimitationmanifestsinthe separationofAboriginalfromracehistories,aswellastheseparationofhistoriesof whitenessfromotherracehistories.

TwoinfluentialworksthatexaminethehistoryofracisminCanadaareAngus

McLaren’sOurOwnMasterRace:EugenicsinCanada,1885Ͳ1945andMariana

Valverde’sTheAgeofLight,Soap,andWater:MoralReforminEnglishCanada,1880Ͳ

1925.BothOurOwnMasterRaceandTheAgeofLight,Soap,andWater,publishedin

1990and1991,provideevidencethatdiscoursesofCanadiannationalisminthelate nineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturieswereintenselyracialized.InOurOwnMaster

Race,McLarenexaminesthebroadappealofeugenicsinlatenineteenthandearly twentiethcenturyCanada.Inthisperiod,variouspoliticians,socialreformers,church officials,intellectuals,andscientistsadvocatedeugenicstheoryasameanstowardsthe

“betterment”oftheCanadian“race.”McLarenarguesthatalthoughthepopularityof

eugenicstheoryinCanadapeakedinthe1930s,thismovementwasimmediately checkedby“thehorrorsthatresulted”fromtheSecondWorldWar.19Nonetheless,

McLaren’sassertionthatCanadianeugenicistsweredrivenbyprogressivism,altruism, andacertaindegreeofutopianismratherthanracismhighlightsawidespread assumptionofracialorderthatpermeatedCanadiansociety.

InValverde’sargument,thisnotionofracialorderprovidedoneintellectualbasis ofthesocialpuritymovement,andwasincorporatedaspartofa“certaincultural

19McLaren,OurOwnMasterRace,9. 

13 consensus”thatwasestablishedbythe1920sinEnglishCanada.20TheAgeofLight,

Soap,andWatertracestherootsanddevelopmentofsocialpurityideologyamong bourgeoisintellectuals.ThisworkcanbereadasastudyofanationalistͲimperialist defenceofracialorder.Thesocialpuritymovement,anurban“philanthropicprojectto reformor‘regenerate’Canadiansociety,”influencedthedevelopmentofstate

institutionsandCanadiannationalisminthedecadesfollowingConfederation.21Inher

chapteronimmigrationpolicy,ValverdedemonstrateshowtheassertionofCanadian nationalisminthetwentiethcentury–insomecases,ofa“Canadianrace”–was premisedonimperialistnotionsofrace,sexuality,andmorality.22Inessence,thesetwo

authorsestablishthatinmuchofEnglishCanada,bythelatenineteenthandintothe earlytwentiethcentury,“white”hadbecomethenormfor“Canadian.”

 Europeanexpansionandconquestwasjustifiedbyaracialtypologywhich accordedbothbiologicalandculturalsupremacytothewhiterace.23Thistypologywas

generallyacceptedas“commonsense”bymanyCanadiansinthelatenineteenthand earlytwentiethcenturies.24Inthe1930s,however,scientificopinionshiftedawayfrom

theviewthatphysicaldifferencesdictatedintellectualandbehavioraldifferences,

20Valverde,TheAgeofLight,Soap,andWater,15.  21Ibid.,15.  22Ibid.,104Ͳ128.  23GeorgeFrederickson,Racism(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,2002),49Ͳ95.  24JamesW.St.GeorgeWalker,“Race,”RightsandtheLawintheSupremeCourtofCanada(TheOsgood SocietyforCanadianlegalHistoryandSirWilfredLaurierUniversityPress,1997),13Ͳ14. 

14 towardswhatJamesSt.GeorgeWalkerdescribesas“biologicalͲculturalambiguity.”25

Thisemergingscientificopinion,whichquestionedanexclusivelyphysiologicalbasisfor defining“race,”correspondedwiththebirthofaneologismasacriticismofthecolonial perceptionofrace.Theterm“racism”firstcameintousageduringthe1930s,asa reactionoftheWesternWorldtotheantiͲSemiticactivitiesoftheNazis.26InCanada,

theemergenceofthistermincommonparlanceandtheeventsoftheSecondWorld

WarmarkedadecisiveshifttowardsthecrystallizationofantiͲracistmovements,bothin politicalrhetoricandinthepopularmind.Thus,intheinterwarperiod,apersistent colonialmindsetwhichassumedracialorderprovidedtheconceptualbackdropforan emergingdiscourseofhumanrightsinCanadianpolitics.

 AsConstanceBackhouseandJamesSt.GeorgeWalkerhavedemonstrated,akin tothelatenineteenthtoearlytwentiethcenturyprojectofnationalism,Canadianlegal historyisalsomarkedbythepersistenceofaracistcolonialmindset.Backhouse’sColour

Coded:ALegalHistoryofRacisminCanada,1900Ͳ1950andWalker’s“Race,”Rightsand theSupremeCourtofCanadaprovidethreecommonconceptualbasesforanalyzing race.First,thisapproacharguesagainsta“mythofracelessness,”orthegeneraldenial bymanyCanadiansofracisminboththepastandpresent,andawidespreadbeliefin

Canadiansocietyasonethathasbeencharacterizedbytolerance,peace,andorder.27

Second,bothscholarsassertthemutabilityofrace,asasocialconstructandasa“legal

25Ibid.,17.  26Frederickson,Racism,5;seealso,ConstanceBackhouse,ColourͲCoded:ALegalHistoryofRacismin Canada,1900Ͳ1950(Toronto:TheOsgoodeSocietybyUofTPress,1999),285,ftnt14.  27Backhouse,ColourͲCoded,13Ͳ14;Walker,“Race,”RightsandtheLaw,3,4,307Ͳ308. 

15 artifact.”28Finally,WalkerandBackhouseconcludethatsystemicracismwasprevalent inearlytwentiethͲcenturyCanadiansociety,evidenceofwhichmanifestedinthelegal proceedingsthatarethesubjectofthesetwomonographs.29

 Yet,asBackhouseargues,“asdeeplyrooted,multilayered,andsystemicas

racismwasinCanadiansociety,itwasnotmonolithicinthesensethathistorians sometimespurportittobe.”30Throughananalysisofsixcourtcasesthatwereheard

between1903and1946,Backhouseprovidesevidenceofresistancetoracismfrom

within“racializedcommunities”aswellaswhiteparticipationinantiͲracistactionto

arguethatracismdidnotoccurin“amoralvacuum.”31Inotherwords,themythof racelessnesswasalwayscontested.Further,Backhouseidentifiesawidespreadshiftin the“rhetoricalanalysisofrace”bythe1930s,fromthelanguageofimperialismtothe languageofhumanrights.32Backhouseofferslittleexplanationforthisshift,exceptto

gesturebrieflyinthegeneraldirectionof“scientists,”“legislators,”Hitler,andthe

SecondWorldWar.33Walkeralsoidentifiesthe1930sasaturningpointinracehistory, whichheattributesto“emergingscientificopinion”thatledtoachangein“scientific orthodoxy.”34Althoughthereasonsforthisshiftareperipheraltotheanalyticalfocusof

28Walker,“Race,”RightsandtheLaw,302;see,also,6;and,Backhouse,ColourͲCoded,8Ͳ12.  29Walker,“Race,”RightsandtheLaw,303;Backhouse,ColourͲCoded,275.  30Backhouse,ColourͲCoded,275;see,also,10.  31Ibid.,276;278.  32Ibid.,281.  33Ibid.  34Walker,“Race,”RightsandtheLaw,16.

16 ColourͲCodedand“Race,”RightsandtheLaw,whichis,inbothcases,thehistoryof racismratherthanracialization–thenotionthatsomethingchangedintheinterwar periodthatledtoareconceptualizationofracerelationsinCanadaisfundamental.This ideaofamidͲcenturyshiftprovidesthechronologicallogicforbothstudies,aswellas

ananalyticalframework.Understandingtheinterwarperiodasonewhereconceptsof racewerecharacterizedby‘biologicalͲculturalambiguity’enableshistorianstodescribe andexplainresistancetosystemicracism.

 Bothscholarsalsoagreethatthechangeswhichoccurredintheinterwarperiod

werearesultoftransnationalinfluences,asubjectthatWalkerdoesexpandon, althoughnotinreferencetotherhetoricalshiftthatBackhousedescribes.Oneof

Walker’skeycontentionsisthat“Canadianlaw...providedamechanismforthelocal manifestationofprinciplesthatwerebroadlycurrentthroughoutWesterncivilization andbeyond.”35Inotherwords,transnational(or,external)influencesshapedCanadians’ livedexperiences.WalkerusestheexampleofCanadianimmigrationlaws,which,he argues,werebasedon“transnationalstereotypesandracialdoctrines.”36Theseglobal

sensibilitiestranslatedintoimmigrationlawsandtheaccompanyinglegaldevicesthat

wereputinplacetoregulateemployment,education,andcivilrightsinaccordancewith transnationalracialstereotypesanddoctrines.AccordingtoWalker,thisproduceda

“commonsense”notioninCanadathatcolourequatedtosocialstatus,whichinturn

35Ibid.,304.  36Ibid. 

17 reinforcedtransnationalstereotypesatalocallevel.37Inthisinterpretation,local expressionsofracisminCanadaweredefinedbyglobaltrends–specifically,imperial andcolonialracialstereotypesanddoctrines.

 ThisthesisbuildsonWalker’sassertionthatthehistoryofraceinCanadaisnot onlythestoryoflocalexperience,butincludesexternal/global/transnationalinfluences aswell.WhereWalkerfocusesonhowstereotypesandracialdoctrinesinformeda

specificallyCanadianformofracialdiscrimination,thefollowingthesisincorporatesa secondglobalparadigmthatwasinfluentialinCanadaduringtheinterwarperiod.

Transnationaldiscoursesofhumanrights,includingraceͲbasedequalityrights,also playedaroleinCanadianracehistory.AsKennethCmielhasargued,humanrights

discourseisa“universalisticidiom[which]acquireslocalmeaningsthatarefoughtover andevolveovertime…Itisthecarefulandconstantinterplaybetweenlocalandglobal, betweenspecificpoliticalsettingsandgrandpoliticalclaimsthatpromisestocontribute toknowledge.”38ThisstudyofVancouverinterpretslocalmanifestationsofthe convergenceofthesetwotransnationalparadigms–ofracialdoctrinesandhuman rightsprinciples–ascentraltothehistoryofraceinCanada.Fromthisperspective, writingthehistoryofraceinvolvesrecognizingprocessesofracializationthatarenot primarilycharacterizedbyracism.

 Thesefourworks,byMcLaren,Valverde,Backhouse,andWalkerarenationalin scope,andspeaktotheimportanceof“race”inCanadianhistoryasawhole.Two

37Ibid.,304Ͳ305.  38KennethCmiel,“TheRecentHistoryofHumanRights,”AmericanHistoryReview109:1(February2004): 126. 

18 notablepatternsariseoutofthiscommonefforttodiscoveraCanadianracehistory.

First,eachstudyfocusesprimarilyonracism;andsecondly,asaconsequenceofthis firstpoint,whitenessistheonlyracialcategorythatisconsistentlyrepresentedasaselfͲ consciouslypoliticizedidentity.Thisfixationonracismisalsoapparentinmanyofthe historiesofparticularcategoriesofrace,andinthehistoriesthathavebeentoldfroma regionalperspective.Intheseaccounts,whatoftenoccursisthatscholarstendto isolatecategoriesofraceintheiranalyses,andtheresultisadichotomous interpretationofraceͲrelations.Thisapproachhasgivenrisetorichsubfieldsin

Canadianand,inparticular,BritishColumbianhistorythataredefinedbyracial categorizations.ThereisacomprehensiveliteratureonChinese,Japanese,SouthAsian communities’histories,ontheonehand,andAboriginalhistory,ontheother.39Scholars

39See,forexample,PeterWard,WhiteCanadaForever:PopularAttitudesandPublicPolicyToward OrientalsinBritishColumbia(Montreal&Kingston:McGillͲQueen’sUniversityPress,1978);PatriciaRoy,A WhiteMan’sProvince:BritishColumbiaPoliticiansandChineseandJapaneseImmigrants,1858—1914 (Vancouver:UniversityofBritishColumbiaPress,1989)andTheOrientalQuestion,55Ͳ130;KayJ. Anderson,Vancouver’sChinatown:RacialDiscourseinCanada,1875Ͳ1980(Montreal&Kingston:McGillͲ Queen’sUniversityPress,1991);PeterS.Li,TheChineseinCanada(Toronto:OxfordUniversityPress, 1998);WingChungNg,TheChineseinVancouver,1945Ͳ80:ThePursuitofIdentityandPower(Vancouver: UniversityofBritishColumbiaPress,1999).Seealso,NormanBuchignani,DoreenM.Indra,andRam Srivastiva,ContinuousJourney:ASocialHistoryofSouthAsiansinCanada(Toronto:McClelland&Stewart, 1985);andKamalaElizabethNayar,TheSikhDiasporaInVancouver:ThreeGenerationsAmidTradition, Modernity,andMulticulturalism(Toronto:UniversityofTorontoPress,2004).ForexamplesofJapanese Canadianhistory,seeKenAdachi,TheEnemythatNeverWas:AHistoryofJapaneseCanadians(Toronto: McClelland&Stewart,1982);MasumiIzumi,“TheJapaneseCanadianMovement:MigrationandActivism BeforeandAfterWorldWarOne”AmerasiaJournal33:2(2007):49Ͳ66;ShannonJette,“Little/BigBall: TheVancouverAsahiBaseballStory”SportHistoryReview38:1(2007):1Ͳ16;andMichikoMidgeAyukawa, HiroshimaImmigrantsinCanada,1891Ͳ1941(Vancouver:UniversityofBritishColumbiaPress,2008).The literatureonAboriginalhistoryincludesRobinFisher,ContactandConflict:IndianEuropeanRelationsin BritishColumbia,1774Ͳ1890(Vancouver:UniversityofBritishColumbiaPress,1977;1992);OlivePatricia Dickason,Canada’sFirstNations:AHistoryofFoundingPeoplesfromEarliestTimes(Toronto:McClelland andStewart,1992);Harris,Cole.MakingNativeSpace:Colonialism,ResistanceandReservesinBritish Columbia.Vancouver:UniversityofBritishColumbiaPress,2002;HughShewell,EnoughtoKeepthem Alive:IndianWelfareinCanada,1873Ͳ1965(Toronto:UniversityofTorontoPress,2004);andJean Barman,StanleyPark’sSecret:TheForgottenFamiliesofWhoiWhoi,KanakaRanchandBrocktonPoint (MadeiraPark:HarbourPublishing2005). 

19 inthesefieldshavecontributedsignificantlytobroaderunderstandingsofthehistoryof raceinCanada.

 ThesubfieldofAboriginalhistoryhasbeenunquestionablyinfluentialinthe literatureonBritishColumbia.Onesuchstudythateffectivelyexaminesprocessesof racializationisPaigeRaibmon’sAuthenticIndians:EpisodesofEncounterfromtheLateͲ

NineteenthͲCenturyNorthwestCoast.Raibmondescribestheproductionofadichotomy thatsimultaneouslydrewfromandinformedrelationshipsbetweenAboriginalandnonͲ

Aboriginalpeople.Thedichotomysheexaminesisbetweennotionsofwhatconstituted

‘authentic’and‘inauthentic’Aboriginals,withparticularrightsaswellasrestrictions attachedtoeachcategory.Raibmon’sargumentispremisedontheideathat authenticitywasnotagiven;rather,itwas“ashiftingsetofideasthatworkedina varietyofwaystowardavarietyofends.”40InlatenineteenthͲcenturyNorthAmerica

authenticitywascontinuouslybeingreproduced,altered,adjusted,andusedforabroad rangeofpurposesbygovernmentofficials,settlers,missionaries,reformers,Aboriginal people,andmostsignificantlybyanthropologists.

 Authenticity,inRaibmon’sinterpretation,involvedthecommodificationof

Aboriginalcultureanditspresentationintheformoftimeless,unchangingexhibits.

ExhibitionhasbeeninterpretedasfundamentaltoaspecificallyEuropeanwayof orderingandunderstandingtheworld.TimothyMitchellarguesthatinnineteenthͲ centuryEurope,exhibitiondidnotoccurexclusivelyatorganizedeventsliketheWorld

40PaigeRaibmon,AuthenticIndians:EpisodesofEncounterfromthelateͲnineteenthͲcenturyNorthwest Coast,(DurhamandLondon:DukeUniversityPress,2005),3. 

20 Exhibition.Thiswayof“organizingtheview,”of“renderinguptheworldasathingtobe viewed,”oforderingtheworld“soastorepresent”–couldbefoundinplaceslike museums,theatre,publicgardens,zoos,thefarmsofthecountryside,andthestreets andfacadesofthecities.Theworldwasarrangedasobjectsthatsignifiedmeaning,as

representations.Representationseparatedmeaningfrommateriality.Accordingto

Mitchell,‘worldasexhibition’isadistinctlyEuropeancolonialperspective,apersistent, pervasiveandallͲencompassingwayofunderstandingandorderingtheworldpremised onseparation,dualism,andbinary.41Materialobjects,thingsandbodies,werethe objectsofstudy,understoodasdetachableandisolatedfromtheircontextsofmeaning.

Inauthenticitywaschangeandadaptability,afunctionofthemindandthemarketplace.

InRaibmon’saccount,racialidentityisbothproducedandsidelinedbyconcernsfor authenticity,intheinterestsofscience,colonization,andgovernance.

Inthisthesis,Ifurthersuggestthatthedichotomyofauthentic/inauthenticwas theproductofseveralforces.Twoexertedandespeciallyformativeinfluencesareas follows.First,theneedtodistinguishauthenticfrominauthenticinthestudyof

Aboriginalpeoplehadpartialrootsintheprofessionalizationofthescienceswhich

occurredinthelateͲnineteenthcentury,andwhichrelegatedAboriginalscholarshipto

therealmsofanthropologyasdistinctfromhistory.Inparticular,thisdichotomywas reproducedbythemethodologicalandideologicalpremisesofearlyethnographers whoseresearchrequiredfieldworkwhichpositionedthescholarasimpartialobserver

41TimothyMitchell,“TheWorldasExhibition,”ComparativeStudiesinSocietyandHistory,31:2(April 1989):221Ͳ222. 

21 andAboriginalpeopleasobjects.Secondly,thisparticulardichotomywasnotan isolatedperspectivebutpartofalargerworldview–animperialistmindsetthatwas premisedonanassumptionofmultipledichotomies,orabinaryperspective.42This

perspectivetranslatedintoabsolutedistinctionsbetweenpeople,inaccordancewith racial,ethnic,cultural,religious,linguistic,andgeographicdifferences.Thisthesis borrowsfromRaibmon’sapproachinassertingthatduringtheinterwarperiodin

Canada,“race,”like“authenticity,”wasa“shiftingsetofideas”embeddedinacolonial discourse.



Intersection

 Threekeyconclusionsmaybereachedfromthecollectiveworksofthese scholarsofracehistory.First,inthewritingofhistory,theconceptofracializationcan besuccessfullyintegratedwiththeprincipleofmaintainingrealpeopleandtheir interactionswithotherpeopleasafocusofhistoricalanalysis.Secondly,thereexistsan

importantandmutuallydeterminingrelationshipbetweenthediscursivecategories

(suchasrace,class,andgender)thatinformthesehumaninteractions.Finally,these discursivecategoriesareinherenttothepoliticaldiscoursesofimperialism, colonization,andnation.Inaccordancewiththisperspective,Iargueinthisdissertation thatracializationwasintrinsictoquestionsofcitizenshipandrightsinearlytwentiethͲ centuryCanada.Morespecifically,processesofracializationwereessentialtothe

42Formoreinthisvein,seeTimothyMitchell,ColonisingEgypt(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress, 1988). 

22 genesisofdistinctlyCanadianinterpretationsofcitizenshipandhumanrights,andofthe natureoftherelationshipbetweencitizenshipandhumanrights.InVancouver,the largepresenceofAsianandAboriginalpopulationsascomparedtoSouthernOntario andQuebec,andtheabsenceofafrancophone“natural”workingclass,gavethese racializedgroupsmorepoliticalsignificance.RacerelationsinVancouverwerealsoless binarythaninplaceslikeNovaScotia,wheretheblack/whitedichotomydominated.

Instead,notionsofracerightsweremoreattunedtheconceptofcollectiverights,and thecaseofVancouvermadeanotablecontributiontothedevelopmentofCanadian

racerelationsmorebroadly.IntheCanadiancontext,scholarshaveyettofullyintegrate thetheoryandsubstanceofthecurrentraceliteratureintodiscussionsofcitizenship andrights,despitethefactthatoneoftheideologicalpillarsofthe“rightsrevolution”in postͲwarCanadawasthedemandforracialequality.



TheRightsLiterature

 Thisthesisopenswiththeclaimthatcitizenshipregimesincludehistorically specificconceptionsofrights.Thenotionof“citizenshipregimes”isdefinedbyJane

Jensonasthe“discourses,aswellasthepracticeswhichresultfrom...visionsofthe properformofthetriangularrelationshipamongthestate,themarketand

communities.”43Inotherwords,establishingtherightsandobligationsofbothcitizen andstatearepartofthestate’sprojectofregulatingrelationsbetweenmarketsand

43JaneJenson,“FatedtoLiveinInterestingTimes:Canada’sChangingCitizenshipRegimes,”Canadian JournalofPoliticalScience30:4(December1997):629. 

23 communities.JensonidentifiestheSecondWorldWarasthestartingpointofadistinct citizenshipregimewhichculminatedinthe1982CanadianCharterofRightsand

Freedoms,andwhichshedescribesasa“profoundlyliberalcitizenshipregime.”44

Jensendefinesthisliberalregimeasoneinwhichthestatetookanactiverolein promotingsocialjusticeandinguidingeconomicdevelopment.Thiswasdonethrougha

“panͲCanadian”strategy,which“recognizedasingleCanadiancommunityalbeitone composedoffrancophonesandAnglophones,aswellasindividualsofdiverseethnic

origins.”45Thereisanimportantparadoxinthisconceptionofthepostwarcitizenship regime,which,asJensendemonstrates,hasbeenapointofcontentioninthepast30 yearsforbothQuebecnationalistsaswellasneoͲliberalcriticswhospeakfromthe current“eraofglobalization.”46Thisparadoxliesintheattempttoaccommodatethe conflictingnotionsofpanͲCanadianismandindividualrightsintoacommonconception ofcitizenship.InJenson’sinterpretation,twooutcomesofthisparadoxwerethe

Canadiangovernment’sadoptionofmulticulturalismasofficialpolicyin1971andthe

1982CharterofRightsandFreedoms.47

 Chronologyisvitaltounderstandingoneimportantaspectofthisparadoxof humanrights,whichliesattheintersectionofracehistoryandthehistoryofrightsin

Canada.However,neithertheracenortherightsliteraturehasyetclearlyidentifiedthe

44Ibid.,637.  45Ibid.,634.  46Ibid.,643.  47Forahistoriographicaldiscussionontheliteratureonhumanrightswhichinterpretshumanrightsas paradoxical,seeCmiel,“TheRecentHistoryofHumanRights,”132Ͳ133. 

24 originsortimingofraceͲbasedequalityrightsactivism.Inhisworkonracerelationsin

BritishColumbia,PeterWardarguesthatthesinophobiawhichdevelopedintheyears followingConfederation,illustratedbyvariousrestrictivelawssurroundingimmigration andenfranchisementaswellasthe1907Vancouverraceriots,persistedintothe

interwarperiod“largelyindependentofsocialandeconomiccircumstances.”48Patricia

Royfollowsasimilarnarrative,withherfocusinTheOrientalQuestiononthereasons forhostilityagainstOrientals,theracialprejudicethatledtothe1923ExclusionAct,and theinternmentoftheJapaneseduringtheSecondWorldWar.InTheTriumphof

Citizenship,RoyarguesforaparadigmshiftfollowingtheSecondWorldWar,wherethe

declineofracismandbeginningofamovementtowardsthegradualinclusionofthe

ChineseandJapaneseintofullcitizenshipcomesaboutafter1941.Intheirassessments ofspecificminoritygroups,AnnGomerSunahara,KamalaElizabethNayarandWing

ChungNg’smonographsconcentrateontheformationofculturalidentitywithinthe

CanadiannationinthepostͲWorldWarTwoperiod.JeanBarman’ssurveyofBritish

Columbia’shistoryprimarilyexaminestheeconomicsituationintheprovinceduringthe interwarperiod.49

48Ward,WhiteCanadaForever,119.  49PatriciaRoy,TheOrientalQuestion:ConsolidatingaWhiteMan’sProvince,1914Ͳ1941(Vancouver: UniversityofBritishColumbiaPress,2003);idem,TheTriumphofCitizenship:TheJapaneseandChinesein Canada,1941Ͳ67(Vancouver:UniversityofBritishColumbiaPress,2007);Sunahara,ThePoliticsof Racism;KamalaElizabethNayar,TheSikhDiasporaInVancouver:ThreeGenerationsAmidTradition, Modernity,andMulticulturalism(Toronto:UniversityofTorontoPress,2004);WingChungNg,The ChineseinVancouver,1945Ͳ80:ThePursuitofIdentityandPower(Vancouver:UniversityofBritish ColumbiaPress,1999);Barman,WestBeyondtheWest.Twonotableworksthatdoidentifyandanalyse thisperiodinsomedepthasfundamentaltothemovementtowardsfullcitizenshipfornonͲwhite CanadiansareHughShewell’sEnoughtoKeepThemAlive:IndianWelfareinCanada,1873Ͳ1965(Toronto: UniversityofTorontoPress,2003)andKayAnderson’sVancouver’sChinatown. 

25  Inthesameway,scholarsofhumanrightshavefocusedonthe1940sand beyondintheirinterpretationsofCanadianhistory.Theseauthorsassertthatthe circumstancesbroughtaboutbytheSecondWorldWarinstigatedandenabledtheera ofhumanrightsinCanada.Forexample,EvelynKallenarguesthat“althoughtherewere

isolatedlegislativeattemptstoovercomeethnicdiscriminationinCanadaasfarbackas

the1930s…itwasnotuntiltheendofWWIIthataninterestinantiͲdiscrimination developed.”50MichaelIgnatieffbypassestheinterwarperiodentirelyinhispublished

lectures,andbeginshisdiscussionwiththeSecondWorldWar.51Christopher

MacLennanaffirmsthatdemandsforanationalbillrightsasindicativeofashiftinhow

Canadiansperceivedofrightsandthegovernment’sroleinprotectingrightsaroseasa responsetothemyriadofhumanrightsabusesandracismthatoccurredduringthe

SecondWorldWarperiod,bothwithinCanadaandEurope.52DominiqueClément

focusesononeaspectofrightshistory,thehumanrightsassociations,whichemerged assuchinthepostͲwarperiodandweremostactiveinthe1960sand70s.53Likewise,

RossLambertson’sstatedthesisisthat“beforetheSecondWorldWar,therewasscant mentionofhumanrightsininternationallaw,andtheCharteroftheLeagueofNations

50EvelynKallen,EthnicityandHumanRightsinCanada(Toronto:GagePublishing,1982),43.  51MichaelIgnatieff,TheRightsRevolution(Toronto:Anasi,2000).  52ChristopherMacLennan,TowardtheCharter:CanadiansandtheDemandforaNationalBillofRights (Montreal&Kingston:McGillͲQueen’sUniversityPress,2003).  53DominiqueClément,Canada’sRightsRevolution:SocialMovementsandSocialChange,1937Ͳ1982 (Vancouver:UniversityofBritishColumbiaPress,2008). 

26 containednoexplicitmentionoftheconcept…onlymarginalfigurestalkedabout humanrights,andnopoliticiantookthemseriously.”54

 Althoughattentiontotheinterwarperiodissparse,historianshaveidentified twonotablebackstoriestothehumanrightsstoryinCanada.Oneoftheseisthearrest ofTimBuckandtheTorontoEight,andthesubsequentcampaignofthecivil libertarians;anotheristhelongstandinggrievancesofQuebecintermsoflinguisticand

religiousrights.55However,Iarguethatthereisanimportantelementmissingfromthis narrative:theoriginsofraceͲbasedequalityrightsactivism.Thisactivismhasrootsin theearlytwentiethcentury,intheoftencontradictoryprocessofpoliticizingracial identity.IntheWesternworld,thiswasaprocessinstigatedbytheFirstWorldWarand

furtherintensifiedbytheeffectsoftheeconomicdepressionofthe1930s.More importantly,thiswasaprocessthatwasdependentonregionalcircumstances,and whichcamefromwithinmarginalizedandracializedcommunities.

TheexistingbodyofliteratureonhumanrightsinCanadadoesprovideaclear

narrativewhichextendsthroughboththecolonialandnationalperiods.Inhisstudyof

theCanadianBillofRights,ChristopherMacLennanidentifiestheoriginsoftheCanadian humanrightstraditioninthe17thand18thcenturyideasofnaturalrights,whichwere enshrinedinthe1789FrenchDeclarationoftheRightsofManandCitizenandthe1791

54RossLambertson,RepressionandResistance:CanadianHumanRightsActivists,1930Ͳ1960(Toronto: UniversityofTorontoPress,2005),5.  55Formoreoncivillibertarians,see,forexample,MacLennan,TowardstheCharter,14Ͳ20;Lambertson, RepressionandResistance,25Ͳ32.FormoreontheFrenchCanadianoriginsofrightssee,forexample, JoséE.Igartua,TheOtherQuietRevolution(Vancouver:UniversityofBritishColumbiaPress,2006):16Ͳ35; andIgnatieff,RightsRevolution,55Ͳ84. 

27 UnitedStatesBillorRights.Inthisnarrative,naturalrightstheorywassupersededbya legalͲpositivistmindsetinthenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies,inthetradition ofEdmundBurkeandJeremyBentham.And,inaccordancewiththe‘Western

Civilizations’trajectory,MacLennanconcludesthatthedevelopmentofrightsideology remainedstatic“untiltheemergenceoffascismandtheoutbreakoftheworld’ssecond majorwarinageneration.”56RossLambertsonsimilarlyengagesprimarilywithWestern traditionsinhisstudyoftheoriginsofhumanrightsideologiesinCanada.InRepression andResistance,LambertsonconcurswithMacLennanthatbyConfederation,Canadian officialsandpolicymakersdistinguishedthemselvesfromtheAmericangovernmentby rejectingnaturalrightstheoryinfavourofalegalͲpositivistapproach.Eventhoughthe

fathersofConfederationconsciouslyrejectednaturalrightstheoryindraftingthe

Canadianconstitution,bothscholarsagreethatboththeFrenchandAmerican revolutionarytraditionsaswellastheBritishcivillibertiestraditioninspiredand informedtherightsrevolutioninCanadafollowingtheSecondWorldWar.57However,

atConfederationanduntilthemidͲtwentiethcentury,theCanadianconstitution

assumed“cherishedBritishvalues,”implyingsuch“statutes,conventions,andlegal principlesastheMagnaCarta,the1689BillofRights,responsiblegovernment,therule

56MacLennan,TowardstheCharter,7.  57DominiqueClémentsimilarlypointstothe18thcenturyrevolutions,theriseofliberalcapitalist democraticstates,theEnglishBillofRights(1689),theFrenchDeclarationoftherightsofManandthe Citizen(1789),andtheUnitedStatesBillofRights(1791)astheoriginsofourmodernlanguageofrights in“‘IBelieveinHumanRights,NotWomen’sRights’:WomenandtheHumanRightsState,1969Ͳ1984” RadicalHistoryReview101(Spring2008):107Ͳ129. 

28 oflaw,[and]thecommonlawrightsoffreespeech,freedomofreligion,freedomof association,andtherighttoafairtrial.”58

 ButthereismorethanoneconceptionofrightsinCanadianhistory,andthis

conventionalrightsnarrativegivesshortshrifttoalternativecurrents.Theconventional narrativearguesthattheCanadiangovernmentassumedaBritishlegalͲpositivist tradition.Thistradition,withitsfocusontheindividualandtheprotectionofproperty,

suppressedanysubstantialdiscussionofrightstalkuntilthesocialrevolutionsofthe midͲtwentiethcentury.SuchaninterpretationfallsinlinewithIanMcKay’scontention thatCanadiannationͲbuildingwasaprojectdefinedbyahegemonicliberalideology.59

ThisapproachtounderstandingCanadianhistoryhasbeenfruitful.However,theliberal orderparadigm,andtheparalleltendencyintherightsliteraturetoadheretoa

Eurocentricnarrative,hassomelimitations.Oneoftheselimitations,asE.A.Heaman hasarguedin“RightsTalkandtheLiberalOrderFramework,”isthattheideaof hegemonicliberalismhasobscuredakeycomponentoftherightsnarrative.Heaman agreeswithMcKaythat“hegemonicliberalismwascharacterizedbyanobsessionwith property,andwithindividualautonomywhichwasalsoatissueinthiscase.”60But,as

shepointsout,thereisaprobleminMcKay’sconceptionoftheoriginsof“rightstalk.”

First,McKaymakesadistinction(andconnections)between“rightsandequality”and

58Lambertson,ResistanceandRepression,17.Seealso,MacLennan,TowardstheCharter,8.  59IanMcKay,“TheLiberalOrderFramework:AprospectusforareconnaissanceofCanadianhistory”The CanadianHistoricalReview8:4(December2000):617Ͳ634.  60E.A.Heaman,“RightsTalkandtheLiberalOrderFramework”inLiberalismandHegemony:Debatingthe CanadianLiberalRevolution(Toronto:UniversityofTorontoPress,2009),152. 

29 “propertyandindividualism.”Inthisdistinction,rightsandequalityreferstosocialand

culturalrights,orwhatwenowunderstandashumanrights.Propertyandindividualism, ontheotherhand,referstopoliticalandeconomicrights,orwhatweunderstandas civilrights.InMcKay’sinterpretation,intheperiodimmediatelyfollowing

Confederation,civilrightstookprimacy“inmodernliberalismandparticularlyinits hegemonicversion.”Accordingly,liberaldiscoursesofsocialandculturalrights–what cametobedefinedas“humanrights”–didnotdevelopinCanadianpoliticalrhetoric untiltheSecondWorldWar.Onthispoint,Heamanagrees.Whatshecontributesisthe

considerationofanotherdiscourse,admittedlylessinfluentialbutnonetheless

important,whichcoͲexistedwithMcKay’s“hegemonic”liberalism.

 Acontinuousconservativediscourseofrights,asHeamandemonstrates,has existedthroughoutcolonialandCanadiannationalhistorysincethemidͲeighteenth century.This“vibranttradition”washistoricallybasedin“therightsofEnglishmenand

Britishsubjects.”61Theconservativetraditionofrightstalkincludesthe1764protest civilianprotestagainstGovernorJamesMurray’smilitaryruleoverQuebec,theearly nineteenthͲcenturyFrenchCanadianreformersrepresentedbyLouisJosephPapineau andtheRouges,andMétisandAboriginalrightsclaimsthroughoutthenineteenth century.ThedistinctionHeamanmakesbetweenhegemonicliberalrightstalkand

conservativerightstalkisthatconservativerightswere“collective,social,orhistorical rights,”andtherefore,notindividual.62Thismeantthatconservativeclaimstorights

61Ibid.,155.  62Ibid. 

30 “owedeverythingtotheindividual’srelationshiptoplace,neighbour,authority,and nothingtotheabstractaccoutrementsofthehumanbeing.”63Forexample,theMétis andAboriginalprotestsagainstcolonialintrusionsinthelatenineteenthcenturywere conservativeinthattheywereaboutasserting“therighttotheircontinuedwayoflife ontheland...andthusarightthatexistedintheircustomsandtraditionsasapeople, perhapsevenasanAboriginalpeople.”64

 OneofHeaman’smostimportantcontributionstotheliteratureisthenotion thattheseconservative(or‘antiͲliberal’)discoursesofrightswereasinfluentialasthe

‘hegemonic’liberaldiscourseindefiningrightsinmodernCanada.TheCanadianrights revolutionhasoriginsintheWesternliberaltradition,butthehistoricalnarrativecanbe

expandedtoaccommodateHeaman’scontentionofthesignificanceofantiͲliberal discourses.AsJohnRalstonSaulhaspointedout,Canadaisaproductofmultiple culturesincludingnonͲWesterninfluences,mostnotablyindigenousandnonͲWestern immigrantcontributions.Assuch,anexclusivefocusontheWesternliberaltraditionin examiningtheoriginsoftherightsrevolutioninCanadaisproblematic.InAFair

Country,Saularguesthatthepolitical,cultural,social,andlegalbasesofthisnationare rootednotonlyinBritish,butalsoinFrenchaswellasAboriginaltraditions.65This

argumentholdssomestrikingparallelswithHeaman’scontentionsfortheexistenceofa

conservativerightsdiscourseamongstFrenchandAboriginalCanadians.Essentially,

63Ibid.,158.  64Ibid.,168.  65JohnRalstonSaul,AFairCountry:TellingTruthsAboutCanada(Toronto:VikingPress,2008). 

31 thesecounterargumentstotheconceptofliberalhegemonymeanthattherights revolutioninCanadacanbereͲexaminedaccordingtoabroaderunderstandingof rightsͲorientedsocialandpoliticalmobilizationinCanadapriortotheSecondWorld

War.ThisunderstandingwouldincorporateHeaman’sconservativerightsdiscourseas wellasSaul’scontentionthatCanadais,atitscore,aMétisnation.

 Oneinterpretationoftherightsrevolutionthatprovidesanexplanationforthe absenceofconservativerightsdiscourse,métissage,andthecontributionsofFrench,

Aboriginal,andnonͲEuropeanimmigrantsintheconventionalrightsnarrativeisJosé

Igartua’sTheOtherQuietRevolution.IgartuaarguesthattheEnglishCanadianidentity waspredominantlydefinedas“British”inbothofficialandpopularrhetoricuntilthe adventofmulticulturalisminthe1960s.WhileIgartua’stendencytodistilFrancophobia amongEnglishCanadiansinto“racism”downplaysthesignificanceofreligiousand socioͲeconomicdifference,thisargumentisusefulbecauseittakesracialidentityasits

focus.Thebookbeginsin1945,andexploreshowrepresentationsoftheCanadian nationalidentityas“British”werechallengedbyFrenchCanadians,JapaneseCanadians, civilrightsactivists,andinthepublicdebatesoverimmigration.Moreimportantly,

Igartuaarguesthatthesechallengesanddebates“weregroundedinracialdefinitionsof

Canada.”66Thus,thediscursiveandconceptualtransformationofCanadiannational identityinofficialpolicyaswellasinthepopularimagination–fromCanadaasaBritish colony(andwhitesettlersociety)toCanadaasamulticulturalnation–wasthoroughly racialized.

66Igartua,OtherQuietRevolution,13. 

32  ThistransformationofnationalidentitythatoccurredinthemidͲtwentieth

centuryinCanadawas,ofcourse,partofthehumanrightsrevolution.AsIgartua contends,untilthe1960s,officialgovernmentrhetoricaswellaspopularrhetoricwas racializedsothat‘Canadian’impliedBritish,Anglo,andwhite.Thepredominanceofthis typeofracializeddiscourseinthearchivalsourcesmeansthatalternativediscoursesnot preservedingovernmentdocumentsormainstreamnewspaperstendtobeneglected.

Inotherwords,thechronologyofrightsinCanadafollowsaparticulartrajectorythatis incomplete.Intheliteraturediscussedabove,therightsrevolutioninCanadainvolved bothashiftinthewayCanadiansunderstoodtheirrightsascitizens(intermsofhuman rightsasopposedtoexclusivelycivilrights);and,theriseofsocialactivismand movementsbasedonthepremiseofuniversalhumanrights.InIgartua’snarrative,as withthegeneralconsensusamongscholarsofhumanrightsinCanada,thisshiftoccurs aftertheSecondWorldWar.67Intermsofmajorsocialandlegislativechange,this analysisholdsfirm.Thisthesisdescribestheinterwaroriginsofahumanrights consciousnesswhichledtothatchange.



ANoteonSources

 Thisdissertationconstitutesahistoryofracializationratherthanahistoryof racism,althoughoneconclusionreachedhereisthatracismwasintrinsictoprocessesof racializationinCanada.Assuch,thisstudyisrootedinawiderangeofarchivalsources, because“racializationoperatesinandthrougharangeofsubjectivitiesandidentities”

67Seeftnt.2,above. 

33 thatare“tightlyinterwovenandmutuallyreinforcing.”68Thisstudyispremisedonthree typesofsources:governmentdocuments(primarilymunicipal,butalsoprovincialwhere municipalconflictwasplayedoutintheprovinciallegislature);recordsofvoluntaryand civicorganizations;andpersonalpapersandcollections.Iwentintothearchiveswith thehypothesisthatprocessesofracializationwerecentraltothehistoryofthistimeand place.IwaslookingforasenseofwhatpeoplewhowerelivinginVancouverinthe

1920sand30swouldhaveseen,heard,beentold,imagined,experienced,understood, spoke,described,recognized,acknowledged,rejectedandacceptedaboutrace.

 Ifirstidentifiedpoliticalissuesofthedayinthemayor’spapers,policerecords, andcitylegaldepartmentrecords.Morespecifically,Ilookedforrecordsofdebatesin municipalpoliticsfromwhichprocessesofracializationcouldbeidentified.Thesekey issueswere:antiͲOrientallegislation;economicreform;thesaleoftheKitsilanoreserve; theGoldenJubilee;andthevarious“problems”ofcrimeandimmoralityassociatedwith

Vancouver’sChinatown.Ithenlookedatthecollectionsofvariouscivicandvoluntary organizations,aswellasindividuals,whowereinvolvedintheseissues.Ifoundan invaluablesourceinthepersonalpapers–particularlythescrapbookcollections–of

publicfiguressuchasBruceMcKelvie,AliceRavenhill,andFoonSienWong.Fromthis archivalbasis,twoopposingdiscoursesemergedthatframedinterwarprocessesof racialization–theimperialistnotionofracialorderandthetransnationaldiscourseof equalityrights.Theprojectthenbecameoneofdiscoveringtherelationshipand

interactionsbetweenthesetwodiscoursesinlocalizedprocessesofracialization.

68LeeandLutz,Situating“Race,”12.

34  WhilethesourcescontainedexplicitdiscussionsoftheproͲwhiteandantiͲ

Orientalsentimentswhichgaverisetoaclearlyfocusedprotestinvolvingtheassertion ofraceͲbasedequalityrightscentredaroundawellͲdefinedChineseͲCanadianidentity, thewaythattheIndianidentitycomestobeusedasameansofassertingrightswas moredifficulttointerpret.Therewere,however,fourcommonaspectsintheprocesses ofracializationwhichproducedChineseandIndianidentities,whichledtomyargument thatanimportantandincipientaspectoftheCanadianIndianidentityoccurredthrough thearts.Thesecommonalitieswere:racismagainstnonͲwhiteCanadians;theassertion ofraceͲbasedrights(basedonemergingconceptionsofindigenismandethnicity);nonͲ textualarticulationsviaexhibition(arts/crafts;Jubilee);andanemphasisonplace

(Chinatown/Snauq).WhatItookfromtheserecordswerethemostexplicitarticulations ofracialization,whichrepresent“commonsense”ideasaboutraceinthisparticular

placeandtime.Fromthishistorical“commonsense”perspective,Isetoutto reinterpretstoriesandevents.ThestoriesandeventsIchosetouseinthisdissertation arelinkedinthattheyplayedakeyroleinalargernarrativeofracialization–namely, theCanadiannarrativeofnationalism–whichwasundergoingasignificant transformationduringtheinterwarperiod.

 Allwrittenhistoryis,ofcourse,limitedbecausewhatremainsindocuments revealsonlyafragmentofwhatactuallyoccurred.Thisthesisdoesnotclaimtoprovide acompleteunderstandingofracializationinVancouverintheinterwaryears.Instead,it

aimstoprovidesomeinsightintothemajorpoliticalissuesthatwerebeingdebatedin

35 formalpoliticswhichinvolvedracializationinthisperiod,andwhichhadanimpacton

raceͲbasedequalityrightsactivisminthepostwaryears.



Organization

 Activists,politicians,communityleaders,reformers,andintellectualsin

Vancouverconstructedracialidentitiesaspoliticaltoolsintheinterwaryearsthatwere laterincludedintheconceptualframeworkofhumanrightsinthe1940sand1950s.

Theseracialidentitieswererootedinawidelyacceptedandthoroughlyracialized popularhistorythatchampionedapioneermythology.Thisnarrativeisintroducedin chaptertwo,andfurtherexploredinthethirdchapterofthisdissertation.Chapterthree alsoidentifiesonereasonwhyVancouver’shistorywassocentraltothisformative periodforhumanrightsconcepts.Incontrasttotheromanticizednotionofthe victoriouspioneer,therealandperceivedvulnerabilityofAngloͲProtestantdominance inthisregionmeantthattheeconomic,social,andpoliticalrightsandprivilegesofwhite

CanadianswerebeingardentlyandexplicitlydefendedinCityHall.Here,theracial categoryofwhitewasthefirsttobeassertedasanidentitythatwasexplicitlylinkedto rights,nationandcitizenship. 

 ChaptersfourandfiveexaminethecontradictionsinherenttotheIndianidentity inVancouverinthe1920sand30s.Bythe1920s,theimpactofcolonization,legislated racism,andthereserveandresidentialschoolsystemshadledtotheveryreal breakdownofAboriginalsocietiesandthelossofpoliticalpowerinrelationtononͲ

AboriginalCanadiansociety.IncontrasttothewhitePioneer,whoseidentityderived

36 fromthenarrativeoftheinevitableunfoldingofprogress,thenarrativeoftheIndian dependedonapreͲcontactorigin.Thisessence,describedhereasindigenismand representedvisuallyandmateriallyin“traditional”artsandcrafts,wasmanifestasan attachmenttoplace.Withinthecontextofcolonizationandanoppressivereserve

system,theassertionbyAboriginalpeoplesofindigenousconnectionstothelandasthe

essenceoftheIndianidentityconstitutedresistanceaswellasoppression.Inthis period,theIndianidentitybecameincreasinglypoliticalandunified.Paradoxically,one strikingcharacteristicofthenewlypoliticized“Indian”wasitsmarginalizationfrom

questionsofcitizenship.Equallyimportant,however,isthatthenotionofindigenism alsoprovidedacornerstoneforaburgeoningIndianrightsmovement.

 WhileAboriginalleadersredefinedthemselves,othernonͲwhitecommunities werealsobeginningtocomplicateandasserttheirracialidentities,throughthenotion ofethnicityasdistinctfromindigenism.Thesixthchapterlooksatthedifference betweentheseracializedprocessesofpoliticizationastheymanifestedduringthe1936

GoldenJubileeCelebrations.Theseventhchapterexaminesthepoliticaleffectivenessof ethnicityinfurtherdepth,andarguesthataChineseͲCanadianidentitywasbornin

Vancouverduringtheinterwarperiod.ThischapterexploresthestruggleoftheChineseͲ

CanadiancommunitytopromotearespectablecivicidentityinthecityofVancouver.

Usingthenotionofethnicityasawayofmediatingdifferencewascentraltothis process.Thiswasalsoahighlygenderedprocess,andoneaspectofthisdrivetowards respectabilitywastherepresentationofChinesewomenastheepitomeoftraditional

37 Westernnotionsoffemininity,capableofproducingrespectableandmorallysound citizensforCanadiansociety.

 Chaptereight,“‘WithintheFourSeasAllareBrothers,’”examinesthedistinctive rhetoricofrightsarticulatedbysocialactivistsandintellectualsinVancouverpriortothe outbreakoftheSecondWorldWar,andtheircontributionstothehumanrights

movementinCanada.Therearetwopointsthatcanbetakenfromthischapter,and whichserveasconclusionstothisstudy.First,theoriginsofmodernrightsrhetoricin

Canadacanbefoundintheinterwaryears.Secondly,andperhapsmoreimportantly, thisperiodalsomarksacorrespondingturningpointinthehistoryofracerelationsin thiscountry.Duringtheinterwarperiod,racialcategoriesbornofimperialismand colonialismasameansofwholesalesubjugationwerebeingredefinedandemployedas thefoundationofwhatwastobecomeamodernanddistinctlyCanadianconceptionof

rights.

 Thefinalchapterofthisdissertationoffersacommentaryonthisnarrativeof racializationbyfocusingonthecontingenciesofgenderandclass.Thischapterdescribes theattemptbypoliceandmunicipalofficialstoprohibitwhitewomenfromworkingin

Vancouver’sChinatown.Thiscampaign,whichreachedaclimaxin1936/7,continuesthe

storyofmunicipalpoliticsfromchapterthree,asthesituationtheChinatownwaitresses facedin1937highlightstheconflictbetweenorganizedlabour’sofficialantiͲOriental stanceandunderlyingsocialistideology.Theeventsanalysedinthischapteralso provideastrikingcontrast,inthemarginalizationofAboriginalpeopleinthelocal economyandpolitics(describedinchaptersfour,five,andsix)ascomparedtothe

38 extentofpoliticizationexhibitedbytheChineseCanadiancommunityinVancouverin thelate1930s(describedinchapterssix,seven,andeight).Theprotestarticulatedby theChinesecommunityagainstracialdiscriminationinthisperiodwasbasedonaclear senseofsocialjusticethatadvocatedhumanityandthebrotherhoodofmankind.

However,claimsforwomen’srightsduringthisconflictwereovershadowedbyraceͲ

basedequalityrightsclaims,andpoliticalsolidaritywascompromisedbythenamingof rightsthroughclearͲcutracialidentities.Thisdissertationconcludesbyproposingthat thelimitationsofraceͲbasedequalityrightsclaimspersistasaninherentcontradiction

inhumanrightsrhetorictoday.





















 

39 Chapter2~“ALongDramaofUntamableCourage,Resolution,Heroism,Repellent CrueltyandRomance”1:ThePioneerMythologyasNationalistNarrative  



 TwohundredandfiftyBritishColumbianpioneersgatheredattheEmpressHotel inVictoriainthespringof1924forabanquetofregionalgastronomicdelights.Thefeast includedsteamingbowlsofCamosunConsomméandSookeClamChowder,coldfilets ofFraserRiversalmon,roastedLangfordLamb,SaanichTongue,BarkervilleRollswith

SaltspringButter,OkanaganFruitTrifle,andSodaCreekPunch.Thebanquetwasalso rifewithspeechesandtoasts–toHisMajestytheKing,theguestpioneers,andthe

NativeSonsandDaughtersofBritishColumbia.Musicwasperformedduringthemeal, andwasfollowedbyanoldͲtimedance.ItwasaproudeveningfortheseBritish

Columbians,andanemotionalone,forthiswasareunionofauniquesort.Thebanquet washeldinhonourofthenobleandruggedpioneerswhohad“hew[n]theirhomes amongvastforestsandstreams,oftenͲtimessurroundedwithgreatperils,wildanimals andthesavageIndiansoftheearlydays.”2TheeventwasorganizedbytheBritish

ColumbiaHistoricalAssociation(B.C.H.A.)andtheNativeSonsandDaughtersinthe interestsofpreservingthehistoryoftheprovince.Aswasfitting,then,thefinaltoastof

1BritishColumbiaArchivesandRecordsServices(BCARS),McKelvieFonds,Box26,File7,BCDiamond JubileeCelebration,SouvenirProgramme,“SynopsisofAnHistoricalPageantofBritishColumbiaFromthe EarliestTimestothePresent,”1931:8.  2BCARS,BritishColumbiaHistoricalAssociation,Box7File21,“PioneersReunion1924:Transcriptof proceedingsatMay9thbanquet,EmpressHotel,Victoria;M.Unwin,DeputyOfficialStenographer,” speechbyMayorHayward,5Ͳ6.

40 theeveningwasmadebyBeaumontBoggs,vicepresidentoftheB.C.H.A.,totheNative

SonsandDaughtersofBritishColumbia.

 Inhisreplytothistoast,theGrandChiefFactoroftheNativeSonsofBritish

Columbia,VictorHarrison,addressedthecurrentpurposeofthisfraternalorganization, whichhad,sinceitsinceptionattheturnofthecentury,movedbeyondthesimple perpetuationofmemory.Harrisonassertedthateconomicprogresshadbrought: 

 …agreatinfluxofimmigrantsintothiscountryandwethoughtwesaw

 signsthatthespiritofourforefatherswouldbeforgotten;wethoughtwe

 sawthatgoodcitizenship,asitwasunderstoodbythem,might,withthe

 influxofsomuchimmigrationfromdistantlands,graduallypassaway

 anddie,andsoitwasthatanewdutycametoourSociety.Itwasthe

 custodianshipofthehighprinciplesofgoodcitizenship.3

Thefollowingyear,asecondpioneers’reunionwasheldinVancouverattheHotel

Vancouver.ItwassimilartotheVictoriareunion,althoughtheVancouverbanquet includedasingͲaͲlongwithsuchfavouritesas“There’sthatLittleOldLogCabin,”“Auld

LangSyne,”and,interestingly,“OldBlackJoe.”LikethefirstreunioninVictoria,the

Vancouverreunionwasheldtohonourthepioneersandincelebrationofthepioneer stockasexemplarycitizens.

 Thepioneermythologyprovidedaregionallyspecificjustificationforthe politicizationofawhiteidentitythatadvocatedracialsupremacy.Intheearlytwentieth

3BCARS,BritishColumbiaHistoricalAssociation,Box7File21,“PioneersReunion1924:Transcriptof proceedingsatMay9thbanquet,EmpressHotel,Victoria;M.Unwin,DeputyOfficialStenographer,” speechbyVictorHarrison,17Ͳ18. 

41 century,whitenessheldapowerfulplaceintheconceptionofcitizenshipformany

Canadians.Thischapterprovidesananalysisofthepioneermythology,asacolonialist narrativethatwasthoroughlyracialized,andwhichwaspartofthebroaderprojectof nationͲbuilding.ThefollowingchapterthenexploresparallelsbetweenVancouver branchoftheexplicitlywhitesupremacistKuKluxKlanandnonͲexplicitlyracistcivic organizationsthatfunctionedatthelevelsofpopularandelectoralpolitics.Iarguethat thepioneermyththatprovidedaregionallybasedhistoricalnarrativethatjustifiedthe dominanceofwhitenessinnotionsofcitizenshipinBritishColumbia.Asaconsequence,

“Canadian”wasoftenequatedwith“white”inmunicipalpoliticsinthe1920sand30s.

 ForrestD.PasshasarguedthatthepioneermythpropagatedbytheNativeSons throughtheireffortsinconservinghistory,includingeventslikethepioneers’reunion, wasusedto“craftamiddleͲclassidentitythatwasselfͲconsciouslyBritishColumbian.”4

Thepioneermythundoubtedlyconstituted“avehicleforclassformation,”5butPass’s contentionthattheNativeSonsarebestunderstoodintermsofclassratherthanrace echoestheproblematicclassversusracedichotomythathasbeeneffectivelyrefutedin differentwaysbyscholarslikeDavidRoedigerandRobertA.J.McDonald.6Thischapter

4ForrestD.Pass,“‘TheWondrousStoryandTraditionsoftheCountry”:TheNativeSonsofBritish ColumbiaandtheRoleofMythintheFormationofanUrbanMiddleClass,”BCStudies,no.151(Autumn 2006):38.  5Ibid.,6.  6See,inparticular,DavidRoediger,TheWagesofWhiteness:RaceandtheMakingoftheAmerican WorkingClass(NewYork:Verso,1991);RobertA.J.McDonald,MakingVancouver:1863Ͳ1913(Vancouver: UniversityofBritishColumbiaPress,1996).Roedigerassertsthatclassandracebecameinterdependent duringthenineteenthͲcenturyintheformationoftheAmericanworkingclassidentity;whileMcDonald rejectstheclass/racedichotomyinhisanalysisofVancouverfortheuseofstatusasmoreaccuratewayof analyzingsocialorganizationinthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies. 

42 examinesthepioneermythascentraltotheformationofamiddleͲclassidentity,but definesclassasbeingimplicatedwithrace.AsMarianaValverdehasestablished,nation buildinginCanadainvolved“aprocessthroughwhichrace,genderandclasswere intertwined.”7Thepioneermythembodiedbothclassandracialidentity,andwasan importantaspectoftheongoingprocessofconstructingtheracialcategoryofwhite.

 WhitenesswasproducedmoreexplicitlyinBritishColumbiabeforetheSecond

WorldWarbecauseofthevulnerability,bothrealandperceived,ofwhitedominancein

theprovince.Bytheinterwarperiod,whitecolonizationandsettlementhadonly recentlyoccurredinBritishColumbia.Untiltheturnofthecentury,theregionwas predominantlyinhabitedbyAboriginalpeople.Inaddition,theprovincehad experiencedsubstantialandlongͲstandingnonͲwhiteimmigration,particularlyfrom

China.ScholarslikeCocoFusco,YasminJiwani,andShereneH.Razackhave demonstratedthatbythesecondhalfofthetwentiethcentury,muchofthepowerof thecategory“white”derivedfromitssilence,andthemeaningsattachedtothis categorythathavebeensodeeplyintertwinedwithnotionsofnormality.8The

predominanceofexpressionsofwhitesupremacyinbothpopularmediaandinformal politicsinBritishColumbia–andVancouverinparticular–duringtheinterwaryears

7MarianaValverde,TheAgeofLight,SoapandWater:MoralReforminEnglishCanada,1885Ͳ1925 (Toronto:McClelland&Stewart,1991),16.  8CocoFusco,ascitedinRoediger,TowardstheAbolitionofWhiteness(NewYork:Verso,1994);Yasmin Jiwani,DiscoursesofDenial:MediationsofRace,GenderandViolence(Vancouver:UniversityofBritish ColumbiaPress,2006;ShereneRazack,Race,Space,andtheLaw:UnmappingaWhiteSettlerSociety (Toronto:BetweentheLines,2002).Inaninterestingdiscussionofthesignificantlymoresubstantial Americanliterature,PeterKolchinsimilarlyidentifiesaproblematic“dualism”inwhitenessstudiesthat pitcheswhitenessasboth“nothing”(invisible)and“everything”(omnipresent,unchanging,andasan independentforce).SeePeterKolchin,“WhitenessStudies:TheNewHistoryofRaceinAmerica,”Journal ofAmericanHistory89:1(2002):5. 

43 wasakeystepinthisparticularprocessofracialization,whereinwhitenessbecomesan invisiblebackdropinmidͲtolatetwentiethͲcenturyCanadianpolitics.

 Oneoutcomeofexplicitlydefiningawhiteidentityinthisperiodwasan associationbetweenracistactivitiesandrespectablecivicissues.Thepromotionofcivic responsibilitywasakeyfunctionofboththemythofthepioneerandthenonͲstate organizationsliketheB.C.H.A.andtheNativeSonswhichcraftedandpromotedit.Asin boththeyearsprecedingandfollowingthewars,voluntaryorganizationsplayedan influentialroleinthemoralprojectofnationbuildingduringtheinterwaryearsin

EnglishCanada,andBritishColumbiawasnoexception.9InaliberalͲdemocraticstate

likeCanada,thestatepresentsatleastthefaçadeofaneutralpositiononmoralissues, andrequiresthecooperationofnonͲstateorganizationstoexerciseauthorityefficiently andeffectively.Thus,whilemunicipalandprovincialgovernmentofficialstookan officiallyunbiasedstancetowardstheantiͲOrientalsentimentsoftheday,theyfelt justifiedtoproposeandattempttopassunconstitutionalantiͲOrientallegislationand policiesbecauseofpressurefromnonͲstateinterestgroupsliketheNativeSons.

 Duringthe1920sand30s,theNativeSonsofBritishColumbiawereactively involvedinmunicipalpolitics,aswereothernonͲstateorganizationswithmoreblatant

viewsonrace,liketheOrientalExclusionAssociationand,ofcourse,theKuKluxKlan.

Thesecivicorganizationsoftenhadthesamepoliticalgoals,andoftendefinedtheir interestsinracializedtermsinbothmunicipalandprovincialpolitics.But,whitenesswas

9ForthepreͲwarperiod,seeforexample,Valverde.ForthepostͲwarperiod,see,forexample,Shirley Tillotson,ThePublicatPlay:GenderandthePoliticsofRecreationinPostͲWarOntario(Toronto: UniversityofTorontoPress,2000).

44 alsoexplicitlydefinedandassertedatthelevelofpopularconsciousnessthroughpublic history.Popularpolitics,influencedbytheKlanandtheNativeSonsinVancouverinthis period,wasdrivenbyideologieswhoseexistencedidnotdependonformalpolitics.

WhiteBritishColumbiansparticipatedinvoluntaryorganizationsbecausethesegroups offeredasenseofbelongingandpurpose,andjustifiedtheirplaceintheprovinceas oneofdominance.Oneofthemostcompellingrhetoricaltoolsusedbytheleadership oftheseorganizationswasthepioneermythology.



DeconstructingthePioneerMythology

 InJanuaryof1940,McKelviegaveaspeechtotheBritishColumbiaHistorical

Societyinwhichhemadeaclearconnectionbetweenhistory,race,andnationͲbuilding.

Inthisspeech,heassertedthat:

 [t]hebeginningsofeverynationalhistoryare,moreorless,shroudedin

 romanticmystery.Itisnaturalthatthisshouldbeso,forwhenorderly

 processesofsocietytookshape,andformsofgovernmentwereevolved,

 theinspirationalvaluesofheroiccharactersandracialenterpriseswere

 appreciatedasforcesforthefusingofindividualsintoaunifiedwhole.10

The“inspirational…heroiccharactersandracialenterprises,”ofcourse,referstothe pioneersandtheircolonizationefforts.ThemythofthepioneerinBritishColumbia glorifiedthepioneer,assumedtheirrightsofconquest,andobscuredthehistoricalroles ofAboriginalpeopleandthoseoftheearlyChineseandJapanesesettlersandlabourers.

10BCARS,McKelvie,Box2,File7,SpeechtotheBritishColumbiaHistoricalAssociation,January29th,1940.

45 ThepioneermythinBruceMcKelvie’spopularhistorieswascirculatedamongstthe publicasmagazineandnewspaperarticles,radioplaylets,publictalks,andaspublished books.Itwas,asMcKelviehimselfacknowledged,aromanticizedversionofhistory.But, thishistorywasalsoonethatwaswidelyenjoyedandacceptedbymanyBritish

Columbiansbecauseitobscuredthenegativeeffectsofcolonizationandvalidatedwhite peoples’privilegedpositioninthesocial,political,andeconomicorderoftheprovince.

 Thepioneermythfunctionedtojustifyboththehierarchyofwhitenessandto promotewhiteracialsolidaritybecauseofitsunderlyingdiscourseofmobilityandselfͲ

improvement.Thismythologywasbasedonestablishedintellectualtraditions,which

providedaframeofreferencethatmostwhiteBritishColumbianswerefamiliarwith.

Theideaofprogressprovidedonekeyconceptualfoundationsofthepioneermyth,and wasrootedinChristianeschatology,orthestudyofthe“endoftheworld.”Thiswasa

fieldofstudythatexaminedhistoryasfinite,withapurposefulbeginningandwhose end,accordingtoChristiantheology,occurredwiththesecondcomingofChrist.The secularizationoftheideaofprogressduringEnlightenmentresultedinanunderstanding ofhistoryasaproductofhumanactionratherthandivinewill,withoutadetermined end,butalwaysmovingforwardandinthedirectionofsteadyimprovement.

NineteenthͲcenturysciencegavefurthermeaningtotheideaofprogress,asanatural law,andthusinevitable.11Scientificideas,andinparticularDarwin’stheoryof

11Forthenotionofprogressinrelationtohumansociety,seeCharlesBabbage,ReflectionsontheDecline ofScienceinEnglandandOnSomeofItsCauses(London:B.Fellowes,1830),1Ͳ39;HerbertSpencer,“Poor Laws”inSocialStatics:or,theConditionsEssentialtoHumanHappinessSpecified,andtheFirstofThem Developed(London:JohnChapman,1851),311Ͳ29;inrelationtothehumanmind,seeAugusteCompte, ThePositivePhilosophyofAugusteCompte,translatedbyHarrietMartinuea(London:JohnChapman,

46 evolution,irrevocablyaffectedthewayEnglishͲspeakingsocietiesunderstoodtheworld

aroundthem.Thefieldofanthropologyemergedoutoftheseintellectualcurrents,and theoriesoftheoriginsofmankindproliferatedinacademicdebate.

 Bythe1920s,anthropologyandethnographywereestablishedfields,distinct fromhistory,andthestudyoftheAboriginalpastwasrelegatedtothese“scientific” disciplines.Themethodologicalandideologicalpremisesofearlyethnographerswhose researchprimarilytooktheformoffieldwork,positionedthescholarasimpartial observerandAboriginalpeopleasobjects.12TheNorthwestPacificcoastwasamajor centeroflatenineteenthandearlytwentiethͲcenturyanthropologicalattemptsto preservethe“vanishingIndian,”notablyintheprojectscarriedoutintheregionbysuch wellͲknownfiguresasFranzBoasandEdwardCurtis.Theconservationofartifacts,study ofearlyAboriginalmigrationpatterns,andanalysisofhumanskeletalremains, particularlytheskull,attractedagoodamountofpublicinterestinBritishColumbia.13

Underlyingtheseconservationeffortswasanotionofhumanprogressandevolution whichexplainedthedistinctionbetweenthecivilizedandtheheathen.

 RegionalhistorywastoldbywhiteBritishColumbiansasastoryofprogress.For example,aspartofBritishColumbia’sDiamondJubileecelebrations,L.Campbell

Basantadirectedapageantwithacastof500,entitled“AnHistoricalPageantofBritish

1853),1Ͳ17;inrelationtohumanknowledge,seeWilliamWhewell,ThePhilosophyoftheInductive Sciences,FoundedUponTheirHistory,secondedition,(London:JohnW.Parker,1847),16Ͳ51.  12See,forexample,PaigeRaibmon,AuthenticIndians:EpisodesofEncounterfromthelateͲnineteenthͲ centuryNorthwestCoast,(DurhamandLondon:DukeUniversityPress,2005),3.  13BCARS,McKelvieFonds,Box27,File2,“IndicationofDriftofMankindfromNorthtoSouthalong Pacific,”1923;and“PrehistoricHumansonthePacificCoast,”1923. 

47 ColumbiafromEarliestTimestothePresent.”ThePageantbeginsin“theprehistoric period,longbeforethegreatpowerswererivalsindiscoveryandexploration,whenthe

AboriginaltribesheldsupremeswayoverthePacificNorthwest.”Thisperiodis characterizedby“mysteryandmagic,”andrepresentedintheformof“afantastical

dreamoftheAboriginaltribes.”Here,Aboriginalpeopleandcultureareportrayedas heathenistic,asthecounterpointtorationalWesterncivilization.ThePageantthen proceedsinatheatricalmarchthroughtime,withthetimelineofdiscoveryupto

Confederation,andconcludeswiththesuccessofAngloͲSaxonsettlementandeconomic

developmentinthepostͲConfederationperiod.Thepioneersarecentralfiguresinthis narrative,asthecatalystsforthetransformationfromwildernesstocivilization.Inthis interpretationofhistory,theconquestofBritishColumbiathroughwhitesettlement andcontroloverthelandandresources,andwithit,thedisplacementofAboriginal

peoples,istheinevitableresultofprogress.14

 Therewerethreemainactorsinthispioneermyth:theenvironment,the

Pioneer,andtheIndian.ThedramaticlandscapeofBritishColumbiahasalwaysbeena prominentfeatureforhumanslivingintheregion.AsClaireCampbellhasshowninthe caseoftheGeorgianBay,theenvironmenthasbeendeeplyintertwinedwiththe

Canadiancultureandexperience.ThecharactersofboththePioneerandtheIndian weremythologizedlargelybecauseoftheirabilitytosurviveandconquertherugged wilderness.Theirphysicalstrengthparalleledthepowerofnature,reflectedinthe

14BCARS,McKelvie,Box26,File7,“SynopsisofAnHistoricalPageantofBritishColumbiafromtheEarliest TimestoPresent,”1931. 

48 immensemountains,forests,oceanandrivers.Thepioneermythwasa commemoration“ofencounterandadaptation,asideasofnatureinheritedfrom

EuropeancolonizersareactedoutindistinctlyNorthAmericanenvironmentsto producenewforms.”15PreͲsettlementBritishColumbiawasdescribedas“awilderness offorestsandmountains,penetratedbyaspiderthreadofroadwindingthroughpasses oftheFraserRivertotheplacergoldminesofCariboo.”16This“densewilderness”

contained“vastforestsandstreams,”17andwasheraldedas“thegreatterritoryWest

oftheRockyMountainsandNorthofthe49thparallel.”18

 BoththePioneerandtheIndianwereimbuedwithqualitiesofthelandscape; theIndianwithwildnessandsavagery,andthePioneerwithruggednessandstrength.In theprefaceofoneofhisshortstories,McKelviedescribesthesettlementofBritish

Columbiaas“theconquest…bythewhitemen[which]wasnotaneasytask.”19The

Pioneer,unliketheIndian,risesabovenatureandconquerstheenvironment:thus,his

statusas“foundationofthisProvince.”20Alongwiththeirfemalekin,thesewere“men

15ClaireCampbell,ShapedbytheWestWind:NatureandHistoryintheGeorgianBay(Vancouver:UBC Press,2005),14.  16BCARS,McKelvieFonds,Box26,File7,BCDiamondJubileeCelebration,1871Ͳ1931,Souvenir Programme,Victoria,BritishColumbia,1931.  17BCARS,BritishColumbiaHistoricalAssociation,Box7,File21,“TranscriptofproceedingsatMay9th Banquet,EmpressHotel,Victoria,M.Unwin,DeputyOfficialStenographer”1924.  18BCARS,McKelvieFonds,Box2,File6,“Preface:NativesandBandits,”1936Ͳ41?.  19Ibid.  20BCARS,BritishColumbiaHistoricalAssociation,Box7,File21,“TranscriptofproceedingsatMay9th Banquet,EmpressHotel,Victoria,M.Unwin,DeputyOfficialStenographer”1924. 

49 andwomenofrarecourageandresource,”21who“enduredhardshipsandprivations.”

Andyet,asthefollowingpassagedescribesinanespeciallypoeticfashion,thePioneer spiritwassostalwartastotriumphoverstrenuousmaterialconditions:

 …howroughlythehouseswereconstructed–ofthedrearylookoutside,

 andcrampedspaceinside.Howthechinksbetweenthelogs,throughwhich

 thewindwouldsoughwithashriekoftriumph,wereplasteredupwithclay,

 orstuffedwithmoss;oftheinteriorequipageofbenches,boards,andbunkͲ

 likebeadsteads;oftheDutchOvenforbakingandcooking;ofthedrugget[sic]

 rushmatsandrugs,made,inpartofdog’hair,byIndians,usedforfloor

 covering.Yetin1857therewasabrightnessandawarmthoffeelinginevery

 abode,madesobytheblithesomeness,theinborngoodnatureandhospitality

 oftheinmates,who,whenvisitorsdroppedin,would:

SpreadoutthesnowytableͲcloth

Uponthepaintedboard,

Andbringthebestofeverything

Thelardercouldafford.22

ThisemphasisonthemoralcharacterofthePioneersuggestsahumanitythat contrastswiththecharacteroftheIndian,whoseprimalnature,inthewhiteAngloͲ

Saxonconceptionofnaturalorder,hadtobeconquered,muchasthewilderness

21BCARS,McKelvieFonds,Box1,File7,“RadioPlayletforUseofHomeOild[sic]DistributorsoverCNRV: HowKamloopswasSaved,”1936Ͳ41.  22BCARS,BritishColumbiaHistoricalAssociation,Box7,File21,“TranscriptofproceedingsatMay9th Banquet,EmpressHotel,Victoria,M.Unwin,DeputyOfficialStenographer”1924. 

50 requiredtaming.InMcKelvie’swritings,theIndianisconqueredthroughlaw,asinthe

BeaverincidentinNanaimoin1853,whentwoIndianweretriedandsentencedto deathforthemurderofawhiteman.23TheIndianwasalsoconqueredthroughphysical forceandsheerstrengthofcharacter.Forexample,oneofMcKelvie’sstoriesdescribes anincidentthatoccurredaround1810orso,betweenChiefKwahoftheCarrierIndians andDanielHarmon,officerinchargeoftheFortSt.JamesNorthWestCompanypost.In

thisaccount,Kwahapparently“irritatedHarmon,”inresponsetowhich“Harmon administeredaterrificbeatingtohim.Itwouldhavebeeneasyforthechieftohave startedawar.Instead,hegaveafeast,towhichheinvitedHarmon,andtherepublicly thankedhimforhavingtaughthis[sic]sense.”24

 Thegreatnessofthewhitepioneerswasmeasuredagainstthecharacteroftheir opponents.Thelandscapecouldspeaklargelyforitself,havingchangedverylittle betweentheeraofthepioneersandtheinterwaryearswhenthesehistorieswere beingproduced.TheIndian,ontheotherhand,requiredsomeexplanation.TheIndian

wasacontradictorycharacter,describedasbothnaïveandchildlikeaswellascunning, treacherous,andruthlessinwar.Forexample,inhisaddresstothePioneersBanquetin

1924,ReginaldHayward,thenmayorofVictoriaandardentmemberoftheNativeSons, entertainedthecrowdwithaquaintanecdote“ofpioneeringdays.”Hayward’sstoryis setinVictoria,alongGovernmentStreet:

 …longbeforewehadpavementorimprovements,andtherewas

23BCARS,McKelvie,Box1,File9,“JuryComestotheWilderness,”1942.  24BCARS,McKelvie,Box1,File9,“TheGreatChiefKwahoftheCarrierIndians,”1940.

51  anoldIndianwomantryingtopeddleabasketfullofclams.Professor

 Hermanpickedupaclamoutofthebasketandopenedapocketknife,

 openedtheclamandpulledoutadollarpieceandslippeditintohis

 pocket.TheIndianwomanwasratheramazed.Helookedatthebasket

 andpickedoutanotherone,openeditandtookoutadollarpieceandhe

 diditathirdtime,butwhenhewenttodoitafourthtime,theIndian

 womansays:“Hello,Hello!Nomoreclams!”ProfessorHermanwent

 upthestreet,andthepooroldlady,sheopenedeveryclamshehadin

 thebasket.25

Similarly,McKelvie’sradioplaylet,“HowKamloopswasSaved,”portraysthechiefofthe

ShushwapIndians,Lolo,asastupidandignorantbrutewhouttersstrangehalfͲ sentenceslike“Ugh,mypoorchil’len–poorLolo.”Intheplay,Lolopestersthechief traderoftheHudson’sBayCompanyfort,JohnTod,muchasachildpestershisfather.

Andintheend,Tod,theheroicwhiteman,savesthehaplessLoloandhispeoplefroma smallpoxepidemicwithhisEuropeanmedicine.26

 ButtheIndiancouldnotbeentirelyweak,ortheirconquestbythewhitemen wouldhavelesssignificance.AsmuchasthegreatnessofthePioneerreliedonanimage oftheirtamingafierceandunrulyenvironment,italsoreliedonanimageoftheIndian asabrutalandcunningfoe.TheHaidaofthepioneerdaysweredescribedaspirates,

25BCARS,BritishColumbiaHistoricalAssociation,Box7,File21,“TranscriptofproceedingsatMay9th Banquet,EmpressHotel,Victoria,M.Unwin,DeputyOfficialStenographer”1924.  26BCARS,McKelvieFonds,Box1,File7,“RadioPlayletforUseofHomeDistributorsoverCNRV:How KamloopswasSaved,”1936Ͳ41. 

52 whokilledforrevengebutalsosometimeskilledfornoreason,aswiththemassacreof

thewhitecrewoftheshipAtahualpain1805,intheQueenCharlottes.InMcKelvie’s interpretationoftheevent,theseIndianpirates“wouldnothesitatetotakea treacherousadvantageofthevisitorstowardswhomtheyprofessedfriendship.”27

Aboriginalpeopleweredescribedas“fiercefighters.Theyweretreacherousinattack andruthlessinavengingarealorfanciedwrong.Theywereextremelyproudand sensitive.”ThePioneersweregreatbecause“[t]heIndiansresisted,”and“didsowith braveryandcunning.”28Asthestorygoes,induetimethePioneerssubduedtheIndians, and“thewhiteman’sauthoritywasfirmlyestablished.”29

 Despitetheconquest,orperhapsbecauseofit,theNativeSonsmaintained respectforthenoblesavageintheircontemporaryfraternalactivities.Their membershipincludedseveralprominentAboriginalleaders.AmongthesewereFrank

AssuandPeterKelly,bothofwhomwerealsoleadersoftheNativeBrotherhoodof

BritishColumbia.30TheNativeBrotherhoodofBritishColumbiaformedin1931,but maintainedcloseconnectionswiththeAlliedTribesofBritishColumbia,whoseorigins gobackto1915.Kelly,alongwithAndrewPaull,werekeyfiguresintheAlliedTribes, andlatertheNativeBrotherhood.KellywasHaida,andanordainedMethodist;Paull

wasawelleducatedSquamish.Bothofthesemenwereeducatedandwerewell

27BCARS,McKelvieFonds,Box2,File6,“Preface:NativesandBandits,”1936Ͳ41?  28Ibid.  29BCARS,McKelvieFonds,Box1,File7,“HereandThereinB.C.,”1936Ͳ41.  30ForrestD.Pass,“‘TheWondrousStory,’”17. 

53 positionedintheircommunities.31TheirinclusionintheNativeSonscanbeexplainedby their“respectable”statusinthecommunity,whichwasinterpretedas“acculturation,” aswellasbyanunderlyingnotionofpaternalisticresponsibilitythenoblesavagetaken fromthepioneermythology.

 Thissenseofdutywasacommonsentimentintheyoungprovince’shistory.

FollowingConfederationwithCanada,oneofthetopitemsontheprovincialagenda wasthe“conditionoftheIndians.”32In1876,aJointReserveCommissionsetoutto surveytheAboriginalreservesandaddresstheirgrievances.33In1881,sixIndianAgents wereappointedinBritishColumbia–threeforVancouverIsland,onefortheFraserriver

31PhilipDruker,TheNativeBrotherhoods:ModernIntertribalOrganizationsontheNorthwestCoast (Washington:SmithsonianInstitutionBureauofAmericanEthnologyBulletin168,USGovernment PrintingOffice,1958),95.  32Ibid.  33In1877,theCommissionconsistedofGilbertMalcolmSproat,ArchibaldMcKinlay,andAlexander CaulfieldAnderson.SproatwasjointlyappointedbyboththeDominionandProvincialgovernments, McKinlaybytheProvincialgovernment,andAndersonbytheDominion.SproatwasborninScotland,the sonofamodestfarmer.In1860,attheageof26,hemovedtoVancouverIslandtoworkasthemanager ofasawmillcompany,wherehefirstencountered“thecollisionofcolonistandIndianwhenhewas obligedtoestablishhismillonaboriginalland.”SproatworkedinAlberniInletonVancouverIslandfor fiveyearsbeforemovingtoEngland,onlytoreturnmorethantenyearslaterin1876totaketheposition ofJointCommissionerfortheIRC.AlexanderCaulfieldAndersonwasborninCalcutta,India,thesonofa retiredBritisharmyofficerwhorananindigoplantation.AndersonmovedtoEnglandattheageofthree, andthentoCanadawhenhewas16toworkfortheHudson’sBayCompany.Afterhisretirementin1854, heeventuallysettledinVictoriawithhisfamily.In1876,attheageof62,Andersonwassimultaneously appointedDominionInspectorofFisheriesforthecoastofBritishColumbiaaswellasDominion CommissionerfortheIRC.ArchibaldMcKinlayhadalsoworkedfortheHudson’sBayCompany,inthe interiorofBritishColumbiafromatleastasfarbackasthe1830s.McKinlaywasappointedProvincial CommissionerfortheIRC.Sproatwasbyfarthemostenergeticcommissionerandmostprolificwriterof thethree,andhisideologyhasbeenperceivedasbeingmorehumanitarianandsympathetictothe interestsofNativepeoplethanmostofhiscontemporaries.SeeLAC,RG10,Vol.3651,File8540, MemorandumofInstructionstoArchibaldMcKinlay,ProvincialCommissioner,fromG.Elwyn,Deputy ProvincialSecretary,23October1876;ColeHarris,MakingNativeSpace:Colonialism,Resistance,and ReservesinBritishColumbia(Vancouver:UBCPress,2002);PeterCarstens,TheQueen’sPeople:AStudyof Hegemony,Coercion,andAccommodationamongtheOkanaganofCanada(Toronto:Universityof TorontoPress,1991),77Ͳ86;RobinFisher,ContactandConflict:IndianͲEuropeanRelationsinBritish Columbia,1774Ͳ1890(Vancouver:UBCPress,1992),189. 

54 district,oneforKamloops,andonefortheOkanagan–toadministerapproximately thirtyͲtwothousandNativepeople.34In1887,aProvincialCommissionofEnquirywas

appointedtolookat“conditionsamongtheIndiansoftheNorthWestcoast,”andin

1912aRoyalCommissionhearingonIndianclaimswasheld. 

 OrganizationsliketheFriendsoftheIndiansand,intheinterwarperiod,the

NativeSons,lobbiedthegovernmentforAboriginalrightsonissueslikeeducationand

citizenship.35Allianceswereforgedbetweentheseorganizationsbecausedoingso servedtoraisethepolitical,economicandsocialstatusofbothparties.Thiscooperation providesaninterestingpointofcontrasttotheNativeSons’antiͲOrientalactivities.The

OrientaldoesappearsporadicallyinMcKelvie’shistory;and,liketheIndian,asa

contradictoryfigure.Ononehand,McKelviedemonstratesadeepadmirationfor ancientChineseculture,as“acivilizationthatwasveryadvancedincomparisonwiththe thenexistingstatusofsocietyinEurope.”36Atthesametime,heportraystheearly

ChineseintheProvinceaseitherpettycriminalsorsuperstitiousandbackwards labourers.37TheracialdesignationofIndiandidnotengenderthesamevirulent,explicit animosityasthedesignationChineseinthisperiod,buttheChineseweregrantedthe

34LibraryandArchivesofCanada(LAC),SessionalPapers,AnnualReportoftheDepartmentofIndian AffairsfortheYearEnded31stDecember1881,xii.  35VancouverCityArchives(VCA),AM.0054.013.06600,“FriendsoftheIndians–Miscellaneous”1912; PhilipDruker,TheNativeBrotherhoods:ModernIntertribalOrganizationsontheNorthwestCoast (Washington:SmithsonianInstitutionBureauofAmericanEthnologyBulletin168,USGovernment PrintingOffice,1958),84;ForrestD.Pass,“‘TheWondrousStory,’”17Ͳ18.  36BCARS,McKelvieFonds,Box2,File7,TranscriptofaTalkgiventotheBritishColumbiaHistorical Association,“HoeiShin,”29January1940.  37See,forexample,BCARS,McKelvieFonds,Box1,File7,“HereandThereinBritishColumbia–Opium Smuggling,”1936;also,Box27,File2,StoryoftheRainGod,Nanaimo,1934. 

55 votein1947whileAboriginalpeoplehadtowaituntil1960.Thepoliticaltrajectoriesof thesetwogroupsofCanadianswereneverparallelbutdidintersectatpoints,and duringtheuncertainperiodbetweenthewars,bothcategoriesofIndianandChinese wereconstantlybeingremadeagainstaprovincialheritageofwhiteness.



Conclusion

 ThepioneermythologyprovidedapopularheritageforBritishColumbianswhich

clearlydesignatedrolesforthecategoriesofwhiteandIndian,andpositionednonͲ whitesandnonͲIndiansas“aliens.”Duringtheinterwarperiod,asthenextchapter shows,thisinterpretationofprovincialheritagewasusedbysomeVancouveritesasa

meansofguardingeconomicprivilegeinmunicipalpolitics.Thecloseness–insome cases,equivalence–betweenmembersofracistnonͲstateorganizationsand governmentofficialsduringthesedecadesmeantthatliberaldemocracydidnotalways equatewithsocialjustice.Ononehand,whitenesswasconstructedinmanyofthesame waysastheracialidentitiesofOrientalandIndian.Inparticular,twocommon conceptualstrategieswereemployed–thenotionofaninnateracialorderandthe notionofsolidaritybasedonracialidentity.Butthewhiteidentitywasalsodistinctin comparisontotheidentitiesofOrientalandIndian.Whitenesswasassumedtoequate

withprivilegeanddominancewithinBritishColumbiansociety,whiletheracial identitiesofOrientalandIndianhadalreadyformanyyearsbeenexplicitlyusedasa meansofoppression.Duringtheinterwarperiod,however,OrientalandIndiancameto meansomethingotherthansubservientwithinthepublicrealm,astheseidentities

56 werebeingconstructedasdistinctlyCanadian.Asaresult,anemphaticdeclarationof whitenesswasrequiredinordertomaintainitspositionwithintheracialhierarchy.



57 Chapter3~“ByVirtueoftheAccidentofBirth”1:MunicipalPoliticsinVancouver       Animperialracialorderthatpositionedthewhiteraceattheapexofthesocial hierarchywaswellentrenchedas“commonsense”inthemindsofmanyVancouverites duringthe1920sand30s.However,whitedominancewasalsoparticularlyvulnerable here,adirectresultofmigrationpatternsandtheprovince’soceanicorientationaswell asalongstandinghistoryofAboriginaldominance–political,socialandeconomic–in theregion.BritishColumbiacontainedthelargestAsianandAboriginalpopulations,and whitedominancewasprobablymoretenuousinVancouverthaninanyotherCanadian cityatthetime.Asaresult,basedontheidealofimperialistracialorder,whiteracial identitieswereardentlyassertedinpoliticalrhetoric.Therewere,ofcourse,variations inthewaywhiteracialidentitieswereascribed.Inthedebateswhichdrovemunicipal politicsinVancouverduringtheinterwaryears,whiteidentitieswereconstructedintwo

ways–asahierarchyandasaunifiedcategory.Classdistinctionsalsoplayedarolein thewaywhiteidentitieswereconstructed.Forexample,theantiͲOrientalmovement, whichplayedakeyroleindefiningwhitenessinVancouvertheracialcategoryof

Orientalwasseenbymanytobestable,aresultofthevisibilityofOrientals,which renderedtheminassimilable.AntiͲOrientalactivistswerethusabletoencouragecrossͲ classwhitesolidarity.Incontrast,EasternEuropeansandIndiansweredeemed

1See,forexample,VancouverCityArchives(VCA),Add.MSS.600,567ͲGͲ4,c1932.Thisphrase,“byvirtue oftheaccidentofbirth,”wasusedbytheNativeSonsintheirmanycorrespondenceswithlocal, provincial,andfederalpoliticiansasreasonandjustificationfornotgrantingrightsofCanadiancitizenship topersonsof“Oriental”descent. 

58 assimilable,andthesecategorieswereunderstoodbymanyCanadianstobefluid.Asa result,nativistandantiͲimmigrantmovementswereprimarilymiddleͲclassmovements, anattempttoprotecttheprivilegesofclassaswellasofrace.

 DuringtheinterwarperiodinVancouver,thearticulationof“white”asaracial

identityinvolvedtwokeyconceptualstrategies.First,thataninherentracialorder existedwithinanysocialorder;andsecond,thatracialidentityengenderedsolidarity.

Theseconceptualstrategiesunderlaythepracticesthatwereusedtoconstructwhite racialidentities.Themosteffectiveandwidespreadofthesepracticeswerethe

(de)regulationoflabourandbusiness,thepursuitanddenialofpoliticalpower

(particularly(dis)enfranchisement),theregulationofsexuality,andtheproductionof historythroughvariousformsofcommemoration.Whitenesswasusedtojustify economic,political,andsocialrightsbecausethisracialcategoryembodiedthe characteristicsassociatedwithgoodcitizenship.Thepioneermythprovidedaregionally

specificanchorforgroundingthesecharacteristicsinapopularhistorythatwas particulartothewhiteidentityinBritishColumbia.



TheKlaninVancouver:“AltruismisouronlyAim”1

 TheInvisibleEmpireoftheKnightsoftheKuKluxKlanmaintainedacautious, lawfulapproachduringtheinterwaryearsthatwasverydifferentfromtheracial violenceandintimidationwhichcharacterizedthisorganization’sactivitiesinthelate

1VCA,14ͲFͲ3,file11,CityClerk’sSeries20,LetterfromtheInvisibleEmpireoftheKuKluxKlanGrand RealmCouncilofBritishColumbiatoCityCouncil,VancouverCityHall,5thNovember1929. 

59 nineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies,aswellasduringthecivilrightsmovements followingtheSecondWorldWar.Inthe1920sand1930s,theKlanwereheavilyinvolved inlocalpolitics,andstrovetomaintaintheimageofarespectableorganizationwitha strongsenseofcivicresponsibility.Theseyearsmarkedthemovement’sapogee,with membershipreachinghighsnotonlyintheKlan’straditionalstrongholdintheAmerican

South,butalsointheindustrialnorth.2Thefraternityexpandedbeyondthebordersof

theUnitedStatesforthefirsttimeduringthe1920s,intoplacesasvariedasCuba,

Mexico,NewZealandand,ofcourse,Canada.OnlyinCanadadidtheKlangaina significantfollowing.CanadianKlanactivityoriginatedinMontrealintheearly1920s,

andsoonspreadtotheWest,wheretheorganizationattracteditsstrongestsupport.

ThefirstevidenceoftheKlaninBritishColumbiaappearsintheformofan advertisementforamembershipdriveintheCranbrookCourier,datedNovember17th,

1922.Withinfiveyears,Klanmembershipintheprovincehadreached13000men,

8000ofwhomlivedinVancouver.3

 CanadianchaptersoftheKlanfollowedthesamecourseastheirAmerican counterparts,ofpursuingpoliticalpowerratherthanusingviolenceasameanstowards thegoalofracialpurity.TheAmericanchaptersoftheKlaninnorthernindustrialcities

2LeonardMoore,CitizenKlansmen:TheKuKluxKlaninIndiana,1921Ͳ1928(ChapelHill&London: UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1991),1Ͳ12.  3JulianSher,WhiteHoods:Canada’sKuKluxKlan(Vancouver:NewStarBooks,1983),32.Sher’scitations aresomewhatpatchy,butheappearstohavetakenthesestatisticsfromissuesoftheKKKCanadaAction ReportorTheSpokesmannewspaper.FormoreonthehistoryoftheKlaninCanada,seealso,Martin Robin,ShadesofRight:NativistandFascistPoliticsinCanada1920Ͳ1940(Toronto:UniversityofToronto Press,1992).In1927,thepopulationofVancouverwasabout150000individuals(priortothe amalgamationofPointGreyandSouthVancouverin1929,whichdoubledthepopulationofthecityof Vancouver).SeeDerekHayes,HistoricalAtlasofVancouverandtheLowerFraserValley(Vancouver: DouglasandMcIntyre,2005),120. 

60 typicallytendedtoattractawidesocioͲeconomicspectrumofmembers,but predominantlythoseinskilledandlowerlevelclericalormanagerialoccupations.4

AlthoughthemembershipoftheVancouverKlanisnearlyimpossibletoascertain,it likelyfollowedasimilarpattern.TheKlanworkedinconcertwiththeBritishColumbia labourmovementandothercivicinterestgroupsinthecollectiveprotesttoend

OrientalimmigrationandcurbOrientaleconomicprogressintheprovince.Thiswasa crossͲclassmovement,whosesolidaritywasbasedonthecommonalityofrace.Yetthe relationshipbetweentheKlanandlabourwasuneasy.WhileboththeKlanandthe

TradesandLabourCouncilcooperatedtoadvocaterestrictionsonnonͲwhite immigration,certainfactionswithintheBritishColumbialabourmovementopposedthe

Klanas“terrorists”andantiͲunionists.TheFederationist,publishedbytheBritish

ColumbiaFederationofLabour,wasparticularlyvehementinexpressingitsantagonism towardstheKlan.AndinNovemberof1925,FrankBrowne,Labourmemberfor

Burnaby,supportedbyfellowLabourparliamentarianTomUphill,attemptedtopassa

motioncondemningtheKlanasahateͲmongeringorganization.5

 ThemotionwaslosttoaforcefuloppositionledbyConservativeM.L.A.R.H.

Pooley,whoarguedthatdespitetheKlan’shistoryofviolence,thenewlyformedBritish

Columbianchaptershadyettoengageinanyillegalactivity.TheVancouverKlanfound supportnotonlyattheprovinciallevelofgovernment,butalsowithinCityCounciland

4LeonardMoore,CitizenKlansmen,60Ͳ70;RobertAlanGoldberg,HoodedEmpire:TheKuKluxKlanin Colorado(Urbana:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1958),45Ͳ48;KennethT.Jackson,TheKuKluxKlaninthe City,1915Ͳ1930(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1967),62;108;119;120;ShawnLay,HoodedKnights ontheNiagara:TheKuKluxKlaninBuffalo,NewYork(NewYork:NewYorkUniversityPress,1995),85Ͳ 114.  5Sher,WhiteHoods,37.

61 somefactionsofthepressandclergy,partlybecausethehallmarkracistactsofterror andviolenceneveroccurredinVancouver.Moreimportantly,however,theorganization gainedsupportfromnonͲmembersbecausetheKlan’santiͲOrientalsentimentsfellin linewithpopularopinion.MuchoftheKlanactivityinVancouver’sCityHall,however,

didnotconcernantiͲOrientalagitation,butwasovereconomicissuessuchasreliefand thepriceofgrain.Here,again,theKlanmetwithresistancefromgovernmentofficials.

ThemembershipoftheVancouverchapter,aswiththe“InvisibleEmpire”asawhole, wasclandestine,andtheirrefusaltosigntheirpetitionstoCityHallmeantthatsomeof

theirciviceffortsweredisregardedbyCityCouncil.Whilebothfederalandprovincial

membersofparliament,thePremier,AttorneyGeneral,andeventhePrimeMinister respondedtopetitionsfromtheKlansignedonlywiththesealoftheKuKluxKlan,the

cityofVancouverhadabyͲlawrequiringindividualsignaturesinorderforapetitionto

beconsideredbytheCityCouncil.AletterfromtheKlanclaimedthattheorganization hadalreadyrecentlybeen“subjecttopersecutionandmethodsthatwereintendedto eliminatethem…andasethasbeenmadehere[inVancouver]againstcertainmembers

oftheKlanthathavebeenoutwardlyactiveinsponsoringissuesofPublicinterest.”

Nonetheless,theVancouverchapteroftheKlancondemnedCityCouncilforignoring

“anyissueofpublicimportancesetbeforethem,”withorwithoutsignatures,and insistedthat“altruismisouronlyaim.”6

6VCA,14ͲFͲ3,file11,CityClerk’sSeries20,LetterfromtheInvisibleEmpireoftheKuKluxKlanGrand RealmCouncilofBritishColumbiatoCityCouncil,VancouverCityHall,5thNovember1929;VCA,14ͲFͲ3, file11,CityClerk’sSeries20,LetterfromtheInvisibleEmpireoftheKuKluxKlanGrandRealmCouncilof BritishColumbiatoWm.McQueen,CityClerk,VancouverCityHall,6November,1929. 

62  Altruism,evenwhenlimitedtohelpingonlyoneparticularcategoryofthe needy,playsaninstrumentalroleinthefunctioningofaliberaldemocraticgovernment.

AsShirleyTillotsonnotesinthecaseofOttawa,justificationfortheinclusionand exclusionofracialcategoriesfromcertainrightsandprivilegesofcitizenshipwasbased oncharitablecontributionandnonͲcontribution.7InVancouver,altruismsimilarly

providedagaugefordefininggoodcitizenship,andaffectedawiderdemographicthan earlierinthecenturybecauseoftheeconomicturmoilofthelate1920sand1930s.The

Klan’saltruisticcontributionstooktheformofpoliticalinvolvement,throughlettersand petitions.Theorganizationwasparticularlyinterestedintheplightoflocalfarmers,and soughttobringsocialjustice,forexample,towhitefarmerswhowereforcedtosell theircowsandrenttheirfarms“toChinamenbecauseawhitemancan’tpayenoughto paythetaxes[sic].”8FortheKlan,thesesocialproblemsweretheresultofcorruptor incompetentgovernment.Theirpetitionsincludedawiderangeofissues,including attacksonthemisappropriationofgovernmentfunds;theunderqualificationofrelief officers;thehighfreightratesforgraininthedomesticmarketascomparedtothe exportmarket;theunfairdistributionofthetaxburdenonindividualsascompared, proportionately,tolargecompanies;andthecontrolofthemediaby“biginterests.”

7ShirleyTillotson,ContributingCitizens:ModernCharitableFundraisingandtheMakingoftheWelfare State,1920Ͳ66(Vancouver:UniversityofBritishColumbiaPress,2008),103Ͳ128.  8VCA,14ͲFͲ3,file11,CityClerk’sSeries20,LetterfromMrs.ThomasKeenan,forwardedbytheInvisible EmpireoftheKuKluxKlanGrandRealmCouncilofBritishColumbiatoCitySolicitor,MayorandAlderman ofVancouver,18March,1929. 

63 ThesepetitionsemphasizetheKlan’sinterestinmaintaining“goodGovernment,”and theirownpositionasrespectableandconcernedcitizens.9

 TheKlan’sinvolvementinpopularpoliticsinconjunctionwiththeirestablished stanceonwhitesupremacyimpliesaconceptualconnectionbetweenrespectable citizenshipandwhiteness.TheKlan’sinfluencediminishedconsiderablyinVancouverby the1930s,becauseoftheirextremistpositionandbecausemostoftheiragendahad beentakenupbyothernativistandmainstreamorganizations.However,theidealofa whiteBritishColumbia,withalltheassumptionsofcitizenshipthatthisentailed,was maintainedbysubsequentorganizations,mostnotablytheWhiteBritishColumbia

League,theWhiteCanadaAssociationandtheWhiteCanadaCrusade.10TheKlanmet oppositionbothfromlabourandmembersofgovernment,theirinfluencewaslimited, andtheirlifespaninBritishColumbiashort.Yet,thisexplicitlywhitesupremacist organizationalsofoundsubstantialsupportandcooperationamongothercivic organizationsandwithingovernment.

 Thereareseveralplausibleexplanationsforthissupport.TheKlanactively participatedinpublicaffairsandmaintainedtheimageofarespectablecivic organizationthatupheldthevaluesofapreͲexisting,dominant,AngloͲSaxonProtestant tradition.Inaddition,manyofthekeygoalsoftheKlanparalleledalreadywidespread concerns–mostnotably,theirinterestineconomicissues,inweedingoutcorruptionin

9VCA,14ͲFͲ3,file11,CityClerk’sSeries20,LettersfromtheInvisibleEmpireoftheKuKluxKlanGrand RealmCouncilofBritishColumbiatoVancouverCityCouncil.  10VCA,567ͲGͲ4,Add.MSS.600,File6,“ResolutionoftheWhiteCanadaAssociation,”1934;VCA,591ͲGͲ3, File4,WhiteCanadaCrusade,“PowerinKnowledge;VictoryinAction.” 

64 government,andintheirantiͲOrientalposition.Moreimportantly,however,acceptance

oftheKlanasarespectablecivicbodywasbasedonthefamiliaritymanyBritish

ColumbiansalreadyhadwiththeidealofawhiteCanada.Theambiguousresponsesthe

VancouverKlanevokeddemonstratetheantagonismsomeBritishColumbiansheld towardsextremeformsofracism,butalsoindicatethatexplicitlywhiteorganizations

werenottheonlyplacewheretheidealcitizenwasbeingconstructedas“white.”

Whitenesswasalsolinkedtocitizenshipbymainstreamorganizations,inmoresubtle andpervasiveways.

  TheNativeSonsandDaughtersofBritishColumbia:“Ofthosenoblemenandwomen whopioneeredthiscountry...forthespreadoftheirrace”11   TheNativeSonsofBritishColumbiawasestablishedin1899asafraternityfor

BritishColumbianswhohadeitherbeenbornintheprovinceorwhohadlivedthere sinceatleast1875.ThemembershipoftheNativeSonswaspredominantlyurbanand relativelyaffluent.Theorganizationhadsevenactivepostsintheprovinceby1930,and membershipnumbersinthehundredsinbothVancouverandVictoria.TheNativeSons werehighlyinfluentialinlocalpoliticsandinpromotingpublichistoryduringthe interwarperiod.Inlocalpolitics,theNativeSonsfocusedtheiractivitiesonthe economicproblemsathand,andantiͲOrientalagitation.Intheirpromotionofhistory, muchoftheNativeSons’energiesweredirectedtowardspreservingartifactsandlocal

11BritishColumbiaArchivesandRecordsServices(BCARS),BritishColumbiaHistoricalAssociation,Box7 File21,“PioneersReunion1924:TranscriptofproceedingsatMay9thbanquet,EmpressHotel,Victoria; M.Unwin,DeputyOfficialStenographer,”speechbyVictorHarrison,GrandChiefFactoroftheNative Sons,Nanaimo,17. 

65 history,andorganizinghistoricallybasedcelebrationslikeDouglasDayandthePioneer

Reunions.AccordingtoForrestD.Pass,thesetwoaims–thepragmaticandthe commemorative–functionedinconcerttogenerateamiddleclassappeal.However, boththepragmaticandcommemorativeprojectswerepremisedonagenderedand racialorderthatwasimplicitindefiningbothBritishColumbianaswellasmiddleclass, twoidentitieswhichtheNativeSonshelddear.Inotherwords,thenotionofcitizenship promotedbytheNativesonsassumedthesupremacyofmasculinityandwhiteness.

 TheNativeDaughtersofBritishColumbia,theNativeSons’sisterorganization,

wasresponsiblefororganizingsocialeventsthatencouragedasenseofcommunity, promotedmarriagesbetweenNativeSonsandDaughters,andencouragedthebreeding offuturegenerationsofNativeSonsandDaughters.Amidstaflurryofstrawberryfeeds, basketpicnics,anddances,theNativeDaughterswereprimarilyconcernedwiththeir positionsasmothersandwives,andultimatelyhadthesinglemostimportanttaskof

“peoplingtheprovince”with“thepioneerstock.”12Indeed,thevariouspoliticaland commemorativeactivitiesoftheNativeSonswerecenteredonthisobjective.13The

NativeDaughterswerealsoresponsibleformonitoringthe“progressofthepioneers”in termsofmalereproduction,bytrackingthebirthofmalechildrenbornintheprovince asprospectivemembersoftheNativeSons,andthus,leadersofthecommunityand

12Ibid.,speechbyMarkBates,pioneerofNanaimo,9.  13See,forexample,Ibid.,speechbyBeaumontBoggs,16.Boggs’addresstotheNativeDaughterswas brief,butfocusedentirelyonencouragingthesewomento“continuetoliveasyourmothersdid,” referringtotheirexceptionalabilitiesaswives,childͲbearers,andchildͲrearers. 

66 exemplarycitizens.14Nonetheless,theNativeDaughtersremainedinacontradictory positionfamiliartomanyAngloͲSaxonmiddleͲclasswomenoftheirtime,whereintheir reproductivecapacitywasupheldandprotectedwhiletheirstatusasindividuals subsumedbyassumptionsofgenderinferiority.Thiscontradictionisexploredindetail inchapterfive.

 ThegenderednatureoftheNativeSons’activitiesmeantthatwhitenesswas constructeddifferentlyformenthanforwomen.Thepublicsphere,mostnotablylocal politics,business,andwagelabour,remainedthedomainofmen.Withinthisdomain, racialordertooktwoforms.Insomecases,forexampleinsomeareasoftheirposition

onimmigrationandsettlementpolicy,theNativeSonsadvocatedanidentitythatwas primarilyAngloͲSaxon.Thiswasanunderstandingthatrequiredahierarchywithinthe racialcategoryofwhite,andprovidedthebasisfortheNativeSons’distinctidentityas

“native”BritishColumbians.15Inothercases,andincreasinglysothroughoutthe1920s and30s,theNativeSonsassertedanidentitythatcollapsedthehierarchyofwhiteintoa unitedfronttogarnersupportfortheirpoliticalgoals,particularlytheirantiͲOriental activity.Andinotherinstances,thesetworacialorders–onethatdividedwhitefurther intosubcategories,andonethatpitchedwhiteasaunifiedcategory–wereemployed

14VCA,Add.MSS.600,567ͲGͲ4,LetterfromHaroldB.McDonald,GrandSecretaryoftheNativeSons,to ErnestC.Hope,Esq.,SecretaryPostNo.9,NativeSons,FortLangley,9November1927.  15ThehierarchyofWhitenessintheAmericancontexthasbeentermed“variagatedWhiteness”by MatthewFryeJacobsoninWhitenessofaDifferentColor:EuropeanImmigrantsandtheAlchemyofRace (Cambridge:HarvardUniversityPress,1998).Jacobsonnotesthattheperiodbetweenthe1840sand 1920swasoneofmassEuropeanimmigration,whereindistinctionsweremadewithinthecategoryof White.By1920,however,Jacobsonarguesthatwiththeincreaseofrestrictionsonimmigration, AmericansconflatedthevariousWhiteidentitiesintothesinglecategoryofWhite,or“Caucasian.” 

67 simultaneously,asina1933statementbytheNativeSonsoneconomicdevelopmentin

BritishColumbia.

 Inthespringof1933,theNativeSons’VancouverPost(No.2)submitteda resolutiontothemembersoftheDominiongovernmentdeclaringtheirsupportforthe federalgovernment’sproposedRoyalCommissionto“investigateandreportupon

BankingLawsandtheirreform.”16TheresolutionrecommendedthatLeonJ.Ladner, memberoftheNativeSonsandapastMemberofParliament,beappointedtothe

Commission.17Further,theNativeSonsfeltthesituationurgentenoughtocallforthe creationofa“BritishColumbiaEconomicCommittee,”whosepurposewastoinfluence governmentpolicy.TheCommitteewastoincludeaHistoricalBureau,aLocalAffairs

Bureau,aLegalBureau,andaNaturalResourcesBureau.Inanearlyreportfromthe

Committee,GrandFactorBruceMcKelvieidentifiedtheaimofthecommittee,which wastodiscoverthefundamentalcausesandeffectsofanunsoundeconomicstructure.

Sixproblemswereidentifiedandoutlinedascontributingtoeconomicinstability–the provinciallandsettlementpolicy,education,immigration,controlofnaturalresources,

foreigntrade,andindustryandwaste.

 Althoughthecategory“white”isnotexplicitlyspokeninthisreport,thereisa clearconnectionbetweenthisracialidentityandthemiddleͲclassinterestswithwhich thisreportisconcerned.Inhisreport,McKelvieasksaseriesofquestions:

16VCA,Add.MSS.600,567ͲGͲ4,LetterfromFrederickAubrey,RecordingSecretaryoftheNativeSonsof BritishColumbia,Post#2,toJ.O.Lee,Post#9,Murrayville,c/oJ.O.Lee,Esq.,11April1933.  17LadnerwasamemberoftheNativeSons,borninLadner,BritishColumbia,in1885.Hisfathersettledin theprovincein1858fromEngland,andthetownofLadnernamedafterhisfamily.Ladnerwasalawyer, andaLiberalͲConservative. 

68  Arewe,asapeople,adaptedtotheland?Woulditnotbebetterto

 encourageapeasantpeopletosettle,providedthattheyareofatype

 who,themselves,ortheirchildrenwillassimilate?Howbestmaywe

 combattheOrientalproblem;todosobylegislationhasfailed.Isit

 possibletoreplacethembyeconomiclaws?Canwe,bytheapplication

 ofeconomicfactorscontrolimmigrationprovincially?18

The“we”inthispassageremainsundefined,exceptbywhatitisnot.“We”doesnot refertopeasantpeopleorOrientals,and“we”occupiesadominantpositionintowhich othersmustassimilateorbeexcludedfromentirely.Thisparticularperceptionofracial orderhasitsoriginsalongandcomplexintellectualtraditionwhichincludesthe

EnlightenmentconceptionoftheGreatChainofBeing,Linneaus’andBlumenbach’s

classificationsoftheracesintheeighteenthcentury,andnineteenthͲcenturySocial

Darwinism.19Inthelatenineteenthcentury,FrancisGaltonpublishedHereditaryGenius andcoinedtheterm“eugenics.”20InCanada,eugenicistspromotedthenotionofan

18VCA,Add.MSS.600,567ͲGͲ4,Ͳ“MemorandumforGrandFactorReEconomicCommitteesofNative SonsofBritishColumbia”byB.A.McKelvie,April1933.  19CarolusLinneausoriginallyclassifiedhomosapiensintofourcategoriesinthetentheditionofSystemae Naturae,publishedin1758.Thesecategorieswere:Americanus;Asiaticus;Africanus;andEuropeanus.In 1795,inthethirdeditionofDegenerishumanivarietatenativaliber,JohannFriedrichBlumenbach expandedthisclassificationsystemtoincludeafifthcategory,theMalayan.SocialDarwinism,atheory thatthehumanracesaresubjecttothelawofnaturalselectionandhumansocietyisastrugglefor survivalruledbythesurvivalofthefittest,hasbeenattributedtoBritishphilosopherandsociologist HerbertSpencer.Hisideasalongtheselineswerefirstpublishedanonymouslyin1852.Foranintellectual historyofraceintheWesternworld,seeGeorgeFrederickson,Racism:AShortHistory(Princeton: PrincetonUniversityPress,2002).  20GaltonpublishedHereditaryGeniusin1869,inwhichhearguedthatintellectwastransmitted genetically.In1883,hecoinedtheterm“eugenics”todescribeaformofsocialcontrolbasedonthe regulationofreproduction,orselectivebreeding.SeeAngusMcLaren,OurOwnMasterRace(Toronto: McClelland&Stewart,1990),14Ͳ20. 

69 innateracialorderduringtheearlytwentiethcenturyindebatesoverofpublichealth, immigration,andsexualregulation.Eugenicstheorycontributedtoabeliefin“racial degeneration,”andmanyEnglishCanadians“assumedthatwhiteAngloͲSaxonswere raciallysuperiorandimmigrantswerewelcomedaccordingtothedegreetowhichthey approachedthisideal.”21

 Thedistinctionbetween“we,”“apeasantpeople,”and“Orientals”hastwo paradoxicalimplications.First,itimpliestheassumptionofaracialorderwhere

“Caucasian”isfurtherdividedintoahierarchywithAngloͲSaxonatthetopandEastern

European“peasants”furtherdownthescale.Andatthesametime,becausethese

“peasantpeople”canbeassimilated,thisracialorderalsoamalgamatesthevarious

Caucasiangroupsintothesinglecategory“white,”whichstandsincontrasttoand above“Oriental.”Theseimplicationsdemonstratethefluidityandmultiplicityofthe racialhierarchy,butarealsoaresultofthespecifictemporalandregionalcontext withinwhichgroupsandindividualsareracialized.BytheendoftheFirstWorldWar,

BritishColumbiahadonlyrecentlybeencolonizedandsettledbyanonͲAboriginal populations,andalreadyhadalonghistoryofsubstantialChinese,JapaneseandSouth

Asianimmigration.Thus,thenotionofaracialorderwasparticularlysalientinthis region,andwasanongoingpointofcontention.







21Ibid.,47.

70 TheHierarchyofWhiteness

 ThefederalimmigrationcampaignstosettletheWestbeganin1896aspartof

PrimeMinisterMacdonald’sNationalPolicy.Atthesametime,thecompletionofthe

CanadianPacificRailwayopenedvastareasoflandforsettlement.Immigrationpolicy favouredaracialhierarchywithAngloͲSaxonsastheidealimmigrant,andSouthernand

EasternEuropeansasinferiorbutassimilable.Between1900and1910,thepopulation ofBritishColumbiadoubled.Duringthisdecade,175,000Britishindividualscameto

BritishColumbia,makingupsixtypercentoftotalimmigration.22Includedinthe

remainingfortypercentwereItalianswholabouredatTrailandPowellRiverasrailway workers,coalminers,inthesmelterandpulpandpapermill;andintheminesat

NanaimoandCumberland,onVancouverIsland.Alsointhiscategoryoflesspreferred immigrantwereDoukhoborsandMennoniteswhosettledintheWestKootenayand

Boundaryregions;andUkranianswhocontinuedtohomesteadinruralregions.As

RobertA.J.MacDonaldhasdemonstrated,CanadiansofBritishorNorthernEuropean heritageused“racialcategorizations…todefinesouthernEuropeans–whoseskin colourwaswhite–as‘nonͲwhite.’”23Hecontinuesbyexplainingthatinthecontextof

BritishColumbiaintheearlytwentiethcentury:

 Themeaningofracialclassificationsisperhapsbestexaminedin

 thecontextoftheterms‘immigrant’and‘foreigner,’whichconveyed

22JeanBarman,TheWestBeyondtheWest:AHistoryofBritishColumbia(Toronto:UniversityofToronto Press,1991),137.  23RobertA.J.McDonald,MakingVancouver:1863Ͳ1913(Vancouver:UniversityofBritishColumbiaPress, 1996),202. 

71  amoregeneralmeaningthan‘race.’Whereas‘race’usuallyimplied

 distinctionsofcolour,‘immigrant’and‘foreigner’categorizedboth

 AsiansandcertainEuropeangroupsasnonͲBritish,andconsequently

 asoutsiders.24

Thus,therelativelyhighinfluxofnonͲBritishimmigrationconstitutedathreattonativeͲ bornandBritishresidentsoftheprovince,andnonͲBritishnewcomersmetwith discriminationbecauseoftheirethnicityaswellastheirsocialandeconomicstatusas manuallabourers.

 Ofcourse,thiswidespreaddiscriminationagainst“immigrants”and“foreigners”

wasnotuncontested.Oneparticularlyinterestingdefenceofthe“peasant”immigrant comesfromanarticlethatwaspublishedinMaclean’sMagazineinthefallof1929.The articlewaswrittenbyFrederickPhilipGrove,awellknownCanadianauthorwholivedin

ManitobabutwasborninPrussia.Thearticlebeginswithaneditorialnote,pointingout tothereaderthattheauthor’s“viewsontheassimilationoftheforeignͲborn immigrant,expressedinthisarticle,are“different,”buttheyarethoseoftheforeignͲ bornimmigranthimself.”25GrovereferstoEasternEuropeans(Poles,Hungarians,and

Ukranians)as“midͲEuropeans,”andarguesthattheirsmallͲscaleselfͲsustainingfarming methodsweresuperiortothoseusedonlargescale,machineͲoperated,creditbased

Canadianfarms.ForGrove,raceandclassareintertwinedinthevirtuesofthepeasant, andtheexperienceofmakingalivingfrommanuallabourengenderthecharacteristics

24Ibid.,206.  25FrederickPhilipGrove,“Assimilation”inMacleansMagazin,e1September,1929:7. 

72 thatsustainsociety.Heassertsthat“itisthepeasantrywhich,sofar,hasenabledevery

civilizationevolvedinthepasttosurviveaslongasithassurvived.Thepeasantryof

Europehasalwaysfedthecitiesnotonlywithbreadandwine,butwithnewbloodand newmanhood.”26This“newmanhood”isdefinedas“that…whichdidthepioneering

workofahundredyearsago,”andcanbesummedupintheoneword–“character.”

Canadastillneededpioneers,andthesepioneershadtobeimmigrantsbecause

CanadianͲbornmenhadbecome“soft,mentallyandphysically.”27Grove’sargument usesageographicalframeofreferencethatpitchestheNewWorldagainsttheOld,and alsomakesacleardistinctionbetweenthemiddleͲclassCanadiansandtheworkingͲclass immigrant,whereintheworkingͲclassimmigrantactuallyhasmoreofthepioneerspirit andcharacterthantheactualCanadianͲbornprogenyofthepioneers.

 Oneofthebigissuessurroundingimmigrationatboththeprovincialandfederal levelsofgovernment,andalsoinpublicdiscourse,inmagazinesandnewspapers,was thequestionofassimilation.The“peasant”immigranttookhisorherplaceontheracial hierarchyassuperiortononͲEuropeancategoriesbecauseofabeliefthat,unlikethe

Orientalraces,atleastthesecondgenerationwouldbeabletoassimilateeasilyinto

Canadiansocietyandculture.Eventhoughinmanycasestheseimmigrantswere describedinthesamederogatorytermsastheChineseorJapanese,theassumed physiologicalsimilaritiesbetweenthe“peasant”immigrantandAngloͲSaxonCanadians wereenoughtoensureassimilation.Yet,Groveequatesassimilationwiththe

26Ibid.,74.  27Ibid. 

73 destructionofapeople,andclaimsthatmost“peasant”immigrantshavenointerestin assimilatingoridentifyingthemselvesasCanadian.Evenmoreinterestingly,Grove assertsthat“ifassimilationmeanstheabsorptionofoneracebyanother,theabsorbing racenottoundergoanychangebytheprocess,thenthereisnosuchthingas assimilation.”28Thisinsightfulnotionthatracialorculturaldominanceisnot impenetrable,andthatinpracticeassimilationinvariablyaffectsthedominantraceor culture,providessomeinsightintotheNativeSons’defenceoftheirownsocialand economicpositionintheprovince.

 TheNativeSonsdistinguishedthemselvesfromeveryoneelseintheprovinceby

virtueoftheirdescentfromtheoriginalpioneerstock,andusedthisgenealogical justificationtomaintainahierarchyofwhitenessthatservedtoreinforcetheirmiddleͲ classstatuswithintheprovincebyconflatingthecategoriesofpeasant/workingclass andimmigrant.



AntiͲOrientalAgitationinthe1920sandTheLanguageofBrotherhood

Incontrasttocomplicatingoftheracialordertogeneratedivisionsbetween

AngloͲSaxonandnonͲAngloͲSaxonEuropeans,inthediscourseofantiͲOrientalagitation thecentralissueofeconomiccompetitionwasoftendistilledintoabattlebetween whiteandOriental.Despite,orperhapsbecauseoftheirpredominantlymiddleͲclass membership,thelanguageusedbytheNativeSonsintheircapacityasapublicinterest groupadvocatingforOrientalexclusionemployedarhetoricofequality,andtheantiͲ

28Ibid.,75.

74 OrientalcampaigntookononeformofwhatGeorgeFredricksonhastermedherrenvolk democracy,orarationalizedintellectualracismintendedtounifyindividualsacrossclass linesintheinterestofmaintainingracialdominance.29Thecollectiveprotesttoend

OrientalimmigrationandcurbOrientaleconomicprogressintheprovincerequiredthe supportofmorethanthemiddleclass.Themostwidelyespousedargumentsagainst

Orientalimmigrationandassimilationhadtodowithcompetitionforemploymentand resources,andoftenrequiredthecollaborationoforganizedlabourandtheworkingͲ

classes.

 Discriminationagainst“Orientals”–whichincludedpeopleofChinese,Japanese,

andSouthAsianorigins–wasrampantinBritishColumbiafromthefirstwavesof

Chineseimmigrationinthe1850s.Buttheneedformanuallabourersinthisperiod, particularlyintheminesandontherailway,meantthatgovernmentandbusiness interestswerewillingtoacceptthepresenceofAsianworkersinCanadaasanecessary exchangefortheprofitthatcouldbereapedfromcheaplabour.DuringtheFirstWorld

War,Canadianpolicyon“theAsianquestion”wassubdued,asaprecautioninlightof theinternationalconflict.Between1919and1939,however,withtheendofthewar, thecompletionoftherailway,andtheinfluxofEuropeanimmigration,controlsover

AsianimmigrationandtheactivitiesofthosealreadyinCanadaincreased.Whilethe interwarperioddidnotseethesameviolenceastheVancouverraceriotsearlierinthe

29GeorgeFrederickson,TheBlackImageintheWhiteMind:TheDebateonAfroͲAmericanCharacterand Destiny,1817Ͳ1914(NewYork:HarperandRow,1971).

75 century,thisperiodwitnessedthepassageofthe1923ChineseImmigrationActand increasingemploymentrestrictions.30

 Theserestrictivepoliciesweretheresultofacollaborativeeffortthatincludeda diversityofinterests,whopresentedtheirconcernsasaunifiedfront.Theconceptof herrenvolkdemocracyemergesmostclearlyinthe1920sintheactivitiesandthe discourseproducedbytheAsiatic/OrientalExclusionLeague,anumbrellaorganization

withbranchesinVancouverandVictoria,ofwhichtheNativeSonswereprominent

members.TheorganizationbeganastheAsiaticExclusionLeague.TheVancouver branchformedinJuly1921,initiatedbyVancouverTradesandLabourCouncil,and originallyincludedmainlytrades,serviceindustry,andveteran’sinterests.31Theyear

andahalfleadinguptotheChineseImmigrationAct,whichessentiallyendedChinese immigrationandrequiredChinesealreadyinCanadatoregisterthemselves,sawa steadyflowofantiͲOrientallobbying,muchofitorganizedbytheLeague,atmunicipal andprovinciallevelsofgovernment.By1922,thesameyeartheKuKluxKlanarrivedin

BritishColumbia,allthirteenMembersofParliamentfromBritishColumbiastood togetherontheissueofimmigration.ManyMP’sfromotherprovinces,andevenPrime

MinisterMacKenzieKing,weresympathetic.

30SeePatriciaRoy,TheOrientalQuestion:ConsolidatingaWhiteMan’sProvince,1914Ͳ1941(Vancouver: UniversityofBritishColumbiaPress,2003);KayAnderson,Vancouver’sChinatown:RacialDiscoursein Canada,1875Ͳ1980(Montreal&Kingston:McGillͲQueen’sUniversityPress,1991);PeterWard,White CanadaForever:PopularAttitudesandPublicPolicyTowardOrientalsinBritishColumbia(Montreal& Kingston:McGillͲQueen’sUniversityPress,1978).  31GillianCreese,“ExclusionorSolidarity?VancouverworkersconfronttheOrientalProblem”in BCStudies80(Winter1988Ͳ89),208;PatriciaRoy,TheOrientalQuestion:ConsolidatingaWhiteMan’s Province,1914Ͳ1941(Vancouver:UniversityofBritishColumbiaPress,2003),61.

76  Inthespringofthatyear,WilliamGarlandMcQuarrie,HouseofCommons memberfromNewWestminster,introducedaresolutioncallingforthetotalrestriction ofOrientalimmigration.McQuarriewasabarristerandsolicitorbytraining,anda

LiberalͲConservative.HisresolutionsparkedadebateinOttawaoverthequestionof

immigration,butthedebatewasamatterofexclusionversusrestriction,withvirtually allinagreementthattheflowofOrientalimmigrationhadtobecurbed.InNovemberof

1922,abillwasintroducedintheprovinciallegislaturebyWilliamSloan,thenMinister ofMinesandCommissionerofFisheries,tocompletelyprohibit“Asiatic”immigration

intoCanada.SloanwasagentlemanandresidentofNanaimo,fromawealthy,oldguard

Liberalfamily,butwhohadalsomadehisfortuneintheYukongoldrush.Hewasa nativeͲbornmemberoftheCanadianelite,andaprominentCabinetmember.While boththeresolutionandmotionwereformallyintroducedbypoliticianswhoadvocated

theinterestsofprofessionals,business,andthemiddleͲclass,theyhadthesupporta

varietyofcivicorganizations,includingveteransassociations,women’sgroups,agrarian

groups,andlabourorganizations.TheLiberalandConservativefactionsalsohadthe supportofLabour,incontrasttotheusualdivisionsbetweenbusinessandprofessional

interestsandlabourinterests.Thispoliticalcooperationwasunderstoodbybothsides tobeintheinterestsofprotectingthewhiterace.32

 TheChineseImmigrationActtookeffectonJuly1st,1923,restrictingbutnot excludingChineseImmigrationintothecountry.ThenumberofChineseenteringthe

32VCA,570ͲFͲ7,File199,Add.MSS641,“VotesandProceedingsoftheLegislativeAssemblyofBritish Columbia,”14November,1922;CanadianParliamentaryGuide,(Ottawa:MortimerandCompany,Ltd, 1921Ͳ1925);Roy,TheOrientalQuestion,67Ͳ77. 

77 countrywasseverelycurbed,andinOttawathequestionofChineseimmigrationhad essentiallybeenlaidtorest.TheAsiaticExclusionLeaguewentintosomethingofa declineintheperiodimmediatelyfollowing,andwasalmostdefunctby1924.ButantiͲ

Orientalsentimentpersistedinpopularconsciousnessandattheprovinciallevelof

government.Inlate1924,arevivaloftheLeaguewasinitiatedbytheVancouverand

VictoriaBranchesoftheNativeSonsofBritishColumbiaunderanewname–the

OrientalExclusionLeague–whichbroughttheorganizationbackintoactionwithsome fervour.Thistimearound,however,theNativeSonsratherthantheTradesandLabour

Congressweretheprimarymovers,eventhoughmanyoftheorganizationsinvolved werestilllabourgroups;and,equallyassignificant,theNativeSonshadexpressly invitedseveralwhiteorganizationstojoin.33TheLeaguespokeoutonmanyaspectsof

the“problem”ofOrientalsalreadyinthecountry,includingcompetitionforjobs,the detrimentaleffectofcheapChineselabouronunionactivity,theinfiltrationofthe

Japaneseintothefishingindustry,andtheimpossibilityofassimilation,whereeven interͲracialmarriagewouldneverleadto“goodCanadiancitizenship.”34

 Thus,the1923ImmigrationActwasonlyconsideredapartialvictoryfortheantiͲ

Orientalcampaign,andagitationcontinued.Bythelate1920s,whileafewcallsfortotal exclusioninimmigrationpersisted,thefocusofthecollectiveantiͲOrientalcampaign hadshiftedmorefirmlyintotheeconomicrealm.TheOrientalExclusionLeaguehad dissipatedagainshortlyafteritsrevivalin1925,thistimeforgood,buttheracialized

33Roy,TheOrientalQuestion,80.  34VCA,570ͲFͲ7,File199,Add.MSS.641,LadnerFonds,OrientalExclusionAssociation,1925.

78 sentiments,ideals,goals,andrhetoricoftheLeaguehadalreadybecomefirmly entrenchedinpoliticaldiscourse.In1927,areportwaspreparedfortheBritish

ColumbiaLegislativeAssemblyon“OrientalActivitiesWithintheProvince.”Thisreport wasintendedtofunctionassomethingofahandbookformembersoftheLegislature, whohad,inthepast,beenconfrontedwitha“lackofstatisticalandotherinformationin readilyavailableform”abouttheOrientalsintheprovince.Itwasfarfromanobjective report.Rather,itwasconstructedwiththeunwaveringassumptionthat“thepeopleof

BritishColumbia…bythevoiceoftheirrepresentativesintheLegislativeAssembly” were“utterlyopposedtothefurtherinfluxofOrientalsintothisProvince.”Thereport wasthorough,andcoveredpopulationfigures,birthrates,education,landownership, theemploymentofworkersinindustries,thedistributionoftradeandbusinesslicenses, thefishingindustry,andagriculture.Thegoalofthisparticularreportwasexplicit.Itwas intendedtoaddresstheconcernsofwhiteBritishColumbiansthathadbeenraisedin theLegislaturesincethepassageoftheChineseImmigrationAct,regardingthe

“industrialandcommercialactivitiesofallOrientalsnowinCanadaandparticularly

BritishColumbia.”Theultimategoalwastosecuretheeconomicstatusofwhite

Canadiansthroughrestrictivelegislation,toprotectboth“whitemerchants”aswellas whiteworkers,referredtointhereportas“whitecitizens.”35

 Manyofthesameorganizationsthatworkedtogetherundertheaegisofthe

Asiatic/OrientalExclusionLeaguecontinuedtocooperateinthelate1920sdespitethe

35LegislativeAssembly,“ReportonOrientalActivitiesWithintheProvince”(Victoria:CharlesF.Banfield, 1927),3. 

79 dispersaloftheumbrellaorganization.EvenwithoutthedirectionoftheLeague,antiͲ

Orientalagitationcontinuedtobebackedbyaninterclasssolidarityintheinterestsof racialdominance.Forexample,inNovemberof1929,aconferencewasheldatthe

VancouverHotel,whichincludeddelegates“frommanypublicandsemiͲpublicbodies

andassociations…tohaveafulldiscussionofthewholequestionwithaviewtoasking forsuchlegislationastheconferencemayconsiderisbestcalculatedtostopthissilent

Orientalpenetrationandtograduallyreducethepresentmenace.”36Representativesof

municipal,country,andtradeinterests,includingseveralmembersoftheNativeSons, mettodiscuss“theowningorleasingoffarmlandsbyOrientals,theexploitationby themofournationalresources,andthedisplacingofwhiteworkersandmerchantsin thecities.”37AlsoontheagendawastheissueofOrientalchildreninthepublicschool system.Thismeetingexemplifiesthecollaborativeeffortsthatwentintolobbyingthe governmentformorestringentpoliciestoexcludeOrientalsfromeconomic,social,and politicalrights.Itrequiredcooperationbetweenurbanandruralresidentsofboththe

middleandworkingclasses.The“Orientalmenace”wasrenderedasonethataimedto

destroythestabilityofbothworkerandmerchant,whoseinterestscouldbe amalgamatedthrougharacialidentity.

 Atthesametime,thisinterclasssolidaritywastenuous,atbest,anddivisions withintheantiͲOrientalcampaignwereapparentbythelate1920s.In1928and1929,

36VCA,567ͲGͲ4,Add.MSS.600,LetterfromE.H.Bridgman,Chas.E.Hope,andW.C.WoodwardtoMr. AlexHope,FortLangley,PresidentoftheNativeSonsofBritishColumbia,29October1929.  37VCA,567ͲGͲ4,Add.MSS.600,LetterfromE.H.Bridgman,Chas.E.Hope,andW.C.WoodwardtoMr. AlexHope,FortLangley,PresidentoftheNativeSonsofBritishColumbia,29October1929. 

80 several“organizationsandpublicbodies”cametogethertolobbyforthecreationofan

OrientalTradeLicenseBoard.ThisBoardwasintendedto“providemachinerytocope withthegrowingOrientalinvasionintolegitimateretailtradechannels,”butbecauseof

ConstitutionaltenetsembodiedintheBritishNorthAmericaAct,couldnotdiscriminate

“alongthelinesofnationalityorrace.”Infact,CounselforthecityofVancouverGeorge

McCrossancautionedMayorMalkinthattheBoardmightinfactbeultravires.TheAct wasoneinalonglineofattemptsmadebytheLegislaturetorestrictChineseeconomic activity,whichincludedthe1878ChineseTaxAct,the1884ChineseRegulationAct,and the1897CoalMinesRegulationAct–allofwhichweredeemedunconstitutional.The

TradeLicenseBoardActwaspassedin1928,butnoBoardwaseveractually established.38AsidefromrevealingstrainedprovincialͲfederalrelationsovertheissueof race,whatisalsoimportantaboutthefailureofTradeLicenseBoardActisthatitshows thatby1928thecollectiveantiͲOrientalagitationhadfracturedandlostthesupportof organizedLabour.

 TheTradesandLabourCouncilhadwithdrawnsupportfromsomeofthe mainstreamantiͲOrientalactivitiesbecausecertainmembersoftheCouncilfeltthatthe currentcampaignservedonlytheinterestsofthebusinessandmiddleͲclasses.Also,by thispoint,theCouncilhadthecooperationofcertainfactionsofJapaneseworkers.In addition,theinfluenceofthewhiteorganizationsthatwerebroughtintotheantiͲ

OrientalcampaignbytheNativeSonshadledtodivisionsamongstthevariousinterest groupswhohadcooperatedontheimmigrationquestionearlierinthedecade.Bythis

38VCA,15ͲBͲ2,File5,CityClerk’sOffice,Series20,LetterfromGeorgeE.McCroassan,Corporation Counsel,LawDepartment,Vancouver,toW.H.Malkin,MayorͲElect,Vancouver,16November1928.

81 time,thefocusofthecampaigncentredonthequestionsofeconomicrestrictions, illegalimmigration,Orientalenfranchisement,andtheasyetunrestrictedJapanese

“infiltration”intotheprovince.Inthefallof1929,aboutthirtyrepresentativesfrom civicorganizationsandcommunitiesmetattheHotelVancouver.Themeetingwas organizedbytheNativeSonsandtheVancouverBoardofTrade.Themosturgenttopic ontheagendawasaproposalfor

theformationofaProvinceͲwideassociation,tobeknownasthe

WhiteCanadaAssociation,withaminimumannualsubscriptionfee

of$1.00,forthepurposeoffosteringlegislationwhichwillprevent

furtherOrientalpenetrationinBritishColumbia,andreducethe

presentmenacetoournationallives,bymeansoftreatyofrevision

orotherwise.39

TheAssociationwastoworkinconjunctionwiththeWhiteCanadaLeague,whichhad beenestablishedtheyearbeforeandhad1700members.Delegatesatthismeeting, whichprimarilyconsistedofrepresentativesfromthemunicipalities,variousfarmers’ institutes,theRetailMerchantsAssociation,andCityCouncilsfromLangley,Nanaimo,

NewWestminster,Surrey,Vernon,MapleRidge,RichmondandVancouver,voted unanimouslyinsupportofformingaWhiteCanadaAssociation.

 TheTradesandLabourCouncilwasnotrepresentedatthismeeting,although someindividualtradesandunionmenwerethere.TheCouncil,asabody,haddecided

39VCA,15ͲBͲ2,File5,CityClerk’sOffice,Series20,“MinutesofMeetingHeldintheHotelVancouver, VancouverBC”27November1929.AccordingtoCharlesHope,whowaspresentatthismeeting,the TradesandLabourCouncil“hadJapaneseontheirExecutiveCommittee”andwerethus“inananomalous positionatthismeeting.” 

82 thatthey“wouldnotsupportanymovementwhichwouldrelievethepressureonone classofthecommunityattheexpenseofotherclasses.”Further,theCouncil“had

JapaneseontheirExecutiveCommittee”whichputtheorganization“inananomalous positionatthismeeting.”40TheOrientalExclusionLeagueandtheWhiteCanada

AssociationhadreplacedtheAsiaticExclusionLeagueastheprimaryorganizationfor whitesupremacistpoliticallobbyingbyinterwarperiod.So,whilethemovementbegan asacrossclasscampaign,bytheendofthe1920sithadlostamajorsourceofsupport fromorganizedlabour.

 Thelanguageofinterclasssolidaritycontinued,however,andsosurewerethe advocatesoftheWhiteCanadaAssociationthattheybothneededandwouldeventually gainthesupportofLabourthattheybrushedthematterasideandresolvedto“takethis matterupwiththeTradesandLabourCouncilafter[theAssociation’s]plansweremore matured.”41Thus,whileclassinterestswereessentiallyunitedonthequestionof

Chineseimmigrationintheearlierpartofthedecade,afterthepassageoftheChinese

ImmigrationActin1923classdivisionsemergedoverwhattodowiththeOrientals alreadyinthecountry.TheOrientalquestionwasalwaysaquestionofCanadian identity,andtheprotectionofsomecitizensattheexpenseofothers. Theobjective oftheantiͲOrientalmovement,mostardentlyexpressedbytheNativeSons,wasadual one:identifying,restricting,excluding,andeliminatingtheOrientalentailedidentifying

40Ibid.“TradesUnionman”ReeveTomReidofSurrey,waspresentatthismeeting,andmadethe suggestionofapproachingtheTradesandLabourCouncilaftertheAssociationwasbetterestablished.  41VCA,15ͲBͲ2,File5,CityClerk’sOffice,Series20,“MinutesofMeetingHeldintheHotelVancouver, VancouverBC”27November1929. 

83 andprotectingthemselvesaswhite.Asonedelegateattheincipientmeetingofthe

WhiteCanadaAssociationexplained,“thismovementwasnotbaseduponpersonal antagonismtoeitherChineseorJapanese,formanyofwhomhehadpersonallyhelda highregard,butitwasrapidlybecomingaquestionofwhetherornotBritishColumbia couldallowthecontinualdisplacementofthewhiteracebyOrientals,whichwas assumingalarmingproportions…”42



EconomicReforminthe1930s:“IntheBestInterestsofBritishColumbia”43

 TheNativeSonscontinuedtheirpoliticalcampaigningintothe1930sprimarilyas

anautonomousorganization.Inthespring(March)of1932,theNativeSonsoffered theirsupportforaresolutionintroducedintotheLegislaturebyJ.W.Berry,M.L.A., askingthatOttawabringinlegislationdenyingCanadiancitizenshipto“aliens.”44Their

resolutiondemanded“thattheDominionGovernmentberequestedtonotgrant

CanadianCitizenshiptomembersoftheOrientalracesbyvirtueoftheaccidentof birth.”45However,althoughtheiractivitiesstillincludedspecificallyantiͲOriental

42Ibid.  43BCARS,McKelvieFonds,Box10,File3,ReportfromNativeSonstoHon.NewtonWesleyRowell,PC,KC, andMembersofHMRoyalCommissionMakingInquiryintoFederalandProvincialRelationships,1934,” 4.  44VCA,567ͲGͲ4,Add.MSS.600,LetterfromSecretary,Murrayville,BritishColumbia,toHisWorship, MayorA.W.Gray,M.L.A.,NewWestminster,BC,21March,1932.  45VCA,567ͲGͲ4,Add.MSS.600,LetterfromSecretary,Murrayville,BritishColumbia,toHon.W.A. Gordon,K.C.,MinisterofImmigrationandColonization,Ottawa,Ontario,22March,1932.Thisletterwas alsosenttoHon.C.H.Cahan,SecretaryofState,Ottawa;R.B.Bennet,PM;andtheHon.H.H.Stevens, MinisterofTradeandCommerce. 

84 campaigns,46economicreformtookoverduringthisdecade,asexemplifiedinthework ofBruceMcKelvieandtheNativeSons’EconomicCommittee.

 McKelvie’sideasofeconomicreformwerewelldevelopedbythetimethe

EconomicCommitteewasformedin1933,andhewasakeyfoundingmember.The

NativeSons’involvementineconomicreformstemmedfromarecognitionofthe limitationsofstateauthorityoveraneconomybasedprimarilyontheexportofraw resources.Inhispersonalcorrespondence,McKelvieidentifiedtwoproblemswhich underlaythefailureofthestateinthisrespect,andaneconomicplantoresolvethese issues.Thetwoproblemswerethegeographyandenvironmentoftheprovince,and scatteredsettlementpatternsthatwerearesultofafaultylandpolicy.Theexistingland policyhadbeenestablishedin1859,whentheAboriginalpopulationoftheprovince definitivelyoutnumberedtheEuropeanpopulation,thefurtradeandgoldrushwerefar

moretemptingthatagricultureandsettlement,andlandavailabilitywasseemingly

abundant.Thislandpolicyallowedunrestrictedsettlementoveranareaof370000 squaremiles,andpreͲemptionsof160acresforalladultBritishcitizens.Theresultof thispolicywasscattered(andthus,unprofitable)settlementandthepreͲemptionof morelandthanthepreͲemptorcouldclearanduse.McKelvie’ssolutionwasto encourageconcentratedsettlementclosertoVancouver,especiallyonarableland,and

46Seealso,forexample,BCARS,McKelvieFonds,Box26,File10,“BriefOpposingGrantingofFranchiseto OrientalsinCanada,PreparedbytheNativeSonsofBritishColumbia,1936”;andBox26,File10, “CaliforniaJointImmigrationCommittee,variousdocuments,1937.”TheNativeSonsalsocontinuedto offersupporttotheirownkind,inthefaceoftheDepressionandintheinterestsofpropagatingthe pioneerstock.InJune1931,EdwardD.AirthfromMissionCitywrotealettertotheNativeSonsaskingfor assistance.Airthandhisfamily,consistingoftwoyoungchildrenandapregnantwife,were,likemany individualsatthistime,facingunemploymentandpoverty.Airthwasclearonbothhisrequestandhis rationaleforbeingdeservingofsuchaltruism:“Idonotaskformoney,Ijustwantwork…asIamaNative SonofB.C.ofCanadianparentsItrustyouwillbeabletoassistme.”SeeVCA,567ͲGͲ4,Add.MSS.600, LetterfromEdwardD.Airth,MissionCity,toNativeSons,2June1931.

85 todevelopastablehomemarkettosupportexportactivity.Thishomemarket, however,wouldrequiresomesocialengineering–“apeasantclass”toworktheland andasubstantialworkingͲclasstofunctionasconsumers,andwhoselabourwould extractandprocessthenaturalresourcessoabundantintheprovince.47

 McKelvie’seconomicplancontainedechoesoftherhetoricofthehierarchyof whitenessaswellas,moredirectly,thenotionofacollectivewhiteidentity.The peasantandworkingclassidentitieswereclearlydistinguishedfromtheunspoken categoryofwhitemiddleͲclassAngloͲSaxon,theinfamous“we.”McKelviereferredto

“ourworkers”andassertedthatifthelandweresettledbypeasantagriculturalists,or

“stockmen…they[would]giveusamarketfortheproductsoftheforests,minesand water.”Atthesametime,hecollapsedthecategoryofwhiteintoasingleidentitywhen headdressedtheproblemof“theOriental.”ForMcKelvie,theissuewasoneof patriotism,andtheperpetratorswerenoneotherthan“wewhitepeople.”Hegoeson torant:

 Wehavebrokentheheartsofthousandsofourownwhiteracewhohave

triedtoproducefoodstuffsandhavegivenourpatronagetotheChink

 andJap,becausehegaveustwoorthreecentsadvantage.Ourpatriotism

 wassoldfortwocentsonabunchofceleryorforanickelandahandful

 ofpotatoes.48

47VCA,567ͲGͲ4,File4,Add.MSS.600,LetterfromBruceMcKelvieto“DearOldFred,”15February,1930.  48Ibid. 

86 WhentheEconomicCommitteecameintobeing,itsactivitieswerebasedonMcKelvie’s planandtheideologicalrationalebehindtheplan,includingthenotionthatracialorder playedaroleindirectingeconomicreform.Petitionstothefederalandprovincial governmentsfromtheNativeSons’EconomicCommitteeusedracializedlanguagemore

cautiouslythandidMcKelvieinhisprivatecorrespondence,butmaintainedthe underlyingconceptthatracialorderwasfoundationaltohealthysociety.49



Conclusion

 RacialorderwascentraltotheNativeSons’frameofreference,whichinformed

boththeirraisond’êtreandtheirciviccontributions.The“Oriental”mayhavebeen constructedbywhiteBritishColumbiansas“unabsorbablealiensbyaccidentofbirth,”50 butatthesametime,whiteAngloͲSaxonBritishColumbianswerethemselvesassumed tobethepinnacleofidealCanadiancitizenshiponly“byvirtueoftheaccidentof birth.”51Therefore,asimportantasitwastoidentify,track,anddefinetheproblematic

“Oriental,”antiͲOrientalandproͲwhiteorganizationsliketheNativeSonsalsohadto continuouslydefinethemselvesinordertovalidatetheirpositionofprivilege.Inthe

49BCARS,BruceMcKelvieFonds,Box10,File3,“MemorandumfortheHonorableMinisterofLands,from theBritishColumbiaEconomicCommittee,NativeSonsofBritishColumbia”1934;and“Reportfrom NativeSonstoHon.NewtonWesleyRowell,PC,KCandMembersofHMRoyalCommissionMaking InquiryintoFederalandProvincialRelationships,”1934.  50 VCA,567ͲGͲ4,ADD.MSS.600,LetterfromSecretaryoftheNativeSonsofBritishColumbiacopiedto variouspoliticiansinVictoria/NewWestminster,1931.  51 VCA,567ͲGͲ4,Add.MSS.600,LetterfromSecretary,Murrayville,BritishColumbia,toHon.W.A. Gordon,K.C.,MinisterofImmigrationandColonization,Ottawa,Ontario,22March,1932.Thisletterwas alsosenttoHon.C.H.Cahan,SecretaryofState,Ottawa;R.B.Bennet,PM;andtheHon.H.H.Stevens, MinisterofTradeandCommerce.

87 caseoftheNativeSons,thiswasdonethroughcommemorativeactivities–themaking ofahistorythroughpubliccelebrations,writtenpopularhistory,andtheconservationof bothoralhistoryandmaterialartifacts.Thiswasahistorythatchampionedthe indomitablepioneerofthesettlementperiod,whoincontrovertiblyconqueredtheland

aswellasthepeopleofthisvastandwild“seaofmountains.”

 ThispioneermythologyalsoshapedthewaythattheIndianidentitywas constructedduringtheinterwarperiod.Itwasalignedwithandreinforcedbychangesin

19thcenturyscience,includingthebirthofthedisciplineofanthropology,allofwhich

contributedtoa"commonsense"perceptionofcivilizationandprogressthatpositioned

indigenouspeopleatthebottomendofthehierarchyofhumanity.Canadian anthropologists,trainedintheBoasiantradition,contributedtothisperceptiontheidea thatnotonlywereindigenouspeoples"primitive,"but,asthecourseofevolution

dictated,theywerebecomingextinct.Anthropologists–MariusBarbeauandEdward

Sapir,mostnotably–basedtheirfieldworkonthemethodologyofsalvageethnology andthisideaofextinctionvianaturalselectionandevolution.Thegoalofthese anthropologistswastocollectasmuchastheycouldofwhatremainedofboththe materialandoralculturesofindigenouspeople.Asaresult,aboriginalartandimagery has,forthebulkofCanadianhistory,beenrelegatedtotherealmof"artifact"as opposedto"art."However,atransitionfromartifacttoartoccurredduringthe20th century.Intheinterwarperiod,therewerestirringsofanaboriginal/nonͲaboriginal alliance.Onesignofthiswouldbeawidespreadmovementtorevivetraditional aboriginalartanddesign.

88 Chapter4~“ANationofArtists”1:IndigenousArtandImageryasParadoxicalSitesof Racialization 



 Inasymbolicgestureofthecity’scomingofage,MayorGerryMcGeerof

VancouverpresentedasmallcarvingofatotempoletoSirPercyVincent,LordMayorof

London,England,incelebrationofVancouver’s1936GoldenJubilee.Thisargillite(black slate)polewascarvedbyJohnCross,aHaidafromSkidegate,BritishColumbia.The crestatthetopofthispoleisGrizzlyBear,“holdingtwohumanfigures,oneinhismouth andtheotherinhispaws,indicativeofhisgreatstrength.Atthefootofthepole,Grizzly

Bearisseenagaindevouringahugefish.InthecenterisMankilslasasGreatRaven.On

hisbody,betweenhispendantwingsisobservedafishwiththeminiatureheadofa ravencarvedinrelief.”2MankilslaswasaHaidaChief,whocouldtransformintoRaven.

HisoffspringwasThunderbird.TheThunderbirdPole,afullsizedtotemcarvedbyChief

JoeCapilanoMatthiasoftheSquamishBand,waserectedthissameyearatProspect

PointinStanleyParkduringtheJubilee.Threemorefullsizedtotemswereerectedin

theparkaspartofthecelebration,atLumberman’sArch–twoofKwakuitloriginsand oneHaidamortuarypole,containingtheremainsofaHaidaRavenchief.

 InBritishColumbia,bythelate1930s,Aboriginalartandimagerywasbeing repositionedtoreflectcontinuityratherthanextinctionasthenotionoftheVanishing

1BritishColumbiaArchivesandRecordsServices(BCARS),SocietyfortheFurtheranceofBritishColumbia IndianArtsandCrafts,1939Ͳ1954,Box1File3,AliceRavenhill,“FormationinVictoriaoftheSocietyfor theFurtheranceofBritishColumbiaIndianArtsandCrafts”(1945),6.  2VancouverCityArchives(VCA),AM.0054.013.04584,GoldenJubilee,IndianAffairsCommittee,G.H. Raley“AninterpretationoftheLegendofMankilslas”asrelatedbyJohnCross,1936. 

89 IndianwasbeingcompromisedbytherealityofanincreasingandvisibleAboriginal population.Thiswasthegenesisofapoliticalidentity,intheconstructionofaliving indigenousculture.Bythetwentiethcentury,Aboriginalcommunitieshadbeenseverely marginalizedasaconsequenceofinstitutionalizedracism.Therewereveryfewplaces

wherelivingexpressionsofindigenismappearedinmainstreamCanadianlife.Inthe

interwarperiod,themostimportantandevidentofthesewasinthearts.

 Inthisearlyperiod,publicrepresentationsofAboriginalartandimagerywere organizedandcontrolledprimarilybynonͲAboriginal‘experts.’Thefollowingaccountof theorganizedrevivalofIndianartsandcraftsinBritishColumbiademonstrateschange, butalsothecontinuityofacolonialperspective.Thisperspectivestillconsidered

Aboriginalimageryasprimarilyaestheticandhistoricalratherthanfunctional.Thus,

AboriginalimagerywasconsideredintermsofWesternperceptionsofline,space, design,andform,andthereforeasprimitiveandsimplistic.Earlyattemptstoconciliate thediscourseofdisappearancewiththerealityofapresentAboriginalpeopleand culturewereunstable,andfraughtwithcontradictions.Nonetheless,theyprovidedthe groundworkwhichallowedpostͲwarBritishColumbianAboriginalartistslikeMungo

Martin,GeorgeClutesi,EllenNeel,andBillReidtoemergeonthenationaland internationalsceneasCanadianartists,toreintroducefunctionandmeaninginto

Aboriginalimagery,andtoassertalivingAboriginalcultureasacornerstoneof indigenousrightsmovements.

 The1930ssawatrendintheprovince’stourismindustrytouseAboriginal imageryinadvertisingcampaigns.PriortotheFirstWorldWar,tourismcampaignsin

90 BritishColumbiafocusedprimarilyontheBritishheritageoftheregion,agriculture,and themodernandprogressivecharacterofthecities.Bythe1930s,however,Aboriginal imageryhadbecomequitepopularinprovincialandmunicipaltouristpropaganda.3This

shiftintourism,aswiththepopularityofthePioneermythology,alignedwithabroader conceptualtrajectory.LikethePioneer,theIndianstoodasasymbolofantimodernism.

AsIanMcKayhasdemonstrated,antimodernismwasawidespreadandinternational currentintheearlytwentiethcentury,a“generalmiddleͲclasssearchforsomething

outsideandbetterthanthecrisisͲriddenmodernworlditinhabited.”4TheGreat

Depressionprovidedfodderforantimodernistthought,whichcrystallizedduringthis

periodasacritiqueofindustrialcapitalism.Thepersistenceofthenotionofthe vanishingIndianmeantthat‘traditional’Aboriginalcultureprovidedaperfectsitefor manyEnglishCanadianstoindulgeantimodernistromanticnotions,whilemaintaining thedominantsocioͲeconomicpositionofmiddleͲclassAngloͲProtestantculturein

Canada.Formanywhite,middleͲclassVancouverites,themostappealingaspectsof

Aboriginalculturetotheantimodernistsensibilitywerefoundintheartsandcrafts.

 Duringtheinterwaryears,AboriginaldesignsandmotifswerepresentedtononͲ

AboriginalCanadiansbyprivatesocieties,museums,andgalleriesforthefirsttimeas

‘art’ratherthanas‘artifact.’Thetransitionwascomplexandinconsistent,andwiththe exceptionofthe1927CanadianWestCoastArt,NativeandModernshow,Aboriginal

3MichaelDawson,SellingBritishColumbia:TourismandConsumerCulture,1890Ͳ1970(Vancouver: UniversityofBritishColumbiaPress,2004),69Ͳ78.  4IanMcKay,“TartanismTriumphant:TheConstructionofScottishnessinNovaScotia,1933Ͳ1954.” Acadiensis,XXI,2(Spring1992),8. 

91 artistswerenotexhibitedassuchattheNationalGalleryofCanadauntilthe1980s.5

However,theincipientstagesofthenationalprojectofcreatingaunifiedCanadian culturalidentity–which,forEnglishͲCanadians,culminatedintheMasseyCommission of1949andtheestablishmentoftheCanadaCouncilin1957–wasdependentonan indigenouspresence.6

 Asanewlycolonizednation,EnglishCanadadidnothavealongͲstandinghistory ofplace,ortiesofancestrythatfadedintotimeimmemorial–inessence,nosenseof volk.Instead,acomplexprocessensuedwherebyEnglishͲCanadianartistsinsearchofa distinctlyCanadianimage,appropriatedthevolkfromtwokeysites:Québécoisand

indigenouscultures.Startingin1920,theGroupofSeven,supportedbytheNational

GalleryofCanada(N.G.C.),producedworksthatwereexhibitedtobothaCanadianand internationalaudienceassymbolicofadistinctlyCanadianculture.MostoftheGroupof

SevenpaintingsexhibitedbytheN.G.C.depictemptywildernesslandscapes,voidof humanity.Yet,inplaceslikeruralBritishColumbia,thehumanpresencewasdifficultto ignore.TheAmericanartistLangdonKihn,inparticular,producednumerousportraitsof

Kootenay,NuuͲchahͲnulth,andGitxsanpeopleinthisperiod.Whilehisworkgarnered

significantacclaimintheworldofAmericanfineart,hispaintingswererepeatedly rejectedbyCanadiangalleriesandmuseums.KihnalsoworkedwithMariusBarbeaufor severalyearsonNationalMuseumsurveyspriorto1927,buthisrelationshipwiththe

5LeslieDawn,NationalVisions,NationalBlindness:CanadianArtandIdentitiesinthe1920s(Vancouver: UBCPress,2006),272.  6FormoreonthedevelopmentoftheartsinEnglishCanadapriortothe1950s,seeMariaTippett, MakingCulture:EnglishͲCanadianInstitutionsandtheArtsbeforetheMasseyCommission(Toronto: UniversityofTorontoPress,1990).

92 anthropologist,aswithhisstatusintheCanadianartscene,wasuneasy.Onereasonfor thisunderlyingtensionwasthecontradictorymessagethatKihn’sportraitsconveyed,of thecontinuityandhumanityofindigenousculture.Thismessagestoodindirect oppositiontothediscourseofdisappearancethatwasmaintainedthroughthe collectiveeffortsofindividualslikeBarbeauthroughtheNationalMuseumandthe

NationalGallery.7

 However,CanadianartistsliketheGroupofSevenandEmilyCarrwhowere supportedbytheNationalMuseumandtheN.G.C.,werealsodrawntoindigenous imageryaspartoftheBritishColumbianlandscapebecausetheindigenouspresence wasonekeyaspectoftheCanadianidentitythatcoulddistinguish‘Canadian’from

BritishorAmerican.Thesepaintersintegratedtheindigenouspresenceintotheempty wildernesslandscape;butunlikeKihn’sportraits,onlyobjectslikehomesteadsand totemswereincluded.Québécoisandindigenousimageryappearedasthesubject matterofEnglishͲCanadianartists,andrenderednotasart,butassymbolicofthepast.

 AsLeslieDawnhasargued,theCanadianlandscapesproducedbyprominent artistsliketheGroupofSevenaftertheFirstWorldWar,particularlyofruralQuebec andBritishColumbia,weremostoftenportrayedasvoidofhumanity.Someevidenceof cultureremained;an“emptywilderness”withonlylingeringhintsofprimitiveculture thatservedasanappropriate““background”foraCanadianculture.”8Inthecaseof

Aboriginalimagery,thisprocessofculturalappropriationoccurredprimarilyinBritish

7Dawn,NationalVisions,116Ͳ181.  8Ibid.,3;234. 

93 Columbia.Therearetworeasonsforthisregionalpreference.First,therichnessof

NorthwestCoastalarthadalreadybeenestablishedbyanthropologistsand ethnologists,intermsofquantityaswellasquality.Second,theartistictraditions amongtheHaida,Kwakwaka’wakw,NuuͲChahͲNult,andSquamishwerecontinuousand

ongoing,andproducedanopposingvoicetothediscourseofdisappearancethat demandedattention.AsDawnhasadeptlydemonstrated,majorculturalproducerslike theanthropologistMariusBarbeau,IndianAffairsDeputySuperintendantDuncanC.

Scott,andtheartistsA.Y.JacksonandEmilyCarrmanipulatedthisrichbountyofBritish

ColumbianAboriginalvisualimagerytoreinforcethediscourseofdisappearance,andto

obscurethevisibilityofAboriginalpeople.Nonetheless,thismanipulationoccurred withinacontextof“internalcontradictionsandexternalopposition,”oflandclaimsand assertionsofidentitythat“threatenedtodestabilizewhathadlongbeenheldas foundationaltruthsforthedisciplineofethnography,fortheprinciplesofmuseum collecting,forenactinggovernmentpoliciesandlegislation,andforacquiring territories.”9



TheBritishColumbiaIndianArtsandCraftsRevival

 TheArtsandCraftsmovementwasaninternationalreformmovementthatwas bothphilanthropicandsocialist,andbasedonanideologythatchampionedtheartsand craftsasameanstowardseconomicselfsufficiencyandmoraluplift.Themovement tookholdinEngland,theUnitedStates,andCanadaduringthelatenineteenthcentury,

9Dawn,NationalVisions,3.

94 largelybasedonthephilosophypopularizedbytheBritishwriter,artist,andsocialist,

WilliamMorris.ThesocioͲeconomicaspectofthisphilosophyencouragedareturntoa communalvillageeconomy,whereinartisansperfectedtheircraftandbarteredtheir wares.Aesthetically,theartsandcraftsphilosophyadvocatedimperfection,as

“evidenceoftheessentialhumanityoftheworkprocess;bycontrast,theperfectionsof antiquehandworkandmodernmachineproductionwereconsideredtheproductsof differenttypesof‘slave’labour.”10Inotherwords,areturntothedailyuseand productionofbeautiful,handmadeobjectswasonesolutiontotheillsofindustrial society.Thismovement,initspurestform,wasembodiedincooperativeruralcraft communitiesliketheShakersintheNortheasternUnitedStates.Bytheearlytwentieth century,theinfluenceoftheArtsandCraftsmovementonmanyreformersandsocial workerswasapparent.AdministratorsofsettlementhousesliketheHullHousein

ChicagoandToynbeeHallinLondonadaptedMorris’ideasintheirsocialwork,believing thatarteducationwasthekeytothemoralupliftofimpoverishedimmigrants.11

 TheArtsandCraftsmovementintwentiethͲcenturyCanadaincorporated

variationsoftheseearliersocialistideaswith‘modern’antimodernistsentiments.The

BritishColumbiaIndianartsandcraftsrevivalwasalocalizedvariationofthislarger movement.Here,preͲindustrialsocietyhadconsistedofonlyahandfulofwhitesettlers

10DianeWaggoner,Ed.,TheBeautyofLife:WilliamMorrisandtheArtofDesign(NewYork:Thamesand Hudson,2003),25.  11Formoreonthesettlementhouses,seeMaryLynnMcCreeBryan,BarbaraBairandMareeDeAngury, Eds.,TheSelectedPapersofJaneAddams:PreparingtoLead,1860Ͳ1881(UrbanaandChicago:University ofIllinoisPress,2003);MaryLunnMcCreeBryanandAllenF.Davis,100YearsatHullͲHouse(Bloomington &Indianapolis:IndianaUniversityPress,1990). 

95 andalargepopulationofAboriginalcommunities.Thus,forBritishColumbians,Indians werecentralactorsintheRomanticnotionoftheprimitive,onwhichtheantimodernist imageoftheidyllic‘preͲmodern’societywasbased.ProponentsoftheIndianArtsand

Craftsrevivalbelievedthat‘authentic’Indiandesigns,aesthetics,colours,and

techniquescouldonlybeproducedbyauthenticIndianpeople,bymeansof“inherited ability.”12Inotherwords,theessenceofIndianartsandcraftswasitsinherently primitivenature.Equallyasimportanttothismovementwasthenotionthatbecause

AboriginalpeopleinBritishColumbiahadbeencolonized,muchoftheirknowledgeof traditionalartsandcraftshadbeenlost.

 TheBritishColumbiaIndianartsandcraftsrevivaloverlapped,intheoryandin practice,withprofessionalandamateursalvageanthropologistsoftheday.Themost immediatetaskduringtheearlyyearsoftherevivalwasthemethodicalprocessof definingwhatconstitutedauthenticIndianartsandcrafts.Inordertodoso,traditional

Indianculturefirsthadtobedefined.In1938,abookwaspublishedinVictoria,British

Columbia,withanimageofatotempoleadorningthefrontcover,leaningslightlytothe right,asiftoexpressitsageandwearinessathavingstood,neglected,forsolong.This book,entitledTheNativeTribesofBritishColumbia,waswrittenbyAliceRavenhill,and providedanoverviewoftraditionalAboriginalcultureinprehistorictimes.Here,culture wasdefinedas“acombinationorembodimentofinheritedcustomsandtraditions whichcontroltheiractions,regulatetheirprocedures,andfindexpressionintheir

12BCARS,MS116,Box1File3,SocietyfortheFurtheranceofBritishColumbiaIndianArtsandCrafts,Alice Ravenhill,“FormationinVictoriaoftheSocietyfortheFurtheranceofBritishColumbiaIndianArtsand Crafts,1923Ͳ45”(1945),7. 

96 emotionsandarts.”13WhileTheNativeTribescoveredgeographiclocations,tools, weapons,housing,andfoodproductionmethods,thebulkofthebookfocusedon

Aboriginalartsandcrafts.In1944,Ravenhillpublishedasecondbook,entitledA

CornerstoneofCanadianCulture:AnOutlineoftheArtsandCraftsoftheIndianTribesof

BritishColumbia.ThismonographwasdistributedtoalloftheIndianschoolsinthe province,inordertoreviveinterestin,provideinstructionfor,andstimulatethe productionof‘traditional’artsandcraftsamongAboriginalchildren.Ravenhillwasa centralfigureintheBritishColumbiaIndianartsandcraftsrevival,andthesetwobooks

becamea‘cornerstone’ofthemovement.

 BorninEnglandin1859,Ravenhillbeganhercareerasaneducatorinthefields ofpublichealth,homeeconomics,andchildcare.HerinterestinAboriginalartsand craftsonlybeganinthelate1920s,butbythe1930sRavenhillhadalreadybecome somethingofalocalauthorityonthesubject.Duringthe1930sandintothe1940s

RavenhilldevotedmuchofhertimetotherevivalofIndianartsandcraftsinBritish

Columbia,amoralendeavorthatgainedsignificantpublicityandsupportfromboth

AboriginalandnonͲAboriginalcommunitiesintheprovince.Ravenhill’sselfͲeducationin

Indianartsandcraftsbeganwithneedlework.Onhookedrugs,bags,bookcovers, cushions,andotherhouseholdobjectsshereproduced,forsale,variousAboriginal designsgarneredfromtheProvincialArchives.Startinginthelate1920s,Ravenhillalso gavepublictalks“onthecharacteristicsandclaimsoftheseprovincialtribalarts”atthe

IslandandVictoriaArtsandCraftsSocietyandtheWomen’sUniversityClub,andthe

13AliceRavenhill,TheNativeTribesofBritishColumbia(Victoria:CharlesF.Banfield,1938),10.

97 BusinessMen’s“LunchClub”inVictoria.Ravenhill’sneedleworkdesignsandhertalks wereinitiallymetwithpoorsales,poorattendance,andagenerallackofinterest.This changedin1935,whenRavenhillredirectedherattentiontochildren.Thatyear, sponsoredbytheCarnegieFund,shegaveaseriesoffourtalksattheProvincial

Museum,whichattractedatotalaudienceofover250children.Inthefallof1936, immediatelyfollowingVancouver’sJubileecelebrations,aneightͲweekcourseon

“BritishColumbiaIndians”wasaddedtothegradeschoolcurriculum,“without,”inher view,“authenticguidancebeingprovidedfortheteachers.”Ravenhilltookupthisissue

withtheschoolboard,andtheresultofthiswasthepublicationin1938ofTheNative

TribesofBritishColumbia.14

 TheNativeTribesgainedanunexpectedandsignificantendorsementin1939, whenacopyofthebookwaspresentedtotheQueenofEnglandbyLadyTweedsmuir,a personalfriendofRavenhill’sandwifeoftheGovernorGeneralofCanada.TheQueen expressedmuchinterestinthebook,andwroteRavenhillthatshewas“specially desirousoflearningmoreonthesubjectoftheNorthWestPacificCoastartsand crafts.”15FollowingthesuccessofTheNativeTribes,Ravenhillformedacommittee basedoutofVictoriain1940,calledtheSocietyfortheFurtheranceofBritishColumbia

IndianArtsandCrafts.ThisSocietywascreated“withthehopeofarousingmore interestinourBCIndiansandtheirartsandcraftstopromotetheexerciseofinherited

14BCARS,MS116,Box1File3,SocietyfortheFurtheranceofBritishColumbiaIndianArtsandCrafts,Alice Ravenhill,“FormationinVictoriaoftheSocietyfortheFurtheranceofBritishColumbiaIndianArtsand Crafts,1923Ͳ45”(1945),2Ͳ3.  15Ibid.,10. 

98 abilitiesfortheirownwelfareandfortheculturalandcommercialadvancementof

Canada.”16MembersofthesocietyincludedMajorBullockͲWebster,directorofthe

Province’sschoolandcommunitydrama;AlmaRussel,formerlyoftheProvincial

Archives;Dr.G.CliffordCarl,DirectoroftheProvincialMuseum;andA.E.Pickford,an experton“TribalCustomsinvariouspartsoftheProvince.”17Thefirststepforthis

SocietyfollowingitsformationwastonotifyprovincialandfederalIndianAffairsofficials inanattempttoraisefundsandgainofficialgovernmentsupport.Ravenhilllater correspondedextensivelywithHaroldMcGill,DirectorofIndianAffairs,aswellaswith

R.A.Hoey,whowastheninchargeofthesectionconcernedwithSchoolCurriculaand

IndustrialTraining,andMajorD.M.MacKay,IndianCommissionerfortheprovince.

Despiteherefforts,bythemidͲ1940sRavenhilldespairedthat“sofarWarclaimshave ineverycasebeenquotedasadequatereasonsforinabilitytocooperateinsuggestions ortorespondtomoredefiniterequests.”18

 Nonetheless,theSocietyproceededwiththeirwork,promotingtheworkof

youngBritishColumbianAboriginalartistswithintheprovince,throughoutCanada,and

abroad.In1941,arepresentativebodyoftheVictoriaSocietywasformedinOliver,

BritishColumbia,“whichincludedfromthestartthreeOkanaganIndians.”19Twoyears later,thefirstBritishColumbianIndiansbecamehonorarymembersoftheVictoria

Society,asaresultof“severalChiefsandrepresentativeindividuals”havingattended

16Ibid.,11.  17Ibid.,12.  18Ibid.,14.  19Ibid.,13.

99 meetingsandassistedtheSocietyinitseffortsto“arousemorepublicinterest.”20In

1944,ACornerStoneofCanadianCulturewaspublished,aftermorethanfiveyearsof labourbyRavenhillandherassistant,BettyNewton.Thisprojectwasoriginally commissionedbytheIndianAffairsOfficeinOttawain1941,toproducetwentywall chartsofvariousdesigns,“tocoverallphasesofIndianartworkandallpartsofthe

Province.”21Thechartswereaccompaniedbyahandbookcontaininginformationonthe characteristics,significance,andlegendaryoriginsofeachdesign,andthencirculated amongtheIndianschoolsintheprovince.Thechartsandthehandbookwereeventually publishedinacondensedbookform,forsaletothegeneralpublic.22Ravenhilland

Newtonwerepaid$100fortheirwork,whichdid“notmuchmorethancoverthecost ofmaterials,”buttheyfeltthattheirworkwas“richlyworthwhileassowingprecious seed.”23FollowingthepublicationofACornerStoneofCanadianCulturein1944,

RavenhillsteppeddownfromthepresidencyoftheSocietybecauseof“adisabling accident”;theleadershipwastakenoverbyDr.G.CliffordCarl.Inthefouryearsin whichsheheldthepositionaspresident,however,Ravenhill’sapproachtoIndianarts

andcraftswasestablishedasthefoundationofthismovement,whichwastoflourish followingtheSecondWorldWar.

20Ibid.,12.  21BCARS,MS116,Box1File1,SocietyfortheFurtheranceofBritishColumbiaIndianArtsandCrafts, LetterfromMajorMacKaytoAliceRavenhill,17June1940;SeealsoBox1File2,LetterfromAlice RavenhilltoMajorBullockWebster,11February1941;LetterfromG.CliffordCarltoAliceRavenhill,21 February1941;LetterfromAliceRavenhilltoG.CliffordCarl,25February1941.  22G.CliffordCarl,“Foreward”inAliceRavenhill,ACornerStoneofCanadianCulture:AnOutlineoftheArts andCraftsoftheIndianTribesofBritishColumbia(Victoria:BritishColumbiaProvincialMuseum,1944).  23BCARS,MS116,Box1File1,SocietyfortheFurtheranceofBritishColumbiaIndianArtsandCrafts, LetterfromAliceRavenhilltoBeatriceCaveͲBrowneͲCave,29June1940.

100  TheappealofRavenhill’swork,andherabilitytogenerateinterestinapublic sphereoutsidethefieldsofanthropologyandethnography,came,inpart,froman antimodernistcritiqueandthenotionofracialessentialismthatwereinherenttoher approach.InTheNativeTribes,Ravenhilladvocatestheimportanceofstudying

prehistoricpeopleatthatparticularjunctureintime–inthemidstoftheGreat

Depression,thefirstgreatcrisisofindustrialcapitalisminCanada.Shearguedforthe importanceofunderstandingpreͲindustrialartisticskills,

…inaperiodwhencomfortandconveniencearemeasuredbyabilitytopay

 fortheirprovisionunrelatedtotheexerciseofindividualresourcefulness;when

 everydetailofdailylifeissuppliedonalargescalebymechanizedmethods;

 whendistanceisannihilatedbymoderndevicesoftransport,[and]theachieveͲ

 mentsofapeopleisolatedformanycenturiesfromcontactwithothersareapt

 tobeoverlookedanddeprecated.24

AsecondimportantaspectofRavenhill’sworkisthenotionthattheknowledge

requiredtoproduceauthenticIndianartsandcraftsderivedfromaninnateIndian essence.InasectionofTheNativeTribesentitled“TheStudyofRacialOrigins,”she explainsthatraceisstudiedalongfourlines:throughprehistoricremains,anatomical

andphysicalcharacteristics,language,and“thetypeandstandardsofculturerevealed inapeople’scustomsandarts.”25Thisideathattheartsarerepresentativeofracial essencewassimilarlyupheldbyofficialswiththeIndianAffairsBranch.Inpromotionof

24Ravenhill,NativeTribes,9.  25Ibid.,13Ͳ14.

101 Ravenhill’s1944publicationofACornerStoneofCanadianCulture,R.A.Hoeyofthe

IndianAffairsOfficeatOttawadeclaredonbehalfoftheDepartment,that“Webelieve… thatCanadianIndianshavearealcontributiontomaketotheprosperityofthe

Dominion…bytheexerciseoftheirinnategiftsofconception,techniqueand intelligence.”26TheworkoftheSocietyfocusedprimarilyonchildren,andtherevivalof

artsandcraftsinIndianschools,becausetheinnateartistictalentsoftheIndianwere believedtobemostaccessibleinchildren.AsRavenhillasserted,

GiveanIndianboyapotofpaintandabrushandwatchresults.WithoutArt

Schoolorinstructioninmethodorstyle,animals,trees,mountainsarestored

inhismind,alive,andreadytospringoutandexpressthemselvesintheirown

 vitalityandstyle,storedupbycloseobservationandretentivememory,often

 constitutinganintegralpartofhislife,readyforexpressionatamoment’s

 notice.”27

 TheworkthatbothRavenhillandIndianAffairsofficialswereengagedinwas motivatedbythephilanthropicnotionofadutytowardsthe“upliftoftheIndians.”

WhereIndianAffairspolicyhadtraditionallyfavouredassimilationforthispurpose,

Ravenhill’sapproachwasareturntotheracialessenceoftheIndianthroughartsand

crafts.28HerantimoderniststancewasaclearcritiqueofEuropeancolonizationand assimilation.AccordingtoRavenhill,thepreͲEuropeanIndianwas:

26Ravenhill,ACornerStone,1.  27Ibid.,2.  28BCARS,MS116,Box1File1,LetterfromAliceRavenhilltotheCommunityDramaBranch,Adult EducationDepartment,Victoria,12June1940.

102  expertinfishing,hunting,canoemakingandhouseconstruction.Butthedeath

 blowwasdealttotheexerciseoftheirassociatedartsandcraftswhen

 adventurersandtradersandwellintentionedmissionariescarelesslyor

 ignorantlysweptawaythedeeplyseatedcustomsofahithertoisolated“nation

 ofartists”…withappalingrapidity.Gravedemoralizationsoonfollowedthe

 introductionofhithertounknownalcohol,unfamiliartradingmethodsand

 diversefactorswhichleft–afterashortperiodofattemptedselfͲdefence–a

 bewildered,irritatedpeoplefacedwiththelossoftheirlands,theirfamiliar

 methodsofselfsupport,theirreligion,fromwhichsprangstimulustotheirarts

 andnotleast,theirselfrespect.29

Ravenhill’sunderstandingofAboriginal/Europeanrelationswasalsovoicedasaprotest againstCanadianIndianAffairspolicy,particularlytheIndiandayandresidentialschool systems.Here,Ravenhillargued,“thechildrenareconfrontedwithunknownsubjectsin anunknownlanguage–diversefromtheirownpicturesqueformsofexpression;a processdescribedbySirGeorgeMaxwellin1942outofhiswideexperienceas

“cripplinganddestroyingapeople’ssoul;fataltoselfͲrespectandinducinginthe individualcontemptforhisownrace.””30Inlightofherbackground,itisnotsurprising

29BCARS,MS116,Box1File3,SocietyfortheFurtheranceofBritishColumbiaIndianArtsandCrafts,Alice Ravenhill,“FormationinVictoriaoftheSocietyfortheFurtheranceofBritishColumbiaArtsandCrafts, 1923Ͳ45”(1945),6.  30Ibid.,6.SirGeorgeMaxwellworkedfortheBritishcivilserviceinMalaya,eventuallytakingthepostof chiefsecretaryoftheFederatedMalayStatesfrom1921Ͳ1926.WhenRavenhillwrotethispassagein 1945,BritishcolonialruleoverMalayawasintheprocessofbeingdissolvedasaresultofoppositionby theMalaypeople.TheFederationofMalayawasestablishedin1948,andMalaysiagainedindependence fromBritainin1957,withanindigenousIslamicgovernment. 

103 that,forRavenhill,thesolutiontotheseproblemswastherevivalofIndianartsand crafts.

Despiteitsapparentcontradictions,theideologyofartsandcraftswasslowly beingintegratedintotheofficialworkingsofIndianAffairs.AnIndianAffairs anthropologicaldivisionwasestablishedin1936,andexpertslikeDiamondJenness,

DouglasLeechman,andMariusBarbeauactedasconsultants.Thefollowingyear,“the revivalandadvancementofIndianhandicraft”becameofficialgovernmentpolicy,but assistancefromthefederalgovernmentwasconfinedalmostexclusivelytoOntarioand

Quebec.Thereasongivenforthiswasthat“Indianhandicraftprojects,tobesuccessful, imposeupontheDepartmentanobligationtoprovideconstantsupervisionandthis obligationhasuntilnowconfinedeffortslargelytoreservesinEasternCanada.”31But,

by1940,Ravenhill’seffortsinpromotingtheartisticaccomplishmentsinBritish

ColumbiahadgainedtheattentionoffederalIndianAffairsofficials,andtheproduction andsaleofhandicraftshadbecomeofficialpolicyonanationalscale.32Asidefromher ownpublications,Ravenhill’sbriefbutinfluentialworkwiththeSocietyintheseyears wasmarkedbytwokeyaccomplishments–thepromotionofayoungOkanaganartist namedSisͲHuͲLkandanativityplayproducedbythechildrenoftheInkameepIndian

School.



31Canada,SessionalPapers,AnnualReportoftheDepartmentofIndianAffairs(1939Ͳ1940).  32Canada,SessionalPapers,AnnualReportoftheDepartmentofIndianAffairs(1940Ͳ1941),10Ͳ12. 

104 “TheRemarkableGiftsofFrancoisBaptiste”33

 RavenhillbeganhercorrespondencewithAnthonyWalshinJanuaryof1939.

WalshwasateacherattheInkameepIndianDaySchool,situatedinthesouthernendof theOkanaganValleyintheinterioroftheprovince,nearthetownofOliver.Priorto

1939,bothRavenhillandWalshhadbeenworkingunbeknownsttoeachother,onthe

commonprojectofrevivingIndianartsandcraftsamongAboriginalchildren.Walshwas

aborninIreland,andmovedtoAlbertaaftertheFirstWorldWar.Afterseveralyears workingonranches,inforestry,asacook,berrypicking,andasaclerk,Walshbegan

teachingatInkameepin1930.HegainedthecooperationofChiefBaptisteGeorge,as wellassomeoftheparentsofhisstudentsinthetaskofrevivingIndianartsandcrafts.

Inadditiontoprovidingtimeduringschoolhoursforartandliterarypursuits,Walsh encouragedhisstudentstocollectOkanaganlegendsandstoriesfromtheirparents whichweretheninterpretedasplays.Withthehelpoftheirparentsandtheguidanceof theirteacher,thechildrenmadecostumesandperformedinthesedramas.Startingin

1939,RavenhillwasactiveinpromotingInkameep’sartisticendeavorsinVancouverand

Victoria,andtheInkameepSchoolgainedsomenotorietywithinBritishColumbia.Both

SisͲHuͲLkandtheNativityPlaycamefromInkameep,andattractedsignificantpublicity intheearly1940s,whentheVancouverSunheraldedInkameepas“oneofthelast strongholdsofCanada’sIndianculture.”34

33BCARS,MS116,Box1File1,SocietyfortheFurtheranceofBritishColumbiaIndianArtsandCrafts, LetterfromAliceRavenhilltoMajorBullockWebster,16January1940.  34BCARS,MS116,Box2File5,SocietyfortheFurtheranceofBritishColumbiaIndianArtsandCrafts, VancouverSun,14April1940. 

105  AnarticlepublishedinOctober,1940,intheFamilyHeraldandWeeklyStar reiteratedRavenhill’snotionthatIndianculturewasbeingrevivedthroughtheartsand crafts,andbroughtpublicattentiontoherprotégé,SisͲHuͲLk.Inthisaccount,Chief

BaptisteGeorgeoftheInkameepband,whodiedat92yearsoldin1939,

 hadseenmuchhistorymadeinCanadaduringhislonglife–hehadseenthe

 Indiantribesdeprivedoftheirnaturalfreedom,andconfinedtoreserves.Hehad

 alsoseenthedeterioratinginfluencesofwhiteinvasion,andofnewconditions.

 Andwiththat,thepassingoftheoldIndianculture.Fortunately,helivedtosee

 thebeginningoftherevivalofthatcultureamonghisownpeople,duetohis

 wisdomandforesight.35

ThegrandsonofChiefBaptisteGeorge,oneofthemostcelebratedrepresentationsof

thatrevival,wasidentifiedinthepersonofFrancoisBaptiste,whoseOkanaganname wasSisͲHuͲLk.SisͲHuͲLkwasbornin1921atInkameep.Hisartistictalentsfordrawing andpaintingwererecognizedearlyonbyhisfamilyandcommunity,includinghis

teacher,AnthonyWalsh.Astudiowasbuiltforhimonthereserve,andhewassentto

studyatanIndianschoolforartinSantaFe,NewMexico,forabriefperiodin1940.36

RavenhillwasinstrumentalinpromotingSisͲHuͲLk,withintheprovinceaswellasin

35BCARS,MSͲ116,Box2File5,SocietyfortheFurtheranceofBritishColumbiaIndianArtsandCrafts, FamilyHeraldandWeeklyStar,2October1940.  36BCARS,MS116,Box2File5,SocietyfortheFurtheranceofBritishColumbiaIndianArtsandCrafts,Daily Colonist,30May1941. 

106 Ontario,Quebec,andinEurope,as“aB.C.fullͲbloodedIndianandayoungartistof promiseanddistinction.”37

 SisͲHuͲLkdrewandpaintedanimals–horses,squirrelsandskunks,mountain sheepanddeer,eagles,wildgeese,andquail.Thesecreatureswererenderedprimarily inblackandwhite,inarealisticbutsomewhattwoͲdimensionalfashion.InJanuary

1940,RavenhillpersuadedladyTweedsmuirtosendseveralofSisͲHuͲLk’spiecestothe

NationalArtGalleryinOttawa.38TheresponseRavenhillreceivedfromArtherLismer,

EducationalAdvisorfortheGallery,wasencouraging.Lismersuggestedthepossibilityof an“exhibitionofIndianArtists’paintingsinwhichSisͲhuͲlk’sworkwillpredominate.”He wasimpressedwithSisͲHuͲLk’swork,butwasnotwillingtogoasfarasRavenhillinher ideathattheIndian’sinherentartistictalentshouldbeencouragedandsupported,but lefttoflourishwithaslittleoutsideinterferenceaspossible.ForRavenhill,artistictalent waspartoftheinnateracialessenceoftheIndian,andwasofvalueforitsprimitive, spontaneous,andsimplisticaesthetic.LismeragreedthatSisͲHuͲLk’sstylewas“aracial characteristic,”butitwasonethatdidnotalignwith“awhiteman’sideaofanything thatappears‘decorative’inlineandmotive,”andhewas“notsocertainthat[SisͲHuͲLk] shouldbeleft“natural”anduntrained.”39Theexhibitwasnevertohappen,becauseSisͲ

HuͲLk,whowasthen19yearsoldandalsoworkingasarancherwithhisfamily,didnot

37BCARS,MS116,Box1File1,LetterfromAliceRavenhilltoJ.HarrySmith,PressManager,CPR, Montreal,19June1940.  38BCARSMS116,Box1File1,SocietyfortheFurtheranceofBritishColumbiaIndianArtsandCrafts,Letter fromAliceRavenhilltoMajorBullockWebster,16January1940.  39UniversityofBritishColumbiaSpecialCollections(UBCSC),AliceRavenhillFonds,Box1File2,Letter fromArtherLismertoAliceRavenhill,20July1940. 

107 producethelargerworksthattheGallerycommissioned.Nonetheless,heandthe childrenofInkameepdidgainsomelocal,nationalandinternationalattention,andwere influentialinbringingIndianartsandcraftsintothepubliceye.

 TheInkameepSchoolwonhonoursattheExhibitionofDrawingsandPaintings heldannuallybytheRoyalDrawingSocietyofLondon,andtheirworkwasamongthose selectedtoshowtheKingandQueenatBuckinghamPalaceatthefirstExhibitof

Canadianchildren’sart.40InJuneof1940,RavenhillarrangedanexhibitforSisͲHuͲLkat

theWindermereHotelinVictoria.ReviewsofSisͲHuͲLk’sworkwerefavourable.One

newspaperlaudedhisdrawingsandpaintingsasbeing“markedbyvitalityand spontaneity,andreflect[ing]thecharacteristicIndianqualitiesofkeenobservationand

memorywhichisaccurateandimpressionable.”41Anotherpointedtohis“vividrealism

andastrongsenseofdecorativedesign,whichpromisetocarryhimintotheranksof foremostCanadianartists.”42SisͲHuͲLkreceivedseveralcommissionsfromthisexhibit, which,liketheNationalGallerycommissions,heneverfulfilled.43NorecordsfromSisͲ

HuͲLkhimselfremaininthearchives,andhisreasonsforshunningtheartworldcan onlybespeculatedon.Hisworkasacattleranchercertainlywouldhaveinhibitedhis abilitytoproducelargerpieces,whichwouldhavetakenmoretimethathecouldafford

40BCARS,MS116,Box1File3,SocietyfortheFurtheranceofBritishColumbiaIndianArtsandCrafts,Alice Ravenhill,“FormationinVictoriaoftheSocietyfortheFurtheranceofBritishColumbiaIndianArtsand Crafts,1923Ͳ45”(1945),7.  41BCARS,MS116,Box1File1,SocietyfortheFurtheranceofBritishColumbiaIndianArtsandCrafts,The DailyColonist,23June1940.  42BCARS,MS116,Box1File1,SocietyfortheFurtheranceofBritishColumbiaIndianArtsandCrafts,The VictoriaDailyTimes,1July1940.  43UBCSC,Box1File2,AliceRavenhillFonds,LetterfromAliceRavenhilltoAnthonyWalsh,3August1940. 

108 tosparefrompaidwork.Ravenhillrepeatedlycited“lackoffunds”asanimpedimenton

SisͲHuͲLk’sdevelopmentasaprofessionalartist.44Themostpersuasiveexplanationof

SisͲHuͲLk’sstuntedcareerasanartistliesinthepredicamentinherentinproducing

‘authentic’Indianartforaconsumermarket.

 AuthenticityandeconomicselfͲsufficiencywerekeytotheIndianartsandcrafts revival.InabidtogainthesupportofIndianAffairsofficials,Ravenhillpitchedher missionashavingthepossibleeffectof“stimulatingagradualrevivaloftheirformer handicraftsamongsomeofourIndiansnowonReliefastopreserveforourProvince someofitsuniqueartswhilerestoringthesedependentpeopletoatleastameasureof

selfͲsupport.”45Themotivehereistwofold:first,toencourageeconomicselfͲsufficiency amongAboriginalpeoples;andsecond,topreservethetraditionalarts.Preservingthe authenticityofthesearts,however,wasofteneconomicallyunfeasible.Forreformersof thetimelikeRavenhill,authenticityrequiredspecificconditionsofproduction,without tools,oronlywithveryprimitiveones,andwithintensivelabour.Thisparticular conceptofauthenticitywaspartofamindsetthatemergedduringthemidͲnineteenth

century,asadirectresultofanthropologicaltheoryandmethodology.AsPaigeRaibmon hasdemonstrated,thisnineteenthͲcenturyconceptionofauthenticitywaspartofa largerdiscourseofbinaries,whichlinkedIndianauthenticitytoawiderspectrumof associatedbinaries.Where‘authenticIndians’weredefinedbydescriptiveslike

44BCARS,MS116,Box1File1,SocietyfortheFurtheranceofBritishColumbiaIndianArtsandCrafts, LetterfromAliceRavenhilltoMajorBullockWebster,16January1940.  45BCARS,MS116,Box1File1,SocietyfortheFurtheranceofBritishColumbiaIndianArtsandCrafts, LetterfromAliceRavenhilltoMajorMacKay,28May1940. 

109 irrational,subordinate,subsistent,rural,pagan,traditional,uncivilized,andcultural, the‘inauthenticIndian’wasdefinedbythebinaryoppositeoftheseconcepts–rational, dominant,capitalist,urban,Christian,modern,civilized,andpolitical.46

 TheproblemforreformerslikeRavenhillwithmarketingIndianhandicraftsand

sculpture(includingtotempolesandmasks)washowtointegrateauthenticityintoa capitalistmarketthatfavouredhighproductionratesandminimalhumanlabour, withoutcompromising‘authentic’methods,equipment,andmaterialsinproduction.

Consumerswhocouldpurchasecheap,imitation,factorymadetrinkets,likethe

miniaturetotemsproducedinGermanfactories,werenotwillingtopayhighpricesfor authenticCanadianwork.Inthevisualarts(i.e.,paintinganddrawing),authenticity denotedanaestheticthatwassimplisticandchildlike,almostcrude;here,theproblem waslessthemethodofproductionandmoreamatterofthepoliticsoffinearts.Even bythe1940s,Canadianartwasnotyetrecognizedinthehighendinternationalmarket.

WithinCanada,thevisualartshadbeengrantedaprivilegedstatusandgreaterfinancial supportbythefederalgovernmentoverotherculturalforms,andwerecentraltothe

projectofnationbuildingduringtheinterwaryears.47ForAboriginalartists,recognition fromthenationalandinternationalworldoffineartonlyoccurredonunequalterms, whichreducedanythingproducedbyAboriginalpeoplesintoprimitivecuriositieswith

46PaigeRaibmon,AuthenticIndians:EpisodesofEncounterfromthelateNineteenthͲCenturyNorthwest Coast(DurhamandLondon:DukeUniversityPress,2005),3Ͳ14.  47Tippett,MakingCulture,63Ͳ91;93Ͳ126. 

110 littlerelativevalue.48Asaresult,becauseartsandcraftsgeneratedsuchameager hourlywage,productionwouldtendtostopifanyothertypeofworkwasavailable.

Nonetheless,AboriginalartisansandcraftspeoplehadalongͲstandingtraditionofselling theirwaresforincome,evenifsporadically,andtheartsandcraftswereastandard

elementoftheeconomyofmanyAboriginalcommunities.49

 InadditiontotheeconomicpossibilitiesthatreformersandIndianAffairs officialsalikeperceived,theyalsoencouragedthecontinuedproductionofIndianarts andcraftsformoralpurposes–essentially,toredresstheinjurywroughtby colonization.ThelossofAboriginalcultures,reflectedinthelossoftraditionalartsand

crafts,wasadirectoutcomeofcolonizationandsettlement.Forindividualslike

Ravenhill,toreviveIndianartsandcraftswasamoralresponsibilitywithnational repercussions,onethathadthepowerto“knitmorecloselytogethermembersofour owncountryandCommonwealth.”50Thus,theprojectofmarketingIndianartsand

craftsinBritishColumbiawascarriedoutwithconsiderablepassion,aswellaswith

carefuldirection.RavenhillworkedcloselywithWalshandthechildrenatInkameepto

48See,forexample,Dawn,NationalVisions,NationalBlindness,245Ͳ260.Dawn’saccountofthe1927 N.G.C.ExhibitionofCanadianWestCoastArt,NativeandModern,whichfeaturedtheworkofartistslike EmilyCarr,theGroupofSeven,andLangdonKihnalongsideAboriginal‘artifacts’likemasks,totem,and canoepaddlesbutalsoincludedtwolandscapepaintingsbyAboriginalartistFrederickAlexie, demonstratestheexclusionofAboriginalartistsfromfinearts.EventhoughAlexie’sworkwasdoneinthe traditionalWesternEuropeanstyleofpainting,theywereassessedas‘primitive’byartcriticsand relegatedtothesphereof‘artifact,’alongwiththemasks,totempoles,andcanoepaddlesthatwere meanttoprovideacontrastto‘modern’Canadianart.  49BCARS,MS116,Box2File5,SocietyfortheFurtheranceofBritishColumbiaIndianArtsandCrafts, ReportoftheCommitteeonIndianArtsandCrafts,September1934.  50BCARS,MS116,Box1File1,SocietyfortheFurtheranceofBritishColumbiaIndianArtsandCrafts, LetterfromAliceRavenhilltoMajorMacKay,28May1940. 

111 produceChristmascardsforsaletothenonͲAboriginalmarket.Ontheonehand,

Ravenhillprovideddetailedinstructionastothetechniqueandsubjectofthesecards; sheidentifiedtheimagestobeusedonthefrontofthecards,instructedthata background“thumbnailsketchofthetepee”beusedontheinsideofthecards,and stressedtheimportanceofusingcolourintheillustrations.Atthesametime,however,

Ravenhillalsoemphasizedtheimportanceofauthenticity,inallowingthechildrento produceoriginalworkand“establishingindividualityinboththepictorial(outside) messageandalsointhewordsused.”51AnotherprojectinitiatedbyWalshwasaradio productionentitled“SongsbytheBoysandGirlsoftheInkameepIndianSchool.”52But probablythemostsuccessfuleffortatmarketingartsandcraftsforanonͲAboriginal consumermarketcarriedoutbyRavenhillandWalshwas“TheTaleoftheNativity.”

 “TheTaleoftheNativity”wasoriginallystagedasaplaybythestudentsat

InkameepSchoolinthewinterof1939,andthenpublishedinbookformthefollowing summer,withillustrationsbySisͲHuͲLk.Boththestageproductionaswellasthebook metwithasignificantdegreeofmediaattentionandinterestfromthenonͲAboriginal public.ThisNativityplaywassetintheOkanaganValley,andmuchemphasiswasplaced ontheregionalfaunathatappearedontheset.MaryandJosephtakeshelterinacave, whereJesusisbornwiththehelpofagatheringoftalkinganimals–adeer,afawn, rabbits,andchickadees.Amiraculoushealingof‘acripple’bythebabyJesusiswoven

51UBCSC,AliceRavenhillFonds,Box1File15,“InkameepChildren’sDrama.OntheProductionof ChristmasCards”(1942).  52Ibid.,“InkameepChildren’sDrama.SongsbytheBoysandGirlsoftheInkameepIndianSchool,Oliver, BritishColumbia–Radio”(n.d.). 

112 intothetale,asistheweavingofrushmats,avisitfromthreeGreatChiefs,and referencestotheoldShamanandtheGreatSpirit.Thepeopleinthisplayliveinlodges, eatfishanddeermeat,wearfurrobes,andfallasleeptotheowl’shootandcoyote’s

howl.Theplaywasperformedforthepubliconseveraloccasionsthroughouttheyear.

Oneaudiencememberdescribedthestageasbeingdecoratedwith“firboughs,sage brush,wildrosebushes,birdsandanimals,”andthecaveas“homelikeandnaturalto theIndianchild.”Thisperformancewaslaudedforits“nativesimplicity,”ahallmark descriptiveofantiͲmodernistdiscourse.53Forexample,thejournalistEdnaKells commentedthat“simplicity,infact,isthekeynoteofalltheartisticeffortwhichhas carriedtheirfame…”54whileBobLoweoftheVancouverSunassertedthat“thebeauty oftheirworkliesinitssimplicity.”55

 TheTaleoftheNativitybookletwaspublishedbytheSocietyfortheFurtherance ofBritishColumbiaIndianArtsandCraftsinAugust1940,consistedofnineteenpages witheightillustrationsbySisͲHuͲLk,andwassoldfor25centseach.Theproceedsfrom thebookletweretobe“devotedtotheremunerationofSisͲHuͲLkforhisillustrations

andtoafundtoenablethecommitteetocarryfurthertheseobjects,andthus contributetoCanadianculture.”56TheBritishColumbiaCatholicReview,who

53BCARS,MS116,Box2File5,SocietyfortheFurtheranceofBritishColumbiaIndianArtsandCrafts, BritishColumbiaCatholic,December1940.  54BCARS,MS116,Box2File5,SocietyfortheFurtheranceofBritishColumbiaIndianArtsandCrafts, FamilyHeraldandWeeklyStar,2October1940.  55BCARS,MS116,Box2File5,SocietyfortheFurtheranceofBritishColumbiaIndianArtsandCrafts, VancovuerSun,14April1940.  56AliceRavenhill,ReviewofTheTaleoftheNativityinTheNorthwestBookshelf(1941):84Ͳ85. 

113 recommendedwidecirculationofthebookletamongCatholicsoftheprovince, describedthestoryashavingoriginated“fromthemindsofchildrenofthefirst

Canadians.”57Thus,eventhough“TheTaleoftheNativity”wassoldtothenonͲ

Aboriginalconsumerasbeingcharacterizedby“naïvesimplicity”58withillustrations

doneina“purelynativestyle,”59thetypeofartandthecultureitrepresentedwasalso beingconstructedasacomponentofaCanadianidentity.Theapparentincongruityof promotingAboriginal‘authenticity’throughthesinglemostimportantlegendof

Christianity,equalonlytothestoryofthecrucifixion,appearstohavegonelargely uncontested.Thisaccommodationwasatleastinpartvoluntary,liketheHaidaLeafand

FlowerPolesthatincorporatedimagesofflowersfrom‘whiteman’stown’gardens.At thesametime,RavenhillandtheSocietypurposelyfocusedtheirattentionson

AboriginalchildrenwhowerealreadyengagedintheIndiandayschoolsystem,and whoseproductionofartswasthusmoreeasilydirectedforanonͲAboriginalmarket.

 AfterRavenhillretiredfromherpositionwiththeSocietyfortheFurtheranceof

BritishColumbiaIndianArtsandCrafts,theorganizationsuccessfullypromotedthe workofyoungartistslikeGeorgeClutesi,throughmuseumexhibitions.Duringthelate

1940sand1950s,therenamedBritishColumbiaIndianArtsandWelfareSociety providedaplatformforpoliticallyactivistAboriginalartistslikeEllenNeelandMungo

57BCARS,MS116,Box2File5,SocietyfortheFurtheranceofBritishColumbiaIndianArtsandCrafts, BritishColumbiaCatholic,December1940.  58BCARS,MS116,Box2File5,SocietyfortheFurtheranceofBritishColumbiaIndianArtsandCrafts,Daily Colonist,3December1940.  59BCARS,MS116,Box2File5,SocietyfortheFurtheranceofBritishColumbiaIndianArtsandCrafts, MiscellaneousMagazineClipping,notitle.

114 Martintoexhibitboththeirartworkandpolitics.Theseexhibitionsoftencontrasted olderartifactswithnewerworks,andchallengedthenotionofthevanishingIndianby demonstratingbothconsistencyaswellaschangeinIndianartsandcrafts.Thissenseof changederivedfromthefactofAboriginalpeoplesproducingtheirownart,and providedabasisforthedevelopmentofadistinctlyAboriginalculture.Inthesefinal yearsoftheSecondWorldWar,boththeprovincialandfederalbranchesoftheNative

Brotherhoodbecameincreasinglypoliticallyactive.Therhetoricofhumanrightsand socialjusticethatthewarproducedcertainlycontributedtothisrisingtideofprotest, anddebatesoverenfranchisementandcompulsorymilitaryservicewerefueledbythe

BritishColumbiaBrotherhood’spublicnationaliststatementsofsupportforthewar,as

“therealCanadians.”60TheNorthAmericanIndianBrotherhood,ledbyAndrewPaull, wascallingforrepresentationof“theIndiansofCanada”inParliament,aRoyal

CommissiontorevisetheIndianAct,and“anewdealfortheAboriginalsofthisgreat country.”61In1950,theBritishColumbiaIndianArtsandWelfareSocietyandits

“distinguishedfounder,Dr.AliceRavenhill,”wereofficiallyrecognizedbytheIndian

Timemagazine,anationalAboriginalrightspublication.62IndianTimeandtheNorth

AmericanIndianBrotherhood,whoseleadershipwascloselyconnectedtoandbased outofVancouver,representthegenesisofnationalͲlevelpoliticalmobilizationand

60BCARS,MS1116,SocietyfortheFurtheranceofBCIndianArtsandCrafts,1939Ͳ1954,Box2File2,Letter fromAlfredAdams,President,NativeBrotherhoodofBritishColumbia,VancouverOffice,totheOfficers andMembersoftheNativeBrotherhoodofBC,7February1945.  61BCARS,MS1116,SocietyfortheFurtheranceofBCIndianArtsandCrafts,1939Ͳ1954,Box2File2, AndrewPaull,NorthAmericanIndianBrotherhood,GrandNationalConventionCall,16July1945.  62DougWilkinson,Publisher,IndianTime(Vancouver)November1950. 

115 organizationinCanadaattheendoftheSecondWorldWar.Thiswasadefining momentintheAboriginalrightsmovement,andintheseformativeyearsoneofthe keystonesoftheunifiedIndianidentitythatwasnecessarytocarrythemovement throughwasIndianartsandcrafts.



Conclusion

 In1996,HaidaartistBillReidsoldabronzesculpture,TheSpiritofHaidaGwaii:

TheJadeCanoe,totheVancouverInternationalAirportAuthorityforthreemillion dollars,makinghimthehighestͲpaidCanadianartistinhistory.Theoriginal1991casting ofTheSpiritofHaidaGwaii:TheBlackCanoe,asixͲtonsculpture,standsinfrontofthe

CanadianEmbassyinWashington,D.C.,asasymbolof“thekernelofthefounding

nations.”63AnimageoftheHaidaGwaiicurrentlyadornstheCanadiantwentyͲdollar bill.Yet,BillReid’sjourneytothispositionasaHaidaartistandiconinCanadianculture intersectsatseveralpointswiththeshiftingandcontradictoryroleofAboriginalimagery invisualrepresentationsofCanadiancultureandidentity.Duringthefirsthalfofhis career,ReidwasconsistentlyambiguousabouthisIndianidentity;hisdecisionand abilitytopromotehimselfasan“allIndian”artistdidnotcomeaboutuntilthe1970s, afterreceivingaCanadaCouncilfellowship.Hebeganhiscareerasapublicist,curator, writer,andbroadcasterwithanexpertiseinNorthwestCoastalartandcultureinthe

1940s.WhileReidhadsomeHaidaancestry,andtiestotheHaidavillageofSkidegate, hismotherwasraisedto“becomemorewhiteandlessHaida,”andhisfatherwasa

63ChristopherDafoe,“AnOdysseyofMythicProportions:BillReid’sTheSpiritofHaidaGwaii,”Globeand Mail,November16th,1991,ascitedinTippett,BillReid,251.

116 “whiteman”inthefrontierofNorthernBritishColumbiaintheearlytwentiethcentury.

Reid’sgreatgreatͲuncle,CharlesEdenshaw,andhisgrandfather,CharlesGladstone, werebothHaidaartists;butReidonlytookupjewelryͲmakingin1949,attheageof29.

WhileReid’sworkwascertainlyinspiredbyhisimmediaterelativesandhisancestral

ties,helearnedtechniquefromajewelryͲmakingcourseattheRyersonInstituteof

TechnologyinToronto,andthefundamentalsofNorthwestCoastaldesignfromtwo booksinparticular.OneofthesebookswasRobertBruceInverarity’s“seminal1950 work,”ArtoftheNorthwestCoastIndians;theotherwasAliceRavenhill’sACorner

StoneofCanadianCulture:AnOutlineoftheArtsandCraftsoftheIndianTribesof

BritishColumbia.64

 TheparadoxicalantimodernistclaimtoAboriginalidentitybynonͲAboriginal

BritishColumbiansduringtheinterwarperiodcontributedtotheconstructionofan

Indianidentitythatcametobeusedasapoliticalandeconomictoolbythepostwar years.ForRavenhillandtheartsandcraftsreformers,thistoolwasameanstowards nationalunityandtheconstructionofaCanadianidentityandculture.Yet,thisidentity wasstillgroundedinnotionsofauthenticculturethatdefinedIndianasprimitiveand simplistic,andthereforeimplicitlysubordinate.TheIndianArtsandCraftsrevivalwas basedonanotionofinherentracialability.Artwasunderstoodtobeanexpressionof racialessentialism.Thisnotionwascentraltocolonialexpressionsofracism,but nonethelessalsobecamecentraltotheIndianidentity.Aboriginalactivistsusedthis samenotionofracialessencetogenerateasenseofunity,mobilizeAboriginalpeoples

64MariaTippett,BillReid:TheMakingofAnIndian(Toronto:RandomHouse,2003),31;25;67.

117 onanationalscale,andprotestagainstpoliticaloppression.Startingin1947,the

UniversityofBritishColumbiaandtheProvincialMuseumturnedtheirattentionto salvagingandrestoringtotempolesfromtheNorthwestCoastregion.Theproject involvedmanyAboriginalpeoples,includingKwakwaka’wakwartistsMungoMartinand

EllenNeel,aswellasBillReid.In1959,ReidwascommissionedbytheUniversityof

BritishColumbiatoduplicateaseriesof30totemandhousepoles–aprimarily anthropologicalproject.ThesepostͲwarsalvageoperationsmarkedaturningpointin

AboriginalͲnonͲAboriginalrelationsinVancouver.AsMariaTippetthasargued,“bringing

Nativeartiststoworkinthecitynotonlyreversedthepolicyofkeepingthemasfar awayaspossiblefromtheurbancentres,itwasalsothefirststepinmakingroom…for

Nativeartistsintheirownright.”65Bythe1960s,totempoleswereacommonsight aroundthecity,andhadcometosymbolizethepersistence,vitality,andongoing presenceofAboriginalartandcultureinVancouver.ThetotempoledisplayatBrockton

PointinStanleyPark,whereallofthetotemscollectedintheParksincethe1920swere movedintheearly1960s,isstill“themostvisitedtouristattractioninallofBritish

Columbia.”66Someoftheoriginalpolesstillstand,whileothershavebeenmovedto museumsandreplacedbynewpolesorreplicas.Thesepolesholdmanystoriesthatthe legendstell;buttheyalsotellofashiftinpublicconceptionoftheIndian,fromasymbol ofconquestandextinctiontoalivingcultureanda“cornerstone”oftheCanadian identity.

65Ibid.,97.  66VancouverParksBoard,,accessed10 January2011.

118 Chapter5~“BeforetheWhitemansCame”1:IndigenousPoliticsinVancouver





 In1898,agroupofchiefsandheadmenoftheNorthwestcoastaltribesgathered inVancouvertodiscusstheircommongrievances.Mostpressingontheagendawasthe lossoflandtowhitemen,andtheaccompanyingdiseaseandpovertyamongsttheir people.Theeldersdecidedthatwhattheyneededwasamediator–onewhowas educatedinboththewaysofthewhitemenandthewaysoftheIndian.ACouncilof

Warriorswasheldtoselectaboytobeeducatedinbothworlds,tobe“theeyes,ears, andtongueof[his]people.”2Aswascommonatthetime,theboytheychosehadtwo names.HisEnglishnamewasAndrewPaull;hisSquamishnamewasQoitchetahl,3after

oneofhisancestors.Throughouthisdistinctivecareer,Paullidentifiedwiththename

Qoitchetahl,andthelegendthatsurroundedhiswarriorancestor.

 Thischapteridentifiesthenatureofthecontradictionsthataroseoutofthe samenotionofanessentialistIndianidentitythatwasinherenttotheIndianartsand

craftsrevival.InVancouver,duringtheinterwarperiod,theascriptionofalegally definedIndianidentitybasedontheseessentialistideasenabledtheexpropriationof theKitsilanoReservationbythecity.TheSquamishBandCouncilassertedthelegal

1VancouverCityArchives(VCA),AM.0054.013.06588,MajorMatthewsCollection(1932Ͳ33),“Beforethe WhitemansCame.”  2BritishColumbiaArchivesandRecordsServices(BCARS),MS.1605,DobsonFonds,ReelA01179,Liberty, 5January,1946,“LibertyProfile:AndyPaull”byRobertMcKeown.  3Also:Xwechtáal,Xwupúkinem,Quitchtaal,Quitchetahl. 

119 rightsthattheydidhave,butonlywithlimitedsuccessbecausetheirresistance occurredwithinnonͲAboriginallegal,political,andsocialsystems.Buttheclaimofa

“traditional”Indianidentitywasalsoasurvivalstrategyandprovidedabasisfora collectiveconsciousness.ThekeycharacteristicofthisidentityderivedfrompreͲ

Europeanhistory,abeliefthatwasarticulatedparticularlyclearlyinthearchivalproject carriedoutbyVancouver’scityarchivist,J.S.Matthews,entitled“BeforetheWhitemans

[sic]Came.”

 AndrewPaullwasinvolvedinthiscommemorativeevent,aswellasinthe negotiationsoverthesaleoftheKitsilanoReserve.PaullepitomizedthetwentiethͲ centurynotionofthevanishingIndian,whocould,whennecessary,assimilateinto mainstreamCanadiansociety.Hisworkasmediatorrequiredthathebefully knowledgeableandfunctionalintheCanadianlegalandpoliticalsystems,andmuchof

Paull’sworkasapoliticalactivistwascarriedoutthroughthesenonͲindigenous

avenues.However,Paull’sadherencetohisidentityasQoitchetahlexemplifiesthe contradictionshemusthaveexperiencedinhisroleasaculturalintermediary.An academicinterpretationofthepublicfigureofAndrewPaull,inhispositionasBand secretary,legaladvisor,andadvocateforindigenousrights,primarilyrevealsaspectsof

hisabilitytoassimilateintowhiteculture.ThelegendofQoitchetahlremindsusof

Paull’sAboriginalidentity.

 TheimportanceofAboriginaloraltradition,legends,andmythstoAboriginal culturescannotbeunderstated.Further,thereisadifferencebetweenoraltraditionas abasisofindigenouspeoples’identitiesasindigenousand,forexample,theproduction

120 andcirculationofthepioneermyth,whichcontributedtothecreationofawhite identity.4Thisdifferencehasitsbasisinthenotionofracialessentialism,asexpressed theIndianartsandcraftsmovement,whichispremisedonalongͲstandingimbalanceof powerinAboriginal/nonͲAboriginalrelations.Inthecaseofthepioneermythandwhite identity,thepioneerwasconstructed–asrugged,noble,thrifty,independent,hardͲ working,andcourageous–inordertoreaffirmmoralstandardsthatwerealready normalizedinmainstream(whiteAngloͲSaxonProtestant)Canadianculture.These moralstandardscorrelatedwiththenecessarycharacteristicsoftheidealcitizenina politicalandeconomicsystembasedonaliberalideology.5

 Incontrast,theperceivedessenceoftheIndianwastwofold.First,thisessence wasascribedas‘Other’bynonͲAboriginals–inotherwords,asfundamentallyopposed toestablishednorms.Second,thisessencewasclaimedbybothAboriginalandnonͲ

AboriginalpeoplesashavingitsrootspriortothisfirstdiscursiveascriptionbyWestern

4See,forexample,ForrestD.Pass,“TheWondrousStoryandTraditionsoftheCountry”:TheNativeSons ofBritishColumbiaandtheRoleofMythintheFormationofanUrbanMiddleClass,”inBCStudies,no. 151,(Autumn2006),3Ͳ38;andIanMcKay,TheQuestoftheFolk:AntimodernismandthePoliticsof CulturalSelectionintheTwentiethCenturyNovaScotia(Kingston&Montreal:McGillͲQueen’sUniversity Press,1994).ThesetwoimportantworksexaminewhiteidentitiesarguethattheseantiͲmodernist identities(i.e.,‘thePioneer’and‘theFolk’)weresociallyconstructed,andservedtoobscureclass inequality,andencourageasenseofnationalunityamongstwhitepeople.See,also,chapters2and3, above.  5MyconceptionofliberalismintwentiethcenturyCanadaderivesfromIanMcKay,“TheLiberalOrder Framework:AprospectusforareconnaissanceofCanadianhistory”inTheCanadianHistoricalReview 81:4,(December2000):617Ͳ634.InMcKay’sdefinition,liberalismisbasedonpossessiveindividualism,a circulartheorywhichessentiallyclaimsthattherationalindividualisdefinedbyhiscapacityfor proprietorship–ofhisowncapacities,ofland,orofmaterialgoods–andthat,inturn,onlyrational individualsarecapableofbeingproprietors.Thisnotionofpossessiveindividualismismoreexplicitly outlinedinC.B.MacPherson,ThePoliticalTheoryofPossessiveIndividualism:HobbestoLocke(Oxford: ClaredonPress,1962),263Ͳ271.LiberalisminCanadaemphasizedprivatepropertyandlaissezͲfaire economicrelations,andbasedsocial,politicalandeconomicorganizationonindividualismandselfͲ interest.SeeTinaLoo,MakingLaw,Order,andAuthorityinBritishColumbia,1821Ͳ1871(Toronto: UniversityofTorontoPress,1994),8Ͳ9. 

121 societyinthemomentbeforeidentitywasmediatedbyWesternrepresentations.The featureofthisessencethatmoststronglysuggesteditspreͲcontactoriginswasits attachmenttoplace.Withinthecontextofcolonizationandanoppressivereserve system,theassertionbyAboriginalpeoplesofindigenousconnectionstothelandasthe essenceoftheIndianidentityconstitutesresistanceaswellasoppression.6Theproblem

–andtheultimatefailureofthisformofresistanceintheinterwarperiod–layinthe factthattheprocessofclaimingapreͲEuropeanessenceoccurredwithinWestern discourseandnonͲAboriginalsystemsandinstitutionsofgovernance.Theresultwas contradiction,becauseof,inHomiBhabha’swords,“theimpossibilityofclaimingan originfortheself(orother)withinatraditionofrepresentation.”7Inotherwords,a

fundamentalcontradictionwasinherentinthefactthatarticulationsofbothresistance andoppressionderivedfromthesameconceptualorigin,andbecausethisconceptual originisembeddedinthediscourseoftheoppressor,intheideologyofWesternliberal democracy.



TheLegendofQoitchetahl,theSerpentSlayerofSquamish

 Qoitchetahlwasjustaman.Soonafterhemarried,agreatserpentswaminto thelakeaboveSquamish.Theoldpeoplefearedthattheserpentwouldfinditsway downtothevillage.SotheysentQoitchetahltokilltheserpent,orhewouldnotbe allowedtocomehomeandsleepwithhiswife.Fortenlongyears,Qoitchetahlhunted

6JyotirmayaTripathy,“TowardsanEssentialNativeAmericanIdentity:ATheoreticalOverview”inthe CanadianJournalofNativeStudies26:2(2006):313Ͳ329.  7HomiK.Bhabha,TheLocationofCulture(London:Routledge,1994),46.

122 theserpent.Hewashedhimselfintheicymountaincreeks,andfromthiswaterhe acquiredpower.WhenQoitchetahlfinallyhappenedupontheserpent,thebeastwas swimmingaboutinthelakeaboveSquamish.Theserpentsawtheman,Qoitchetahl,and hispower;andhesaidtoQoitchetahl:“Goandgetpitchwoodandmakethreesharp sticks.Takeonestickanddriveitintomyhead;theotherinthemiddleofmyback;and oneattheendofmydragontail.”Forserpentshavetwoheads,oneateachend.

Qoitchetahldidastheserpenttoldhim,andkilledtheserpent.Afterthekilling,

Qoitchetahlstayedwiththecorpseuntilthefleshswelledandbloatedandreekedwith thestenchofdecay,andthenshriveledagainintotheearth,leavingonlybonesandskin.

ThenQoitchetahltookabonefromtheserpent,shapedlikeaclub,andturnedand

followedtheriverfromthelakebacktohisvillage.Asheapproachedthefirstvillage alongtheriver,Qoitchetahlheldtheboneinhishandandwaveditintheair.

Immediately,allthepeopleinthevillage,youngandold,menandwomen,felldown dead.ButQoitchetahlbroughtthemallbacktolifewithhispower.Inaweandrespectful terror,thepeopleofthevillagegaveQoitchetahlabeautifulwomanforawife.Bythe timehearrivedatSquamish,hehadbeengiveneighteenwivesfromtheneighboring villagesalongtheway.SohappywasQoitchetahlwithhismanywivesthathelethisfirst

wifedieasashowofhisconjugalprosperity.Thisisthewayitwas.8

______



8VCA,AM.0054.013.06588,MajorMatthewsCollection(1932Ͳ33),“BeforetheWhitemansCame.”Thisis myadaptationofthelegendastold,intranscriptsofaninterview,byAugustKitsilanotoJ.S.Matthews, 19December1932.Thefirstandlastsentencesaredirectquotes. 

123  In1892,manygenerationsafterQoitchetahl’sconquestovertheserpent,

AndrewPaullwasborninHoweSound,BritishColumbia.Soonafterhisbirth,hewas senttolivewithhisgrandmotherontheNorthVancouverreserve.Hewassixyearsold whenhewasselectedbytheCouncilofWarriorsin1898.Heremembersbeing“alittle

runtofakidandtheywerealloldmen–whitehairedandwrinkled,asoldIndiansare.”9

Accordingtohisownaccount,whentheelderstoldtheboythathehadbeenchosento

becomeanintermediarybetweentheSquamishpeopleandnonͲAboriginalCanadians, theyoungPaullunquestioninglyacceptedhisrole.Paullwaseducatedonthereserve, andtheninthelawfirmofJudgeCyleyinVancouverbetween1907and1911,fromthe ageof15untilhewas19.Throughouthischildhoodandyoungadultlife,hewastutored byvariouseldersandchiefsonthewaysofSquamishgovernment,tradition,and culture.Duringthe1920sand30s,PaulllivedandworkedinVancouverasa

longshoreman,secretaryoftheSquamishBandCouncil,legaladvisor,journalist,

lacrosseplayer,musician,andinterpreter.Hewas,atvarioustimes,organizer, president,andmemberoftheIndianRightsAssociation,theAlliedIndianTribesof

BritishColumbia,theNativeBrotherhoodofBritishColumbia,andtheBrotherhoodof

CanadianIndians.10

 PaullwasalsooneofthefewAboriginalmembersoftheNativeSonsofBritish

Columbia,alongwithseveralhighprofileAboriginalchiefsintheprovince.He maintainedhisroleasmediatorbetweentwocultures,andbythemidͲ1940spresided

9BCARS,MS.1605,DobsonFonds,ReelA01179,Liberty,5January,1946,“LibertyProfile:AndyPaull”by RobertMcKeown.  10Ibid.SeealsoHerbertFrancisDunlop,AndyPaull:AsIKnewHimandUnderstoodhisTimes(Vancouver: StandardPress,1989).

124 overtheNorthAmericanIndianBrotherhood,thefirstnationalintertribalorganization formedforthepurposeofachievingAboriginalrightsthroughconstitutionalavenues.

Paullwas,duringthefirsthalfofthetwentiethcentury,oneofVancouver’smost prominentpoliticalactivists,andhisworkconstitutesafoundationoftheAboriginal rightsmovementinCanada.Hisroleasahistoricalfigureisimportant,notsomuchas representativeofhistime–therewerefewinthisperiodwhoheldthistypeofhybrid positionbetweenIndianandwhite–butassymbolicofthechangingsituationofhis community.

 WhenPaullwasborn,inthelatenineteenthcentury,theAboriginalpopulation wasbeingovertakennumericallybynonͲAboriginalsettlementintheprovinceasa whole.BytheendoftheFirstWorldWar,thenonͲAboriginalpopulationdominated.11

Thecolonialprojectofallocatingreservelands,whichhadbegunintheprovinceinthe

early1850s,wasnotcompleteduntil1938.Duringtheinterwaryears,acomplexseries

ofnegotiationsoverreservelandsensuedbetweenthreemajorparties–theprovincial andfederalgovernmentsandAboriginalpeoples.Thefinalreserveboundaries,madein

1938,appeasedprovincialandfederalgovernmentofficials,butdismissedAboriginal

11In1871,whenBritishColumbiaenteredConfederation,thetotalpopulationofindividualsdesignated nonͲAboriginalintheprovincenumberedonlyabout10000–lessthan30%ofthetotalpopulation.By 1901,thisnumberhadjumpedtoabout150000,nowconstitutingover80%ofthetotalpopulation. Considerablegainsweremadeinthisdemographic,toover95%by1921,and97%by1941.Incontrast, thepopulationofindividualsdesignatedAboriginalshiftedfrombeingamajorityof70%toaminorityof 3%.Itissignificanttonote,however,thattheAboriginalpopulation,inrealnumbers,remainedcloseto 25000individualsthroughoutthesedecades.ThesestatisticsaretakenfromtheCensusofCanada,as interpretedbyJeanBarman,TheWestBeyondtheWest:AHistoryofBritishColumbia(Toronto:University ofToronto,1991),Table5,379. 

125 claimstotitletotheland.12Withinthiscontextofdemographicandspatialcolonization, thereweretwomajorprojectsconcerningIndiansthatwerebeingcarriedoutin

Vancouverinthe1920sand30s.Thefirstwasanadministrativeprojectof enfranchisementandtheaccompanyingredistributionofreservelands;thesecondwas ananthropologicalprojectofcommemorationandpreservation.

 Bothoftheseprojectswere,inpart,administeredthroughthepaternalistic

bureaucracyoftheIndianAffairsBranch,whosepolicieshadlongbeeninformedbythe

assumptionthat‘traditional’Aboriginalculturewasvanishing,andbeingreplacedbya

superiorEuroͲCanadianculture.AlthoughthisnotionofthevanishingIndianpersisted

intotheinterwarperiod,thesetwoprojects–theadministrativeandthe anthropological–createdaforumforassertionsofalivingindigenousidentityand culture.Theseassertionswerevoicedinthemedia,aswellasinCityHallandthe

ProvincialLegislature.Theywerebasedontheevidenceofalivingindigenousculture

basedonthenotionofaracialessence,whosemostexplicitarticulationwasbeing manufacturedatthistimeinvisualrepresentations,throughartandimagery.



TheBritishColumbiaLandQuestionandEnfranchisementPolicy

 ThelandquestionhadbeenongoinginBritishColumbiasinceGovernorJames

DouglaslaidoutthefirstIndianreservesonVancouverIslandintheearly1850s.In

1876,aJointReserveCommitteewasappointedbyboththefederalandprovincial governments,tosurveyandestablishthereservesthroughouttheprovince.Theland

12ColeHarris,MakingNativeSpace:Colonialism,ResistanceandReservesinBritishColumbia(Vancouver: UBCPress,2002),216Ͳ261.

126 questionprovedtobesocomplex,relationsbetweenprovincialandfederalgovernment officialssoincongruous,andAboriginalclaimstolandtitlesopersistent,thattheJoint

ReserveCommitteedisbandedaftertwoyearswithoutresolution.In1912the

McKennaͲMcBrideCommissionwasappointedforthesamepurpose.Afterfouryears, theCommissionpublishedtheirfindings,whichallocatedverysmallreservesscattered throughouttheprovince.Again,disputesbetweenprovincialandfederallevelsof government,andresistancebyAboriginalorganizationsrenderedthelandquestion unresolved.In1923,yetanotherCommissionwasappointed.Thistime,boththe provincialandfederalgovernmentscametoanagreementinamodifiedversionofthe

McKennaͲMcBriderecommendations,buttheAboriginalclaimtolandtitleremained unsettled.TheprincipleAboriginalvoiceduringthesenegotiationswastheAlliedTribes ofBritishColumbia,ofwhichAndrewPaullwasakeymember.Paull,alongwithseveral otherAboriginalleaders,pleadedtheircasetothe1923Commission;toPrimeMinister

MackenzieKingin1924;andtoaspecialjointcommitteein1927.Inallofthesecases, theAlliedTribesarguedthatAboriginaltitletothelandmustfirstbeacknowledged beforedisputesoverthesizeandlocationofreserves,andtherightstotheresources

thereincouldbeconsideredandsettled.Inallofthesecases,theargumentwas rejected,oftenwithhostility.13In1938,thefinalsurveysweremadebytheprovincial andfederalgovernments,withoutacknowledgementofAboriginallandtitle.

13ForadetailedaccountofthelandquestioninBritishColumbia,fromthe1850sto1938,seeColeHarris, MakingNativeSpace:Colonialism,ResistanceandReservesinBritishColumbia(Vancouver:UBCPress, 2002).Seealso,Canada,SessionalPapers,AnnualReportoftheDepartmentofIndianAffairs(1923Ͳ1924), “BritishColumbiaIndianLandSettlement,”7Ͳ8;Canada,SessionalPapers,AnnualReportofthe DepartmentofIndianAffairs(1926Ͳ1927),“ParliamentaryInquiryintotheClaimsoftheAlliedTribesof

127 Thisinterwarconflictoverthelandquestionandthegeneraltrendtowards shrinkingreserveswasonepartofamuchlongereraofrestrictionandoppression.14

Duringthe1880s,ceremonieslikethepotlatchand“IndianDances”werebanned.The passsystemwasputintoeffectontheprairiesatthistimeaswell.15Bytheinterwar period,thelatenineteenthcenturyideathatIndianculture–andthereforetheIndian race–wasvanishingasaresultofnaturalsocialevolutionwassupportedbyableak reality.Economic,political,social,andphysicalsegregation,oppressivegovernment legislation,industrializationandurbanization,andthelossoflandandresourceshad takenitstollonmanyAboriginalcommunitiesintheprovince.Asaresult,manyofthe decisionsmadeandactionstakenbyIndianAffairsofficials,sympatheticmembersof thepublic,andAboriginalleaderslikeAndrewPaull,werebasedontheassumptionthat assimilationwasinevitable.However,thepopulationof“theIndians,”asrecordedby theCanadiancensus,showedthatthisdemographicwasnotdeclining,butholding steadyoverthecourseoftheinterwarperiod.16ManybelievedthatanauthenticIndian

culturenolongerexisted,butthattheremainingIndianshadfailedtofullyassimilate intomainstreamCanadianculture.Inanattempttoaddressthisperceivedproblem,and

BritishColumbia.”Theinquiryconcludedthat“theclaimsoftheIndianswerenotwellfounded,andthat noaboriginaltitle,asalleged,hadeverexisted.”  14ForageneraloverviewofthesituationinCanadainthepostͲConfederationperiod,see,forexample, OlivePatriciaDickason,Canada’sFirstNations:AHistoryofFoundingPeoplesfromEarliestTimes (Toronto:McClellandandStewart,1992),261Ͳ262;306Ͳ318;intheBritishColumbiancontext,seeRobin Fisher,ContactandConflict:IndianEuropeanRelationsinBritishColumbia,1774Ͳ1890(Vancouver: UniversityofBritishColumbiaPress,1977;1992),175Ͳ211.  15Forananalysisofthecriminalizationofthepotlatch,seeTinaLoo,“DanCranmer’sPotlatch”inThe CanadianHistoricalReview73:2,1992;forananalysisofthepasssystem,seeF.L.Barron,“TheIndian PassSystemintheCanadianWest,1882Ͳ1935”inPrairieForum13:25,1988.  16Seefootnote11.

128 torelievethemselvesofthefinancialburdenofadministeringAboriginalpeoplesand theconflictoverland,theIndianAffairsBranchchangedtheirenfranchisementpolicyto hastenassimilation.

 InhisannualreportfortheyearendinginMarch1919,DeputySuperintendent

GeneralofIndianAffairsDuncanC.Scottproposedthat:

 theprovisionswithregardtoenfranchisement[be]furtherextendedsoasto

 enabletheDepartmenttoenfranchiseindividualIndiansorabandofIndians

 withoutthenecessityofobtainingtheirconsenttheretoincaseswhereitwas

 founduponinvestigationthatthecontinuanceofwardshipwasnolongerinthe

 interestsofthepublicortheIndians.17

Scott’sproposalwaspassedatthe1920sessionofParliament,asamendmentswhich repealedsections107and122oftheIndianAct–twoclausesthathadbeenineffect since1857.Sections107and122hadrestrictedenfranchisementtopropertyowners, andrequiredasixyearwaitingperiodpriortoenfranchisement,followedbyasixyear periodoftutelagefollowingenfranchisement.Asaresultofthesestringentregulations, only102personshadbeenenfranchisedintheDominionofCanadaoveraperiodof58 years.18

17Canada,SessionalPapers,AnnualReportoftheDepartmentofIndianAffairs(1918Ͳ1919),32.In1913, DuncanC.ScottwasappointeddeputysuperintendentgeneralofIndianaffairs.Scottadministeredthe departmentwithapolicyofauthoritarianismandrepression.Atafederallevel,then,IndianAffairswas characterizedbypaternalismandneglect,atraditionthatcontinuedformorethanadecadeafterScott’s retirementin1932,throughhissuccessor,HaroldW.McGill.FormoreonScottandMcGill,seeHugh Shewell,EnoughtoKeepthemAlive:IndianWelfareinCanada,1873Ͳ1965(Toronto:UniversityofToronto Press,2004),93Ͳ170.  18Canada,SessionalPapers,AnnualReportoftheDepartmentofIndianAffairs(1919Ͳ1920),13. 

129  In1918,Section122AoftheIndianAct,whichdealtwithenfranchisement,had beenamendedtoallowfornonͲpropertyowningmenandunmarriedwomenoverthe ageof21tobeeligibleforenfranchisement.Inaddition,thesixyearwaitingperiodwas doneawaywith.Between1918and1919,227individualswereenfranchised,the

majorityofthesefromtheSixNationsbandinsouthernOntario.19The1920

amendmentwasintendedtofurtheraccelerateenfranchisement,tobringtheIndian

AffairsBranchcloserto“theultimateobjectof[its]Indianpolicy…tomergethenatives inthecitizenshipofthecountry.”20MuchtothechagrinofIndianAffairsofficials,only

167individualswereenfranchisedthatyear.21Overall,however,the1920amendment

didmanagetoincreaseratesofenfranchisement,andatleast1600individualswere enfranchisedbetween1920and1940.22

 Enfranchisementduringtheinterwarperiodwasatwofoldquestionofeconomy andidentity.TheenfranchisementprovisionsoftheIndianActwerenotonlyconcerned withtherighttovote.CertainunenfranchisedIndians–forexample,returnedsoldiers andsomeIndiansnotlivingonreserves–hadtherighttovotefederally,butwerestill

consideredwardsoftheCrownandsubjecttotheprovisionsoftheIndianAct.Instead, enfranchisementindicatedeconomicindependencefromthefederalgovernment,selfͲ

19Canada,SessionalPapers,AnnualReportoftheDepartmentofIndianAffairs(1917Ͳ1918),21.  20Canada,SessionalPapers,AnnualReportoftheDepartmentofIndianAffairs(1919Ͳ1920),13.  21Canada,SessionalPapers,AnnualReportoftheDepartmentofIndianAffairs(1920Ͳ1921),20.  22Canada,SessionalPapers,AnnualReportoftheDepartmentofIndianAffairs(1920/21Ͳ1939/40).These figuresshowaconsiderableincreaseoverthenumberofindividualsenfranchisedpriortothe1918/1920 amendments;however,inthewholeofCanada,lessthan100individualsperyearwereenfranchised between1925and1937. 

130 sufficiency,andassimilationintothemainstreamliberalcapitalisteconomy.Between

1920and1940,enfranchisementwasintendedasasolutiontotheproblemofexcessive expenditurebythedepartment,particularlybytheIndianagentsinBritishColumbia.23

 Yet,enfranchisementalsomeantthatindividuals“ceasedtobeIndianswithin themeaningoftheIndianAct,”24andwereinsteadidentified,forlegalandpolitical

purposesaswellaseconomic,asCanadianratherthanasIndian.AsHughShewell argues,acombinationoffactorsincludingeconomicdepression,ageneralsocietaltrend towardssecularization,andAboriginalcontributionstoandparticipationintheWorld

Wars,“ultimatelyredirectedIndianAffairspolicytowardideasaboutintegrative

citizenshipandtheassumptionthatIndiansdesiredtobefullypartofcivilsociety.”25

SinceConfederation,theproblemhadchangedfromfiguringouthowtocontainand suppresstheIndiansinordertoallowforwhitesettlement,totheproblemofIndian inclusionintobroaderCanadiansociety.Thedifficultywiththisnewpolicydirectivewas thatthenotionofcitizenshipwascomplicatedbythefactofAboriginalpeoplesbeing

captiveindigenousnationslivingwithawhitesettlersociety.Integrativecitizenship

offeredonlytwooptions–separatedevelopmentinsomeformofapartheid, representedinthiscasebythereservesystem,orassimilationintoexistingpatternsof citizenship.Thewidespreadpovertyandunemploymentonmanyofthereservesin

BritishColumbiapointedtotheunfeasibilityofthefirstoption,whilethesecond

23Shewell,EnoughtoKeepthemAlive,93Ͳ116.  24Canada,SessionalPapers,AnnualReportoftheDepartmentofIndianAffairs(1931Ͳ1932),8.  25Shewell,EnoughtoKeepthemAlive,95. 

131 embodiedabasiccontradictionformanyAboriginalpeople.Whilecitizenshipwas upheldbyofficialsinchargeoftheIndianAffairsBranchasaprogressiveandpositive socialfactor,citizenshipthroughassimilationwasseenbymanyindigenouspeopletobe asubjugatingandrepressivepractice.26

Theenfranchisementamendmentsof1920ultimatelyfailedtodecreasethe

“Indian”population,andthusfailedtolightenthefiscalburdenonthefederal government.TheIndianAffairsBranchoperatedunderastrainedbudget,andtheIndian agentsinBritishColumbiainparticularwerewarnedrepeatedlyaboutexcessive expenditures.27ThefinancialresponsibilityofadministeringtheIndiansinthisprovince wascompoundedbythetimeandeffortbeingputintothevariousCommissionsand hearingsoverthelandquestion.InOttawa,PaullandotherAboriginalleaderswerenot abletoconvinceprovincialandfederalpoliticianstoacknowledgeAboriginaltitletothe

landinBritishColumbiaduringthefinaldecadesoftheprolongedprocessofreserve making.

However,theconflictoverlandwasalsobeingplayedoutatalocallevel.Inthe caseoftheKitsilanoReserve,PaullandtheSquamishBandCouncilwereatleastableto delaythetransactionbyassertingtheirrightstolandtitle.TheKitsilanoReserve, situatedintheheartofthecity,wasconsidered‘abandoned’(inaccordancewithIndian

Actregulations)bytheSquamishBandin1915,andwaseventuallyabsorbedbythecity ofVancouver.Thistransactionwasextremelycomplicated,antagonisticandprotracted.

26Shewell,EnoughtoKeepthemAlive,168Ͳ169;JeanBarman,TheWestBeyondtheWest:AHistoryof BritishColumbia(Toronto:UniversityofTorontoPress,1991),172Ͳ173.  27Shewell,EnoughtoKeepthemAlive,107Ͳ110. 

132 Over85yearselapsedbeforethetransaction’sfinalconclusionwiththeKitsilano

Agreementin2000.28FromtheearliestyearsofconflicttheSquamishBandCouncilwas clearaboutassertingtheirclaimtotheKitsilanoIndianReserve,andsupportedthis claimwiththelegalauthorityoftheRoyalProclamation,thedecisionsofthe1876Ͳ8

JointReserveCommission,andtheIndianAct.TheSquamishBandCouncil,ledby

AndrewPaull,‘assimilated’–theyusedthe“waysofthewhitemen”todefendtheir ownlegal,political,andeconomicinterestsasIndians.Thisassimilativeprocesswas fraughtwithcontradictions,andtheirvoicewasultimatelyoverwhelmedbytheneeds ofarapidlygrowingmetropolisandthemythofthevanishingIndian.



TheVillageofSnauq/KitsilanoIndianReserve#6

 Ravenhasneverleftthisplace,butsometimesitfeelslikeshehasbeen

 negligent,maybeevenalittledense…thereishorrorinhavinghadchange

 foisteduponyoufromoutside.Ravendidnotprepareusforthepast150

 years.Shemusthavefallenasleepsometimearoundthefirstsmallpox

 epidemic,whentheTseilWatuthNationnearlyperished,andIamnotsure

28Twoaccountsofthespecificallyurbanexperienceofdispossessionwhichfocusonaspectsofthis85 yearconflictareJeanBarman,“ErasingIndigenousIndigeneityinVancouver,”BCStudies115(2007):3Ͳ 30;and,JordanStangerͲRoss,“MunicipalColonialisminVancouver:CityPlanningandtheConflictover IndianReserves,1928Ͳ1950s,”CanadianHistoricalReview89:4(December2008):541Ͳ580.Barman’s articleexaminestheremovalofindigenouspeoplefromtheKitsilanoReserveduringthe1910saspartof abroadertrendoffederalgovernmentlegislationwhichsupportedmunicipalities’effortstowardsurban development(seepp.6Ͳ20).StangerͲRoss’sstudylooksathowcityofficialsinVancouverattemptedto acquireKitsilanoReservationduringthe1930sand40sintheinterestsofcivicdevelopmentaspartofa largertrendofmunicipalcolonialism.Inaccordancewiththisthesis,StangerͲRoss’sarticlefocuses exclusivelyon“theideasarticulatedwithintheVancouvercitygovernment”(548). 

133  sheeverwokeup.29



 OnJuly23rdoftheyear2000,membersoftheSquamishBandhadafinalvoteon alandclaimsettlementwiththefederalgovernment.Ofthe1487ballotscast,1313 votedtoacceptthe92.5milliondollarsofferedtotheBandfromthegovernmentof

Canada,inexchangeforsurrenderingover1330acresofland,includingthe76acres thatmadeuptheKitisilanoIndianReserveNo.6atFalseCreek.30TheKitsilano

Agreement,asthesettlementwasknown,concludedmorethan85yearsofdispute overthisterritory.ThisareawasusedbytheTsleilWatuthandtheHalkomelmenpeople oftheMusqueamtribeduringthe17thandearly18thcenturyasacommongarden,for gatheringcamas(arootvegetable),berries,oysters,andclams,andcultivatingwild cabbage,mushroomsandotherplants.Afteraseriesofsmallpoxepidemicswhich decimatedthehumanpopulation,theTsleilWatuthandMusqueaminvitedthe

Squamishtohelprepopulatetheregion.AgroupofSquamishfromLil’wat,31movedto

thisareatoliveyearͲroundbyatleastbythe1850s.32

29LeeMaracle,“Goodbye,Snauq”inOurStory:AboriginalVoicesonCanada’sPast(DoubledayCanada, 2004),205.  30SquamishNationNews,Bulletin13,“Kitsilano,Bouillon,andOmnibusTrustActionsSettlement,”24July 2000;SquamishNationNews,Bulletin10,“The‘Kitsilano’Agreement,”7July2000.Thelandsurrendered bytheSquamishBandinthisagreementwas:76acresatKitsilanoIR6;74acresofBouillonlandsat CapilanoIR5;163acresatYeakwaupsumIR18;18.5acresatMamaquamIR20;360acresatSquamish IslandIR21;234acresatSkwulwailumIR22;292acresatAhtsamIR23;82.3acresatStawamusIR24;20.5 acresatCapilanoIR5;4.48acresatMissionIR1;7.54acresatSeymourIR2;3smallparcelsonCapilano IR5;andthelandunderThirdStreetonMissionIR1.  31Also,‘Lillooet.’  32LeeMaracle,“Goodbye,Snauq,”200Ͳ219. 

134  TheKitsilanoReservewasfirstsurveyedaroundtheexistingSquamishvillageof

Snauqin1877bytheJointReserveCommission.Between1877and1913,theCanadian

PacificRailwayexpropriatedtwoparcelsoflandonthisreserveasarightofway.33

Sometimebetween1911and1915,thereservewasabandonedbytheSquamish.There areseveralaccountsofthisevent.OneoftheseisAugustJack’sversion,asrecordedby

Vancouver’scityarchivistJ.S.Matthews:

 TheIndiansmovedawayfromoldSnauqin1911,andtheremainsofthose

 buriedinthegraveyardonthereserveclosetoFirstAveaboutthefootofFiror

 CedarstreetwereexhumedandtakenforreburialatSquamish.Theorchard

 wenttoruin,thefencesfelldown,andthehousesweredestroyed;afewhops

 survivedandcontinuedtogrowuntiltheyweredestroyedbythebuildingofthe

 newBurrardBridge…34

 AsecondaccountoftheeventcomesfromR.RoweHolland,asolicitorwho workedontheKitsilanoReservedisputeduringthelate1930sand1940s.35Holland

interviewedHamiltonReidin1945,theBarristerwhonegotiatedthe“purchase”of reservelandsthroughasystemofvoluntaryabandonmentandreversioninandaround

Vancouver30yearsearlier.AccordingtoHolland’saccount,the29orsoSquamishliving

33SquamishNationNews,Bulletin7,“SquamishNation1977OmnibusTrustAction,”19November1999.  34VCA,AM0054.013.06588,MatthewsCollection,“BeforetheWhitemansCame,”August(Jack)Kitsilano, ConversationwithJ.S.Matthews,7July1932.  35In1937Ͳ8,theVancouverpolicedepartmentpetitionedtheCityofVancouver,theSquamishBandand theParksBoardtocleanuptheKitsilanoReserve,asithadbecomea“hiveoninequity[sic].”Holland actedascouncilforCityHallinthisevent.See,forexampleVCA,33ͲDͲ3,File5,MayorSeries483, “RemovalofSquattersfromKitsilanoReserve,1937Ͳ1938.”In1944Ͳ6,Hollandagainactedaslegalcounsel fortheFederalGovernmentinnegotiatingasurrenderofthereserve.See,forexample,V.C.A., AM0054.013.06608,MatthewsCollection,“KitsilanoIndianReserve.”

135 atSnauqwereoffered$300000in1915bytheProvincialgovernmenttomoveoffthe

Kitsilanoreserve,takeupresidenceonanotherreservewiththeconsentofthatBand, andtodisinterthebonesofIndiansburiedontheoldreserve.ByauthorityoftheIndian

Act,iftheseconditionsweremet,thereservewouldbeconsideredabandoned,andthe

landswouldreverttothecontroloftheProvincialgovernment.WhenHollandasked

ReidtocommentonSquamishallegationsthatthistransactionwasnotlegitimate,Reid respondedthat“allthedealswouldhavebeencarriedthroughexceptforthefactthat theProvincialgovernmentdidn’thavethenecessarymoniestopayfortheReserve.”36A

thirdaccountoftheeventcomesfromastatementconcerningtheKitisilano

Agreement,putoutbytheCouncilfortheSquamishNationin1999.Inthisaccount,the

ProvincialgovernmentcoercedtheSquamishintosellingthereservein1913,andthen

“putalltheKitsilanoresidentsonascowandtowedthemtotheNorthShoreandtothe

SquamishValley,afterwhichtheProvinceburnedtheirhomes.”37

 AsJeanBarmanhasclearlydemonstrated,rapidurbangrowthduringtheearly twentiethcenturyledtotheperceptionthatAboriginalreserveswereaneyesore,a hindrance,andanobstacletoprogress.Governmentofficials,localbusinessmen,and theclergycollectivelyagreedthatthereserveatFalseCreekhadtogo–andso,the

Squamishwereforciblyremoved.38By1915theKitisilanoReserve,situatedalongthe

shoresofFalseCreek,facingaquicklydevelopinganddenselypopulatedresidential

36VCA,AM0054.013.06608,MatthewsCollection,“KitsilanoIndianReserve,”Transcriptofinterviewof Mr.HamiltonReid,Barrister,byR.RoweHolland,26September,1945.  37SquamishNationNews,Bulletin7,“SquamishNation1977OmnibusTrustAction,”19November1999.  38Barman,“ErasingIndigenousIndigeneity,”6Ͳ20. 

136 district,wasemptyofanyobvioussignofsettlement.AftertheFirstWorldWar,a municipalmakeͲworkprojecttocleartheReservewascreatedtoappeaseunemployed veterans.Thebuildingsandgardensfromtheoldvillagehadalreadybeendestroyed, andsotheworkers“cutdownandburntallthebeautifultreeswhichhadtaken hundredsofyearstogrow,andwhichweretheequalofStanleyPark.”39Localresidents

soondiscoveredthattheareawasslatedforindustrialdevelopment,andbytheearly

1920sacampaignto‘save’theKitsilanoreservehadbegun.

 Between1919and1929,thiscampaignwasled,inlargepart,byVancouver’s illustriouscityarchivist,MajorJ.S.Matthews.Matthewswrotenumerouslettersto

influentialmenandnewspapers,repeatedlypetitionedgovernmentofficials,and workedtirelesslytoraisepublicawarenessinhisfighttoacquiretheReserveasapublic parkspace.40InJulyof1924,a“deputation…ofwellknownmen”attendedameetingof

theBoardofParkCommissionerstorequestthatthecitypurchasetheReservetouseas apark.ThereweremanyreasonstoturnKitsilanoReserveintoapublicpark–theneed formoreparkspaceinthisdenselypopulatedresidentialarea;theovercrowdingat nearbyKitsilanoBeach;thegrowthofthecitywestward,towardstheKitsilanoarea;and thetrafficcongestionontheGranvilleStreetbridgethatwouldeventuallyleadtothe

39VCA,547ͲCͲ4,File27,Add.MSS.336,VancouverMuseumsandPlanetariumAssociationFonds, “PresentationofHaddonPark;EarlyEffortstoSaveKitsilanoIndianReserveforPark,”LetterfromJ.S. Matthews,CityArchivist,Vancouver,toT.P.O.Menzies,Curator,CityMuseum,Vancouver,5September 1930.  40ForacompletebiographyofMajorJ.S.Matthews,seeDaphneSleigh,TheManWhoSavedVancouver: MajorJamesSkittMatthews(Vancouver:HeritageHousePublishing,2008). 

137 needforanewbridgewhichwouldconnectbothsidesofFalseCreek.41BetweenJuly

andSeptemberofthatyear,therewasaproliferationofnewspaperarticlesinsupport ofthisproposal.42Matthewshadpersonalreasonsforleadingthiscampaign–the

MatthewsfamilyhomewassituatedonMapleStreetinKitsilano,rightnexttothe reserve.Buthismotivationsalsocameoutofadeepsenseofcivicduty,andheargued thatwhilemodernizationwasapositiveforce,itneededtobebalanced.43

 Parklandswereessentialtourbandevelopmentinordertosustainstandardsof

living.MatthewssawBritishColumbiaas“thegreatestplaygroundinNorthAmerica,the

“Alps”oftheNewWorld,”wherepeoplefromthesouthandtheeastwouldcongregate inlargenumbers,toenjoythecoolsummersandmildwinters.Healsoarguedthat“the

passageoftimewillputtheIndianReservemoreandmoreinthecentreofthecityuntil finallyitwillabsolutelysurroundit.”44Forthenextfouryears,Matthewscontinuedto

leadthecampaigntosaveKitsilanoReserve,writinglettersthatwerepublishedinlocal newspapersunderpennames,agitatingforthecitytoextendtheexistingKitsilano

Beachbypurchasingthereserve,45andpetitioningtheBoardofParkCommissioners.46

41VCA,547ͲCͲ4,File27,Add.MSS.336,VancouverMuseumsandPlanetariumAssociationFonds, “PresentationofHaddonPark;EarlyEffortstoSaveKitsilanoIndianReserveforPark,”CircularfromJ.S. Matthews,CityArchivist,Vancouver,5July1924.  42VCA,547ͲCͲ4,File27,Add.MSS.336,VancouverMuseumsandPlanetariumAssociationFonds, “PresentationofHaddonPark;EarlyEffortstoSaveKitsilanoIndianReserveforPark,”Province,9July 1924;VancouverEveningSun,10July1924;Citizen,10July1924;VancouverStar,5September1924;?10 September1924.  43See,forexample,Sleigh,TheManWhoSavedVancouver,35Ͳ36.  44VCA,547ͲCͲ4,File27,Add.MSS.336,VancouverMuseumsandPlanetariumAssociationFonds, “PresentationofHaddonPark;EarlyEffortstoSaveKitsilanoIndianReserveforPark,”NotesbyJ.S. Matthews,CityArchivist,Vancouver,ontheneedforaparkinKitsilano,n.d.  45Ibid.

138 BetweenAugustandDecemberof1927,Matthewsshiftedhisfocustotwoblocksof beachfrontonOgdenStreetthatwereownedbytheCanadianPacificRailway,andwere situatedinbetweenKitsilanoBeachandtheIndianreserve.47Whilethepurchaseofthe

KitsilanoReservewasstillunderdebateatCityHall,Matthewswasconvincedthatifthe

OgdenStreetpropertieswerepurchasedasparkland,thiswouldencouragebothpublic andcityofficialsoftheneedtofurtherextendtheparkintothereservelands.

 In1928,Matthews’campaigntoturntheKitsilanoReserveintoapublicpark finallyyieldedsomeresults.Inthesummerofthatyear,HarveyHaddon,awealthy businessmanfromLondonwhohaddealingsinVancouver,purchasedtheOgdenSt. propertiesasagifttothecityforapark.48Seriousdiscussionaboutpurchasingthe

Reserve,inthenewspapersandatCityHall,alsobeganbytheendof1928.Thebiggest issueunderconsiderationatthispointwasthelegalstatusofthereserve.Therewere threepartieswhoclaimedownershipofthereserve–theprovincialgovernment,the federalgovernment,andtheSquamishIndianBand.InAugust,1928,theDailyProvince publishedanarticleontheKitsilanoReservewhichsummeduppopularopiniononthe

46VCA,547ͲCͲ4,File27,Add.MSS.336,VancouverMuseumsandPlanetariumAssociationFonds, “PresentationofHaddonPark;EarlyEffortstoSaveKitsilanoIndianReserveforPark,”LetterfromJ.S. Matthews,CityArchivist,Vancouver,toMr.W.S.Rawlings,SuperintendentoftheParksBoard, Vancouver,27March1927and14May1927;ReplyfromRawlingstoMatthews,19April1927and27 May1927.  47VCA,547ͲCͲ4,File27,Add.MSS.336,VancouverMuseumsandPlanetariumAssociationFonds, “PresentationofHaddonPark;EarlyEffortstoSaveKitsilanoIndianReserveforPark,”TheProvince,7 August1927;VancouverDaily,9August1927;LetterfromMatthewstoNewtonJ.Ker,LandAgent,CPR, Vancouver,re:purchaseof2blocksonOgdenStreet,11August1927;MorningStar,2September1927; Province,10December1927.  48VCA,547ͲCͲ4,File27,Add.MSS.336,VancouverMuseumsandPlanetariumAssociationFonds, “PresentationofHaddonPark;EarlyEffortstoSaveKitsilanoIndianReserveforPark,”LetterfromJ.S. Matthews,CityArchivist,Vancouver,toT.P.O.Menzies,Curator,CityMuseum,Vancouver,5September 1930. 

139 claimoftheIndianstothereserve.49Thearticlearguedthat“theSquamishIndians,are

already,aswardsofthegovernment,receivingallthattheyareentitledto,andallthe favorsthatcanbesafelyconferredonthem,itisdifficulttoseehowtheycanbenefit fromthesaleoftheKitsilanoReserve.”Further,therewasthequestionofequity–the reservewasvaluedat$700000,butthisvaluewasattributed“neithertotheIndiansor thePeopleofCanada,butthepeopleofVancouver!”50Thevalueofthereservederived fromthegrowthandprosperityofthecityofVancouver,aresultoftheinvestmentof theresidentsofcity–ademographicinwhichtheIndianswerenotincluded.Thus,

Indianclaimtothereservewasrejectedinpopulardiscourse,butremainedanissuein

theofficialnegotiationsbecauseofaprovincialͲfederaldisputeoverlandtitleand reversionaryinterest.

 Inlightofthecity’snewfounddesiretopurchasethereserve,the

“abandonment”ofthereservebytheSquamishinthe1910sbecameapointof contention.Duringtheearlystagesofnegotiation,theProvinceclaimedownershipof

thereservebasedonHamiltonReid’saccountofeventsoccurringin1915.Whetheror

nottheProvincepaidtheSquamishresidentsofSnauqintheendwasimmaterial;the reservewaslegallyabandoned,andtheProvinceclaimedreversionaryinterestin accordancewithIndianActregulations.TheDominiongovernment,however,asserted thattitlewasnotlegallysurrendered,andclaimedinterestinthereserveonbehalfof

49See,forexample,Harris,MakingNativeSpace,236;JeanBarman,StanleyPark’sSecret:TheForgotten FamiliesofWhoiWhoi,KanakaRanchandBrocktonPoint(MadeiraPark:HarbourPublishing2005),106Ͳ 107.  50VCA,547ͲCͲ4,File27,Add.MSS.336,VancouverMuseumsandPlanetariumAssociationFonds, “PresentationofHaddonPark;EarlyEffortstoSaveKitsilanoIndianReserveforPark,”TheDailyProvince, “KitsilanoReserve,”11August1928.

140 theSquamishBand.Uponfurtherinvestigation,itwasdiscoveredbyoneofthecity’s lawyers,L.G.McPhillips,thatthepreviousprovincialgovernmentunderPremierJohnD.

McLeanhadpassedanOrderinCouncilagreeingtoturnovertheirreversionary interestsintheReservetotheDominionGovernmentforthesumof$350000.

McPhillipswasunclear“bywhatprocessofreasoningthelateGovernmentactedinthis

way,”51andconfidedhissuspicionstotheMayorofVancouver,W.H.Malkin,thatit seemed“tobeaveryextraordinaryperformanceastheProvincialGovernmentforthe sumof$350000withoutinterestagreedtoconveytotheDominionpropertyworth

$720000inorderthattheymaymaketheCitypaythatsumtothem.”52

 Thus,despitepublicopinionthattheIndianshadnolegitimateinterestinthe proceedsofthesaleofthereserve,becausetheDominiongovernmenthadlegalclaim totheProvince’sreversionaryinterestsastrusteesfortheSquamishBand,thereserve wasnow“subjecttoalltheprovisionsofthe“IndianAct”and[could]notbesold withouttheconsentoftheIndiansgivenbyformalsurrender.”53GeorgeMcCrossan,

counselforthecity,immediatelyadvisedthatasubcommitteebeappointed“to officiallyinterviewtheIndiansandtorequesttheopportunityofattendinganofficial conferencewiththemandtheofficialsoftheIndianAffairsBranch,wherethewhole mattermightbediscussedinafriendlyway.”McCrossanspecificallyadvisedthat

51VCA,33ͲAͲ5,File5,MayorSeries483,“SaleoftheKitsilanoReservetotheCity,”LetterfromR.H. Pooley,AttorneyGeneral,Victoria,toL.G.McPhillips,Esq.,K.C.,Vancouver,19December1928.  52VCA,33ͲAͲ5,File5,MayorSeries483,“SaleoftheKitsilanoReservetotheCity,”LetterfromL.G. MacPhillips,Vancouver,toMayorW.H.Malkin,CityHall,Vancouver,28December1928.  53VCA,33ͲAͲ5,File5,MayorSeries483,“SaleoftheKitsilanoReservetotheCity,”LetterfromChas. Stewart,MinisteroftheInterior,SuperintendentGeneralofIndianAffairs,Ottawa,toWilliamMcQueen, CityClerk,CityHall,Vancouver,22January1929. 

141 AndrewPaullbecontacted,as“therepresentativeoragentoftheIndiansthemselves,” throughAldermanDeanwhowas“wellacquaintedwithMr.AndyPaul[sic]andmight beabletogivetheCommitteesomefurtherinformation,asheknowstheirattitude.”54

PaullandtheSquamishBandCouncil,ofcourse,hadbeenformallypetitioningthe federalgovernmentforAboriginallandtitleforseveralparcelsofland,includingthe

KitsilanoReserve,sinceatleast1923.BythetimeMcCrossan’ssubcommitteemetwith them,PaullandtheBandCouncilwerefamiliarwiththeextentoftheirlegalrightsas

Indians.ThesubcommitteepresentedtheSquamishBandCouncilwithaproposalin earlyJanuary,1929.Theproposaloffereda$400000purchaseprice,tobepaidona10 yearpaymentplanwithoutinterest,andaclausethat“theCity…havetheimmediate useandoccupationoftheReserveforpublicpurposes.”55

 TheSquamishBandCounciltookalmost3monthstorespondtothisproposal, andwhentheydid,theirdemandswereclearandfirm.Thecity’ssubcommittee, consistingofMayorMalkin,AldermanDean,andAldermanLembkemetwithIndian

AffairsSuperintendentGeneralDuncanC.ScottandrepresentativesoftheSquamish

BandCouncil,includingAndrewPaull,onthe29thofMarch,1929.56Atthismeeting,

theywerepresentedwiththeresolutionoftheSquamishtribe,passedunanimouslyfive

54VCA,33ͲAͲ5,File5,MayorSeries483,“SaleoftheKitsilanoReservetotheCity,”LetterfromGeorgeE. McCrossan,CorporationCounsel,CityLawDepartment,Vancouver,toWilliamMcQueen,CityClerk,City Hall,Vancouver,1February1929.  55VCA,33ͲAͲ5,File5,MayorSeries483,“SaleoftheKitsilanoReservetotheCity,”LetterfromGeorgeE. McCrossan,CorporationCounsel,CityLawDepartment,VancouvertoCharlesStewart,Ministerofthe Interior,Ottawa,5January1929.  56VCA,33ͲAͲ5,File5,MayorSeries483,“SaleoftheKitsilanoReservetotheCity,”LetterfromMayor W.H.Malkin,CityHall,Vancouver,toWilliamMcQueen,CityClerk,CityHall,Vancouver,21March,1929. 

142 daysearlier.Theresolutiondemandedapurchasepriceof$750000.Apaymentplan wasagreeable,buttheSquamishBandwouldbepaid$400000first,andtheDominion toProvincepaymentof$350000forreversionaryinterestswastobepaidonlyafterthe bandhadbeenpaid.57TheresponseoftheCitytothisresolutionindicatesthedegreeof

authorityheldbytheSquamishBandCouncilinthisparticularinstance.Ratherthan showinganyanimositythattheiroriginalproposalwasrejected,theCityappearsto havebeengratefultohavehadthismeeting.Inhissubcommitteereportfromthe

March29thmeeting,McCrossanasserts:

 Thisisthefirsttimeadefiniteproposalofapracticalnaturehasbeenreceived

 bytheCity,andthefirsttimeanydirectcontacthasbeenmadewithauthorized

 representativesoftheIndians.Yourcommitteeconsidersitveryfortunatethat

 theywereabletomeetatthesametimetheDeputySuperintendentGeneral

 andofficialsoftheDepartmentofIndianAffairsandauthorizedrepresentatives

 oftheIndiansthemselves.58

Further,insteadoftryingtodecreasepaymentstotheSquamishBand,theCityinstead madevariousattemptstowaivethe$350000totheDominionthatwouldthengoto payingtheProvinceforreversionaryinterests.59

57VCA,33ͲAͲ5,File5,MayorSeries483,“SaleoftheKitsilanoReservetotheCity,”Resolutionofthe SquamishTribeRelativetotheSaleoftheReserve,24March1929.  58VCA,33ͲAͲ5,File5,MayorSeries483,“SaleoftheKitsilanoReservetotheCity,”LetterfromGeorgeE. McCroassan,CorporationCounsel,CityHall,Vancouver,toWilliamMcQueen,CityClerk,CityHall, Vancovuer,25March1929.  59VCA,33ͲAͲ5,File5,MayorSeries483,“SaleoftheKitsilanoReservetotheCity,”LetterfromGeorgeE. McCroassan,CorporationCounsel,CityHall,Vancouver,toMayorW.H.Malkin,CityHall,Vancouver,5 April,1929;andLetterfromGeorgeE.McCroassan,CorporationCounsel,CityHall,Vancouver,toMayor W.H.Malkin,CityHall,Vancouver,25September1929.

143  TheonsetoftheGreatDepressionputaholdonnegotiations,asfundsforpublic

parksweredifficultfortheeconomicallystrugglingcitytojustify.Anassessmentofthe reservemadeinOctober1929setthevalueofthispropertyat$250000,apricethat wasdeemedunacceptabletotheSquamishBandCouncil.60Thecityexpropriatedaright

ofwaythroughtheReservefortheBurrardStreetBridgeinNovember,andpaidthe

Squamishcompensationfordamagesandlosses.61Afterthispoint,thepapertrailfor theKitsilanopurchasedisappearsforsevenyears,untiltheproblemofcrimeand squattersonthereserverenewedmunicipalinterestintheproperty.Inthesummerof

1936,theVancouverPoliceDepartmentundertheleadershipofChiefConstableW.W.

FosterdeterminedthattheKitsilanoReservehadbecome“amenacetotheCity”anda

“hiveoninequity[sic].”62

 FosterassertedthattheovergrownbrushontheReservecreatedaperfect

hidingplaceforpettycriminals,andthattheIndianAffairsBranchshouldbeforcedto

takeontheresponsibilityofclearingthearea.ByNovemberofthatyear,approvaland fundshadbeensecuredfromtheIndianAffairsBranch,butthereremainedtheproblem

ofevictingthe87nonͲAboriginalsquatterswhowerecurrentlylivingontheReserve.

ThesquatterssentapetitiontoCityHall“forastayofevictionproceedingsonthe promisetomovepeaceablyonMarch31st,1937,”whichwouldallowthemtostay

60VCA,33ͲAͲ5,File5,MayorSeries483,“SaleoftheKitsilanoReservetotheCity,”LetterfromJ.W.Allen, VancouverRealEstateExchangeLimited,toMayorW.H.Malkin,CityHall,Vancouver,9October1929.  61VCA,112ͲDͲ5,File3,LawDepartmentSeries481,CopyofResolutionpassedbytheCounciloftheCity ofVancouver,13October1930.  62VCA,75ͲDͲ4,File17,PoliceBoardSeries181,“”JungleontheKitsilanoIndianReserve,”LetterfromH.S. Wood,PoliceMagistrate,Vancouver,toA.Grundy,ActingChiefConstable,Vancouver,27June1936. 

144 throughthewinter.Theirrequestwasgranted.63BytheendofApril,however,there

werestill16individualssquattingonthereserve.Ofthese,5werechildren,andonewas an89yearoldman.ThesewerenotthecriminalsenvisionedbyFoster.Mostofthem claimedthattheywerelookingforwork,andwouldleaveiftheycouldfindsome work.64Theseremainingsquatterswereevictedbyforce,butbythesummer,four floats,fiveshacks,fourboatsandacabinhadappearedontheReserve,whichhad

“beenputinthisplacesincethereservewascleared.Theownersaremostlyengagedin fishing.Theysaytheywouldmoveoutimmediatelyiftheyknewwheretheycouldgo.”65

 AswiththesaleoftheKitsilanoReserve,however,thecityneededtoget approvalfromtheSquamishBandinordertoproceedwiththecleanͲupandevictions.

Onthe31stDecember,1936,theVancouverParksBoardsentalettertotheSquamish

BandCouncilrequestingpermission.TheCounciltookalmost2monthstorespond,and didso,again,intheformofaresolution.Thisresolution,liketheresolutionpertaining tothesaleoftheReserve,demonstratedaclearunderstandingofthelegaland economicinterestsoftheSquamishpeople.Theresolutiongavepermissiononlyunder thefollowingconditions–theBandwouldnotbechargedforthecleanͲup;Indians wouldbeemployedonthecleanͲup;theSquamishCouncilhadtherighttoterminate

63VCA,115ͲCͲ1,File13,LawDepartmentSeries480,LetterfromFredHowett,ActingCityClerk, Vancouver,toD.E.McTaggart,Esq.,CorporationCounsel,Vancouver,10November1936.  64VCA,33ͲDͲ3,File5,MayorSeries483,“RemovalofSquattersfromKitsilanoReserve,1937Ͳ1938,”Letter fromA.Grundy,DeputyChiefConstable,Vancouver,toMayorGeorgeC.Miller,CityHall,Vancouver,28 April1937;LetterfromCorporationCounsel,Vancouver,toE.G.H.Verner,EngineeringDepartment, Vancouver,29April1937;LetterfromDeputyMinister,DepartmentofLands,Victoria,toMayorGeorge C.Miller,CityHall,Vancouver,7May1937.  65VCA,33ͲDͲ3,File5,MayorSeries483,“RemovalofSquattersfromKitsilanoReserve,1937Ͳ1938,”Letter fromA.Grundy,DeputyChiefConstable,Vancouver,toAldermanJ.W.Cornett,ActingMayor,Vancouver, 15June1937;Also,letterfromMayortoA.WellsGray,MinisterofLands,Victoria,22June1937.

145 theprojectatanytime;theCouncilandIndianAffairsBranchwouldretaincontroland ownershipoftheReserve;andthesitewouldnotbeusedasapublicparkorbathing beach.InconclusiontheCouncilassertedthattheyhaddecidedtoallowthecleanͲup becauseifthereservewas“madecleananddecentinappearance,itseemstousthatit willonlymakethepublicmoredesirousofobtainingitandhastening[sic]thedaywhen themoneywillbeforthcomingforthatpurpose.”66

 TheKitsilanoReservewasnotsurrenderedbytheSquamishpeopleuntiltheyear

2000,andinthesixdecadesthatensuedbetween,thelandinquestionwaseffectively expropriatedbynonͲAboriginalinterestsanddevelopment.Yet,theastutebusiness savvyoftheSquamishBandCouncilduringtheinterwareranegotiationsindicatesa

highdegreeofpoliticalandeconomicadaptationamongtheSquamishleadership.This factcontradictstheideaheldbyIndianAffairsofficialsthattheIndianshadfailedto assimilatebecausethenumberofindividualswhowereenfranchisedremainedsolow.

Theofficialfailureofassimilationviaenfranchisementdidnotcorrespondwiththe

realityofintegration.TheSquamishBandCouncilitselfwasanexampleofadaptation,a formoforganizationpatternedafternonͲAboriginalCanadiansociety.TheCouncilwas organizedin1923andconsistedofsixteenSquamishchiefs;itschiefpurposewasto

“transacttheaffairsof[theSquamish]peopleincooperationwiththeIndian

Department.”67Thus,theCouncil’sroleinnegotiationsoverthereserveprovides

66VCA,33ͲDͲ3,File5,MayorSeries483,“RemovalofSquattersfromKitsilanoReserve,1937Ͳ1938,” ResolutionoftheSquamishIndianCouncil,CouncilHouse,SquamishIndianReserve,22February1937.  67“WhoCanRepresentaFirstNationBeforetheCourts?TheSquamishCase:TeKiapilanoqv.British Columbia”in20January2008. 

146 evidenceofthechangingsituationoftheAboriginalcommunityinthisperiod,whereby assimilationwasoccurring,butontermsestablishedbytheSquamishthemselves.

 AnotherclearexampleofthisselfͲdirectedassimilationwastheappointmentof

AndrewPaullasintermediary,anactthatshowedbothforesightandawillingnesson

thepartoftheSquamishtoworkwithintheparametersofnonͲAboriginalinstitutions andworldviews.SquamishresistancetononͲAboriginalintrusionontheirlandsusing theskillsandknowledgeofthecolonizersbeganwiththefirstsignsofEuropean settlement,andcontinuedthroughoutthetwentiethcentury.Thisformofresistance wasnotparticularlyunusualinBritishColumbia–itwascarriedoutbymanyAboriginal groups,forexampletheNisga’aandtheOkanagantribes.68Despitethisactiveand

prolongedprocessofadaptationandresistance,however,Aboriginalgroupsmadelittle

headwaywiththegovernmentinregardstothelandquestion.AsColeHarrishas adeptlydemonstrated,thedistributionoflandinBritishColumbiaattheendofthe

1930swas“animposedgeography,aproductofacolonialencounter,onethatNative

peoplehadresistedandevenhadshapedinsomedetails,buthadnotbeenableto stop.”69 

 Despiteofficialrhetoric,then,thatintegrationwasthesupposedgoalofIndian

Affairspolicy,assimilationwas,asJeanBarmanhasargued,“aholdingaction”in

68See,forexample,Barman,TheWestBeyondtheWest,162Ͳ164;LiLynnWan,“Space,Power,andthe EmergenceoftheLiberalOrder:AComparativeStudyoftheOkanaganandtheMi’kmaq,1870Ͳ1890” (M.A.thesis,DalhousieUniversity,2005).  69Harris,MakingNativeSpace,261. 

147 disguise.70TheregulationssurroundingthereservesinBritishColumbiawerenot structuredinsuchawayastoencourageeconomicselfͲsufficiency,oneofthesupposed goalsofenfranchisement.Instead,bothlandandassimilationpoliciesfunctionedto stifleanypossibilityofeconomicdevelopmentamongAboriginalcommunities.The twentiethͲcenturypoliciesoftheIndianAffairsBranchevolvedoutofalongͲstanding colonialtraditionwithintellectualrootsinpaternalism,racism,andevolutionism–what

DavidMayburyͲLewishastermed‘neoͲevolutionism.’Thiswayofthinkingdictatesthat indigenouspeoplesneedtoovercometheirinherent‘backwardness’;thus,“an indigenoussocietyisurgedtoabandonitstraditionalwayoflifeandoftenitslanguage aswell,usuallyinthehopethatindoingsoitwillceasetoexistasasocietyaltogether.

Itsindividualmembers,nownolongerembeddedintheirbackwardsociety,will disappearintothepopulationoftherestofthecountry.”71InVancouver,attemptsto

putthistheoryintopracticeduringthe1920sand30swereconfrontedwithaseriesof

contradictions.

 FortheSquamishBandCouncil,acontradictionwasinherentintheirattemptto

exerteconomicandpoliticalpowerasIndiansthroughasystemandsetofinstitutions designedtosubordinateindividualsbecauseoftheiridentityasIndians.Eventhoughthe

SquamishBandCouncilwereabletoassertsomedegreeofcontrolintheKitsilano

Reservenegotiations,theirpositionwasfundamentallycompromised,andthe representativesofnonͲAboriginalsocietyultimatelydictatedthefateofthereserve.

70Barman,TheWestBeyondtheWest,173.  71DavidMayburyͲLewis,IndigenousPeoples,EthnicGroups,andtheState(Boston:Allyn&Bacon,2002), 13.

148 Thisresultwas,toasignificantextent,determinedbytheascribedlegalidentity,and therightsandrestrictionstherein,oftheIndian.However,thefactofalegallyascribed racialidentityisnotsufficienttoexplainthescaleandfrequencyoflandexpropriation asitoccurredthroughouttheprovinceduringthesedecades.Thepopularimageofthe

Indian,generatedthroughpubliccommemorationandexhibition,wasofan‘authentic’

Indian.ThisIndianidentitywasincompatiblewiththerealityofmodernCanadian society,andthus,thistypeofIndianeithernolongerexisted,orwasvanishingasa resultofprogress–thesuccessofcolonization,urbanization,industrialization,andthe

establishmentofacapitalisteconomy.ThemythoftheVanishingIndianservedto justifytheexpropriationoftheKitsilanoReserveasamatterofsocialevolutioninthe publicmind.Yet,becausethe‘authentic’Indianidentityclaimedanessential‘IndianͲ ness’basedinpreͲEuropeanhistory,italsoprovidedadiscourseofresistance.

   ConflatingRaceandPlace

 AsColeHarrishasargued,thecoreofsettlercolonialism“isaboutthe displacementofpeoplefromtheirlandanditsrepossessionbyothers…Indianreserves wereattheheartofcolonialisminBritishColumbia.”72Fromthisperspective,there weretwodistinctgeographiesatplay–acolonialgeographyandanAboriginal geography.Onewasdisplacedbytheother,buteachexistedatsomepoint“bothonthe

72Harris,MakingNativeSpace,xxivͲxxv. 

149 groundandintheimagination.”73Whattranspiredovernearlysevendecades,between thefirstreservessurveyedbytheHudson’sBayCompanyandtheconveyancebythe provinceofreservelandstotheDominionin1938,wasthattheAboriginalgeography wasbeingsupersededonbothoftheselevelsofexistence.Thefightoverlandoccurred

onthegroundinOttawa,theProvincialLegislatureinVictoria,andCityHallin

Vancouver,throughadvocacyforlandtitleandnegotiationsoverthesaleofreserve lands.Atthesametime,indifferentbutequallycontradictoryways,theAboriginal geographywasalsobeingactivelyrestoredinthepopularimagination.

 MajorJ.S.Matthews’archivalcollectionentitled“BeforetheWhitemansCame,” wasassembledin1932Ͳ1933.Thecollectionwasprimarilyacompilationoflocations anddescriptionsof“IndianVillages,”landmarks,andplaceͲnamesaroundthecityof

Vancouver.Alsoincludedweretranscriptsofinterviewsandconversationsbetween

Matthewsandthe“followinggentlemen…Rev.C.M.Tate,EarlyIndianMissionary;

ProfessorChas.HillTout;AndrewPaull(Qoitchetahl)Secretary,SquamishIndian

Council;J.F.C.Ball,IndianAgent,Vancouver;AugustJack,Kitsilano;andYahmas,

Queyahchulk,ChilahmunstandAyatak.”74Thesetranscriptsprovidedaccountsoffirst contact,withJamesCookatNootka,GeorgeVancouveratFirstNarrows,andSimon

FraserontheFraserRiver;preͲcontactfishing,hunting,gatheringpractices;theorigins ofnames,likeCapilanoandKitsilano;familyhistories;memoirsfromthe‘earlydays’of whitesettlement;andmythsandlegendssurroundingcertainplacesandlandmarks.

73Ibid.,xvii.  74VCAAM0054.013.06588,MatthewsCollection,“BeforetheWhitemansCame,”Introduction,signedJ.S. Matthews,KitsilanoBeach,1933. 

150 Theinformationwasthencompiled,byMatthews,intoanarrativeaccountwrittenfor popularconsumptionandtocommemoratesuchciviceventsastheanniversaryof

CaptainGeorgeVancouver’slandingatNootkaSound.Thisnarrativeaccount–also entitled“BeforetheWhitemansCame”–wasastoryofpeacefulconquest,the unfoldingofEuropeandestiny,andthetriumphofprogressforWesterncivilization.75

 Beyonditsimmediatepurposeofengenderingasenseoftherightofconquest, aswellascivicunityandpridebyaffirmingacommonheritageamongstwhite

Vancouverites,Matthews’collectionwasinformedbysalvageethnography.Thisbranch ofethnologywasadominantelementofCanadiananthropologythroughoutthe twentiethcentury.Between1910and1925,EdwardSapirworkedasChiefof

AnthropologyfortheCanadianNationalMuseum.SapirwasanAmericananthropologist whowastrainedunderFranzBoas.Boas,Sapir,andMariusBarbeau,oneofCanada’s mostprominentanthropologists,wereleadingfiguresinthepracticeofsalvage ethnography.Beginninginthelatenineteenthcentury,anthropologicalprojectswere

informedbytheideathattraditionalindigenouscultureswerebeingrapidlydestroyed bymodernization.Thusbeganapanicto‘salvage’allremnantsofindigenouscultures, includingsongs,artifacts,clothing,legendsandmyths,placenames,andlanguage.

Whatwassalvaged,however,wasalwaysselective.Forexample,asAndrewNursehas

argued,Barbeau’sreconstructionoftraditionalHuronͲWyandotculture,undertaken between1911and1914,was“createdinhisimaginationandinthearchivesandartifact collectionsoftheAnthropologyDivision,whichdidnotreflectthecomplexityofhis

75VCAAM0054.013.06588,MatthewsCollection,“BeforetheWhitemansCame,”Draft. 

151 informants’lives.”76Barbeau’sconceptionoftraditionalculture–aswascommon amonganthropologistsofthetime–wasonethatwasassumedtobestaticand incapableofadaptation,becausechangewouldindicateacorruptionofauthenticity.

Thus,thelogicalconclusionthatanthropologistscametoagainandagainwasthat traditionalindigenouscultures(and,bydefault,identities)wereextinct,orwellontheir way.

Regardlessofindividualanthropologists’intentions,theimageoftheIndian createdbysalvageethnographyhadasignificantinfluenceongovernmentpolicy.The

IndianAffairsBranch’sgoalofassimilatingtheIndians,administeredthrough enfranchisementandthereserveandresidentialschoolsystems,wasbasedonthe notionthattraditionalculturewasextinctorintheprocessofdisappearing.However, anotheraspectofsalvageethnographywastheideathattraditionalculturewas incompatiblewithmainstreammodernCanadiansociety.Thisconceptualopposition canbereadinMatthews’collection,whenanalysedasasiteofresistance.This

resistancetooktheformofassertionsofanIndianidentitywhoseessenceandrights derivedfromapreͲEuropeanexistence.Intheinterviewsandconversationswith individualslikeAndrewPaullandAugustJack,bothSquamishwhohadlivedatSnauq, twoassertionsofresistanceweremostapparentwhichparallelthesentimentsthat aroseoutoftheIndianartsandcraftsmovement.First,therewasaconvictionthatthe

Indianidentitywasdeeplyintertwinedwithasenseofplace.Theseconnectionstothe landwereprimordial–traditionallandusepracticesandsacredsites,identifiedthrough

76AndrewNurse,““ButNowThingsHaveChanged”:MariusBarbeauandthePoliticsofAmerindian Identity”inEthnohistory48:3(Summer2001):444.

152 oraltradition,andthereͲmappingofthelandwithplacenamesthathadlongͲsince

“falleninto…disuse.”77Second,therewasanarticulationofmoralitythatcondemned colonizationandmodernity.Thismoralitywasexpressedthroughaccountsofmythsand spiritualbeliefs,aswellasinmoreimmediateconcernsaboutbasicsurvivalasapeople whohadbeenforciblydispossessedfromtheirland.

TheprojectofcompilingSquamishplacenamesbeganin1932,andtooknearlya yeartocomplete.Thiswasajointproject,betweenJ.S.Matthewsascityarchivistand theSquamishIndianCouncil.Intheend,250placeswereidentifiedandmappedinand aroundVancouver,alongwithanyinformationthatcouldbefoundabouttheorigins,

traditionaluse,andspiritualsignificanceofthatplace.Whenthisprojectwasbeing carriedout,onlyoneSquamishplacenamewasstillinusebynonͲAboriginalCanadians

–thevillageofMusqueam.Matthewsdiligentlyinterviewed“alargenumberof

Indians,”particularlyagroupofadozenorsoelders,aswellas“twoorthreewhite pioneers”toidentifytheseplacenamesanddeterminetheirlocationandspelling.

Throughoutthisproject,AndrewPaullactedasMatthews’informantaswellas interpreter.Atthecompletionoftheproject,SquamishChiefMatthiasJoeCapilano allegedlydeclared:“Thatwasapartofourhistorywhichhadbeenlost;wehaveitnow.”

TheSquamishCouncilthenpassedaresolutionofthankstothecityarchivist.78

Salvagingplacenameswas,forMatthews,ananthropologicalprojectthathad

valueinthefactthatindigenousgeographywasnolongerinuse.Valuewasattributed

77VCAAM0054.013.06588,MatthewsCollection,“BeforetheWhitemansCame,”Introduction,signedJ.S. Matthews,KitsilanoBeach,1933.  78Ibid. 

153 toitsextinction,tothefactthattheseplacenamesrepresentedaremnantofadying culture.But,forAboriginalpeople–forthemembersoftheSquamishCouncil,andthe

SquamishBand;andfortheelderswhowereinterviewed,likeAugustJack79and

AndrewPaull–thiscollectionofplacenamesrepresentedthesurvivalofaculture.For

JackandPaull,theplacenameprojectwasalsoamethodofdecolonization–ofreͲ mappingSquamishterritoryasresistancetoanoppressivecolonialgeography.This understandingofgeography,rootedinpreͲEuropeansettlement,wasatthecoreof

Paull’songoingcampaignforAboriginaltitletotheland.WhereasMatthewsunderstood

Squamishplacenamesasalogisticalmatter–“apracticenolessnecessitousto residentsinawildernessclothedinforestthannamesforstreetsanddistrictsinacity aretous”80—thisprojecthadadeepermeaningfortheSquamishpeople.

Forexample,whenMatthewsaskedAugustJackabout‘Chulks,’alsocalledErwin

Point,nearKewbeachinWestVancouver,Jackrespondedwithastoryaboutaboulder:

Whenthegodswerefixingthegeographyoftheearththeythrewthisstoneat

 thetopofthemountain…ThestonemissedthemountainandlandedatChulks,

 andisthereyet.Oneofthegodsputtheboulderinasling,andthenswungthe

 slingaroundandaroundhisheadtoworkupspeedandforce;somehowthe

 slingasitflewtouchedsomething;somesaytheraven’swing…andthebigstone

79AugustJackwasalsocalledAugustKitsilano.InaconversationwithJ.S.Matthews,Auguststates:“The nameIgobyordinarilyisAugustJack,thatis,August,sonofSuppleJack,butaccordingtothe WhitemansmanslawIshouldbeAugustKitsilano,andIhaveassumedthatname,sometimessigningmy nameKitsilano,usuallyHaatsalano.”SeeVCAAM0054.013.06588,MatthewsCollection,“Beforethe WhitemansCame,”RemarksofAugustKitsilano,(n.d.).ThenameAugustJackwillbeusedthroughoutthe text,andAugustJack(Kitsilano)inthereferences.  80Ibid. 

154  missedthemountain,andnowyouseeitinthecrevage[sic]…Thatshowsyou

 whatpowertheSquamishIndianshadinthosedays.Thatpower.Yousee,in

 thosedaysSquamishIndianswereverypowerful.81

ForJack,aswithmanyindigenouspeoples,placewas“intertwinedwithmemoriesand associations,stories,propertyrights,thedoingsofthe[people]fromthetimeoftheir creationaccounts.”82Placewasthefoundationofacommonidentity.Theuseoflegend andmythwasaforminwhichtoconveythesememories,associations,stories,property rights,anddoingsinawaythatencouragedasenseofcommunitythroughthe productionanddisseminationofacommonheritage.Inthecontextofforced displacement,aswasacentralaspectofcolonialisminBritishColumbia,place,andthe variousmeaningsthatareattachedtoaplace,alsobecameadiscourseofresistance.

ThisdiscoursewasanassertionofabeliefsystemthatwasantiͲcolonialandantiͲ capitalist.Forexample,inAndrewPaull’saccountofthearrivalofCaptainVancouverat

NootkaSoundin1792,hedescribesthe“traditionamongtheIndiansofearlydaysthat acalamityofsomesortwouldbefallthemeverysevenyears;onceitwasaflood,on anotheroccasiondiseasewipedoutWhoiͲwhoi…ItsohappenedthatCapt.Vancouver

visit[ed]in1792cameinthe‘seventhyear’theyearinwhichsomecalamitywas expected.”83Thismomentofcontact,whichrepresentsthebeginningofcolonization,is

81VCAAM0054.013.06588,MatthewsCollection,“BeforetheWhitemansCame,”InterviewwithAugust Jack(Kitsilano),1932.  82Harris,MakingNativeSpace,xvii.  83VCAAM0054.013.06588,MatthewsCollection,“BeforetheWhitemansCame,”Conversationwith AndrewPaull(AndrewQoitchetahl),Vancouver,13thDecember1932. 

155 describedbyPaullasacalamity–acontrasttoMatthews’descriptionofthissame historicmomentasbeing“thethresholdofagreatachievement.”84Inanotherexample,

aftergivinganaccountofthelegendassociatedwithSiwashRockinStanleyPark,Jim

FranksdeclaredtoMatthews,“I’mIndian,notSiwash.Myfacetothefront;mybody behind.Imayhaveblackface,butitinthefront…whitemanscallme“Siwash,”Isayto

him“Gotohell.””85Inthisstaunchdeclarationofdefiancetoaderogatoryraciallabelis

interestingtonotethatFranksclaimedanIndianidentity,ratherthanaSquamish identity.

ThemoststrikingarticulationsofmoralityandresistanceinMatthews’collection arefoundindiscussionsaboutfoodandwork,thetwomostpressingconcernsonthe

mindsofmanyresidentsofVancouverduringtheseDepressionyears.Foodand sustenance,inpreͲEuropeanindigenouslifeways,wereinextricablytiedtoplace,orthe land.Manyoftheconversationsandinterviewstranscribedin“BeforetheWhitemans

Came”havetodowiththehunting,fishing,collecting,gathering,processing, distributing,andabundanceoffoodpriortoEuropeansettlement.DickIsaacs,a75Ͳyear oldSquamishmanlivingontheNorthVancouverReserve,recounted:“Oh,lotsoffood inthosedays;walkrightuptobearanddeer,andshoot,himfalldown,noscared.No noisethen;heneverheargun…Indianjustwalkrightupwithbowandarrow;shootjust likewalkuptamecow.Shootduckjustsame.Indianverygoodwithbowandarrow.”

DickIsaacsalsorelatedastorytoMatthewsaboutthefirstSquamishsettlementat

84VCAAM0054.013.06588,MatthewsCollection,“BeforetheWhitemansCame,”Draft.  85VCAAM0054.013.06588,MatthewsCollection,“BeforetheWhitemansCame,”InterviewwithJim Franks,twentiethNovember1932. 

156 Snauq,aplacethatwaschosenbecauseithad“plentyfood,landofplenty.”86Similarly,

afterdescribingSquamishbutchering,gutting,drying,andsmokingprocessesformeat

andsalmon,AugustJackcommented,“Indianshadplentyherelongago…lotsof food.”87TheabundancethatcharacterizedpreͲEuropeanlifeways,whentheIndianlived offtheland,wasthencontrastedwiththepovertyoftheDepressionera.

ForAugustJack,theproblemsoftheDepressionwerelinkedtothealienationof theconsumerfromtheproductionoffood,anoutcomeofmodernizationandthe

capitalisteconomy.AsJackasserted,“whiteman’sfoodchangeeverything.”88Inthelate

nineteenthcenturymostAboriginalpeopleinBritishColumbialivedinruralareasand werenoteconomicallydependentonthegovernmentortheemergingcapitalist market.Instead,thesepeoplewereactivelyengagedinavarietyofselfͲdirected productiveactivities.Inthissense,Aboriginalpeoplewerenotthedependentwards

describedintheIndianAct.Theyconstitutedthemajorityofworkersand agriculturalists,producedmarketablegoodssuchasfishandotherfoodsupplies,and, untilthelandquestionwasdealtwith,werethedefactoproprietorsofmuchofthe

86VCAAM0054.013.06588,MatthewsCollection,“BeforetheWhitemansCame,”ConversationwithDick Isaacs,translatorAndrewPaull,7thNovember1932.  87VCAAM0054.013.06588,MatthewsCollection,“BeforetheWhitemansCame,”Conversationwith AugustJack(Kitsilano)26thOctober1932.  88Ibid. 

157 land.89DickIsaacsremembersselfͲsufficiencyand“plentyofmowich(food)here” beforetheturnofthecentury.90

Bythe1930s,however,thingshadchanged.Thereserveswerecutbackoverthe

decades,untilmostwereincapableofsupportingthecommunitiesassignedtothem.

Huntingandfishinggroundsweretakenoverbyagricultureanddevelopment,and wildlifeandfishstocksdeclinedandwereregulated.Jackhimselfwas“lookingforajob,

hadagoodstandofcedaruptheSquamishRiver,butcouldgetnoonetobuyhislogs; washarduphimself;hadtogototheIndianofficetogetmoneyforfood.”This,despite being,asMatthewsdescribeshim,“asplendidmanlyIndianofsoundsense,excellent character,hardworker,andwellregardedbythosewhohavedealingswithhim.Mrs.

AugustKitsilanoisanequallyinterestingcharacter,amostpicturesqueelderlyladyof quietdemeanor,andquitepretty.”91Jack’saccountsofAboriginalpeoples’first reactionstoEuropeanfoodswerecharacterizedwithadarkhumour–teabiscuitsthat theIndiansusedastargetsforshootingpractice,orthoughtwerebones;molassesthat theIndiansthoughtwasmedicine;andjamthattheIndianstookforblood.These

89RolfKnight,IndiansatWork:AnInformalHistoryofNativeLabourinBritishColumbia1858Ͳ1930 (Vancouver:NewStarBooks,1996),114Ͳ121.  90VCAAM0054.013.06588,MatthewsCollection,“BeforetheWhitemansCame,”Conversationwith AugustJack(Kitsilano)26thOctober1932,addendum.  91VCAAM0054.013.06588,MatthewsCollection,“BeforetheWhitemansCame,”Conversationwith AugustJack(Kitsilano)26thOctober1932. 

158 accountsalsocontainanunderlyingcriticismofindustrializationandmodernization:the

wastefulnessofwhitemethodsoffoodproductionandtheproblemofconsumerism.92

ForpeoplelikeAugustJack,whowasunemployedandlivingontheKitsilano

Reserveinatentaslateas1937,colonization,industrialization,andmodernization meantthelossofselfͲsufficiency.93Inotherwords,beforethe‘whitemans’came,there was“lotsoffoodthemdays;IndiansnogoCityHallforrelief.”Thissenseofnostalgiais reiteratedbyMatthewsinhisnarrative,butmoderatedbythenecessityofconquest.

Matthewsagrees,“thatseventhyearwasthemostcalamitousofalltheirunnumbered

years;theendoftheirancientrace.”However,heseesthisasinevitable,theworkof

“thehandoffate,”whichhad,“sincethedawnoftime,reservedtheNewWorld,vacant andempty,foranewhomefortheEuropeanpeople…Andthewhitemans18thcentury

gavebirthtoanewandgranderepochinthechronicleofthehumanrace.”94



Conclusion

Thedifferencewasthis.

Inthe1920sand30s,mostnonͲAboriginalVancouveritessawapieceoflandof approximately70acresinsize,knowntothemastheKitsilanoIndianReservation.This landwas“boundedontheSouthbyFirstAvenue,onthewestbyChestnutStreet,and

92VCAAM0054.013.06588,MatthewsCollection,“BeforetheWhitemansCame,”ConversationwithRev. C.M.Tate,MethodistIndianMissionary,19thDecember1932;ConversationwithAugustJack(Kitsilano) 26thOctober1932.  93VCA,AM0054.013.06588,MatthewsCollection,“BeforetheWhitemansCame,”August(Jack)Kitsilano, ConversationwithJ.S.Matthews,7July1932;AM0054.013.06612,MatthewsCollection,“IndianWivesof Whitemen,”AugustJackKitsilano,ConversationwithJ.S.Matthews,7and8July1937.  94VCA,AM0054.013.06588,MatthewsCollection,“BeforetheWhitemansCame,”Draft. 

159 ontheNorthandEastbyFalseCreek…includedinthatportionofVancouverzonedby theCitycouncilasusablefortwoͲfamilydwellingsonly.”95Inthe1920s,J.S.Matthews putforthavisionofthislandasapublicpark,within“easyaccesstoresidentsonboth shoresofFalseCreek…[and]which,fromitscentralposition,willbelocatedinthe middleofthedensepopulationsofFairview,Kitsilano,andWestEnd.”96Matthews imaginedthislandasaplayground,abathingbeach,andpartofa“magnificent drivewaytwentyormoremileslong,runningoutGeorgiastreet,aroundStanleyPark, backoverBeachavenueandPacificstreetstoBurrardstreet,thenceacrossthenew

BurrardbridgetoIndianPark…”97Bythelate1930s,withthenegotiationsoverthesale

ofthereserveatastalemate,ChiefConstableFosteroftheVancouverCityPolice describedthelandas:

anareawhichisstrategicallyadvantageoustotheoperationsofthievesand

burglarswhooperateintheKitsilanoarea…Thebrushwhichcoversthewhole

ofthereserveaffordsexcellentcover,andprovidesconcealedtrailswhich

 enablepettycriminalstoeasilyavoidcapture,andhavingaccesstoFalseCreek

 alsoenablesthemtomakeaway,attheirconvenience,withtheproceedsof

 theircrime.“JungleTown”,whichborderstheReserve,alsofacilitatestheir

95VCA33ͲAͲ5,File5,MayorSeries483,“SaleoftheKitisilanoReservetotheCity”LetterfromJ.W.Allen, VancouverRealEstateExchange,toMayorW.H.Malkin,CityHall,Vancouver,9thOctober1929.  96VCA547ͲCͲ4,File27,Add.MSS.336,VancouverMuseumsandPlanetariumAssociationFonds, “PresentationofHaddonPark;EarlyEffortstoSaveKitsilanoIndianReserveforPark”CircularfromJ.S. Matthews,Vancouver,5thJuly1924.  97VCA547ͲCͲ4,File27,Add.MSS.336,VancouverMuseumsandPlanetariumAssociationFonds,“NewCity ParksarebeingAdvocatedwithGloriousTwentyMileDriveway,”VancouverStars,5thSeptember1924. 

160 operations.98

Allofthesevisionsdependonassumptionsaboutthenatureoflandandthe relationshipbetweenhumansandtheland.Inthisperspective,thelandisinanimate, andcanbedividedintoparcels,owned,andthereforesold.Considerationoftheland focusesprimarilyonitslocationinrelationtourbandevelopmentanditssize.

 TheSquamishvisionofthisland,orimaginedgeography,wasdifferent.August

Jack’sgrandfather,HaatsaͲlahͲnough,andhisbrotherChipͲkaayͲam,werethefirst

Squamishtosettleandbuildavillageatthisplace,probablyattheendofthe18th

centuryorearly19thcentury.ThisplacewascalledSnauq,andwas“agoodplacewhere therearelotsofmoose,elk,Beaver,bear,deerandduckaswellaslotsofsalmon.”99

BeforetheSquamishsettledthere,theMusqueamwouldfishalongthesandbars,“with hurdlenetsmadeoftwistedvinemapleandsharpstakessoastomakeahurdle…The hurdlesranforhundredsoffeet.Thefishcameinwiththetide,enteredthewideͲ mouthofthecorrall[sic],andwerecaughtwhenthetidewentout.”Thevillageof

SnauqwassituatedwithintheterritorycalledUlksen.Thisterritoryincluded“allofthe promontoryofPointGreyfromitswesternextremityinaneasternly[sic]directionfor anundefineddistanceinmiles;practicallybothlandandwaterfromPointGreytoWest

EndandShaughnessy”–essentially,allofwhatthecolonialgeographyidentifiedasthe cityofVancouver.UlksenwasMusqueamterritory,buttheSquamishandMusqueam

98VCA75ͲDͲ4,File17,PoliceBoardSeries181,““Jungle”ontheKitsilanoIndianReserve,”Letterfrom W.W.Foster,ChiefConstable,VancouverCityPolice,toA.Grundy,ActingChiefConstable,VancouverCity Police,19thJune1936.  99VCAAM0054.013.06588,MatthewsCollection,“BeforetheWhitemansCame,”ConversationwithDick Isaacs,translatorAndrewPaull,7thNovember1932.

161 were“alwaysverygoodfriends.”Snauqwasarelativelyrecentsettlementforthe

Squamish,buttheplacewasUlksensincetimeimmemorial.100

FortheSquamish,placewastiedtopreͲEuropeanhistory,andderivedits essencefromthecontinuityofmyths,legends,andbloodlines,aswellaslanduseand resources.Inotherwords,thelandwasinextricablytiedtoanimalandplantlife,and senseofplacederivedfromananimisticworldview.Inthisperspective,humansare partoftheland.Thisperceptionoflandwasfundamentallyopposedtothecolonial geography,whichwasbasedonaliberalideologythatcenteredontheindividualand theownershipofproperty.ThisfundamentalconflictbetweenAboriginalandnonͲ

AboriginalperceptionsoflandwerecentraltotheIndianidentity.TheIndianidentity becamemorepoliticallychargedasthetwentiethcenturyprogressed,asAboriginal peoplescontinuedtoadvocateforlandtitlewhileatthesametimeresisting institutionalizedracism,governmentregulation,andeconomicoppression.Duringthe interwarperiodinVancouver,‘Indian’wasstillinitsincipientstages,andnotyet

imbuedwiththemeaningsthatwouldlatercarrytheindigenousrightsmovementsof

thesecondhalfofthecentury.ThepeculiarpositionoftheIndian,asalegalidentityas

wellasinthepopularimagination,wasparadoxical.Whereasgovernmentofficialshad forciblyimposedtheIndianidentityasameansofsubjugationandoppression,and championsofcolonizationhadenvisionedavanishingracebasedonanimageofa primitivebutnoblesavage,advocatesforAboriginalrightsalsocenteredtheirclaimson acommonpreͲEuropeanIndianidentity.ThelimitonthesuccessthatPaullandother

100VCAAM0054.013.06588,MatthewsCollection,“BeforetheWhitemansCame,”Conversationwith FrankCharlie,6thNovember1932.

162 activistsforAboriginalrightsachievedwas,inpart,aresultofthecontradictioninherent toresistingoppressionwithinthesystems,institutions,anddiscoursesthatproduce thatoppression.Nonetheless,AboriginalpeoplesdidfindwaystoreͲconstructthe

Indianidentityasacollectiveidentitycapableofpoliticalchange.Therevivalof language,placenames,andmythsandlegendsprovidedameansofprotestfor indigenouspeoplesbypromotingthenotionofacollectiveidentitythatwasnot vanishing,butfullyaliveandpresent.



PostScript:

Inthespringof1988,theFalseCreekareawasboughtbyHongKong businessmanLiKaShingfor$320milliondollars.Thecourtrecordsreadthat“itwassold forasongbyPremierVanderZalm.”101LeeMaracle,adirectdescendantoftheSnauq

Squamish,describesherreactiontothisparadoxattheoccasionoftheKitsilanoReserve settlementbetweentheSquamishpeopleandthegovernmentofCanadaintheyear

2000:

 Itissuchanironythatthefirst“nonͲcitizenimmigrantresidents”shouldnow

 possessthepowertodeterminethedestinyofourbelovedSnauq.Iknowit

 shouldn’tbutsomehowitmakesmehappy,likeknowingthatblackIndians

 nowpeopletheLongIslandReservationinNewYorkState…LiketheSquamish,

 [theChinese]enduredquietlyuntilassumingcitizenshipin1948.Foroneofthem

 tobecometheownerofthischoicepieceofrealestateissweetirony…Thereis

101Maracle,“Goodbye,Snauq”218.

163  hopeinirony.102

102Ibid.

164 Chapter6~“Raven’sdoctrinewas‘Theendjustifiesthemeans’”1:TheGoldenJubilee CelebrationsasanExhibitionofRacialDifference  



Postersforthe1936GoldenJubileeannouncedaninvitationtotheworldfrom thecityofVancouver,toatenͲweeklong“joyousfestivalofgaiety,carnivaland pageantry…Spectacularfêtesofsea,airandland…Melody,drama,[and]historicscenes reinvoked.”Incelebrationof50yearsofincorporation,cityofficialstookonaheavy scheduleofcivicdevelopmentinVancouver.ConstructiononanewCityHall,occupying afullcityblockbetweenWest12th,Cambie,West10th,andYukonStreets,beganonthe

thirddayofthatyear,andwascompletedelevenmonthslater,onDecember1st.The

styleofthenewbuildingblendedArtDecoandModernism,withcleanlinesformingan imposingfaçade,andatwelveͲstoryclocktower.AstatueofCaptainVancouverwas placedinfrontofthebuilding.AfountainwasalsoconstructedatLostLagoon,nearthe entrancetoStanleyPark,inhonouroftheJubilee.Thesecivicimprovementswere accompaniedbyanadvertisingcampaigntodrawtouristsintothecityduringthe summermonths.Postersandpamphletsannouncingthevariousattractionsand exhibitionsheldinthecityweredistributedacrossCanada,theUnitedStates,and

Britain.Oneoversizedposterwasbrilliantlyillustratedwithbrightlycoloredimagesof

theKingandQueenofEngland,apanoramicviewofVancouver,andamajestic mountainrange.Theadvertisementalsoboastedtwoofthemainattractionsinthe

1VancouverCityArchives(VCA),AM.0054.013.04584,GoldenJubilee,IndianAffairsCommittee,G.H. Raley“AninterpretationoftheLegendofMankilslas”asrelatedbyJohnCross,1936. 

165 Jubileecelebrations–aChineseVillageandanexhibitionof“PrimitiveIndian

Ceremonies.”2

 Thischaptermakesthedistinctionbetweenethnicityandindigenismthroughan analysisoftheseexhibitsattheGoldenJubileeCelebrations.Fromthisearlyperiodof raceͲbasedrightsactivism,boththeproductionandexhibitionofpopular representationsofIndianandOrientalidentitiesfollowedseparatepaths.Onestriking differenceintheJubileeeventswasthattheChineseexhibitswerefunded,organized, andexecutedentirelybytheChineseBenevolentAssociation(C.B.A.)andmembersof

theChinesecommunityinVancouver,whiletheIndianexhibitswerestagedwithvery limitedinputfromlocalAboriginalcommunities.Thisdifferencereflectedtwodistinct historiesofracialization.While“theOriental”and“theIndian”weresimilarly consideredsubͲcitizensinamoralsense,andexcludedfromfullcitizenshiprightsboth politicallyandeconomically,thepoliticizationofeachracialcategorydiffered fundamentallybecause“Orientals”–Chinese,Japanese,orSouthAsianCanadians– wereconsideredimmigrantsasopposedtoindigenous.Likethelandtitlequestion,the

formaldebateoverimmigrationwasonethatoccurredatafederallevel.However, whilelocalpublicinterestinAboriginallandtitlewasnegligible,manyVancouveritesfelt thattheyhadanurgentstakeinmattersofimmigrationbecauseofthesupposed infiltrationofthe“Orientalmenace.”

2VCA,PD1427,“PosterforGoldenJubilee,1886Ͳ1936.”See,also,VCA,Add.MSS.177,513ͲCͲ3,File4, VancouverGoldenJubileeSocietyFonds,“OfficialPosters,”1936;andMapCabinetB,Drawer1, “Posters,”1936.

166  Duringthenineteenthcentury,regionalandinternationalexhibitionswere

“supposedtoillustrateprogressandthesuperiorityof‘civilization’over‘barbarism,’but civilization,unfortunately,wasnotasspectacularorvisuallyexcitingasexoticandgaudy barbarism.”3ElsbethA.Heamandescribestheseearlyexhibitionsascontaininga fundamentalcontradictioninpromotingtheidealofprogressthroughthespectacleof barbarism.Becauseofthiscontradiction,oneunintendedconsequenceoftheactof exhibitionwasthatitprovidedthepossibilityofsubversiveinterpretation.4Similarly,

althoughtheAboriginalexhibitionsduringQuebec’s1908tercentenarycelebrations

reinforceddeepͲrootedracialstereotypes,Aboriginalpeoplealsousedthecelebration toaffirmtheirpresenceanddemonstratetheirculturalautonomy.5Aswithboththe

nineteenthcenturyexhibitionsandthe1908Quebectercentenary,theexhibitionsthat

werepartofthe1936GoldenJubileecelebrationswereintendedtodemonstratethe virtueofprogress,butsimultaneouslyprovidedanarenaforracializedpeoplesto subvertthislargernarrative.DuringtheJubilee,thistypeofsubversionwasparticularly

effectivebecauseofthestrengthofantimodernistsentimentinthefaceofacollapsing capitalisteconomy.





3ElsbethA.Heaman,TheIngloriousArtsofPeace:ExhibitionsinCanadianSocietyduringtheNineteenth Century(Toronto:UniversityofTorontoPress),285.  4ThisnotionisbasedonBakhtin’stheoryofthecarnivalesque.SeeMikhailBakhtin,RabelaisandHis World,trans.HeleneIswolsky(Indiana:UniversityofIndianaPress,1984).  5 H.V. Nelles, The Art of NationͲBuilding: Pageantry and Spectacle at Quebec’s Tercentenary (Toronto: UniversityofTorontoPress,1999),seepp.171,174,179,and181Ͳ182.

167 ExhibitingtheIndian

TheIndianAffairsCommitteebeganplanningforthesummerfestivitiesin

Januaryofthatyear.TheIndianexhibitionswereplannedbyasmallcommittee consistingalmostentirelyofnonͲAboriginalmen,withtheexceptionofafemale secretaryandoneSquamishindividual–AndrewPaull.Thechairmanofthecommittee wastheReverendGeorgeH.Raley,aMethodistminister.In1914,attheageof50,

RaleyhadreplacedtheReverendCharlesM.TateasprincipalofCoqualeetzaIndian

ResidentialSchoolinSardis,BritishColumbia,andhadheldthispositionfortwenty years.BothTateandRaleyacquiredareputationfortreatingthestudentswell,and manyconsideredCoqualeetzaanexemplaryschool.In1936Raleywas72yearsold,and hisinterestinAboriginalpeopleandculturewaslongstandingandwelldeveloped.Raley wasacollector,anamateursalvageanthropologist.Hewasparticularlyinterestedinthe ideaofpreservingAboriginalculturebycommercializingIndianartsandcrafts.

FollowinghisexperienceaschairoftheIndianAffairscommitteefortheJubilee,he publishedabookdescribingthetotempolesatStanleyPark,andthelegendsassociated witheach.Whenhedied,Raleyleftacollectionofmorethan600NorthwestCoast

artifacts,whichwereeventuallyacquiredbytheMuseumofAnthropology.6

 AsecondmemberoftheIndianAffairsCommitteewasProfessorCharlesHillͲ

Tout,aprominentamateuranthropologist.HillͲToutwasborninEnglandwherehe initiallystudiedtheology,andmovedtoCanada1892,whereheliveduntilhisdeathin

6FormoreonRaley,particularlyhiscareerasaresidentialschoolprincipal,seePaigeRaibmon,“‘ANew UnderstandingofThingsIndian’:GeorgeRaley’sNegotiationoftheResidentialSchoolExperience”inBC Studies110(1996):69Ͳ96.

168 1944.HewasrecognizedforhisfieldworkamongtheSalishpeople.Heheldfellowships

intheRoyalSocietyofCanada,theAmericanEthnologicalSociety,andtheRoyal

AnthropologicalInstituteofGreatBritain.Atvarioustimes,heservedaspresidentofthe

AnthropologicalsectionoftheRoyalSocietyofCanadaandtheArt,Historicaland

ScientificAssociationofVancouver.7ThomasPhilipOxenhamMenziesalsosatonthe committee,ascuratoroftheVancouverCityMuseum.LikeHillͲTout,Menzieswasborn inEngland.HemovedtoVancouverin1925wherehemadehislivingvariouslyasa watchman,sailor,privatedetective,governmentemployee,andshipyardlabourer.

Menzieshadnoformaltraininginnaturalhistory,buthedidhaveakeeninterestand enoughpersonalcharmtoreceiveanappointmentascuratoroftheVancouverCity

Museumby1926,apositionhehelduntilatleast1949.8AnothermemberoftheIndian

AffairsCommitteewastheIndianAgentforVancouver,F.J.C.Ball.BallactedasIndian

Agentforthisdistrictforeightyears,from1930to1938,afterworkingasanagentin theOkanaganValleyfortenyears.9AndrewPaullalsosatonthiscommittee,as representativeoftheSquamishBandCouncil.InthespheresofanthropologyandIndian affairsinVancouver,thiswasarelativelypowerfulassemblageofindividuals,whose representationoftheAboriginalidentityduringtheJubileecelebrationswasconsidered authoritativebythepublicandgovernmentofficialsalike.

7UniversityofBritishColumbiaSpecialCollections(UBCSC),CharlesHillͲToutfonds,“Aninventoryofhis fondsinRareBooksandSpecialCollections,TheLibraryoftheUniversityofBritishColumbiaPreparedby: MelanieHardbattle”(August2002);GeorgeWoodcock,“CharlesHillͲTout,”TheCanadianEncyclopedia, http://www.canadianencyclopedia.ca,accessed14May2009.  8NationalResearchCouncil,UnitedStates,NationalResearchCouncilofCanada,Handbookofthe ScientificandTechnicalSocietiesoftheUnitedStatesandCanada,(Washington,D.C.:NationalAcademy ofSciences,NationalResearchCouncil,1937),228.  9Canada,SessionalPapers,AnnualReportoftheDepartmentofIndianAffairs,1919Ͳ1939.

169  ThefirstmeetingoftheIndianAffairsCommitteewasheldsometimeinJanuary orFebruaryof1936.Inthecourseoftheiractivities,thecommitteeorganizedthree mainevents:theIndianCanoeRegatta,theIndianExhibitbuilding,andthetotempole exhibition.TheIndianCanoeRegattawasheldonAugust15,andelevenfiftyͲfoot canoesmannedby“alargenumberofIndiancontestants…frommanydistantparts” competedinathreemile“WorldChampionship”race.10Therace,anexhibitionof beautifullycarvedanddecoratedcanoesaswellasteamsofIndianmenfromtribes aroundtheprovince,waswonbytheSaanichBravesofVancouverIsland,tothedelight ofcheeringhordesofVancouveritesandtouristsalike.

 BoththecanoeandtheIndianbodyhadlongbeenthesubjectofexhibitionfor

nonͲAboriginalaudiences.TheCanadianCourtdisplayattheGreatExhibitionof1851, heldinLondon’sCrystalPalace,wasdominatedbyagiantcanoesuspendedfromthe ceiling.AboriginalartifactswereprominentintheCanadiandisplaysinthevarious

WorldExhibitionsheldinParis,NewYork,andLondonthroughoutthe1850s.Although theinclusionofAboriginalartifactsdeclinedduringthe1860s,therewasarevivalinthe

1870s,andbythe1880s,notonlyartifactsbutAboriginalpeoplewereacentralaspect ofCanadiandisplays.Forexample,duringthe1893Chicagofair,theCanadiandisplay

includedmodelsofInuitandKwagiulthencampmentscompletewithInuitand

Kwagiulthpeople.Aboriginaldanceswerealsoapopularspectacleatthese exhibitions.11UnlikethenineteenthͲcenturyexhibitions,however,thecanoeracesat

10VCA,AM.0054.013.04584,“GoldenJubilee,IndianAffairsCommittee:VancouverCityMuseumandArt GalleryCurator’sReport,JuneͲAugust1936.”  11Heaman,TheIngloriousArts,151;298Ͳ303.

170 the1936VancouverJubileecelebratedphysicalskill,competition,andsportsmanship,

ratherthanbeingastaticdisplayofprimitivelifeways.

 TheIndianExhibitbuildingwasanotherattractionorganizedbythecommittee, intendedtoallowAboriginalartistsandcraftspersonstodisplayandselltheirwork.

AboriginalartsandcraftsweredisplayedascommoditiesduringtheJubilee,ratherthan

asmuseumartifactsastheywereinnineteenthͲcenturyexhibitions.Duringtheinterwar

period,AboriginalhandicraftsproducedforanonͲAboriginalmarketwereplentiful,and

werebeingproducedbyAboriginalandnonͲAboriginalentrepreneursalike.Artistslike

CharlesGladstone,BillReid’sHaidagrandfatherfromSkidegate,aswellasJapanese

craftsmen,werecarvingreplicasoftotempolesandcanoestofilltheAmericanand

Europeandemandforcheapcurios.NotuntilBillReid’sbreakthroughasanAboriginal artist–markedbyaCanadaCouncilartsfellowshipin1968andasoloexhibitionatthe

VancouverArtGalleryin1974–wouldAboriginalartgarnerthesamestatus,and thereforeprices,asnonͲAboriginalart.Nonetheless,theinterwarperiodmarkedan earlyshiftinthisdevelopment.12Aboriginalartistsandcraftspersonssoldtheirwork duringtheJubileeasparticipantsengagedinacapitalistmarket,ratherthanasobjects ofdisplaythemselveswhoweresomehoweconomicallydisconnectedfromnonͲ

AboriginalCanadians.

 MostofthediscussionduringtheIndianAffairsCommitteemeetingsconcerned theacquisitionoftotempolesfromvariousAboriginalgroups,particularlyfromChief

12MariaTippett,BillReid:TheMakingofAnIndian(Toronto:RandomHouse,2003),45Ͳ49;79;151;193Ͳ 199. 

171 JoeCapilanoMatthiasoftheNorthVancouverSquamish,andfromtheHaidaatBella

Bella.TherehadinitiallybeensomeattempttoenlistmoreparticipationfromAboriginal communitiesontheplanningcommittee,butbythespringof1936IndianAgentBall reportedthat“nofurtherwordwasavailableastotheparticipationofthese[Indian] bands.”13BytheendofMarch,thecommitteehadsecuredacontractforthecarvingof theThunderbirdtotempolefromChiefMatthias.ReverendRaleyandT.P.O.Menzies hadbeentovisitthechief,andweresatisfiedwiththearrangement.AsRaleyreported,

“hefelttheJubileeCommitteewasnowpracticallyincontrolofthepolewhichwasto

representtheSquamishtribe.”HesuggestedthatBallcallameetingassoonaspossible, sothattheCommitteecoulddiscuss“theofficialadoptionofthepole”withthe

SquamishBandCouncil.14ThismeetingwasheldattheendofApril,where“this

ThunderbirdTotemPolewasacceptedformallybytheSquamishIndianCouncilof

Chiefs,astherepresentativeCrestorSymboloftheirTribe.”Thedecisionwasalsomade toplacetheSquamishPoleatStanleyParkandProspectPointas“permanentand

historicattractions.”15Ske’dans,theHaidamortuarypole,wassimilarlyerectedin

StanleyParkas“acontributionfromtheHaidaNationtotheGoldenJubilee.”16

 TheThunderbirdPolewasformallypresentedtoMayorMcGreerandthecityof

VancouverbytheIndianAffairsCommitteeonAugust25th,anderectedasapermanent

13VCA,AM.0054.013.04584.“GoldenJubilee,IndianAffairsCommittee:Minutes,”[n.d.]1936.  14VCA,AM.0054.013.04584.“GoldenJubilee,IndianAffairsCommittee:Minutes,”30March1936.  15VCA,AM.0054.013.04584.“GoldenJubilee,IndianAffairsCommittee:Minutes,”20April1936.  16Ibid. 

172 publicmonumentfor“thedoublereasonofcommemoratingthemeetingbelowthis pointofCaptainGeorgeVancouveronJune13th,1792,andalsotohonourtheSquamish peoplewhoweretheoriginalownersofStanleyPark.”17Theironyofcelebratingboth thecolonizerandthecolonizedinthesamemonumentappearstohavegoneunnoticed bytheIndianAffairscommitteemembers.RepresentationsofAboriginalimagery,like thisThunderbirdmonument,cametorepresentthevictoryofcolonization,andwere thereforeoppressive.Atthesametime,thetotemcontradictedtheconventional narrativeofprogress,andthuscreatedthearenaforanalternatediscourseof resistancetothatnarrative.

 TheIndianAffairsCommitteewasnotonlyconcernedaboutacquiringtotems polesasphysicalobjects,butalsocollectedthelegendsthataccompaniedthesepoles.

TheCommittee,swayednodoubtbytheanthropologicalinterestsofRaley,HillͲTout, andMenzies,were“stronglyoftheopinion”thatthelegendswere“partofthepoles, whichwouldbevaluelesswithoutthem.”18Thelegendswereimportantto anthropologistsbecausetheywereunderstoodtobeembeddedinpreͲEuropean

Aboriginaldiscoursesandsystemsofunderstanding.Atthesametime,itwaswell understoodamongthiscirclethattotemswerenotanancientortraditionalartform, butsomethingthathaddevelopedfairlyrecently,onlysincethe1700s.19These

17VCA,AM.0054.013.04584,“GoldenJubilee,IndianAffairsCommittee:VancouverCityMuseumand ArtGalleryCurator’sReport,JuneͲAugust1936.”  18VCA,AM.0054.013.04584.“GoldenJubilee,IndianAffairsCommittee:Minutes,”20April1936.  19VCA,AM.0054.013.04584.“GoldenJubilee,IndianAffairsCommittee:TotemPoles,”Excerpt reproducedfromanarticlebyDr.R.G.Large,1958. 

173 discoursesandsystemsofunderstandingthatgaverisetothelegendswereeverͲ evolving,andaccommodatedtheexperienceofcolonization.Forexample,theLeafand

FlowerPoleoftheHaidasofYan,stolenbytheRoyalCanadianAirForceandeventually acquiredbytheMuseumofNorthernBritishColumbiainPrinceRupert,incorporated

elementsofEuropeaninfluence.ThelegendtellsthattheHaida“greatlyadmiredthe gardenflowersinthe“whiteman’s”town,andwhentheycamehome[fromVictoria] werethefirsttoadoptthemasafamilyemblemandhavethemcarvedontheirtotem pole.”20

 WhileitisdifficulttoascertainthespecificmotivationsbehindtheCommittee’s work,thefactthattheCommitteeincludedarepresentativefromtheAboriginal community,thattheypaidlivingartiststocreateexhibitsfortheJubilee,andtheywere awareofthecontinuityofalivingAboriginalculturearesignificant.TheIndianExhibitat

the1936Jubileeprovidesoneexampleofabroadershiftinpublicrepresentationsof theIndianidentity,whereAboriginalimagerywaspresentedaspartofalivingculture ratherthansimplyarelicfromthedistantpast.InthecaseoftheJubilee,thisshiftwas

directedbyasmallgroupofintellectuals,andinformedbythemethods,theories,and ideologiesofprofessionalanthropology.Change,adaptation,andaccommodation characterizedIndianartsandcraftsinthe1930sand40s,asitwasbeingreconceivedin relationtotheCanadianidentity.Thecanoeraces,theIndianExhibitbuildingwhich housedAboriginalartisanvendors,andthepublicdisplayoftotempolesduringthe

20VCA,AM.0054.013.04584.“GoldenJubilee,IndianAffairsCommittee:TheLeafandFlowerPoleofthe HaidasofYan,QueenCharlotteIslands,BritishColumbia,”1958.

174 1936Jubileesuggestadifferentsensibilitythanthatwhichinformedthe‘spectacleof

barbarism’oftheVictorianͲeraexhibitions.

 TheIndianexhibitsattheJubileereinforcedthenotionsofracialdifference, racialessentialism,progressandantimodernisminherenttothepioneermythology.At thesametime,theantimodernist“discourseofdisappearance”21wasbeingchallenged byanalternatediscoursethatassertedthecontinuityofAboriginalculture.Aschapter fourhasdemonstrated,thepreͲEuropeanIndian,thecounterpointtothePioneerin regionalmythology,wasrepresentedmostvisiblyinVancouverinAboriginalartand imagery.Yet,thefunctionalityofartsandcraftsasvehiclesofculturalmeaningdepends

ontheactofexhibition.AsTimothyMitchellhasargued,exhibitiondoesnotoccur exclusivelyatorganizedeventsliketheJubileecelebration,butalsoinplaceslike museums,theatre,publicgardens,zoos,thefarmsofthecountryside,andthestreets andfacadesofthecities.Exhibitionisnotonlyanevent,butalsoawayof“organizing theview,”of“renderinguptheworldasathingtobeviewed,”andoforderingthe world“soastorepresent.”22

 TheerectingoftotemsaspermanentpublicmonumentsinStanleyParkisone exampleoftheextensionofAboriginalimagerybeyondtheparametersoforganized exhibition,andintoeverydaylife.Inthe1920s,theArt,HistoricalandScientificSociety

21ThistermistakenfromLeslieDawn,NationalVisions,NationalBlindness:CanadianArtandIdentitiesin the1920s(Vancouver:UBCPress,2006).InDawn’sanalysis,inthe1920sthis“discourseof disappearance”wasnot,byanymeans,uncontested;butwasstilldominantduringthisdecadebecauseit wasconstructedandmaintainedbyasmallbutelitegroupofnonͲAboriginalanthropologistsand governmentofficialsinthe1920s,mostnotablyMariusBarbeauoftheNationalMuseumandDuncanC. ScottoftheDepartmentofIndianAffairs.  22TimothyMitchell,“TheWorldasExhibition”inComparativeStudiesinSocietyandHistory,31:2(April 1989):221Ͳ222. 

175 ofVancouverembarkedonaprojecttosetupanIndianVillageinStanleyPark,alarge partofwhichwastoacquiretotempoles.23Totemswereerectedinpublicspaces aroundthecityasmonumentstotheAboriginalpeopleswhohadoncedominatedthis region,and,assuch,becameakeycomponentofVancouver’sidentityasaCanadian city.WhilethelegalissuesoflandclaimsandAboriginalrightsgarneredlimitedsupport inthisperiod,thetotempole,aswellasvariousother‘traditional’Aboriginalartsand crafts,generatedmuchinterestamongthenonͲAboriginalpublic.Thus,Aboriginalart andimagery,whichassumedanddefinedracialessentialism–namely,indigenism–was akeysiteofpoliticization.



TheOrientalSpectacle

(PenderStreet,Vancouver,18thJuly1936):

AstrangemixtureofOrientandOccident,contrastoftheoldand

 new,wasseenintheparadewhichmarkedtheopeningoftheChinese

 villagehere.Gongswhosehollowtoneshaverumbleddownthroughthe

 ages,contrastedwiththeharshsoundofgearchangesonmoderntrucks,

 uniformsoftheKitsilanoJuvenileBoys’Bandwiththegorgeouspanoply

 oftheFiveGeneralsoftheHunDynasty.

Inthesplendourofsilkandsatin,goldandsilver,rodetheChinese

 carnivalqueen,surroundedbyherprettymaidsofhonor.Fantasticlanterns... 

 wavedclearintheJulysunlightlikecutͲoutsfromabrilliantChineseprint.

23HilaryStewart,LookingatTotemPoles(Vancouver:DouglasandMcIntyre,1993),81Ͳ84. 

176 AChinesewithapickandshovel,seatedonasectionofrailwayline,

 wasaremindertoCanadiansthatChinesehelpedtobuildtheCanadian

 PacificthroughtheRockiestoBurrardInlet.

Asolitaryfiguremarchingbetweenguardsofhonor–NamMo,

 Buddhistpriest,wasdignifiedandstrikinginhisscarletrobesandblackhat.

 Hebeatasolemnmeasureonaceremonialgong...[and]wavedhisfangoodͲ 

 humouredlytotheapplaudingcrowdsasheandhistroupemadetheir

 victoriousprogress.24



 TheJubileeexhibitionswereorganizedbytheChinatowncommunityandthe

ChineseBenevolentAssociationasapublicdisplayofaChineseCanadianconsciousness.

FormanyChineseCanadiansinVancouver,thecharacteristicsoftheChineseraceand theculturalvaluesperceivedtobeinherenttotheparticularracialdesignationof

“Chinese”wereheldupasbeingakintothevaluesofCanadiancitizenship.Froma broadperspective,thepoliticalmotivationsbehindtheJubileeexhibitsparalleledthe nationalantiͲImmigrationlawcampaign,whichwasbeingcarriedoutinboththelegal andpoliticalspheres.Fromalocalperspective,however,themostimmediate

motivationsfortheproductionofthisidentityhadtodowiththeproblemsofcrimeand viceinChinatownontheonehand,andtheconsolidationofapermanentChinese communityontheother.

24VCA,Add.MSS.1108,613ͲGͲ1,YipFamilyFonds,File2,Scrapbook,“Chinatown–GoldenJubilee,1936,” newspaperclipping. 

177  In1923,theCanadiangovernmentpassedtheinfamousChineseImmigration

Act.Manyscholarsaccuratelydescribethetwodecadesfollowingthepassageofthe

1923ActasoneinwhichBritishColumbia’sChinesecommunitywithered.25TheChinese

populationintheprovincedroppedbyfiftypercentinthetwodecadesbetween1923 andtherepealoftheImmigrationActin1947.Thisdeclinewasaresultofoutmigration andalackofnaturalincrease,aswellasstarvationbymalnutrition,highratesofsuicide,

andvariousmortalillnessesresultingfrompoverty.Equallyimportant,however,isthat

thisperiodalsosaw‘avictoriousprogress,’inthebirthofacommunityinVancouver thatselfͲidentifiedasbothdistinctlyCanadianandChinese.Thisprogress–of integrationifnotassimilation–wasbeingpresentedduringthecity’sJubilee.

TheChineseexhibitsinthisciviccelebrationwereelaboratebyanystandards.

HeadedbytheChineseBenevolentAssociation,withFoonSienWongassecretaryand publicitymanager,theChinatowncommunityconstructeda“ChineseCarnivalVillage” astheircontributiontotheciviccelebrations.ThevillagewaserectedalongPenderand

CarrallStreets,“intheheartofChinatown.”TheArchͲTower,amassivestructurethat

stood85feettallatthecornerofHastingsandCarrallStreets,markedtheentranceand welcomedvisitorstoboththeCarnivalVillageandChinatown.Thestructurewas“a spectacleofbrilliantmagnificence...constructedentirelyofbamboowithouttheaidofa

nail,rivetorbolttobindittogether,”andwasresplendentwithredpaintand“real

25See,forexample,DavidChuenyanLai,Chinatowns:TownsWithinCitiesinCanada(Vancouver: UniversityofBritishColumbiaPress,1988),81;WingChungNg,TheChineseinVancouver1945Ͳ1960:The PursuitofIdentityandPower(Vancouver:UniversityofBritishColumbiaPress,1999),16;andPatriciaE. Roy,TheOrientalQuestion:ConsolidatingaWhiteMan’sProvince,1914Ͳ41(Vancouver:Universityof BritishColumbiaPress,2003),75Ͳ77. 

178 gold...usedwithapparentabandoninordertomaintaintheproperlustre.”26Originally

erectedinHongKong,theArchͲTowerwasdismantledandreconstructedinVancouver

withthepermissionoftheChinesegovernment.Underconstantguard,bothdayand night,thisedificereportedlytookoveronemillionhoursoflabourtoconstruct,andwas insuredfor$100000.InadditiontotheArchͲTower,theVillageincludedareplicaofan ancientMadarinPalace,aBuddhistTemple,astagefordanceandtheatreperformances aswellasfashionshows,andaPagoda.ThePagodahoused“fabuloustreasuresofthe

Orient,increduloustothewesternmind,”including“porcelainvases,cloisonné,pottery, earthenware,exquisitelycarvedjade,ivory,andebony,gorgeouslyembroidered ceremonialrobes,timeͲfadedparchmentsofthefirstprintingnearlyfourthousand yearsold...whosetotalmonetaryvaluemayreachnearlyonemilliondollars.”27

TheChineseCarnivalVillagerepresentsanastonishingeffortandinvestmentby theChinatowncommunity,aventurethatbecomesevenmoreremarkableinlightof theeconomicstrainoftheGreatDepressionandthefunnellingofsomuchof

Chinatown’stimeandmoneyinsupportofthewarinChinaduringthisperiod.Whydid

theChinatowncommunitysacrificesomuchofitsscarceresourcestoerectaCarnival

VillageincelebrationofacityinwhichtheChineseweremarginalized,discriminated against,andoppressedbyvirtueoftheirrace?Therewere,ofcourse,reasons.Three keymotivationsforthisexcessivedisplaywerethebirthoftourismasagovernment

26VancouverCityArchives,Add.MSS.1108,613ͲGͲ1,YipFamilyFonds,File2,“Chinatown–Golden Jubilee1936.”  27Ibid. 

179 supportedindustry;aflaringofChinesenationalismasaresultoftheSinoͲJapanese war;andthepoliticizationoftheChineseCanadianidentity.

AsMichaelDawsonhasdemonstrated,theinterwarperiodwasacrucialtimein thedevelopmentofthetourismindustryinBritishColumbia.Bythelate1930s,over

300000touristsfromtheUnitedStateswerevisitingtheprovinceeachyear,and automobiletravelalsobroughttourismfromwithinBritishColumbiaandfromother

Canadianprovinces.Inaddition,the1930smarktherootsofagovernmentͲsupported touristindustryinCanada,andawidespreadrecognitionoftheeconomicpossibilitiesof tourism.28TheChineseexhibitsattheJubileefellinlinewiththisconsumerdriven attitude.Asothershaveargued,publicresponsetotheChineseexhibitsattheJubilee revealed“areversalofthewaythecityhadtraditionallyacknowledgedthepresenceof

Chinatownwithinthecommunity.”29Chinatownwasnowregardedwithprideby

Vancouverites.Doubtless,thischangeinperspectivewasdue,inpart,tothe commodificationoftheChinese,asChinatownbecameapopulartouristdestinationin

Vancouver.However,whileconsumptionplayedasignificantroleinthepublicizingof

ChinatownandtheChinese,therewerealsomoralandpoliticalmotivationsforthis

publicity.

28MichaelDawson,““Takingthe‘D’Outof‘Depression’”:ThePromiseofTourisminBritishColumbia, 1935Ͳ1939”BCStudies132(Winter2001/2):32Ͳ33.ForamorethoroughaccountoftourisminBritish Columbia,seeMichaelDawson,SellingBritishColumbia:TourismandConsumerCulture,1890Ͳ1970 (Vancouver:UniversityofBritishColumbiaPress,2004).  29KayJ.Anderson,Vancouver’sChinatown:RacialDiscourseinCanada,1875Ͳ1980(Montreal&Kingston, McGillͲQueen’sUniversityPress,1991),156. 

180 Oneofthesemotivationswasdirectlyrelatedtointernationalaffairs.The overarchingthemeoftheChineseexhibitionswasOldChina,andthearchitecture, clothing,religion,artifacts,aesthetic,andcultureof“ancientChina”–andnot

Chinatownofthe1930s–wasputondisplayforVancouveritesandtouristsalike.An illustrationadorningonepamphletadvertisingtheJubileeshowsthefigureof“Old

China”intraditionalChinesegarb,shakinghandswithafigurewearingaRoyalCanadian

MountedPolicehat,labeled“YoungCanada.”Theexhibitsalsoemphasizedthe contributionsoftheChinesetoCanada’shistory,fromthegoldrushtothebuildingof

theCanadianPacificRailway.30ThisemphasisonOldChinaandthecontributionsofthe

ChineseinCanadacanonlybepartiallyexplainedbyreasonsofaestheticsormarketing.

CampaignstoprovidereliefforwarͲtornChinapeakedafter1937,withtheoutbreakof theSinoͲJapanesewar,butreliefworkinVancouverhadbeenongoingthroughoutthe

civilwarandreconstructionperiodwhichprecededJapaneseaggressionbytwo

decades.The1936exhibitionswerelinkedtoabroadernationalistprojectinstigatedby theriseoftheKuomintanginChinain1927,whosenationalistcallwasaimedatall

Chinese,bothathomeandoverseas.31Thus,theChineseCarnivalVillagewas,inpart,an expressionofethnicprideandanefforttogenerateapositiveimageandinternational supportfornationalistChina.

TheChinatowncommunityinVancouver,however,wereasmuchpartofthe huáqiáocultureastheywereChinesenationalists.Huáqiáoweretheoverseasor

30Ibid.  31Ng,TheChinese,16Ͳ17;Seealsochapter7,below. 

181 sojournerChinese,andwerepartofalongstanding,ongoing,andwidespreaddiasporic tradition.32HuáqiáomeantconnectionstoChina,butalsotothoseplacesovertheseas

–inthiscontext,toCanada,BritishColumbia,andVancouver.Theorganizersofthe elaboratedisplaysattheJubilee,whoalsomadeuptheleadershipoftheChinese

BenevolentAssociation,describedthemselvesas“Vancouver’spublicspiritedChinese

citizens.”FortheChinese,amajorimpetusfortheirparticipationinthiseventwasto closethegapbetweennotionsofChineseandCanadian—essentially,todemonstrateto thepublicapositiveimageof“EastmeetsWest.”Apamphletdistributedbythe

ChinatownOrganizingCommitteepromotingtheeventsdeclaredthat“Vancouver’s

Chineseresidentsareparticularlyqualifiedtoparticipateinthecelebrationsof

Vancouver’sGoldenJubilee,becauseChinesehistoryinBritishColumbiaextendsovera periodofonethousandyears.”Thepurposeoftheseeventswasnotonlytocelebrate theCity’sfiftiethanniversary,butalsoto“showtheinfluenceandsignificanceofancient

ChinesecivilizationinrelationtoourWesterncivilization.”Thecontributionsofthe

ChineseinCanada,fromthefirstexplorerswhoarrivedin“slowmovingjunks”inthe early10thcentury,toCaptainJohnMeares’landingatNootkasoundwithaboatloadof

32FormoreontransnationaldiasporictraditionsinCanada,see,forexample,VicSatzewichandLloyd Wong,eds,TransnationalIdentitiesandPracticesinCanada(Vancouver:UniversityofBritishColumbia Press,2006);andAihwaOng,FlexibleCitizenship:TheCulturalLogicsofTransnationality(Durham,North Carolina:DukeUniversityPress,1999).FormoreonthehistoryoftheChinesediaspora,see,forexample, LaurenceJ.C.MaandCarolynCartier,TheChineseDiaspora:Space,Place,MobilityandIdentity(Lanham: RowmanandLittlefield,2003);andGungwuWang,TheChineseOverseas:FromEarthboundChinatothe QuestforAutonomy(Cambridge:HarvardUniversityPress,2000).

182 Chinesecraftsmen,tothegoldrushandtherailway,werehighlightedinthepropaganda andexhibitsthatweredisplayedtothepublicduringtheJubilee.33

 TheChineseexhibitionsfortheJubileeincludedanumberofperformancesby bothprofessionalsbroughtinfromChinaaswellasBritishColumbianͲbornmembersof theChinesecommunity.PerformancesduringtheJubileeincludedshowsbythe

“diminutiveChineseacrobat,”TanSoot,andthePeipingAcrobaticTroupe;artists’

demonstrations,includingpoetry,embroidery,sealͲcutting,ivorycarving,andpainting;

reͲenactmentsoflifeinOldChina;an“Orientalseer”;Chinesemagicians;andtraditional

Chinesedancing.Alloftheseperformerswereprofessionals,broughtinfrommainland

ChinaorHongKong.TheyprovidedacarnivalͲlikeatmosphere,andentertainmentfor bothChineseCanadianandnonͲChineseaudiences.Theseperformances,which capitalizedonalongstandingfascinationwiththe‘exotic’OrientbyWesternsociety, constitutedonetypeofhumanperformanceonexhibitduringtheJubilee.Entertainers versedintheancientartsandtraditions,broughttoNorthAmericadirectlyfromChina andputondisplay,madecleartothepublicthewondersof‘ancientChinesecivilization’ aswellasthehumanconnectionsthatstillexistedbetweenOldChinaandCanada.

 AsecondtypeofperformanceonexhibitattheJubileecamefromwithin

Vancouver’sChinesecommunity.TheparadeonPenderStreet,whichofficiallyopened thefestivitiesonJuly18th,included“girls,boys,andmeninnationalgaycostume...

ManyareBritishColumbiaͲborn,buttheyrecreatedChineselifeincarefullyͲschooled

33VCA,YipFamilyFonds,613ͲGͲ1File2,pamphlet,“VancouverChinatownGoldenJubilee,1886—1936” (1936). 

183 pageantry.”TheopeningparadewasorganizedbytheChineseBenevolentAssociation, anditspresident,LeongYeeChung,announcedthatthepurposeofthecelebrationwas to“payrespecttoVancouveronthedateofitsGoldenJubilee.”34Theperformancesand

exhibitsstagedbynativeͲbornandresidentChineseincludedreͲenactmentsofancient

China,andtraditionalmusicanddancing,butalsoonofferwereabeautypageant, fashionshow,andtea.WhiletheJubileeexhibitsofferedanarenafortheexpressionof racialpridebyvirtueofheritageandtheancientcivilizationofChina,thesepublic celebrationsalsoprovidedastageforexhibitingChinatownas‘modern’and‘Western’– inotherwords,asarespectablecommunityinCanada.TheseChineseexhibitsposea strikingcontrasttotheIndianexhibitsthatwereheldatthisevent,eventhoughboth

wereexhibitionsofracial/culturaldifference.Thisdifferencewasaresultofhistorical contingencies,which,bythe1930s,hadresultedindiscrepanciesinthedegreeof politicalopportunitytowhicheachgrouphadaccessandintheabilityofeachto mobilizeresources.



Conclusion

 TheseexhibitspresentedduringtheGoldenJubileeCelebrationsclearlypointto

thevaryingdegrees,methods,andeffectsofpoliticizationwithintworacialized communitiesinVancouverduringtheinterwarperiod.Onekeyconsistency,however,is thatpoliticizationoccurredasadoubleͲedgedswordbecauseitreinforcednotionsof racialessentialismanddifferenceasawayofnamingandassertingrights.Yet,

34VCA,YipFamilyFonds,613ͲGͲ1File2,newspaperclippings,“ChinatownonParade”(1936). 

184 indigenismalsomeantpolitical,social,andeconomicmarginalization,becauseofa persistentbeliefinanessentialpreͲEuropeanidentityandtherealityoflegislatedracism viatheIndianAct.Thiswidespreadmarginalizationmeantthatindigenousactivismwas severelylimiteduntilthe1950s,whenindigenousrightswererecognizedin internationalpolitics,andamendmentsweremadetotheIndianAct.Incontrast,the politicsofethnicityallowedforagreaterextentofpoliticalautonomy.ChineseCanadian activismflourishedinthisperiod,andtheinsistenceofapolitically,socially,and economicallyactiveChineseCanadianpresenceinVancouverhelpedtodefineamodern

CanadianraceͲbasedequalityrightsmovement.



























185 Chapter7~Huáqiáo1:ThePoliticsofEthnicityinVancouver 



 AntiͲChinesesentimenthadprogressedtosuchadegreebytheinterwaryears thatFoonSienWong,apublicfigureandspokespersonforVancouver’sChinatownfor over50years,rememberedthisperiodas“theDarkAges.”2Thesedecadeswere undoubtedlyatimeofwidespreadsegregationandexclusion,ofrestrictiveimmigration lawsandeconomicpersecution.However,itwasalsoduringthisperiodthatthe

ChinesecommunityinVancouverbegantoestablishaCanadianͲChineseidentity, achievingthefranchisein1946.WingChungNghasconvincinglyarguedthatthe

processofidentityformationfortheChineseinVancouveroverthelastcenturywas onemarkedbydiscontinuitybetweenthepreͲandpostSecondWorldWarperiods.In hisanalysis,thewarmarkedtheendofaculturalidentityforgedbythefirstgeneration ofChinesepioneers,andwasreplacedbynewimmigrantsinthe1940sand50swhohad adifferentsenseof“beingChinese.”3Theinterwarperiod,however,canalsobe examinedintermsofcontinuity—astherootofthedevelopmentofaChineseCanadian identity. 

1Huáqiáo(pinyin),or⪇௟,means“overseasChinese”andreferstoethnicChineselivingoutsideof mainlandChina,HongKong,Macau,orTaiwan.See,also,chapter9,below.  2UniversityofBritishColumbiaSpecialCollections(UBCSC),ChineseCanadianCollection,Box12File8, WilliamE.Willmott,“InterviewwithFoonSien,22May1961.”  3WingChungNg,TheChineseinVancouver:ThePursuitofIdentityandPower(Vancouver:Universityof BritishColumbiaPress,1999),18. 

186  ThischapterexploresthepoliticizationoftheOrientalidentity,withafocuson theChinesecommunityinVancouverduringtheinterwarperiod.Likewhiteness,the

Orientalidentityfunctionedasbothhierarchyandasaunifiedracialcategory,according tochanginginternationalpoliticalrelationsaswellassocioͲeconomicinfluences.

Notably,however,thedeconstructionof‘Oriental’inthisperiod,specificallyinthe distinctionbetweenChineseandJapanese,alsogaverisetoracial/culturalidentities thatwerelinkedtoanidealofCanadiancitizenship.Acasestudyofthedevelopmentof aChineseCanadianidentityinVancouverinthisperiodprovidessomeinsightintothis processofpoliticizingracialidentityinCanada.4Chinatownanditsresidentswerebeing

4Theterm“Oriental”has,historically,beenusedtodescribealinguistically,culturallyandethnically diverseandvariedrangeofindividuals.InVancouver,theseindividualswereprimarilyofChinese, Japanese,orSouthAsiandescent.EachofthesegroupswasrepresenteddemographicallyinVancouver, eachwasdiscriminatedagainstintermsofimmigrationandcitizenship,andeachresisted,tovarying degrees.However,inthisdissertationIfocusexclusivelyontheChinesecommunityforseveralreasons. TheSouthAsianpopulationinBritishColumbiabetween1900and1940neverexceededmorethan2500 individuals(or,atmost,halfapercentofthetotalpopulationoftheprovince).ThedebateoverSouth AsianimmigrationpeakedwiththeKomagataMaruincident1914,whenaboatloadof400SouthAsian immigrantswereturnedawayinVancouverbasedonthe1908OrderͲinͲCouncilpopularlyknownasthe “ContinuousJourneyClause.”By1921,therewerelessthanathousandindividualsofSouthAsiandescent leftintheprovince.TheJapanesepopulation,whileapproachingtheChineseby1931withover22000 individuals(ascomparedtoover27000Chinese),wasconcentratedinthemoreruralFraserRiverValley regionduringtheinterwarperiod.Japaneseimmigrationwasalsocontrolled,througha“Gentleman’s Agreement”betweentheCanadianandJapanesegovernments.WhilebothSouthAsianandJapanese identityformationandagitationforrightsconstituteanimportantaspectofCanadianhistory,duringthe interwarperiodinVancouverthemostconcentratedantiͲOrientaleffortsweredirectedattheChinese community,andmanyofthemostexplicitargumentsagainstdiscriminationwerevoicedfromwithinthis samecommunity.FormoreonthedebateoverSouthAsianimmigrationin1914,seeVancouverCity Archives(VCA),Add.MSS.69,HenryHerbertStevensFonds,509ͲDͲ7,File1,“HinduImmigration”(1912Ͳ 1914);File5,“HinduEnfranchisement/OrientalImmigration,”(October1915–September1922)and “Immigration–Asiatic”(1913Ͳ1915).SeealsoNormanBuchignani,DoreenM.Indra,andRamSrivastiva, ContinuousJourney:ASocialHistoryofSouthAsiansinCanada(Toronto:McClelland&Stewart,1985); KamalaElizabethNayar,TheSikhDiasporaInVancouver:ThreeGenerationsAmidTradition,Modernity, andMulticulturalism(Toronto:UniversityofTorontoPress,2004);AndrewParnabyandGregoryKealey, “TheOriginsofPoliticalPolicinginCanada:Class,Law,andtheBurdenofEmpire”PrairieForum31:2 (2006):245Ͳ271;.FormoreonJapaneseCanadianidentityandactivisminVancouver,seeKenAdachi,The EnemythatNeverWas:AHistoryofJapaneseCanadians(Toronto:McClelland&Stewart,1982);Masumi Izumi,“TheJapaneseCanadianMovement:MigrationandActivismBeforeandAfterWorldWarOne” AmerasiaJournal33:2(2007):49Ͳ66;ShannonJette,“Little/BigBall:TheVancouverAsahiBaseballStory”

187 constructedandrepresentedasadisreputableplaceandpeopleintheinterwaryears.A

longtraditionofracisminformedthisperception,anditwascloselylinkedtoissuesof crimeandmoralityduringthe1920sand30s.ThischapterexploreshowthislongͲ standingimageofillͲreputewaspublicallychallengedbytheChinatowncommunity

inthe1930s.



FromGoldMountaintotheSlumsofChinatown

 ChineseimmigrationtoVancouverhadbegunwiththegoldrushof1858.Until

1911,theChinesepopulationinVancouverwaveredatabout3500,withahighdegree oftransienceduetoseasonalemployment.Themaletofemaleratiointhisperiod

stoodatabouttwentyͲeightmentoeverywoman;thatis,fewerthanonehundred womenandchildren,mostofthesebelongingtothewealthiermerchantfamilies.By

1921,thepopulationhaddoubled.Thenumberofwomenandchildrenhadalso increased,to600ChinesewomeninVancouverandover500childrenenrolledinpublic

schoolsinthecity.Duringthisperiod,therewasaproliferationofChineseregionaland surnameassociations.In1918,theChineseBenevolentAssociationbecameanumbrella organization,anarrangementthat“epitomizedaparadoxwherebysubethnicities amongtheChinesewereatoncerecognizedandtranscendedasaresultofadesirefor largerunityandcommunity.”5Inthisperiodofvirulentracism,whichfoundexpression

inofficiallegislationaswellastheantiͲOrientalriotsof1887and1907,theassociations

SportHistoryReview38:1(2007):1Ͳ16;andMichikoMidgeAyukawa,HiroshimaImmigrantsinCanada, 1891Ͳ1941(Vancouver:UniversityofBritishColumbiaPress,2008).  5Ng,TheChinese,15;16. 

188 alsoservedtoprotecttheChineseagainst“Canadiandiscrimination.”6Theprevalent beliefamongwhiteBritishColumbianswasthattheChinesewereinferiorand inassimilable,asentimentthatculminatedinthe1923ChineseImmigrationAct.Thisact virtuallyendedChineseimmigrationintoCanada,andwaspartofanationalantiͲ

OrientalcampaignspearheadedbyBritishColumbianpoliticiansandbusinessmen.7

 DrawingonalongͲstandingtraditionofracistbeliefsanddiscriminatory

practices,municipalgovernmentofficials,police,localtradeandbusinessmen, journalistsandeditorsconstructedanimageofChinatowninthelatenineteenthand earlytwentiethcenturythatwascharacterizedbyviceandimmorality.8Whilegambling,

narcotics,bootlegging,andprostitutionwereundeniablypartoflifeinChinatown,this partofVancouverwasalsohometomanylegitimatebusinesses,homes,families,and organizations.AlthoughnotallVancouveritesofChinesedescentlivedinChinatown properinthe1920sand30s,theareaalongPender,Carrall,andColumbiastreetswasa

hubofbusiness,politics,andsociallifeformost.Evenmoresignificantthan

demographicdistribution,asKayAndersonhasdemonstrated,wastheconceptual

6Ibid.,14.  7FordetailedaccountsofthehistoryofracistlegislationandantiͲOrientalactivityinCanada,see,for example,PeterWard,WhiteCanadaForever:PopularAttitudesandPublicPolicyTowardOrientalsin BritishColumbia(Montreal&Kingston:McGillͲQueen’sUniversityPress,1978);HarryCon,RonaldJ.Con, GrahamJohnson,EdgarWickbergandWilliamE.Willmott,FromChinatoCanada:AHistoryoftheChinese CommunityinCanada,ed.EdgarWickberg(Toronto:McClelland&Stewart,1982);PatriciaRoy,AWhite Man’sProvince:BritishColumbiaPoliticiansandChineseandJapaneseImmigrants,1858—1914 (Vancouver:UniversityofBritishColumbiaPress,1989)andTheOrientalQuestion,55Ͳ130;PeterS.Li, TheChineseinCanada(Toronto:OxfordUniversityPress,1998).  8ForanexcellentdiscussionoftheEuropean/CanadianperceptionofVancouver’sChinatownfromthe 1880sto1917,seeKayJ.Anderson,Vancouver’sChinatown:RacialDiscourseinCanada,1875Ͳ1980 (Montreal&Kingston,McGillͲQueen’sUniversityPress,1991),80Ͳ105. 

189 associationbetween“Chinese”and“Chinatown.”InAnderson’sinterpretation,place wasinherenttoracialdiscourse,andVancouver’sChinatownwas“asocialconstruction withaculturalhistoryandatraditionofimageryandinstitutionalpracticethat[gave]it acognitiveandmaterialrealityinandfortheWest.”9Andersonarguesthatthis

constructionwas,inlargepart,a“Europeancreation.”10Indeed,duringtheinterwar period,whitebusinessandtradespeople–theselfproclaimed‘respectablecitizenry’– agitatedformorestringentantiͲOrientalpolicies.Supportedbyfactionsofthemedia, themajorityofpoliticiansincityhall,andtheVancouverPolicedepartment,Chinatown wasmarginalizedthroughadiscoursebasedonracialdiscrimination,segregation,and

persecution.Thus,evenafterthepassageofthe1923ChineseImmigrationAct,the

‘problem’ofChinatownpersistedinthemindsofmanyVancouverites.

 AsPatriciaRoyhasconvincinglydemonstrated,thecampaignfora“White

Man’sProvince”thatwascarriedoutbysomanyBritishColumbiansthroughoutthe

earlytwentiethcenturyhadtwodimensions–economicandmoral.11Concernfor

economicinterestsplayedoutinCityHall,intheformofagitationforrestrictionson

Chineseemployment,tradeandbusiness.Inthespringof1928,fiveyearsafterthe

ImmigrationActwaspassed,localbusinessmeninVancouverwerestillpetitioningthe provincialgovernmentformorerestrictionsonChinesebusinessinthecity.Inaletterto

thepremier,thirtyͲtwo“businessmen,tradersandtradingcorporationsofthecityof

9KayJ.Anderson,“TheIdeaofChinatown:ThePowerofPlaceandInstitutionalPracticeintheMakingof aRacialCategory”AnnalsoftheAssociationofAmericanGeographers77:4(1987):581.  10Anderson,Vancouver’sChinatown,9.  11Roy,AWhiteMan’sProvince,267. 

190 Vancouver”clearlyarticulatedtheirultimategoal,whichwas“toensurethatBritish

ColumbiashallbeaProvinceinwhichCanadiansofEuropeanorigin,andincoming settlersofEuropeanorigin,shallalwaysbeinadominantmajorityforcarryingon industrial,mercantileandagriculturalpursuits.”12Increasedrestrictions,liketheTrade

LicenseBoardthatwasestablishedin1929(butremainedinactive)andtheeconomic reformsproposedbytheNativeSonsinthe1930s,metwithlimitedsuccess.

Nonetheless,anexplicitlyantiͲOrientaldiscoursepersistedinCityHallatleastintothe

1940s.13

 Yet,animositytowardstheChinesederivedasmuchfrommoralconcernsasit didfromtheperceptionofunfaireconomiccompetition.Bythe1930s,Chinatownhad become“ametaphorforracialcontamination”formanyVancouverites.14Thisviewwas

primarilytheresultofthreefactors.First,earlierstereotypesoftheChinesewhich playedonfearsofsexualpredationandpublichealthissuespersistedinthisperiod.

Secondly,theemergingpseudoͲscientificfieldofeugenicswasbeginningtohavesome

12BritishColumbiaArchivesandRecordsServices(BCARS),Add.MS.3,PattuloFonds,ReelA1800,Vol.28 File6,“LettertoBCPremierMacLeanfromBusinessmenoftheCityofVancouver,”April1923.Emphasis inoriginal.  13Seechapter3,above.See,also,forexample,BCARS,MS0012,HalfordD.WilsonPapers,ReelsA0660 andA1800,Correspondence,1938Ͳ1942.WilsonwasacityAldermanwhocontinuedtheantiͲOriental fightintothe1940s.Hisfocusshiftedfromimplementingimmigrationandeconomicrestrictionsagainst theChineseinthe1930stopreventingJapaneseenfranchisementandcallingfortheregistrationofall OrientalsinthecountryinordertoweedoutillegalJapaneseimmigrantsinthe1940s.Wilsonwas somethingofapoliticalopportunist,andhisshiftingantiͲOrientalfocuswascloselyrelatedtopublic sentimentwhich,inturn,wasinfluencedbyinternationalrelationsbetweenCanada,China,andJapan. Indeed,by1952,WilsonwasChairmanoftheVancouverCivicUnityCouncil,andwaspubliclylaudedfor hisfirmconviction“thattherearefinepeopleineveryrace,colorandcreed.Mr.Wilsonsetsagood exampleasheleadstheCivicUnityCouncilinitshumanitarianwork.”SeeVCA,PAM1952Ͳ177,Civic Unity:ANewsBulletinonInterculturalandInterracialRelations(December1952),4.  14Anderson,Vancouver’sChinatown,107. 

191 influenceongovernmentpolicybythe1920s.Third,Chinatownhad,effectively,been spatiallyghettoizedbymunicipalofficialsandthepolicedepartmentsuchthattheredͲ lightdistrict,withallofitsattendantsocialevils,wassegregatedintothesamefewcity blocks.15InanappealtoCityHallforfundingforbulletͲproofvestsandmorepolice dogs,thechairmanofthePoliceCommissioninvokedthestereotypesof“chinamen” and“negros,”as“lowͲtypeforeigners.”Hearguedthat“Vancouver[was]animportant seaportcity...responsibleforattractingandharbouringalargeforeignpopulationand undesirablesofvariousraces.This[made]theworkofpolicingthecitymoredifficult anddangerousascomparedwithinteriorcities.”16Inthe1920sand30s,theVancouver

PoliceDepartmentwerestillpreoccupiedwitheradicatinggamblingandclearingupthe

“slumconditions”inChinatown.17LiketheKitsilanoReserve,Chinatownintheinterwar period,and,byextension,theChinesethemselves,wereseenasaspace(and,inthe caseofChinatown,arace)characterizedbyimmorality,crime,andvice.

15FordiscussionsonstereotypesoftheChineseinNorthAmericaduringthelatenineteenthandearly twentiethcentury,seeWard,WhiteCanadaForever,3Ͳ22;Roy,AWhiteMan’sProvince,13Ͳ36.Fora thoroughaccountofeugenicsinCanada,seeAngusMcLaren,OurOwnMasterRace:EugenicsinCanada, 1885Ͳ1945(Toronto:McClelland&Stewart,1990).FormoreonthespatialmarginalizationofChinatown, seeDavidChuenyanLai,Chinatowns:TownsWithinCitiesinCanada(Vancouver:UniversityofBritish ColumbiaPress,1988),80Ͳ83;Anderson,Vancouver’sChinatown,82Ͳ105.  16VCA,PoliceBoard,Series181,75ͲCͲ1,LettertoL.D.Taylor,MayorofVancouver,fromW.H.Lang,23 December1927.  17See,forexample,VCA,PoliceBoard,Series181,75ͲBͲ4,File4,“MoralitySquadReports,1919Ͳ1920”; 75ͲBͲ5,File5,“MoralitySquadReports,1922”;75ͲBͲ6,File1,“MoralitySquadReports,1923Ͳ24”;75ͲBͲ7, File2,“MoralityandLiquorControlSquad’sreports,1925Ͳ1927”;75ͲCͲ1,File3,“MoralitySquadand LiquorControlSquadreports,1928”(available:forApril,May,June,July,August,September,October, November);75ͲCͲ1,File3,“ChineseLotteries–PoliceDepartmentReport,1933”;75ͲCͲ1,File6,“Police CourtReports,1930”;75ͲCͲ5,File6,“CrimeinVancouver–reportoftheChiefConstable”(1931);75ͲCͲ6, File4,“Chinatown–gambling”(1932);75ͲCͲ7,File11,“ChineseLotteries”(1932Ͳ1933);and75ͲDͲ1,File 18,“GamblingHouses–Reporton”(1933Ͳ1934). 

192  Inaddressingthisrelationshipbetweenspaceandrace,KayAndersondrawson

theworkofEdwardSaidtoarguefor“asocialreality…constructednotdemocratically

butwithinahegemonicframeworkthatisrarelyquestioned.”18LikeSaid,Anderson takesashersubjectthedichotomiesofOrientalandOccidental,EastandWest,

ChristianandnonͲChristian–andexamineshowthesedichotomieswereconstructed andorderedhierarchically.ForAnderson,both‘theChinese’and‘Chinatown’were constructedbyEuropeansinoppositiontothecategoriesof‘white’and‘Western.’

AndersonalsoreliesheavilyonthetheoreticalworkofAntonioGramsci,particularlyhis

conceptofculturalhegemony,whereinraceisthe“mosteffectiveunifyingconceptin themakingandextensionofEuropeanglobalhegemony.”19Inthisinterpretation, constructedracialidentitiesarenotonlyimposed,but“thoseonthereceivingendof identityclassificationscometolivewithintheparadigmfashionedbytheiroppressors anddefinetheirownidentitiesaccordingly.”20

 OneproblemwiththenotionofhegemonyasAndersonusesitisthatshe homogenizes‘white’(acategorywhichincludes“politicians,bureaucrats,ownersof capital,labourunions,judges,police”aswellasworkers),andequates‘white’with“the

‘ruling’sector.”21Aseconddifficultywithattributingtheconstructionofracial categoriestohegemonicracialdiscourseisthatitdoesnotallowforthepossibilityof

18Anderson,Vancouver’sChinatown,20.  19Ibid.,25.  20Ibid.,27.  21Ibid.,25. 

193 resistancefromwithinthehegemonicframeworkofracism.InVancouver’sChinatown, then,thehegemonicracialdiscourseproducedby‘whiteBritishColumbians’becomes anessentialistandmonolithiccomponentofthecategoryofrace.Thissuggeststhe impositionofracialoppressionfromadominantgroupontoasubordinategroup,a unidirectionalandhomogenoushierarchicalexerciseofpower.Thisconceptionof powerseemslessaccuratethanthemorecomplexprocesswhichFoucaultdescribesin

DisciplineandPunish.There,hedescribespowerrelationsasdefining“innumerable pointsofconfrontation,focusesofinstability,eachofwhichhasitsownrisksofconflict, ofstruggles,andofanatleasttemporaryinversionofthepowerrelations.”22

Hegemony,asemployedbyAnderson,negatesthepossibilityofexplainingpowerin theseterms.Thischapterseekstodeconstructthenotionofhegemony,tobetter understandthecomplexityofidentityinVancouver’sChinatowninthe1920sand30s.



‘ChineseCanadian’(asdistinctfrom‘ChineseinCanada’)

 Bythe1930s,VancouverhadawellestablishedChinatown,andintheprovince ofBritishColumbia,therewasatotalAsianpopulation(includingthedesignationsof

Chinese,Japanese,SouthAsian,andOther)estimatedatoverfiftythousand.23The

ChinesepopulationinVancouverin1931wasreportedtobe13000.24Counteringthe

outflowofChinesebacktoChinaasaresultofexclusionandtheDepression,many

22MichelFoucault,DisciplineandPunish:TheBirthofthePrison(NewYork:VintageBooks,1977),27.  23Ward,WhiteCanadaForever,170—1.  24Ng,TheChinese,16.ThisnumberforVancouverconstitutesabouthalfofthetotalChinesepopulation intheprovinceofBritishColumbia. 

194 ChinesemovedintoVancouverfromtheinteriorregionsofBritishColumbia.Despite thislocalizeddemographicmovement,thevirtualendofimmigrationfollowingthe1923

Actactuallyledtoatransitionfromacommunitycharacterizedbytransiencetoone thatwasmarkedlymorestableandwelldefined.

 Inresponsetoracialoppression,Chineseorganizations“intensif[ied]their collectiveendeavourstofendforthemselves.”25Severalregionalassociations reorganizedthemselvesasnationalbodies,andChineselanguageschoolsand recreationalsocietiesflourishedduringthisperiod.Chinesenationalismwasalsoonthe riseinVancouverbecauseofeventsthatwereoccurringinChina.In1927,the

KuomintangcametopowerandformedtheNanjinggovernment,advocatingChinese

nationalunity,nationaldignity,andnationalpride.LinkstotheOldWorldwerestrong, andtheChineseinVancouverwereheavilyinvolvedinreliefefforts.Thus,Chinese consciousnessinVancouverduringtheinterwarperiodwasshapedbyOldWorld politicsaswellasbyCanadiandiscriminationintheformofsocial,spatial,economic,

andpoliticalconfinement.Thisperiodwascharacterizedbyagenesisofcommunity identity,ofselfreflectionandselfdefinitionasbothChineseandCanadian.

 EvidenceofthesestirringsofaChineseCanadianconsciousnesscanbeidentified inthehistoryoftheChineseassociations.Inadditiontoreorganizationonanational level,theC.B.A.begantoopenitselftothewidercommunityinVancouverinthe1930s.

AccordingtoFoonSienWong,thisshiftwasmotivatedbythebeliefthat“discrimination waspartlyourownfaultbecausewe[did]notpublicizeourcommunity…thenwe

25Ibid. 

195 openedourdoorstothenewspapermenandpublicizetheaffairsoftheChinese community.ThisledtoabetterrelationwiththeCanadianpublic.”26Trainedasa lawyerinVancouverandChicagobutunabletopracticeinCanadabecauseofhisrace,

Wongwasnonethelessaninfluentialvoiceinmunicipalgovernment,theChinatown community,thecourts,andthemediaduringtheinterwaryears.27Wongwasmost influentialinthe1940sand50s,whenhebecamepresidentoftheChineseBenevolent

AssociationinVancouver,andhispoliticalcareerasawholewasmarkedbytwomajor successes.ThesewerehiscampaignsforenfranchisementwiththeProvincial

Governmentbetween1945and1947,andhiscampaignstoliberalizefederal immigrationlawsstartingin1949.However,FoonSienWong’scareerasanactivist beganwellbeforethe1940s.Duringtheinterwarperiod,WongandtheChinese

BenevolentAssociationwereinstrumentalintheprojectofcreatingarespectablepublic

26UBCSC,ChineseCanadianCollection,Box12File8,WilliamE.Willmott,“InterviewwithFoonSien,22 May1961.”  27FoonSienWongwasunabletopracticeinCanadabecauseinordertopractice,hewouldhavehadto havemembershipinaprofessionalassociation.Thefirstrequirementformembershipinthese associations(includinglaw,accounting,andpharmacy)wasthattheindividualhadtobeaBritishsubject orCanadianNational.FoonSienWongwasborninChina,andthereforeconsideredaChineseNational, andanAlieninCanadauntiltheCanadianCitizenshipActwaspassedin1947.In1910,Canadian citizenshipwasdefinedundertheImmigrationActtodifferentiatedomiciledBritishsubjectsfromnonͲ domiciled.The1921CanadianNationalsActagaindeclaredaseparatestatusfordomiciledBritishsubjects aswellastheirnonͲdomiciledwivesandfamiliesasCanadiannationals.Bothofthesestatuseswere amalgamatedintoasingledesignationofcitizenshipinthe1946CanadianCitizenshipAct.However,the ChineseinBritishColumbiawereexcludedfromthe1910and1921Actsfortworeasons.First,in1874, theBritishColumbiagovernmentdisenfranchisedall“Chinamen,”thusrestrictingtheseindividualsfrom citizenshiprights.Second,duringtheearlytwentiethcentury,theChinesegovernmentdeemedall Chinese,includingthosebornand/orresidingoutsideofthemothercountry,tobeChineseNationals,a statusthatwasmaintainedbyCanadiangovernmentofficialsandpolicymakers.SeeValerieKnowles, ForgingourLegacy:CanadianCitizenshipandImmigration1900Ͳ1977(Ottawa:Citizenshipand ImmigrationCanada,2000)andLarryWong,“TheLifeandTimesofFoonSien”inBritishColumbiaHistory 38:3(2005):6Ͳ8.





196 imageofChinatownanditsresidents.Someofthemostexplicitarticulationsofthis imageanditsassociatedidentitywereapparentintheGoldenJubileeexhibitsin1936. thestruggleoftheChineseCanadiancommunitytopromotearespectablecivicidentity inthecityofVancouverinthe1930s.Thiswasahighlygenderedprocess,andonekey

aspectofthisdrivetowardsrespectabilitywastherepresentationofChinesewomenas

theepitomeoftraditionalWesternnotionsoffemininity,capableofproducing respectableandmorallysoundcitizensforCanadiansociety.



“LittleFlower[s]ofChinaOvertheSeas”28

 TheChineseJubileeQueenwasatthecenterofattentioninboththeparadeand openingceremoniesfortheChineseCarnivalVillage.Herpositioninthelimelightduring theJubileeparallelsthecentralpositionofChinesewomeninthebroaderprojectof creatingarespectablepublicimageofChinatownanditsresidents.AsJoanSangster hasdemonstrated,startingintheinterwarperiodand“multiplyingatafuriouspace”in thepostwaryearsinCanada,beautycontestsprovidedaforumforexpressionsof identity,community,andpride.29Atthesametime,whilethesecontestsallowedfora

certaindegreeofempowerment,Sangsterarguesthat“attheirheart,[they]werestill disciplinaryculturalpracticesthatreproducedhegemonicrelationsofclass,race,and gendersubordination.”30TheChineseJubileeBeautyPageantmayhavereinforced

28VCA,YipFamilyFonds,613ͲGͲ1File2,newspaperclippings,“ChineseQueen”(1936).  29JoanSangster,“‘QueenofthePicketLine’:BeautyContestsinthePostͲWorldWarIICanadianLabor Movement,1945Ͳ1970””Labour:StudiesinWorkingClassHistoryoftheAmericas,5:4(2008):83;85.  30Ibid.,89.

197 genderandclasssubordination,italsoservedtolinkracialidentitywiththenotionof respectability.ThePageantwasacrucialcomponentofboththeCarnivalaswellasthe broaderprojectinitiatedbytheleadershipoftheChineseBenevolentAssociationto promotearespectableimageoftheChinesecommunityinVancouver.Oneofthemore tyrannicalintentionsofthe1923ImmigrationActwastopreventwomenfrom emigratinginordertodiscouragefamilylife,andthusdeterpermanentsettlementand naturalincrease.ThewomenwhowerealreadyinVancouver,then,constituteda preciousresourcefortheChinesecommunity.Duringthelate1930s,thesewomenwere

presentedtothepublicthroughexhibitionsliketheJubileeBeautyPageantandinthe

mediaasepitomizingWesternidealsoffemininitywhileretainingadistinctlyChinese identity.

 AsYuenͲFongWoonhasshown,theexperiencesofChinesewomeninBritish

ColumbiawereheavilyinfluencedbyCanadianimmigrationpoliciesforalmosta

century.TheheadtaxwasfirstimposedonChineseimmigrantsin1885,withthe intentionofseveringtheflowofChineselabourersandtheirfamiliesintoCanada.The taxwasincreasedoveryearssoastobecomeprohibitivetothemajorityofpotential immigrantsbytheearlytwentiethcentury,andculminatedinthevirtualexclusionof

Chineseimmigrationwiththe1923ImmigrationAct.WhentheActwasrepealedin

1947,restrictionswereputinplacesothatonlyCanadiancitizenscouldbringtheir wivesandchildrenintothecountry.Asaresultoflongstandingandinstitutionalized

antiͲOrientaldiscrimination,thenumberofChineseresidentsinCanadawhohad obtainedcitizenshipwerefew,andthenewimmigrationpolicyhadalimitedeffect.

198 ThreeyearsaftertherepealoftheAct,immigrationfromChinatoCanadawas effectivelycutoff,whenrelationsbetweenthetwonationssouredovertheoutbreakof theKoreanWar.Forthenexttwodecades,Canadianimmigrationpolicytowardsethnic

Chinesemigrantsgraduallybecamelessdiscriminatory,whileChina’srestrictionson emigrationbecamemoresevere.In1967,majorrevisionstotheCanadianimmigration

Actfinallyremovedracialbiasasgroundsforeligibility;however,China’srestrictionson emigrationwerenotlifteduntilmorethanadecadelater.31Woonarguesthatthis

centuryofcontinuousrestrictiveimmigrationpoliciesinconjunctionwith“patriarchal

traditioninSouthChina,BritishColumbia’sfrontierconditions,[and]whiteracism combinedtokeepChinesewivesasmallminorityinCanadauntilthelate1940s.”32

Nonetheless,womenwerepresentinBritishColumbiafromatleastthe1860sonward.

Thesewomen,whocamebybothlegalandillegalmeans,includedthewivesof merchantsandlabourers,domesticslaves,servinggirls,andprostitutes.33Bythe1930s, thenumberoffemaleimmigrantsfromChinahaddecreasedsignificantly,howeverthe residentChinesepopulationinVancouvernowincludedanimportantnewdemographic

–thenativeͲbornChinesewoman.

 InJulyof1936,thelocalVancouverdailiesannouncedthat“GraceKwan,BritishͲ

ColumbiabornChinesegirl,whoiscalled“LittleFlowerofChinaovertheSeas,”has

31ForacomprehensivehistoricaloverviewofCanadianimmigrationpolicy,seeNinetteKelley,The MakingoftheMosaic:AHistoryofCanadianImmigrationPolicy(Toronto:UniversityofTorontoPress, 1998).  32YuenͲFongWoon,“BetweenSouthChinaandBritishColumbia:LifeTrajectoriesofChineseWomen”BC Studies156(Winter2007/8):84Ͳ85.  33FormoreontheChinesewomenwhoimmigratedtoCanadaintheperiodbetween1860and1947, Ibid.,86Ͳ93. 

199 beenelectedastheChineseJubileeQueen.”34Kwanwasthen18Ͳyearsold,the

daughteroftheReverendandMrs.Y.N.Kwan,andagraduateofFairviewHighSchoolof

Commerce.35KwanwasinthelimelightrepeatedlyoverthecourseoftheJubilee celebrations.Afterhercoronation,sheparticipatedintheopeningparade,andthen accompaniedtheMayorofVancouverintheofficialopeningandinspectiontourofthe

ChineseVillagethefollowingday.36LikethereͲenactmentsperformedby“British

ColumbiaͲborn”Chinesethatwerepartoftheopeningparade,theChineseJubilee

Pageantshowcasedyoung,nativeͲbornChinese.

 Afterthe1923ImmigrationActwaspassed,thefocusofreformersandactivists interestedinracerelations,immigration,andcitizenshipturnedtothenativeͲborn

and/orraisedChineseintheprovince.Onestrikingprobleminthe1930swasthe contradictioninherentinhavingrestrictiveimmigrationpolicyaswellaslimitationson politicalandeconomicrightsimposedontheChineseinCanadawhileatthesametime allowingforthegrowthofasignificantdemographicofnativeͲbornandnaturalized

ethnicChineseCanadiancitizens.Inotherwords,therightsofcitizenshipwhich,in theory,shouldapplytoallCanadianswerecompromisedbecauseofconcurrently existingdiscriminatorylaws.37AsTimothyStanleyhasargued,theChineseCanadian

34VCA,YipFamilyFonds,613ͲGͲ1File2,newspaperclipping,“ChineseQueen,”July1936.  35FairviewHighSchoolofCommercewaslocatedat1540WestBroadwayatGranvilleStreet,andin operationbetween1918–1963.  36VCA,YipFamilyFonds,613ͲGͲ1File2,newspaperclipping,“IntheChineseVillage,”July1936.  37See,forexample,UBCSC,AngusFamilyFonds,Box3File4,HenryForbesAngus,“Underprivileged Canadians”inQueen’sQuarterly(Summer1931):445Ͳ460;UBCSC,AngusFamilyFonds,Box3File8, “CanadianImmigration:TheLawanditsAdministration,”reprintedfromAmericanJournalof InternationalLaw(January1934):76Ͳ82;UBCSC,AngusFamilyFonds,Box3File12,“TheLegalStatusin

200 identitywasmorethanjustanamalgamationofCanadianandChinesenationalism.This identity“articulatedsomethingcompletelynew,”and,likeallidentities,theChinese

Canadianidentitywas“neverfixedbut,rather...continuouslydefinedandredefined throughprocessesofascriptionandofselfͲdefinition.”38Andso,akeyaspectofthe

JubileecelebrationswastoportraythenativeͲbornChineseasChineseCanadians.

 InadditiontotheBeautyPageantandparadereͲenactments,theevents exhibitingthesecondgenerationalsoincludedafashionshowandatea.Thesestage eventsoftheJubilee,particularlythefashionshow“demonstratingthelatestwhimsof

Orientalfemininefancy,”appearstohavestirredakeenpublicinterestamong

VancouveritesinlocallyͲbornorresidentChinesewomen.39Thepublicpresenceof

ChinesewomeninVancouverhadbeenvirtuallynonͲexistentuntilaftertheFirstWorld

War.TheinfluxofanumberofprostitutesintoVancouverfromChinaandHongKong startingin1900createdtheperceptionamongmanyVancouveritesthat“allChinese womenherewereprostitutesandthenativeͲbornwomenwereafraidtogooutonthe

streets.”40Thus,whenChinesewomen,inparticular,wereputonpublicdisplayduring

BritishColumbiaofResidentsofOrientalRaceandtheirDescendants”inTheLegalStatusofAliensin PacificCountries(1937):1Ͳ12;and,chapter9,below.  38TimothyJ.Stanley,““BytheSideofOtherCanadians”:TheLocallyBornandtheinventionofChinese Canadians,”BCStudies156(Winter2007/8):110;109.  39VCA,YipFamilyFonds,613ͲGͲ1File2,pamphlet,“VancouverChinatownGoldenJubilee,1886—1936” (1936).  40UBCSC,ChineseCanadianCollection,Box12File8,WilliamE.Willmott,“ConversationwithBerchingHo oncampus,11May1961.” 

201 theJubilee,ageneralfascinationdevelopedamongVancouveriteswith“thecharm,

graciousmannerandbeautyofChinesewomenandgirls.”41

 Agrowingcuriosityamongthepublicaboutthesepreviouslyinvisiblefellow

BritishColumbiansinspiredthepublicationofanextensivenewspaperarticlewrittenby

MamieMoloneythatincludedexcerptsfrominterviewswithChinesewomen.This articleprovidessomeinsightintohowChinesewomenwerebothpresentedtoand perceivedbythepublicduringthe1930s.TherepresentationofChinesewomenin

Maloney’sarticleismultifaceted.Chinesewomenareconstructedasspecifically

Chinese,butatthesametimetheirdomesticvirtuesareupheldasapositiveinfluence, andwellsuitedtoCanadiansociety.MoloneycommendstheChinesewomenof

Vancouverfortheir“filialpiety,”describedas“partoftheChinesetraditionof honouringtheirancestorsthattwogenerationsofCanadianwayshasnotobliterated.”

Interestingly,thiscontrastbetweenChineseandCanadian“ways”espousesaformof familyorganizationwhichincludesextendedrelationsandinͲlawsoverthenuclear familystructure.ForMrs.EdwardB.Gung,“CanadianbornChinesewifeofDr.Gung

whopracticesamonghiscompatriotsinVancouver,”thetraditionofwiveslivingwith theirmothersͲinͲlaw“wasn’tsoremarkable,justadifferentpointofview.”42

MoloneygoesontodescribeChineseweddingsas“amixtureofbothOccidental andOrientalcustoms,”andhomeͲlifeasbeing“muchlikeanyWesternménage.”She pointsoutthatalthoughmostChinesebusinessesaresituatedinChinatown,many

41VCA,YipFamilyFonds,613ͲGͲ1File2,pamphlet,“VancouverChinatownGoldenJubilee,1886—1936” (1936).  42MamieMaloney,“MotherͲInͲLawTroublenotKnowninChineseFamilies,”TheVancouverSun,2 September1936.

202 homesarescatteredthroughoutthecity,andinthesuburbs.Chinesehomes,she declaresadmiringly,arefurnishedprimarilyin“thewesternmanner”withanexotic

“noteofChineseculture.”Chinesefamilieseatwesternbreakfastsandlunches,while dinnersare“confinedtoChinesedishes.”Eventhephysicalbodyisdescribedinan assimilativelight.AWesterndietiscreditedforphysiologicalchangesintheChinese body,where“manyhavenoticedhowmuchbiggerͲbonedandtallerthesecond generationofCanadianChinesehavebecome.”Moloneyalsoemphasizesthemore superficialphysicalappearanceofChinesewomen,withdetaileddescriptionsofthecut andmaterialof“theirnativedress”inwhich“theslim,softlyroundedfigures”of“the

Chinesegirlsaremostattractive.”Althoughthisisthetraditionaldressofthemodern

Chinesewoman,MoloneyiscarefultopointoutthatmostoftheChinesewomenin

Vancouvergenerallypreferwesterngarbforeverydaywear.Chinesewomenpasstheir

leisuretime“justastheydoinPointGrey,Kitsilano,Shaughnessy,Grandview.”There areChinesewomen’schurchauxiliariesandChineseGirlGuides.Chinesewomen apparentlypatterntheirorganizationsafterthoseofwhitewomen,“withthefostering ofinternationalfriendshipandgoodwillbetweenCanadaandChina,asitsgoal.”43

Thisemphasisonthe“westernized”butstilldistinctly“Chinese”physicalbody, superficialappearance,anddomesticlifealignedChinesewomenwithtraditionalnorms upheldbymoralreformers.Atthesametime,theChinesewomanrepresenteda distinctculturalidentity.In1937,aspartofareliefeffortforChina,theChineseYouths’

Associationputonabenefitteaandfashionparadethatwaswidelypublicizedin

43Ibid. 

203 mainstreammedia.Chinesewomenwereonceagainputondisplayforthewider

Canadianpublic,asexoticobjectsofbeautytobeadmired.Theteaincludedsongand dances,andaparadeof“Chinesedressfromthemostancienterastothemodernday,” toeducatetheCanadianpubliconChinesecultureandhistory.AccordingtotheChinese interviewedfornewspaperarticlesandtheconclusionsreachedbyjournalists,these eventswerealsosuccessfulininspiringasenseofculturalprideandcoherencewithin theChinesecommunity.44TheimageofChinesewomenrepresentedinthemediaand inpublicdisplayswasonethatconstruedthesewomenastheepitomeoftraditional notionsoffemininity,capableofproducingrespectableandmorallysoundcitizensfor

Canadiansociety.



Conclusions,andanIntroduction

TheChineseCanadianidentitythatwaspresentedtothepublicbythe

Chinatowncommunityinthe1930swasshapedbydevelopmentsintourismand consumerisminBritishColumbia,aswellasconnectionstoChinaandthenationalist revolution.OneofthemoststrikingaspectsofthepoliticizationoftheChineseCanadian identityinthisperiodwasitsgenderednature.Chinesewomenwereputondisplayfor thegeneralpublicasemblematicofthevirtuesofbothChinaandCanada.Chinese womenwerealsorepresentedasworkingwomen,buttheserepresentationswere constructedtoconveyasenseofculturalprideandunity.Chinesewomenworkedin

44TheVancouverSun,23November1937;TheProvince,23November1937;TheNewsͲHerald,24 November1937;TheVancouverSun,24November1937. 

204 factories,fruitstores,beautycultureanddressmaking–allrespectableoccupations.45

ButtheprideofVancouver’sChinesecommunitywereitseducatedwomen,doctors, nurses,teachersandotherprofessionals,manyofwhomgraduatedfromtheUniversity ofBritishColumbia,andmostofwhomreturnedtoChinatowork,asopportunities withinCanadawerelimited.WomenlikeMyrtleHosan,“daughterofapioneerChinese

familyinVancouver,”whobecameheadofthedepartmentofstatisticsinChinawith theNankinggovernment,andVictoriaChung,whowasborninBritishColumbiaand workedinChinaasamedicaldoctor,werepubliclylaudedbythemediaandadmiredby

ChineseandwhiteVancouveritesalike.46

Asseveralscholarsofhaveconvincinglyargued,thefirstͲgenerationmigrants

fromChinatoCanadaidentifiedthemselvesverydifferentlyfromthenativeͲborn generation.47Secondgeneration,CanadianͲbornethnicChinesecameofageduringthe

interwarperiodinsignificant(thoughlimited)numbers.TheselocallybornChinese populationremaineda“tiny”numberinrelationtothenumberofoverseasborn

ChineseinCanada,but“asagroup…hadrelativelystrongsocialandculturalcapitalasit

wasoverwhelminglymadeupofpeoplefrommerchanthouseholds.”48WhilethefirstͲ

generationmaintainedtiestoChina,andunderstoodthemselvesaswellasthelocallyͲ borngenerationasHuaren(“Chinese”),thesecondgenerationalignedthemselvesmore

45ForamoredetailedtreatmentofChineseworkingwomen,seeTamaraAdilman,“APreliminarySketch ofChineseWomenandWorkinBritishColumbia,1858—1950”inBritishColumbiaReconsidered:Essays onWomen(Vancouver:PressGangPublishers,1992).  46TheVancouverSun,2September1936.  47See,forexample,Stanley,“BytheSide,”122Ͳ126;129Ͳ139;andNg,TheChinese,40Ͳ59.  48Stanley,“BytheSide,”117. 

205 closelywiththeHuáqiáoidentity.Althoughtheterm“ChineseCanadian”didnotcome intocommonparlanceinChineselanguagecirclesuntilthe1940s,thisidentitywas articulatedinEnglishbeginninginthe1920s.ThebirthoftheChineseCanadianidentity wasdirectlylinkedtotheemergenceofagenerationoflocallybornChinese,andcame

intobeinginthecontextofheavyracialdiscriminationandoppression.

                           

206 Chapter8~“WithintheFourSeas,AllareBrothers”1:Ethnicity,Indigenism,andthe InterwarRhetoricofRights  



 FoonSienWongdiedin1971afteralongandcommittedcareertociviland humanrightsactivisminCanada.HisfuneralwasoneofthelargestthatVancouver’s

Chinatownhadeverwitnessed.In2008,FoonSienWongwasdesignatedaNational

HistoricPersonbytheCanadiangovernmentforhiscontributionstowardssocialjustice.

Wongisbestrememberedforhisworkinthelate1940sand50saspresidentofthe

ChineseBenevolentAssociation(C.B.A.)andasanactivememberofvariousciviland humanrightsorganizations.Inpublicmemory,heisparticularlynotableforhis campaigntoliberalizeChineseImmigrationlawsaftertherepealoftheChinese

ImmigrationActin1947.2However,ashisearlycareerasatranslator,culturalmediator, andliaisonofficerdemonstrates,Wongwasalsoacentralactorinadvocatingforrights duringtheinterwarperiod.

 Thischapterexaminestherhetoricofrightsarticulatedbysocialactivistsand intellectualsinVancouverpriortotheoutbreakoftheSecondWorldWar,andtheir subsequentcontributionstothehumanrightsmovementinCanada.Acommonequality

1UniversityofBritishColumbiaSpecialCollections(UBCSC),ThomasMooreWhaunpapers,Box1,File3, “AMemorandumtotheProgressiveConservativeParty”c.1960.  2<http://www.pc.gc.ca/culture/ppaͲahp/itm3Ͳ/page01_e.asp>accessedJune2010;SeealsoUBCSC, ChineseCanadianCollection,Box12File8;andUBCSC,FoonSienWongfonds.Overthecourseofhis lifetime,WongwasanactivememberoftheWongKungHarSociety,theChineseCanadianCitizens Association,theChineseTradeWorkersAssociation,theVancouverCivicAssociation,theCanadian CouncilofChristiansandJewsandtheVancouverCitizenshipCouncil. 

207 rightsrhetoric,basedonassumptionsofracialessentialismanddifference,wasbeing producedinmultiplesites.Thiscommonalitywasaresultofinterconnectionsbetween localcircumstancesandstruggles,andbroadersocialmovements.Theanalysisis dividedintothreesections.Thefirstexaminestherhetoricproducedbysocialactivists

FoonSienWongandThomasMooreWhaun;thesecondpartlooksatexaminesthe rhetoricproducedbyAndrewPaullandtheleadershipoftheNativeBrotherhood;and thefinalsectionofthischaptertherhetoricproducedbyH.F.Angus(Universityof

BritishColumbia)andHughWesleyDobson(UnitedChurchofCanada)forbotha

nationalandaninternationalaudience.Inonesense,whilethelateinterwarperiod marksthecommonoriginofmodernrightsrhetoricinCanada,italsorevealsaparallel turningpointinthehistoryofraceinCanada.TheracialcategoriesofOrientaland

Indianbothoriginatedasdiscursivetoolsofcolonialoppression.Intheinterwarperiod, thesecategorieswerebothbeingredefinedtoconnoteapoliticalidentityforthe purposeofattainingcertainrightsandprivilegeswithintheCanadiannation.

 Mymainargumenthereistwofold.First,theOrientalwaspoliticizedand redefinedasChineseCanadian(and,asJapaneseorSikhorHinduCanadian), representativeof“theethnicminority”or“theOther.”3Incontrast,thecategoryof

Indian–byvirtueofitspatriarchalrelationshipwiththedominantfigureofthePioneer inthepublicimagination,subjectionundertheIndianAct,andtheongoingcampaignto assertanAboriginalidentity,rightsandlandtitle–constitutedthebasisforaseparate

3Formoreontheoriginsandananalysisofthetermandmeaningof“ChineseCanadian,”seeTimothyJ. Stanley,““BytheSideofOtherCanadians”:TheLocallyBornandtheInventionofChineseCanadians”in BCStudies156(Winter2007/08):109Ͳ139.See,also,chapter7,above.

208 discussion,onethatrejectedthenotionofCanadiancitizenshipasajustificationfor rights.Secondly,theseracialcategoriesbecameoneofthebasesofCanadianhuman rightsdiscourseinthepostwarera.Mostinterpretationsofthedevelopmentofa modernrhetoricofethnicorracerightsinCanadatendtopointtotheSecondWorld

WarandtheUnitedNationsDeclarationofHumanRightsastheinceptionpoint.4While thefocusonhowthesemajorinternationaleventsinfluencedtheCanadiancontextis

bothaccurateandimportant,thischapterexaminestransnationalconnectionsin

Canadathatprecededthewar,andtheircontributiontotheearlydevelopmentofrights rhetoricandactivism.5



TheRightsofEthnicity:FoonSienWongandThomasMooreWhaun

 InhisintroductiontoCanada’sRightsRevolution,DominiqueClémentasksthe question,“[t]owhatdegreecanrightsdiscoursepromotesocialchange?”ForClément,

“[p]artoftheanswerliesinstudyinghowactivistsusedhumanrightsprinciplesto

identifyproblemsintheircommunityandguidetheirideasandstrategiesforchange.”6

Thissectionseekstodojustthat,inaparticulartimeandplace.Problemsthatariseout

ofsocialconflictsareinherenttohumanrightsdiscourse,andprovideaconcrete

4Forexample,seeDominqueClément,Canada’sRightsRevolution:SocialmovementsandSocialChange, 1937Ͳ1982(Vancouver:UniversityofBritishColumbiaPress,2008),41Ͳ55.SeealsoRossLambertson, RepressionandResistance:CanadianHumanRightsActivists,1930Ͳ1960(Toronto:UniversityofToronto Press,2005),196Ͳ242;MichaelIgnatieff,TheRightsRevolution(Toronto:Anasi,2000),42Ͳ50;andEvelyn Kallen,EthnicityandHumanRightsinCanada(Toronto:GagePublishing,1982),43.See,also,chapter1, above.  5SeeChapter1,footnote13,above.  6Clément,Canada’sRightsRevolution,5. 

209 narrativetowhichabstractconceptsofrightsmaybeanchored.Aschapterssixand sevenofthisthesishavedemonstrated,FoonSienWongwasactiveinconstructinga respectablerepresentationoftheChineseinCanadaandinagitatingforsocialjusticein the1930s.Whatisimportanthere,however,istorecognizethatWongwasableto

bringaboutreallegislativechangeaftertheSecondWorldWarfortworeasons,bothof whichfindtheirrootsintheinterwarperiod.First,theChinesecommunityinVancouver waspoliticizedandconsolidatedduringtheinterwaryearssuchthattheywereableto exercisesomeinfluenceasChineseCanadiansinprovincialandfederalpolitics.And

secondly,itwasduringtheseyearsthatFoonSienWongestablishedhimselfasa politicalactivistandspokespersonforthisnascentChineseCanadiancommunity.

 AlthoughlesscelebratedinhistoricalmemorythanFoonSienWong,Thomas

MooreWhaunwasprobablythemostprominentpoliticalactivistinVancouver’s

Chinesecommunityduringtheinterwarperiod.Whaunwasanewspaperman,whose careerasanactivistwasmostnotableforhiscampaignagainstthe1923Chinese

ExclusionAct.BothWongandWhaunwereborninChinabutmovedtoVancouverata youngage.BothreceiveduniversitydegreesfromtheUniversityofBritishColumbia, andbothwereinvolvedinlocal,national,andinternationalcampaignsforsocialjustice.

Inthe1920sand30s,bothWongandWhaunfoundthemselvesinthenovelpositionof beingCanadianͲraisedandeducatedprofessionalswhowerepoliticallyactivebut disenfranchisedonthebasisoftheirrace.TheydrewfromatraditionoftransͲnational migrationoutofChinathatspannedtheglobebythelatenineteenthcentury–the huáqiáo(“soujourningChinese”)nationalisttradition–toadvocateinclusioninthe

210 Canadiannation.Thiscombination,oflocalexperienceandtransnationalperspective, gaverisetoarhetoricofrightsthatsimultaneouslydemandedanendtodiscrimination basedonraceorethnicitywhileassertingspecificrightsfortheChineseinCanadathat weredefinedbyaracialorethnicdistinction.Inotherwords,thisrhetoricofrights

imaginedCanadaasanationcapableofencompassingracialorethnicdifference.

 FoonSienWong’sconceptionofhumanrightsderivedfrompersonalexperience aswellashisinterpretationofthehistoryoftheChineseinCanada.Wongwasbornin

Chinaaroundtheturnofthecentury,andwaslivinginCumberland,BritishColumbia withhisfamilyby1910.Hisfatherwasamerchant,andranasuccessfulgeneralstore.

WongfinishedhighschoolinCumberland,andthenmovedtoVancouvertostudylawat theUniversityofBritishColumbia.Wongsuccessfullypursuedacareerwithinthe

judicialsystemdespitethefactthathewasdisenfranchisedinCanada,andthus ineligibleforthemembershipinprofessionalassociationsrequiredtopracticelaw.In theearly1920shelandedhisfirstjobasofficialcourtinterpreterfortheProvinceof

BritishColumbia.Hiscareerincludedsuchcasesastheinfamous1924trialofFoonSing

WongforthemurderofJanetSmith.7Inthe1930s,FoonSienWongbeganworkingfor

theChineseBenevolentAssociationinvariouscapacities.Heheldthepositionof secretaryforseveralyears,andwasappointedpublicityagentfortheChinese

7FormoreonthecaseofWongFoonSingandJanetSmith,seeKayAnderson,Vancouver’sChinatown: RacialDiscourseinCanada,1875Ͳ1980(Montreal&Kingston:McGillͲQueen’sUniversityPress,1991),141; PatriciaRoy,TheOrientalQuestion:ConsolidatingaWhiteMan’sProvince,1914Ͳ1941(Vancouver: UniversityofBritishColumbiaPress,2003),44. 

211 BenevolentAssociationin1937.HeremainedwithintheleadershipoftheC.B.A.,serving aspresidentin1948untilhisretirementin1959.8

 ThisbriefbiographicalsketchprovidesthecontextforWong’sinterpretationof

thehistoryoftheChineseinBritishColumbia,anditscorrespondinghistoryofsocial activism.ThishistorybeganinthemidͲnineteenthcentury,whenVictoriawasthehub oftheChinesecommunityand“alotofChinesehadgoldclaims”alongtheCaribooGold

Rushtrail,betweenYaleandBarkerville.9ForWong,however,rightsadvocacyforthe

ChineseinCanadabeganwiththeChineseBenevolentAssociationandthe1906

Chinatownriots.AsWongrelatedina1961interview:

 …theChinesewerebroughtover[toCanadainthe1880s]oncontracttobuild

 therailroad,andtheunderstandingwasthattheywouldreturntoChinaatthe

 company’sexpense.ButwhentheChinesefinishedthejob,thecompany

 renigged[sic]ontheagreement,refusetotakethemback.TheCanadian

 Governmentsaidtheyhadnoresponsibility,andthesamewiththeB.C.

 government.SotheChinesewerestuck–asoneCanadiannewspapersaidatthe

 time,“withthesmellofthegreasestillaboutthemandnothingtoeat.”Sothere

 wasalotofunemploymentandtheC.B.Astarttohelpthoseunemployed.At

8UBCSC,ChineseCanadianCollectionBox12File8,WilliamE.Willmott,“InterviewwithFoonSien,”22 May1961;andUBCSC,FoonSienWongfonds,Boxes1&3,Scrapbooks.SeealsoWingChungNg,The ChineseinVancouver:ThePursuitofIdentityandPower(Vancouver:UniversityofBritishColumbiaPress, 1999),75Ͳ77.  9UBCSC,ChineseCanadianCollection,Box12File8,WilliamE.Willmott,“InterviewwithFoonSien,”22 May1961. 

212  firstitstartedjustashandingoutfood,circulatefromonestoretoanother,with

 nootherorganization,nobuilding.Thatwas1889.10

Then,in1896,Chinatownwasburnedtotheground,anditsinhabitantsmovedacross

HastingsStreetintotheredlightdistrict.UnemploymentwasrampantamongChinese labourersinthisperiod,andtheC.B.A.quicklybecameanemploymentagency.In1906, therewasaraceriotinChinatown.Inresponsetotheriots,theC.B.A.incorporated undertheprovinciallawsofBritishColumbia,andengagedinalegalbattlewiththe federalgovernment,suingfor$100000indamagestoChinatownproperties.Thiswas thefirstlegalactionbytheC.B.A.thatwasacleardeclarationoftherighttonotbe discriminatedagainstinCanadaonthebasisofrace.11

 InWong’sinterpretation,theC.B.A.(andhisownlongstandinginvolvementin theorganization)wasavehicleforsocialactivismandchange.In1923,whenthe

ChineseImmigrationActwentintoeffect,apermanentChinesecommunityhadbegun toformbasedonsegregation,isolationism,andtaciturnity–whatFoonSienWong

referredtoasthe“DarkAges.”12Notonlywerewelfareandemploymentdealtwith internally,buttheC.B.A.alsofunctionedasgovernmentandjudiciary,completewith judgeandjury.Yet,itwasalsoduringthisperiodthattheleadershipoftheChinese

BenevolentAssociation,withWongassecretary,recognizedtheneedtoheightenthe community’sprofilewithintheCanadianstatebypublicizingChinatownthroughlocal

10UBCSC,ChineseCanadianCollection,Box12File8,WilliamE.Willmot,“InterviewwithFoonSien,”22 May1961.  11Ibid.  12Seechapter7,above. 

213 Englishlanguagenewspapers,publicexhibitions,andmarketingChinatownasatourist destination.Once“betterrelations”hadbeenestablishedwith“theCanadianpublic”– i.e./bythepostwarperiod–Wongwasabletocampaignsuccessfullyforthefranchise andlessstringentimmigrationpolicy.13

 Wong’sactivismwasbasedonaconceptofhumanitythatwasfundamentalto

theideologiesofbothChristianSocialGospelaswellasConfucianism.In1949,Wong beganhisannualtripstoOttawatocampaignforeasingimmigrationandcitizenship restrictionsagainsttheChinese.Thisprocesswasincremental,andonethatWong

continuedforelevenyears,untilhisretirement.In1950,Wong’scampaignsawsome resultsinthreechangesthatweremadetoimmigrationpolicy.First,theageforchildren ofCanadianresidentsallowedtobeadmittedintoCanadafromChinawasraisedfrom nineteentotwentyͲoneyears.Second,womenwereallowedtobringtheirhusbands

andchildrenoverfromChinabasedonthepremisethatmenwerethenallowedto bringtheirwivesandchildrenintothecountry.Andthird,ChineseCanadianwomen whomarriedChinesemenwouldnotlosetheircitizenship.AsWongexplainsin hindsight,eventhoughthesechangesinrelationtowomen“didn’taffectverymany people,”hewanted“toestablish[a]principleofequality.”14Thisprincipleofequality wasonethatappearsinWong’srhetoricpriortothewar,andwhichalsoprovidedthe basisforhiscampaignforimmigrationandcitizenshiprightsinthepostwarera.

13UBCSC,ChineseCanadianCollection,Box12File8,WilliamE.Willmott,“InterviewwithFoonSien,”22 May1961.  14UBCSC,ChineseCanadianCollection,Box12File8,WilliamE.Willmott,“InterviewwithFoonSien,”22 May1961. 

214  Wong’ssocialactivisminthepostwarerahadclosetiestotwokey developmentsoftheinterwarperiod–thepublicizingofarespectableChinese communityandaprincipleofequalitybasedonaConfucian/SocialGospelconceptionof humanity.Thelatter,ofcourse,hadrootsinearliertimes,butWong’sversionwasone

thatwasshapedbythecontextoftheGreatDepression,andthuscharacterizedbya beliefinuniversalrights.In1945,WongworkedalongsideThomasMooreWhaunatthe officesoftheChineselanguagenewspaperXinMinguoBao(TheNewRepublicChinese

Daily)andinthenationalcampaignfortheenfranchisementofChineseCanadians.

Wong’sworkwithWhauninthisperiodhighlightsathird(andrelated)keyinterwar development:thetransnationalconnectionsthatcharacterizedrightsadvocacyin

BritishColumbiapriortotheSecondWorldWar.AsChristopherMacLennanhasshown, thelegislationofhumanrightsintheCanadianBillofRightswasaresultofboth domesticandinternationaldevelopments.AccordingtoMacLennan,theinternational influencemanifestedinanexpressionof“thebeliefofuniversality.”15Thisfundamental premiseofuniversalismandtheaccompanyingrecognitionthathumanrightswerean internationalconcernwereenshrinedinmodernrightsrhetoric,intheUnitedNations

CharterofRightsandFreedoms.ForearlysocialactivistslikeWongandWhaun,a transnationalperspectivewascentraltheirpoliticalactivitywellbeforethe1940s.The

campaignstheyengagedinduringtheinterwarperiodweredefinedbyatransnational

15ChristopherMacLennan,TowardtheCharter:CanadiansandtheDemandforaNationalBillofRights (Montreal&Kingston:McGillͲQueen’sUniversityPress,2003),4;60Ͳ82. 

215 perspectivethatresultedfromcloseconnectionsbetweentheChinesecommunitiesin

VancouvertowhatwashappeningpoliticallyinChina.

 Thebeginningofthetwentiethcenturymarkedtheendofdynasticruleand imperialintrusion,andtheuneasybirthoftheRepublicofChina.Therevolutionledby

SunYatͲsenwasintendedasadeclarationofsolidarityandautonomy,andarejectionof bothmonarchicalandforeigncontrol.The1920sand30sweredecadesofintense politicalconflictinthispartoftheworld.In1925,therevolutionaryleadershippassed fromSunYatͲsentoChiangKaiͲshek.Twoyearslater,in1927,thetenuousalliance

betweentheKuomintang(K.M.T.)andtheCommunistPartyofChina(C.P.C.)dissolved, whichinstigatedacivilconflictthatwouldlastforovertwodecades.Thisstrugglefor powerbetweentheK.M.T.andtheC.P.C.wasfurthercomplicatedbytheJapanese occupationofManchuria,whichlastedfrom1931untiltheendoftheSecondWorld

War.TheXinMinguoBaowaswellknownasanorganoftheK.M.T.16But,thisproject wasnotaboutpartisanpoliticsforeitherWongandWhaun–neitherofthemwere membersoftheK.M.T.ortheC.P.C.WongwasastaunchsupporteroftheLiberalparty ofCanada,andWhaunassertedanonͲpartisanstancethroughouthislife.Lookingback inthe1960sand70s,bothmenassertedthattheyhaddeviatedfromtheirdeclared politicalpositionsonlyonce–insupportofConservativeDouglasJung’ssuccessfulrun forMemberofParliamentforVancouverCentralin1957.17

16FormoreontheKuonmintanginVancouverandtheChinesePressinVancouverinthepostwarperiod, seeNg,TheChineseinVancouver,7;24;49Ͳ50;76;85Ͳ88;104.  17UBCSC,ChineseCanadianCollection,Box12File8,WilliamE.Willmott,“InterviewwithFoonSien,”22 May1961;UBCSC,FoonSienWongfonds,Box1,Scrapbook;Ng,TheChineseinVancouver,75Ͳ77;UBCSC,

216  WhatmotivatedmenlikeWhaunandWongtoengageinpoliticalactivismduring theinterwarperiod,then,wasnotprimarilypartyloyaltyorpartisanpolitics.AsWing

ChungNghasargued,theK.M.T.’srisetopowerinthe1920s,followedbytheoutbreak oftheSinoͲJapanesewarinthe1930s,gaverisetoacultureofnationalistͲfueled

“ChinaͲboundactivities”inVancouver.18Thisexpressionofoverseassupport,whichwas recognizedbytheK.M.T.inChinaasplayingasignificantroleintherepublican revolution,providedtheChinesecommunityinVancouverwithasenseofpolitical empowerment.AsNgasserts,theChineseinVancouver,“[f]romapositionofrelative powerlessnessinCanada…show[ed]whattheycoulddofromafarwhentheirnative countrywasincrisis.”19ThomasMooreWhaun,whowasborninChina,movedto

Canadain1907attheageoffourteen,andlivedinWestVancouver(andnotin

Chinatown)formuchofhisadultlife,offeredaparallelinterpretationofthe psychologicalconnectionbetweenChinaandCanada.AsWhaunexplains,

 …[m]ostChinesecametoCanadatobettertheirlivelihood.Butsomeofusare

 heretoacquireamoderneducationtohelpChinatoregainherindependence,

 forournationhadaseriesofunspeakablehumiliationsandmilitarydefeatsby

 theWestandJapaninthelastcentury.Suchdisastersmadeusloseourfaithin

 fivethousandyearsofourcherishedcivilization.Consequently,wewereafflicted

 byaninferioritycomplex.IevenanglicizedmynamefromWongTungMowto

ThomasMooreWhaunPapers,Box1File8,LettertoCousinAsta,19March1958;andBox1File2,“An AutobiographicalSketch,”17November1972.  18Ng,TheChineseinVancouver,7.  19Ibid.,85. 

217  TomMooreWhauntomollifymypsycheandfrustration!Thus,everythinking

 Chinesewasobsessedinseekingasolutionofhowtorejuvenatethe

 motherland.20

ForChineselivinginVancouver,thedriveto“rejuvenatethemotherland”manifestedin aredefinitionofChineseinnationalisticterms,inaccordancewiththetransformative eventsoccurringinChina.However,thisredefinitionwasalsolocalized,inthe consolidationandpopularizingofaspecificallyChineseCanadianidentity,andthe accompanyingpoliticalagitationforcitizenshipandimmigrationrightsthatfollowed.In

essence,Chinese“nationalism”inVancouvermanifestedasanethnicidentitythatwas notboundtoaspecificnationͲstate,whereintherightsoftheChineseinCanadawere basedonanascentconceptionof“universalhumanrights.”21

 ForbothWongandWhaun,thetransnationalscopeoftheiractivismcanbe tracedasfarbackastheirexperiencesasstudentsattheUniversityofBritishColumbia.

WhaungraduatedwithaBachelorofArtsfromtheUniversityofBritishColumbiain

1927,andworkedasanewspaperjournalist,editor,andmanagerforfiftyyearsin

Vancouver,between1923and1973.LikeWong,Whaunwasalongtimeresidentof

Vancouver.However,ofthe78yearshelivedinCanada,hespentlessthanhalfasa

20UBCSC,ThomasMooreWhaunPapers,Box1File2,“AnAutobiographicalSketch,”17November1972.  21Foradiscussionof“Chineseness”(or,anassertionof“Chinese”asaprimarysignifierofidentity)as implying“nationality/ethnicity,”seeStanley,“BytheSide,”109Ͳ110.Foradiscussionof“universalhuman rights”seeKallen,EthnicityandHumanRights,14;MacLennan,TowardstheCharter,61Ͳ69;Lambertson, RepressionandResistance,376Ͳ377;andMaxwellYalden,TransformingRights:ReflectionsfromtheFront Lines(Toronto:UniversityofTorontoPress,2009),117Ͳ118.Inessence,thesescholarsagreethatone fundamentalpremiseofmodern(i.e.,post1948UnitedNationsUniversalDeclarationofHumanRights) rightsideologyisthatoftheuniversalityofcertainbasicrightsbyvirtueofone’shumanity. 

218 Canadiancitizen.22DuringtheantiͲimmigrationlawcampaigns,then,Whaun,alongwith mostofhisChineseCanadiancontemporaries,operatedasaliensorillegalimmigrants forwhomformalpoliticalavenuesofprotestwereclosed.Theseindividuals,likemany politicallymarginalizedgroups,resistedthroughindirectforms.23InthecaseoftheantiͲ

immigrationlawandenfranchisementcampaignsinVancouver,thisresistancebypassed nationallegislationandstateoppressionbylookingtotheinternationalarena.Inother words,atransnationalcommunityprovidedideological,strategical,andorganizational direction,materialsupport,aswellasthehumanrelationsandconnectionsthatwere

vitaltothesuccessofthesecampaigns.

 This“sojourner”communityof“diverse,mobile,andglobalCanadians”included illegalimmigrantsandlabourers,butalsoasmallbutinfluentialcontingentpioneeredby

WongandWhaun–thescholars.24Despitebeingoneofthefourcategoriesthatwere exemptfromexclusionunderthe1923,thenumberofChineseuniversitystudentsin

Canadawasminusculeevenbytheendofthe1930s.25BythemidͲ1930s,onlyahandful

ofChinesestudentshadattendedtheUniversityofBritishColumbia,includingFoonSien

Wong,andonlyelevenofthesehadgraduated,includingThomasMooreWhaun.These earlystudentsopenedthedoorsforanewgenerationofnativeͲborn,WesternͲ

22UBCSC,ThomasMooreWhaunpapers,Box1File1,VariousCorrespondenceswithH.L.Keenleyside, 1949Ͳ1950.Whaunwasgrantedcitizenshipin1950.  23LisaRoseMar,“BeyondBeingOthers:ChineseCanadianasNationalHistory”inBCStudies156(Winter 2007/08),15.  24Ibid.,15Ͳ24.  25Canada,ActsoftheParliamentoftheDominionofCanada,AnActRespectingChineseImmigration: ChineseImmigrationAct1923,passedinthesessionheldinthethirteenthandfourteenthyearsofthe reignofHisMajestyKingGeorgeV.Vol.1.PublicGeneralActs(Ottawa:F.A.Acland,1923),3.

219 educated,middleͲclassChineseCanadianswhowouldformthecoreofthesocialjustice movementsinthepostͲwarperiod.Bythelate1950s,theChinesestudentpopulationat theUniversityofBritishColumbiahadrisentowellover200,andtheChineseVarsity

ClubbecameahubofsocialandpoliticalactivityforCanadianͲbornChinesestudents.26

 EventhoughtheChineseVarsityCluboftheUniversityofBritishColumbiawas notrecognizedasanofficialstudentclubbytheAlmaMaterSocietyuntil1956,Chinese studentsinVancouverbegantoorganizethemselvesbythe1930s.Intheinterwar period,theVarsityClub,alternativelycalledtheChineseStudents’Associationorthe

UniversityStudents’Association,oftenrecruitedbothhighschoolanduniversity students,buttheclubwasledbytheuniversitycontingent,andsupportedbythe

ChineseConsulforWesternCanada.In1931,theVancouverChineseHighSchooland

UniversityStudents’AssociationcirculateditssecondannualeditionofForward,an

Englishlanguagepublicationdedicatedto“abroaderinternationalismamongall races.”27ThelifeͲspanofthepublicationwasshortͲlived,butprovidessomeinsightinto transnationalcommunityofwhichWongandWhaunwereapart,andthetransnational perspectivewhichinformedtheirsocialactivisminVancouver.

 Theintentionofthispublication,accordingtoitseditorͲinͲchief,FredH.Yew

Pon,wastwofold:first,toengenderinternationalismbut,second,toremind“all studentsinGreaterVancouverandinotherpartsofCanada,aswellasothercountries” of“thoseprinciplesofrightlivingandthinking”thatwere“boundtobeavitalsourcein

26Ng,TheChineseinVancouver,47.  27VCA,YipFamilyFonds,Add.Mss.1108,613ͲGͲ1File2,FredH.YewPon,“Preface,”inForward2(May 1931),7.

220 obtainingthegoodwillandrespectofourCanadianandotherfriends.”28Thiswasan

expressionofthehuáqiáo(“sojourningChinese”)nationalisttradition,andstudents weredefinedas“sojourners”regardlessofthefactthatmanyofthemwereCanadian born,orpermanentresidents.29Butthehuáqiáotraditioninthisparticularcontextalso

encouragedarhetoricuniversalrightsthatengenderedinternationalgoodwilland

cooperation.Studentswereimpelledtobe“ambassadors,”to“bringaboutabetter internationalandinterracialunderstanding…sinceinthesedaysdemocracyrulesin mostofthecountriesintheworldandthepeopledeterminetheaffairsofthestate.”30

 Thearticlescontainedinthisfortypagepublicationincludedsuchtitlesas“Is

FriendshipNecessarytoMankind?”byAndrewLam,inwhichhediscussesthe importanceofinternationalfriendship;“APleaForaModificationofCanada’sMost

UnfairChineseImmigrationRestrictions”byQueneYip;“ImpressionsofaDoctor”by

WongTaiWai,atiradeonracisminCanadaandtheplaceofthesecondgenerationof

Chinese;“ChinaAmongtheNations”byThelmaY.Chong,inwhichshedescribesChina as“agiantslumbering”;“TheStudentmovementinChina”byBuckS.Chong;“Whatof theFuture”byHildaHellaby,whichdiscussesthefutureofCanadianͲbornChinese;

“TradeBetweenCanadaandtheOrient”byThomasH.Wong;and“Immigrationand

28Ibid.  29HuáqiáonationalismconstitutesaphenomenonthatwaswidespreadamongtheChinesediasporaby thelatenineteenthcentury.FormoreonHuáqiáonationalism,seeNg,13,14,17;WangGungwu, CommunityandNation:EssaysonSoutheastAsiaandtheChinese(Singapore:Heinemenn,1981),118Ͳ 127;andDavidT.H.Lee,AHistoryoftheChineseinCanada(Taipei:CanadaFreePress,1967),227Ͳ320.  30VCA,YipFamilyFonds,Add.Mss.1108,613ͲGͲ1File2,PhilipY.Chu,“TheDutiesoftheChinese StudentsAbroad”inForward2(May1931),10. 

221 Citizenship”byFredH.YewPon,inwhichhesumsupthepurposeofthepublication whenhestates:

 ChinaisslowlybutsurelyawakeningwiththethousandsofwellͲeducatedand

 inmanycasesbrilliantyoungmenandwomenstudents,who,inagreatmany

 cases,areeducatedintheCanadianschoolsanduniversities,andwho,inmany

 cases,arenativeͲborninCanada.Somedaythesestudents,withtheirknowledge

 ofbothlandsandraces,willbetheambassadorsofCanada’sgoodͲwillor

 badͲwillaccordinglyasshechoosestogivethemthesamerightsandprivileges

 thatsheaccordstootheraliens…31

Whilethepublicationalsocontainedtwoarticlesrelatingtosportsandrecreation,its contentheavilyemphasizednotionsofreciprocalinterracial/internationalinfluence,and promotedinternationalcooperationandgoodwillbasedontheideaofuniversalrights andtheequalityoftheraces.

 Theexperienceofbeinga“soujournerstudent”hadafoundationalinfluenceon

Whaun’slatercareerandactivisminVancouver.Despitethefactthatthetwo publicationsthatWhaunwasaffiliatedwithaspublicrelationsandadvertisingmanager werebothofficialorgansoftheKuomintang,Whaunrejectedstrictadherencetoany politicalideology.32Declaringa“hate”forpolitics,anddenyingaffiliationwithany

31VCA,YipFamilyFonds,Add.Mss.1108,613ͲGͲ1File2,Forward2(May1931),22;35.  32WhaunworkedasadvertisingmanagerfortheCanadaMorningNewsDaily,whoseofficeswerelocated at288E.PenderStreetinVancouver,from1923until1929.Hethenworkedaspublicrelationsand advertisingmanagerforTheNewRepublicChineseDaily(XinMinguoBao),whoseofficeswerelocatedat 531MainStreet,Vancouver,from1933until1973.SeeUBCSC,ThomasMooreWhaunPapers,Letterto Hon.DavidBarret,16July1976. 

222 politicalparty,heinsteadadvocatedanideologyofuniversalrights.Whauncelebrated the“intellectualfreedom”heexperiencedinthe1920sattheUniversityofBritish

Columbia,where“communistcardͲcarryingmembers”openlyroamedaboutcampus.

HeadvocatedselfͲdetermination,expressedinhismantrato“proclaimtotheworldin quietdignitythatyoustandfornononsense.Thenitwillrespectyourrights.”33

 Workinghiswaythroughcollegeasadishwasher,greengrocer,Englishteacher tonewimmigrants,foremanatSeasidePark,courtandgeneralinterpreter,andfinally asapublicrelationsandadvertisingmanager,Whaunremembershiseducationin

Canadaasbeing“ahellofastruggle,”characterizedby“muchindignityduetoracial

discrimination.”34Itwasoutofthiscontextofhisearlyexperienceswithsocial, economic,andpoliticaldiscriminationinconjunctionwithanawarenessofthepolitical andeconomicpossibilitiesofCanadathathisworkasasocialactivistbegan.Asa studentinthe1920s,Whaunwasdescribedasbeing“thoroughlyversedinChinese

affairs”andwasoften“foundexplainingthesituationintheFarEasttoagroupof interestedstudents”whowere“indebtedtohimforabroaderandtruerunderstanding ofChina.”35Whaun’slongͲstandingcareerasanantiͲracistactivistwasgroundedina transnationalapproach,andbeganwithhiscampaignstartingin1923againstthe

ChineseExclusionAct.Fromthispointuntilhisretirementinthe1970s,Whaun

33UBCSC,ThomasMooreWhaunPapers,Box1File8,LettertoCousinAsta,19March1958.  34UBCSC,ThomasMooreWhaunPapers,Box1,File2,“AnAutobiographicalSketch”17November1972.  35UBCSC,ThomasMooreWhaunPapers,Box2File6,TheTotem(Vancouver:UniversityofBritish ColumbiaYearbook,1927). 

223 advocated“equalitybeforethelaw”basedontheConfuciantenetofuniversality,that

“withinthefourseas,allarebrothers.”36

 Intheparliamentarydebatesover1923ChineseImmigrationAct,thosewho supportedrestrictingimmigrationarguedthattheissuewasprimarilyeconomic.37For

manywhoidentifiedasChineseandwerelivinginVancouver,however,thisActwasnot onlyaneconomic,butalsoapoliticalandmoralissue.ResistancetoexclusioninCanada wasalsoaquestionofmigration,tradition,andright,thecoreofhuáqiáonationalism.38

Inthisinterpretation,resistancetothe1923Act,includingWhaun’sletterwriting campaign,representsoneaspectofamovementtoprotecttherighttomaintaina

“transnationalmigrantcommunity.”39AccordingtoLisaRoseMar’sresearch,based primarilyontwoChineselanguagenewspapers(oneofthesebeingXinMinguoBao, whereWhaunworkedforfortyyears):

 Canada’simpositionofantiͲChineseimmigrationlawsbetween1885and1947

 inciteduniversaloppositionamongChineseCanadians.Fromtheirancestral

 villagesinGuangdong’scountrysidetoNorthAmerica’scorridorsofpower,

 Chineseorganizedresistancetotheirexclusion.Theymobilizedresourcesin

 Canada,China,HongKong,andtheUnitedStates,creatingpoliticalinfluence

36UBCSC,ThomasMooreWhaunpapers,Box1,File3,“AMemorandumtotheProgressiveConservative Party”c.1960.  37Roy,TheOrientalQuestion,73.  38Mar,“BeyondBeingOthers,”15Ͳ16.  39Ibid.,18. 

224  bydrawingtogetherallthelinkagesbetweentheirPacificworldandCanada.40

Theconceptofarighttotransnationalmigration,basedonalongstandinghistoryof globaldiaspora,inspiredandunifiedresistanceagainstrestrictiveimmigrationlawsin

Canadathroughoutthetwentiethcentury.Thus,thetransnationalscopeofthis movement,withitsunderlyingassumptionoftherighttotransnationalmobility, informedthebeliefs,strategies,language,andintentionsoflocalactivistsinVancouver, includingtheprotestledbyWhaunagainstthe1923ChineseImmigrationActand

Wong’sactivisminconnectionwiththeChinatowncommunityinthe1930s.



 TheRightsofIndigenism:AndrewPaullandtheNativeBrotherhood

 WhileChineseCanadianactivistsdevelopedarhetoricofrightsbasedona transnationalmigratoryidentity,AboriginalCanadianactivistswerestartingtotakea panͲIndianapproachintheirideologicalandstrategicdirectionduringtheinterwar period.BytheheightoftheAmericanIndianMovementinthemidͲ1970s,thisdirection hadmaturedintoanassertionofindigenism,anidentitybasedonthesocialconstructof

“theIndian.”In1982,indigenousrightsinCanadabecameconstitutionalrightsunder

section35(1)oftheCanadianConstitution,wheretheterm“Aboriginal”isusedtoname

Canadianindigenouspeoples.Inthissection,“theexistingAboriginalandtreatyrightsof theAboriginalpeoplesofCanada”were“recognizedandaffirmed.”41Assuch,

40Ibid.,19.  41Canada,TheConstitutionAct,Sec35(1),1982. 

225 interpretationofindigenousrightswasplacedunderthejurisdictionoftheSupreme

CourtofCanada.However,assection35(1)clearlystates,AboriginalrightspreͲexisted theConstitution.TheassertionofindigenousrightsandlandtitleduringthetreatyͲ makingprocessinthe1870s,ledbyChiefslikePoundmakerandBigBear,shapedthe

completionofConfederation,andhasoccurredinacontinuousmannerfortheextentof

theexistenceoftheCanadiannation.42Evenso,thenotionofaunifiedIndianidentity whichsupersedednationalboundaries(bothcolonialaswellasindigenous)asabasis forrightsadvocacydidnotmanifestuntiltheearlytwentiethcentury.AsJacqueline

PatriciaO’Donnellhasshown,theformationoftheNativeBrotherhoodofBritish

Columbiain1931markedthebeginningofapanͲIndianstrategyandorganizationinthe

province.43

 ThefirstorganizedcampaignadvocatingAboriginalrightsinBritishColumbiain

thepostͲConfederationperiodwascarriedoutbytheNisga’ainthe1890s.When membersofaroyalcommissionvisitedtheNassValleyin1887andtoldtheNisga’athat theydidnothaveanylegalrightstotheirlands,theNisga’arespondedwithlaughter anddisbelief,followedquicklybyanger.44TheNisga’achiefsdemandedatreaty recognizingtheirrightstoaportionoftheirtraditionalterritory,compensatingthem modestlyfortheremainder,andguaranteeingthemcertainpowersofselfͲgovernment.

42FormoreonPoundmaker,BigBear,andtheConfederationprocess,seeOlivePatriciaDickason, Canada’sFirstNations:AHistoryofFoundingPeoplesFromEarliestTimes(Toronto:McClelland&Stewart, 1992),292Ͳ318.  43JacquelinePatriciaO’Donnell,“TheNativeBrotherhoodofBritishColumbia1931Ͳ1950:ANewPhasein NativePoliticalOrganization”(M.A.Thesis,UniversityofBritishColumbia,1985),41Ͳ57.  44HamarFoster,“HonouringtheQueen’sFlag:ALegalandHistoricalPerspectiveontheNisga’aTreaty”in BCStudies120(Winter1998/99),12. 

226 Whenthecommissionerssaidthatsuchatreatywasoutofthequestion,andthatthe lawwouldnotpermitit,thechiefswereastonished.OneoftheNisga’awhowas present,CharlesRuss,explainedtothecommissioners:

 Whentheymadethelawsthatyouspeakabout,theyhadneverbeento

 seeus...Iwouldliketoask,sirs,iftherewasonechiefoftheNaaspresent

 whenthatlawwasmade,andwhethertheyaskedhimtospeakfortheNaas

 people?...Youseethesechiefspresentlaugh.Wecannotbelievethewords

 wehaveheard,thatthelandwasnotacknowledgedtobeours.Wetookthe

 Queen'sflagandlawstohonourthem.Weneverthoughtthatwhenwedid

 thatshewastakingthelandawayfromus.45

ThiswasthestartoforganizedprotestagainsttheCanadiangovernmentinBritish

Columbia,whichcoalescedaroundtheassertionofAboriginalrightsandlandtitle.46

 In1907,theNisga’aLandCommitteewasformed,spearheadedbyCharles

BartonandArthurCalder.Thecommitteeworkedbothindependentlyandwithother tribeswithasinglegoalofsettlingthelandquestion.WhentheAlliedTribesofBritish

45BritishColumbia,“PapersRelatingtotheCommissionappointedtoenquireintothestateandcondition oftheIndiansoftheNorthͲWestCoastofBritishColumbia,”BritishColumbiaSessionalPapers(1888), 432Ͳ433.  46TheNisga’aFinalAgreementwassignedin2000,afteroveracenturyofagitationforAboriginalrights andlandtitle.Thisagreementwassettledbasedonthe1973CalderDecisionintheSupremeCourtof Canada,whichconstitutedthefirstlegalrecognitionofAboriginallandrightsinCanadaandinstigatedthe moderndaytreatyprocess.ModerndaytreatiessinceCalderinclude:the1975JamesBayandNorthern QuebecAgreement;the1978NortheasternQuebecAgreement;the1992Gwich’inAgreement;the1993 NunavatLandClaimsAgreement;the1994SahtuDeneandMétisAgreement;andthe2000Nisga’aFinal Agreement.FormoreontheNisga’aandmoderndaytreaties,see,forexample,J.R.Miller,LethalLegacy: CurrentNativeControversiesinCanada(Toronto:McClelland&Stewart,2004),106Ͳ164;BCStudies:The Nisga’aTreaty,120(Winter1998/99);andTheNisga’aLisimsGovernmentWebsite, http://www.nisgaalisims.ca/nisgaaͲfinalͲagreement. 

227 Columbiaformedin1916undertheleadershipofAndrewPaullandPeterKelley,they workedinconcertwiththeNisga’aLandCommitteetohavetheirclaimsforAboriginal landtitlebroughttothecourtsandrecognizedbythefederalgovernment.47In1927,in

responsetotwentyyearsoforganizedpetitioningbytheNisga’aandtheAlliedTribes,a parliamentaryjointcommitteedeclaredthatnoclaimtolandtitleinBritishColumbia hadbeenestablished.Thatsameyear,Section141wasaddedtotheIndianAct,which prohibited“raisingmoneyandprosecutingclaimstolandorretainingalawyer,”thus effectivelybanningthepursuitoflandclaimsandlandtitle.48TheAlliedTribes,whose mainfunctionwastoraisemoneytopursuelandclaimsandtitle,wasdisbanded.Itwas inthiscontextofexclusionfromjuridicalandpoliticalmeansofprotestthattheNative

BrotherhoodofBritishColumbiacameintobeing.

 WhentheNativeBrotherhoodwasformedin1931,generalconsensusamong theleadershipwasthattribalaffiliation(andinterͲtribalconflict)andanexclusivefocus onAboriginalrightsandlandtitlehadledtothefailureandsubsequentdemiseofthe

AlliedTribes.Accordingly,theNativeBrotherhoodadoptedadifferentapproach.First, fortheinitialfiveyearsofitsexistence,theNativeBrotherhoodfocusedheavilyon establishingabroadmembershipbase.Secondly,althoughAboriginalrightsandland

47ForasuccincthistoryoftheAlliedTribesofBritishColumbiaasprecursortotheNativeBrotherhood, seeO’Donnell,30Ͳ31.AlthoughtheAlliedTribeswere,technically,aprovinceͲwideorganizationinthatit encompassedseveralInterior(Okanagan,LakeorSenjextee,ThompsonRiver,Lillooet,Kootenay, Chilcotin,andCarrier)aswellasCoastal(Nisga’a,Tsimshian,Gitskan,Haida,BellaCoola,Cowichan,and Stol’o)groups,therewasnoapparentcohesivestrategy,andmuchfragmentationatthetriballevel.  48Canada,ParliamentofCanada,AmendmenttotheIndianAct,Section141,1927.See,also,Foster, “HonouringtheQueen’sFlag,”25;andidem,“WeareNotO’Meara’sChildren:Law,Lawyers,andtheFirst CampaignforTitleinBritishColumbia,1908Ͳ28”inHamarFoster,HeatherRaven,andJeremyWebber, eds.,LetRightBeDone:AboriginalTitle,theCalderCase,andtheFutureofIndigenousRights(Vancouver: UniversityofBritishColumbiaPress,2007),71. 

228 titleremainedacentralgoaloftheorganization,theleadershipoftheBrotherhood approachedthisgoalwithaviewofsocial,economic,andpoliticalintegrationintothe

Canadiannation.Thiswasacontradictoryposition:anintegrationistapproachwhich simultaneouslyassertedhereditaryrightsandtherefore,intheconceptualworldofthe time,thepreservationofracialdistinctions.Assuch,theNativeBrotherhoodexpanded theiragendatoincludeadvocacyforeducationalreformandeconomicprovisionsto supportandencourageselfͲsufficiencyamongAboriginalpeopleintheprovince.And thirdly,incontrasttothenarrowfocusonspecificlandclaimsandtheattachmentto

triballoyaltiesthathadlimitedearlieractivism,theBrotherhoodoperatedwiththe overarchinggoalofachievingsocial,political,andegalitarianrightswithintheCanadian nationforallAboriginalCanadianswhilemaintainingadistinctstatusbasedonan indigenousracialidentity.49AsO’Donnellhasconvincinglydemonstrated,fromits inceptiontheleadershipofthisorganizationhadclearly“recognizedtheneedto subordinatetriballoyaltiestocreateanewidentityasCanadianIndiansinorderto changetheirminoritystatus.”50

 ThedifficultyintheinterwarperiodwiththisapproachtoidentityͲdrivenrights advocacywasamatterofhistoricity.The1876IndianAct,passedfiveyearsafterBritish

ColumbiajoinedCanada,defined“Indian”inlegalandpoliticaltermsasahomogenous socialcategoryandidentityforthefirsttime.Anidentitybasedonanassumptionof

49PhilipDrucker,TheNativeBrotherhoods:ModernInterͲtribalOrganizationsontheNorthwestCoast (Washington:UnitedStatesGovernmentPrintingOffice,1958),104Ͳ111;Canada,ParliamentofCanada, MinutesandProceedingsoftheSpecialJointCommitteeoftheSenateandHouseofCommonstoRevise theIndianAct(Ottawa,1946,1947,1948),787,833;andO’Donnell,“TheNativeBrotherhood,”52Ͳ54;58.  50O’Donnell,“TheNativeBrotherhood,”72. 

229 racialhomogeneityandsubordinationwasthusimposedonalargenumberofdiverse linguistic,cultural,andpoliticalgroups.Assuch,thisforcedstatusprimarilyconnoted racismandcolonialoppression,andnotanidentity.Inotherwords,therewasa discrepancybetweentheactofcreatingaracializedpopulationthroughlegislationin

1876andthelivedexperiencesofthoseindividualsrecognizedas“Indians”bythe

Canadiangovernment.UntiltheFirstWorldWar,AboriginalleadershipinBritish

ColumbiatendedtoselfͲidentifyandrepresentthemselvespoliticallyasmembersof individualtribesornations,orasalliancesoftribesornations.51WhentheNative

Brotherhoodwascreated,theprincipleofracialsolidaritywaspositionedasan ideologicalcornerstoneoftheorganization.However,theconstructionofaunified

Canadianindigenousidentitywasstillinitsnascentstages,complicatingtheargument forgrouprights.Yet,bythelateͲ1940s,theNativeBrotherhoodwascallingforthe

“maintenance”and“preservation”of“Indianidentity,”52andin1944,AndrewPaull

foundedtheNorthAmericanIndianBrotherhood,whichwasexplicitlyorganizedaround apanͲIndianideology.53

 AsIhaveshowninchaptersfour,five,andsixofthisthesis,theproductionofa commonIndianidentityfromwhichtoadvocateforindigenousrightsaswellas integrationwithintheCanadiannationoccurredinBritishColumbiaintheinterwar

51Ibid.,26Ͳ40.  52BCARS,SocietyfortheFurtheranceofBritishColumbiaIndianArtsandCrafts,1939Ͳ1954,Box2File2, BritishColumbiaNativePublishingCompany,TheNativeVoice(June1950);andIbid.,(December1946).  53BCARS,SocietyfortheFurtheranceofBritishColumbiaIndianArtsandCrafts,Box2File2,North AmericanIndianBrotherhood,GrandNationalConventionCall,16July1945.See,also,HerbertFrancis Dunlop,AndyPaull:AsIKnewHimandUnderstoodHisTimes(Vancouver:StandardPress,1989),216Ͳ219. 

230 periodthroughtourism,civicexhibitions,andtherevivalofIndianartsandcrafts.These

representationscontributedtotheconstructionofanIndianidentity,which,inturn, providedthefoundationforapanͲIndianapproachtoactivism.ThepanͲIndian approachtakenupbyPaullandtheleadershipoftheAlliedTribes,andthenbythe

NativeBrotherhoodinthe1930s,wasapreconditiontothecoalescenceoforganized activisminthepostͲwarperiod,andamovementthathadtheabilitytochampion indigenousrightswithinthesphereofmoderninternationallaw.AsSharonVennehas argued,indigenouspeopleshavehistoricallybeentheobjectofinternationallawrather thansubjectssinceearliestcontact,asembodiedinthedoctrineofdiscoveryandthe righttodiscoverandclaim“new”landsandpeople.54Theongoingstruggletoassert

indigenousrightataninternationallevel–inotherwords,torepositionindigenous peopleassubjectsofinternationalandtreatylaw–isnowattheforefrontofthe

AssemblyofFirstNations’strategy.

TheeffectivenessofpanͲIndianismasameansofprotestinthesecondhalfof

thetwentiethcenturyhasbeencompromisedbydivisionsamongAboriginalCanadians.

AsHowardRamoshasdemonstratedthroughaquantitativestudyofAboriginalprotest inCanadabetween1951and2000,therearethreemainfactorsthataccountforprotest inthisperiod.Theseareresourcemobilization,politicalopportunity,andcollective

identity.AccordingtoRamos’findings,politicalopportunityistheprimemotivatorof protestactivity,butresourcemobilizationisnecessarytoengageinprotestwhen

54SharonHelenVenne,OurEldersUnderstandourRights:EvolvingInternationalLawRegarding IndigenousRights(Penticton:TheytusBooks,1998),10Ͳ16. 

231 politicalopportunitiesarecreated.Further,Ramosassertsthatresourcesaswellas politicalopportunity“arelargelyallocatedtospecificlocalcommunitiesandstatus groups,”thusinhibitingwhatheterms“PanAboriginal”(i.e.,panͲIndian)mobilization.55

AsRamosalsopointsout,governmentresponsetoAboriginalprotestbetween1951 and2000wascharacterizedbythereificationoftribal,community,status,and organizationdistinctions,andresourceallocationwascontrolledprimarilybythe

Canadianfederalgovernment.Therefore,inthisperiod,theeffectivenessofpanͲIndian approachwascompromisedbythegovernment’sstrategy,whichfunctionedto fragmentpanͲIndianorganizationandinterests.

 Ramos’studyissignificantbecauseitbringsattentiontotherelationship betweenthefactorsthataccountforactivism.WhereRamosdemonstratesthatpolitical opportunityisdependentonresourcemobilization,thisstudyaddstothediscussionby assertingthatacollectiveidentitywasanecessaryprecursortobothpolitical opportunityaswellasresourcemobilization.Inotherwords,acollectiveidentity–i.e.,

“Indian”–wasfirstimposedonapopulationbytheCanadiangovernmentthroughthe

1876IndianActinordertogaincontrolofpoliticalopportunityandresources.During

theinterwaryears,thissamecollectiveidentitywaspoliticizedbyrightsactivistsasa meansofadvocatingforandcreatingpoliticalopportunitiesandofattainingresources.

WhilethepanͲIndian/PanAboriginalidentityhasbeen,sinceitsinception,limited,its significanceendures.Evidenceofthiscanbeseenintwokeysites.First,inthe

55HowardRamos,“WhatCausesCanadianAboriginalProtest?ExaminingResources,Opportunitiesand Identity,1951Ͳ2000”inCanadianJournalofSociology31:2(2006),226.Seealso,idem,“Opportunityfor Whom?:PoliticalOpportunityandCriticalEventsinAboriginalCanadianMobilization,1951Ͳ2000,”in SocialForces,87:2(December2008):795Ͳ823. 

232 persistence,expansion,anddevelopmentofpanͲIndian/PanAboriginalorganizationover

thecourseofthesecondhalfofthetwentiethcentury,forexampleintheprominence ofnationalorganizationsliketheAssemblyofFirstNations.56Andsecond,inthenotion thateveninexplicitlylocalinstancesofAboriginalprotest,theassertionofindigenous rightsassuchdependsonthenotionofacollectiveidentity.Thissenseofcollectivity findsitsrootsintheinterwarperiod,inthepoliticizationoftheIndianidentity.

 UnliketheChinese,whoselongstandinghuáqiáotraditionprovidedan establishedculturalidentityaswellaslongstandingtransnationalconnections,

AboriginalculturesinBritishColumbiaduringtheinterwarperiodhadbeeneffectively suppressed,insomecasestothepointofnearextinction.Therevivalof“traditional” arts,representedinAliceRavenhill’sefforts,markedaturningpointinthedevelopment

ofacohesiveIndiancultureandidentityonwhichlaterAboriginalrightsactivistswould basepanͲIndianarguments.57EarlyexpressionsofapanͲIndianapproachwere,tobe sure,tenuousandlimited.Theinternationalconnectionsthatwereactivelyand explicitlyforgedinthe1970sandbeyondwerenotyetapparent.However,thepanͲ

IndianapproachoftheNativeBrotherhoodcanbeinterpretedasbeingtransnationalin scopefortworeasons.First,thepanͲIndianismoftheNativeBrotherhoodinvolved alliancesbetweendifferentindigenousnations,astrategythatsupportedthetenetof

56OthercontemporarypoliticalorganizationsbasedonPanAboriginalconstituenciesincludetheCongress ofAboriginalPeoples,theInuitTapiriitKanatami,theMétisNationalCouncil,andtheNativeWomen’s AssociationofCanada.See,forexample,Ramos,“WhatCausesCanadianAboriginalProtest?”215Ͳ216.  57Seechapter4,above. 

233 universalityandamoreexpansivedefinitionofrights.58Andsecondly,kinshipties providedestablishedconnectionsacrosstheAmericanborder.Mostnotably,the founderoftheNativeBrotherhoodofBritishColumbia,AlfredAdams,heldstrong connectionswithrelativesintheUnitedStates,specificallyinAlaska.WhentheBritish

Columbiaorganizationwascreatedin1931,itwasbasedonthestructuraland

ideologicalmodeloftheNativeBrotherhoodofAlaska.59Connectionsbetweenactivists

inCanadaandtheUnitedStatesprovidesomeinsightintothecoͲexistenceofkinshipͲ basedidentitieswithpanͲIndiannationalidentitiesasanessentialcomponentof

Aboriginalactivismintheinterwarperiod.AsthecampaignstoOttawaforlandtitle headedbytheAlliedTribesandtheconflictovertheKitsilanoreservethatplayedoutat cityhallinVancouverdemonstrate,theIndianidentitywasalimitedandcontradictory one,andindigenousrightsweredifficulttoassertwithintheparametersofthe

Canadianlegalandpoliticalsystems.60

 WhilethereweresomesimilaritiesbetweenChineseandAboriginalactivists, mostnotablyintheparallelestablishmentofaracialidentityframedinrelationto

Canadiancitizenship,differencesarealsoapparent.Aunifiedindigenousidentitywas beginningtocrystallize,but,unlikeChineseCanadianactivists,Aboriginalactivistshad nosojournercultureorpowerfulinternationalconnectionstodrawfrom.Instead,the

58Iusethetermindigenous“nations”ratherthancultures,groups,ortribesbasedontheunderstanding thatadvocacyforAboriginalrightsandlandtitleinCanadasinceConfederationhasbeenbasedonthe assertionofpreͲConfederationtreatyrights,andwhereintreatiesconstituteagreementsbetween nations.See,also,DaleTurner,ThisisNotaPeacePipe:TowardsaCriticalIndigenousPhilosophy (Toronto:UniversityofTorontoPress,2006),4.  59O’Donnell,“TheNativeBrotherhood,”41;Seealso,Drucker,TheNativeBrotherhoods.  60Seechapter5,above.

234 politicizationoftheIndianwasaslowprocess,inlightofahalfͲcenturyofsystematic culturaldestructionthroughrestrictivelegislation,theappropriationoflandand resources,andeconomicmarginalization.AboriginalCanadianactivists,liketheir

ChineseCanadiancounterparts,alsolookedbeyondlocalresourcesforstrategicand ideologicaldirection.However,incontrasttoChineseCanadianagitationforinclusionin thenationbymeansofcitizenshipandimmigrationrights,advocatesforAboriginal rightsassertedakeyaspectoftheirpoliticalidentityasbeingoutsidetheconstitutional auspicesofthenation.

 Acleardivergenceisapparentinthetrajectoriesofeachoftheseidentitiesat thisparticularpointintime.OrientalwasredefinedasChineseCanadianorJapaneseͲ

Canadianinordertoclaimtherighttocitizenship,andthentocitizenshiprights.In contrast,theideologybehindtheAboriginalrightsmovementwastheassertionofthe rightsofnonͲcitizenship,orindigenism.Thus,therhetoricofrightsasitpertainedto racewasproducedintheinterwarperiodastwoseparatediscourses;onewhich focusedontherightsofethnicminoritiesandtheotherwhichfocusedonindigenous rights.61







61Canada,CanadianCharterofRightsandFreedom(1982).Thesignificanceofthisdistinctionliesinits persistenceovertime,forexample,whereintherightstonotbediscriminatedagainstonthebasisof “race,nationalorethnicorigin,colour,religion,sex,ageormentalorphysicaldisability”areprotected undersection15(1)ofthe1982CanadianCharterofRightsandFreedoms,whileAboriginalrightsand freedomsarenotonlydistinct,but“notaffectedbytheCharter”byvirtueofsection25oftheCharter. 

235 TheRightsofHumanity:H.F.AngusandHughWesleyDobson

 ProponentsofraceandhumanrightsinCanadaduringtheinterwarperiodfaced amuchdifferentsituationthanduringthepostwarera.InthewakeoftheHolocaust, theideaofinternationalgovernanceovertheprotectionofrightscrystallized,and

manifestedintheformoftheUnitedNationsanditsaffiliateorganizations.Incontrast, duringthe1920sand30s,socialactivistsandintellectualswhoengagedinrights advocacylackedthesamelegitimacythatlateractivistsenjoyed.Asnumerousscholars havecorrectlyargued,awidespreadrhetoricofuniversalhumanrightswasnot apparentuntilthepostͲwarperiod.62Yet,acommontransnationalperspective,or tendency,canbeidentifiedintheinterwaryears.Thistransnationalperspective eventuallygaverisetoadiscoursethatasserteduniversalrightsandpoliticalinclusion, which,inturn,werepremisedonthenotionofracialdistinctionassomethingthatmust notbetheoccasionofdiscrimination.Itprovidedafoundationforthestrategiesand ideologiesheldbybothChineseandAboriginalCanadiansocialactivists.However,this ideologyofuniversalrightswasnotsimplyaproductofstateoppressionandalackof alternativeoptions,limitedtomarginalizedgroupswithinCanada.Instead,thenotionof theuniversalrightsapparentinthehuáqiáoandpanͲIndianperspectivesparalleleda

similartrendintheearlydevelopmentofmainstreamCanadianrightsrhetoric.This

trendtowardsinternationalismwasarticulated,legitimized,andpopularizedin mainstreampoliticaldiscoursebyanelitegroupofmainlywhiteintellectuals,including

62Seeftnt.4,above. 

236 twoVancouveriteswhowerekeyplayersinnationalandinternationalpoliticsduringthe interwarperiod.

OnesuchintellectualwasHenryForbesAngus,whoseideasaboutrace,rights, immigration,andcitizenshipweredevelopedinthecontextofhisworkasanacademic, hisexperienceasalongstandingresidentofVancouver,andhisinvolvementinthe

InstituteforPacificRelations(I.P.R.).Angus’workisrepresentativeofasmallbut influentialgroupofintellectualswhowerepoliticallyactiveduringtheinterwaryearsin thenascentandcloselyrelatedfieldsofdomesticracerelationsandinternational affairs.63AnguswasborninVictoriain1891,educatedatMcGillandOxfordUniversities incivillaw,andworkedasaprofessorandDeanattheUniversityofBritishColumbia from1919untilhisretirementin1956.64Anguspublishedprolificallyonvarioussubjects throughouthislife,andhisbooksandarticleswerewidelyreadbyaudiencesboth nationalandinternational,academicandpolitical.Between1931and1934,Angus

63TheseintellectualsincludedsuchindividualsastheAmericansEdwardC.Carter,whowasaformer YMCAactivistandwasoneofthefoundersoftheIPR,andOwenLattimore,whoservedaseditorofthe IPRjournal,PacificAffairs;WilliamHolland,aneconomistfromNewZealand,whoservedasGeneral SecretaryoftheIPR;InazoNitobe,chairmanoftheJapaneseIPRandformerUnderSecretaryofthe LeagueofNations;ChinesenationalscholarHuShih;andtheBritishhistorian,ArnoldToynbee.Closerto home,Angus’CanadiancolleaguesincludedCanadianmilitarygeneral,SirArthurCurrie,whowasalso Angus’oldschoolteacher;Dr.NormanMacKenzie,whobecamepresidentoftheUniversityofBritish Columbiain1944;andBritishColumbiapoliticiansHaroldWinch,andAngusandGraceMcInnis.SeeAlan Raucher,“TheFirstForeignAffairsThinkTanks”inAmericanQuarterly,30:4(1978),498Ͳ499;UBCSC, AngusFamilyFonds,Box72,File1(CorrespondenceSeries),WilliamL.Holland,“IPRMemoirs–1930Ͳ 1960”;Box1,File2,H.F.Angus,“ChapterIV:InternationalAffairs,1927Ͳ1937”(c.1963):223Ͳ227;248Ͳ 249.  64AngusdiedinVancouverin1991.Inhislifetime,AngusservedasmemberoftheRowellͲSiroisRoyal CommissiononDominionͲProvincialRelations,memberoftheRoyalCommissiononTransportation, ChairmanofthePublicUtilitiesCommissionofBritishColumbia,memberoftheEnergyBoardofBritish Columbia,memberoftheSocialScienceResearchCouncil,theCanadianInstituteofInternationalAffairs, andtheInstituteofPacificRelations,andPresidencyoftheRoyalSocietyofCanadaandthePolitical ScienceAssociation.SeeRobertM.Clark,ed.,CanadianIssues:EssaysinHonourofHenryForbesAngus (Toronto:UniversityofTorontoPress,1961),v.–viii. 

237 publishedfourworkswhichrepresentadistinctlyCanadianexpressionofrightsideology thatemphasizedthenotionofuniversalegalitarianisminlightofVancouver’sspecific circumstances.65Allfourofthesearticleswerewrittenforandcirculatedamongan audiencelivingoutsideofBritishColumbia,andallfouraddresstheissuesofCanadian immigrationpolicyandinternationalrelationsbydrawingfromaregional(British

Columbian)context.

 Angus’centralgoalinthesearticleswastoadvocatefortherepealofthe1923

ChineseImmigrationAct.HemaintainedthattheActwas“irrational”andthatrepeal wasinevitableinthefaceofcurrentinternationalrelations.In“CanadianImmigration:

TheLawanditsAdministration,”Angusasserted:

 …Canadianimmigrationlawandadministration…arenotlikelytoremain

 intheirpresentform.ItisnotthattheirprovisionsruncountertoCanadian

 opinion.Aswehaveseen,theoperativeprovisionsarelargelythosemade

 byOrdersͲinͲCouncilofrelativelyrecentdate.Butthemoreintimaterelations

 whichareslowlydevelopingbetweenthenationsoftheworldarenotconsistent

 withthesharpdivisionofthehumanraceintoChineseandother,withthesharp

 demarcationbetweenAsiaticandnonͲAsiatic,withtheexceptionaltreatment

65UBCSC,AngusFamilyFonds,Box3File5,“AContributiontoInternationalIllͲWill”inDalhousieReview 13(1933Ͳ1934),23Ͳ33;Box3File4,“UnderprivilegedCanadians”inQueen’sQuarterly(Summer1931): 445Ͳ460;Box3File8,“CanadianImmigration:TheLawanditsAdministration,”reprintedfromAmerican JournalofInternationalLaw(January1934):74Ͳ89;and,Box3File12,“TheLegalStatusinBritish ColumbiaofResidentsofOrientalRaceandtheirDescendants”inTheLegalStatusofAliensinPacific Countries(1937):1Ͳ12.

238  ofnationswithwhichanagreement,treaty,orconventionexists.66

InAngus’mind,theproblem,orthereasonfortheexistenceofdiscriminatory legislation,wasprimarilyduetoawidespreadbutunfoundedfearofeconomic competition.OfficialrhetoricsupportingantiͲOrientallegislationechoedthatfear,citing economicconcernsratherthanexplicitlyracialconsiderations.67Angus’keyrhetorical

leverageinadvocatingtherepealoftheImmigrationActwasthedismissalofracial prejudiceandeconomicfearasa“fallacy”andtheresultofemotionallydriven

“panic.”68AngusrefutedtheeconomicantiͲOrientalstanceinseveralways.Heargued thesepeoplewere“notmaintainedatpublicexpense,”aspopularsentimentwould imply.69Further,andmoretothepoint,Angusassertedthat“theexclusionofOrientals appearshereasamethod(thoughacrudeone)forinsistingonfairconditionsofwork andfairwages.”70Inrefutingthis‘crude’assumptionofracialinferiority,Anguspointed toamisconstrualoftheCanadianidentityastheunderlyingproblemthatgaveriseto themisperceptionofeconomiccompetition.TheexclusionofOrientalCanadiansfrom thepopularnotionofCanadaasawhole,heargued,wasnotvalidbecauseofthe

66Angus“CanadianImmigration:TheLawanditsAdministration,”88.Angususestheterms“Asiatic”and “Oriental”interchangeably,torefertoindividualsofChinese,Japanese,andSouthAsiandescent.I maintaintheoriginalinquotations,anduse“Oriental”inthetextthroughout.  67Seechapter3,above.  68Angus,“AContributiontoInternationalIllͲWill,”29Ͳ33.  69Angus,“UnderprivilegedCanadians,”450.  70Angus,“TheLegalStatus,”11. 

239 existenceofsecondgenerationCanadiansofChinese,Japanese,andSouthAsian descentwhowereCanadiancitizensbyvirtueofnaturalization.71

 ThepositionofsecondgenerationChinese,Japanese,andSouthAsianCanadians

constitutesthefirstofthreerecurringthemesinAngus’publicationsinthe1930s.The secondofthesethemesistheargumentthatthealienstatusofOrientalsinCanadawas basedonraceratherthannationality,whichmeantthatfullassimilation(specifically,

throughintermarriage)wasimprobable.ThethirdrecurringthemeinAngus’worksisa

callforsocialjusticebasedonthetransnationalnotionofuniversalrights.Onthefirst point,AnguscontendsthatCanadianpolicytowards“AsiaticCanadians”wasultimately irrationalbecauseitdidnottakeintoconsiderationthesecondgeneration.Immigration

policyencouragedlegalmigrationintothecountry,andnaturalizationpolicygranted nativeͲbornsecondgeneration“AsiaticCanadians”thestatusofcitizenshipwhilestill subjectingthemtoantiͲOrientaldiscrimination.Inthe1920sand30s,thisdemographic wasjustcomingofage.Angusobservedthat“withintheschoolsthereisnohostility betweenthechildrenofdifferentraces…assoon…aswebegintodealwithmenand womeninsteadofwithboysandgirlsourbehaviorchangesandwebegintoput obstaclesinthewayoftheirexercisingpoliticalrightsorearningtheirliving...”72

 Thereasonforpersistentdiscriminationagainstthesecondgeneration,inAngus’

mind,wasthat,inpopularopinionaswellasinCanadianimmigrationand

71Angus,“UnderprivilegedCanadians,”451Ͳ452.  72Ibid.,448. 

240 enfranchisementlaw,“race,andnotnationality,makesthealien.”73Hearguedthatthis misconceptionhasasmuchtodowithnotionsofraceastheydowithideasofnation:

 CanadiansofAsiaticdescentaregenerallylookedonasforeignoralien,even

 thoughtheyhaveacquiredournationalityinaccordancewithourlaws.The

 reasonisthatraceismoreobviousthannationality;raceispermanent,while

 ourcultureisacquiredslowly,andeveninthesecondgenerationmaynot

 havebeenacquiredcompletely.Itfollowsthatwhensuchphrasesas“public

 opinion,”“thewishesofthetaxpayers,”“thewelfareofCanada,”“Nativesons

 ofCanada,”[and]“ournationalheritage”areused–andtheyareusedonly

 toofrequently–itistacitlyassumedthattheyexcludepersonsofAsiaticrace.74

Oneconsequenceofthisdistinctionbetweenraceandnationality,accordingtoAngus, wasthatsuccessfulassimilationofOrientalpersonsintoCanadiansocietywasunlikely.

Notonlywasrace“obvious,”butitwasalsolikely“permanent”because,accordingto

Angus,interͲracialmarriagewas“quiterightlylookeduponasadangerous adventure.”75And,becauseracewasnotonly“obvious”but“permanent,”thereexisted

73Angus,“UnderprivilegedCanadians,”453.See,also,idem,“AContributiontoInternationalIllͲWill,”23Ͳ 24.Here,Angusarguesthat“inexercisingitspowertocontrolimmigrationintoCanada,theParliamentof Canada…hitontheideaofdividingthehumanraceintotwocategories”basedonrace–Chineseand nonͲChinese.Inassessingthelegalpositionof“OrientalsinBritishColumbia”Angusascertainsthat “discriminationismadeonracialandnotonnationalgrounds.ThusadisabilityimposedonChinese affectsequallyallmenandwomenofChineserace,whethertheyarebynationalityChinese,American,or British,anddoesnotaffectaChinesenationalofAfricanrace.”SeeAngus,“TheLegalStatus,”3.Although Angusisgenerallyconsistentinmaintainingthisdistinctionbetweenraceontheonehand,and nationalityontheother,atonepointAngusequatesculturewithrace,citingthatculturewasthemodern terminologyfortheoutdatedlanguageofrace.SeeIdem,“CanadianImmigration,”89.  74Angus,“UnderprivilegedCanadians,”452.ThispointisreiteratedmoresuccinctlyinAngus,“TheLegal Status,”3,wherehestates:“Raceisobvious;nationalityisnot.”  75Angus,“UnderprivilegedCanadians,”455.Angus’reasoningforhisantiͲintermarriagestanceisthe possibilityof“biologicalobjection.”Thisistheideathatsomeracesare“biologicallyincapableofmixing

241 “awidespreadbeliefthateveninthesecondorthirdgenerationCanadiansofOriental racearelessCanadianthantheirfellowCanadiansofotherraces.”76Itisparadoxical

thatthispositiononintermarriage,whicharguesthatraceneverceasestobevisible, shouldcoͲexistwithanadvocacyofsocialjustice.Yet,thenotionofdifferenceandof clearlydelineatedracialcategoriesasbasisforadvocatingforsocialjusticethatis impliedbythispositionperformsthesamerhetoricalfunctionastheprocessof redefiningracialcategoriesforthepurposeofrightsadvocacytakenonbyChineseand

Aboriginalcommunitiesinthisperiod.

 InterͲracialmarriagesaside,naturalincreasewithintheJapaneseandChinese communitieswasacommonpremiseforantiͲOrientalagitation.77Angusadvocateda

moreinclusivedefinitionofCanadian,buthisrealconcern“themostserious consequence…thatsomethousandsofourfellowͲcitizenshavebeenembitteredby treatmentwhichnoordinarymanorwomancouldfailtoresent.”78Atthecoreof

Angus’logicwasaconceptionofuniversalsocialjustice.HiscalltorepealtheChinese

ImmigrationActwasarticulatedasademandthat“AsiaticCanadians”betreatedbythe governmentas“humanbeings.”79Hisdefenseof“AsiaticCanadians”wasasmuchacall

withotherracessoastoproduceahomogeneoustypewithcharacteristicswhichareconsidered desireable,”wherebycharacteristicsreferto“mentalandmoralcharacteristics.”  76Angus,“TheLegalStatus,”11.  77Angus,“AContributiontoIllͲWill,”26Ͳ28;and,idem,“UnderprivilegedCanadians,”454.  78Angus,“UnderprivilegedCanadians,”452.Foradiscussiononnaturalizationpolicy,seeidem,“TheLegal Status,”10.  79Angus,“AContributiontoInternationalIllͲWill,”24. 

242 toredefine“theCanadianconceptionofjustice.”80HiswasadistinctlyCanadian expressionofrightsthatnotonlyspoketoregionalcircumstances,butwasalsoshaped bytransnationalnotionsofuniversalequality.Hisconcernfortherightsofpeopleof

ChineseandJapanesedescentinCanadawasmotivatedbytworelatedfactors–his interestandinvolvementininternationalaffairsandhisChristianmoralprinciples.The formerisrepresentedhereinhislongͲstandingaffiliationwiththeInstituteforPacific

Relations,andthelatterinhisconnectionswithUnitedChurchministerHughWesley

Dobson.

 AsAngusnotedin1931:

 TheimportanceoffriendlytraderelationswiththeOrientisbeingmoreand

 moreappreciated.Thecontinuanceoftheserelationsmustdependonour

 treatingthecitizensofJapanandChinawithcourtesyandinawayconsistent

 withtheirselfͲrespect.Itmustalsodependonourtreatingourowncitizensof

 JapaneseandChineseraceinsuchawayastoshowthatwedonotconsider

 theirraceagroundfordislikeorhostility.81

Angus’writingsinthe1930sweredeeplyinfluencedbyhisinvolvementininternational affairs,mostexplicitlythroughhisaffiliationwiththeInstituteofPacificRelations(I.P.R.) between1927and1937.TheInstituteofPacificRelationswasformedin1925asa cooperativeeffortspearheadedbytheY.M.C.A.,inconjunctionwithmissionariesand

representativesfromeducationalinstitutions,commerce,andlabourwhohadpreͲ

80Angus,“UnderprivilegedCanadians,”445.  81Angus,“UnderprivilegedCanadians,”458Ͳ459.

243 existingtransnationalties.Throughoutitsexistence,theorganizationstubbornlyupheld apoliticallyneutralstance,andfocusedontheexclusivegoalofengenderingpeaceful cooperationamongthePacificnations.Thehistoryoftheorganizationisbestdescribed inthewordsofAmericanrepresentativeWilliamHolland,whoservedasresearch assistant,internationaldirector,andsecretarygeneraloftheI.P.R.,respectively,fora

totalofthirtyͲoneyears.

 In1961,Hollandreflectedmosteloquentlyandsuccinctlyontheachievements ofthisseminalinternationalnonͲgovernmentalorganization:

 Hailedinthe1920sas“alilyinthebarnyardofpolitics,”denouncedina

 Communistjournalinthe1930sasan“InstituteofPiratesandRobbers,”and

 accusedin1952bythelateU.S.SenatorPatMcCarrenofhavingcausedthe

 “loss”ofChina,theIPRinitsthirtyͲfiveyearsofexistence(1925Ͳ1960)held

 thirteeninternationalnonͲofficialconferences,publishedtworeputablejournals

 onAsianproblems,carriedoutanextensiveinternationalresearchprogramin

 mostoftheAsianandPacificcountries,andpublishedapproximately1300

 scholarlybooksandpopularpamphlets.Itprosperedbetween1928and1944,

 cameunderattackintheUnitedStatesbetween19947and1950,wasthetarget

 ofahighlypublicizedinvestigationbytheU.S.SenateSubcommitteeon

 InternalSecurityin1951,lostmostofitsfinancialsupportfromcorporations

 andfoundationsafter1952…anddissolveditselfattheendof1960…82

82UBCSC,InstituteofPacificRelations,CorrespondenceSeriesBox72File1,WilliamHolland,“Source MaterialsontheInstituteofPacificRelations:BiographicalNote”(1961),91.FormoreontheI.P.R.,see alsoRaucher,“TheFirstForeignAffairsThinkTanks,”493Ͳ513;JohnK.Fairbank,“WilliamL.Hollandand theI.P.R.inHistoricalPerspective,”PacificAffairs52:4(1979Ͳ80):587Ͳ590;andLawrenceT.Woods,

244 Becauseofthebreadthandinclusive,nonͲpartisanstructureoftheorganization, historicalanalysisoftheintention,purpose,achievements,andinfluenceoftheI.P.R.is problematic.AsHollandexplained,“liketheproverbialelephant,[theI.P.R.]wasmany differentthingstodifferentpeopleandatdifferentperiods.”83

 ForH.F.Angus,theI.P.R.providedanimportantperspectiveinassessinglocal issues,andinspiredhimtogeneratesolutionsforBritishColumbia’sraceproblems.

AngussawhisroleintheI.P.R.asarepresentativeofCanada,whosetaskwastoengage in“friendlyconversations”withrepresentativesofothernationsborderingthePacific

throughconferences;toidentifyanddispel“illͲfounded”prejudicesandtopromote, instead,“rationaldiscussion”;andtoreturntoCanadatodisseminateknowledgethat would“helptocreateahealthybackgroundforinternationalrelations.”84In1928and

1929,AngustravelledtoKyotoandShanghaiforI.P.R.conferences.Onreturningto

Vancouver,andafter“unpackingthelittletreasures”hehadbroughtback,Angusfound himselfpainfullyawareofantiͲOrientaldiscriminationathome.Hewasalso“impressed withtheimportanceoftheissuesthathadtobefacedandwiththedangersofdelay… anddecidedtoattempttoimprovethepositioninBritishColumbiaofimmigrantsof

Orientalraceandtheirdescendants.”85Thisefforttooktheformofthevarious

“RegionalDiplomacyandtheInstituteofPacificRelations,”JournalofDevelopingSocieties8(1992):212Ͳ 222.  83UBCSC,InstituteofPacificRelations,CorrespondenceSeriesBox72File1,WilliamHolland,“Source MaterialsontheInstituteofPacificRelations:BiographicalNote”(1961),91.  84UBCSC,AngusFamilyFonds,Box1File2,H.F.Angus,“ChapterVI:InternationalAffairs,1927Ͳ1937” (c.1963),223.  85Ibid.,233. 

245 publicationsexaminedabove,aswellaslobbyingpoliticiansandbusinessand communityleaders.OneofAngus’moststrikingmemoriesfromthisperiodwasatalk hegavetoagroupof“ministersofreligion.”Hetoldthesementhathethoughtit

“detestablethattheyshouldhaveseparatechurchesforJapaneseorChineseinsteadof

mixingthemwithChristiansofotherracesinonecommunityfortheworshipofGod.”86

Hisadmonitionwasmetwith“sullensilence”bythisvenerableaudience,butthisone incidentrevealsboththepotentialofChristiandoctrineaswellastheprobabilityof churchresistancetoprogressiveracialpolitics.

 TheI.P.R.“wasinauguratedasaChristianproject,”andcameintobeingasa childoftheY.M.C.A.,premisedontheirmissionworkinJapanandChina.87Althoughthe

originalideaofbasingtheorganizationon“Christianprinciples”wasquicklyreplacedby ageneralpolicyofnonͲaffiliationinofficialI.P.R.rhetoric,Canadianrepresentativesto theI.P.R.operatedwithintheparametersofanexplicitlyChristiandoctrinethroughout the1920sand30s.88InCanada,theworkoftheI.P.R.wassupportedbytwokey organizations.OneofthesewastheCanadianInstituteofInternationalAffairs(C.I.I.A.), ofwhichH.F.Anguswasakeymember.TheC.I.I.A.wastheofficialrepresentative branchoftheI.P.R.inCanada.89ThesecondwastheCommitteeonChristianityand

86Ibid.,235.  87BCARS,HughWesleyDobsonPapers,MSͲ1605,ReelA01178,HughWesleyDobson,“Committeeon ChristianityandRaceRelations,BCConference”(May1931),1.  88UBCSC,InstituteofPacificRelations,CorrespondenceSeries,Box72,File1,GalenM.Fisher,“ABird’s EyeViewoftheI.P.R.”(1937):13.  89UBCSC,AngusFamilyFonds,Box1File2,H.F.Angus,“ChapterVI:InternationalAffairs,1927Ͳ1937” (c.1963),248Ͳ255. 

246 RacialRelationsonthePacificCoast,anorganoftheUnitedChurchofCanada.The

CommitteeonChristianityandRacialRelationswasformedin1928byHughWesley

Dobson,wasactivethroughoutthelate1920sand1930s,anditsmembershipincluded suchprominentlocalactivistsastheReverendAndrewRoddan,Dr.S.S.Osterhout,the

ReverendK.Shimizu,andRev.C.R.McGillivray.BorninOntarioin1879,Dobsonwas ordainedintotheMethodistchurchin1906.AfterministeringinManitobaand

Saskatchewanfortwentyyears,DobsonmovedtoVancouverin1925totakeupthe positionofAssociateSecretaryfortheBoardofEvangelismandSocialServiceofthe newlyͲformedUnitedChurchofCanada.Heheldthispositionuntilhisretirementin

1951.90AcolleagueofAngus,Dobsonalsospokeandpublishedprolificallyonthe subjectofraceͲrelationsduringthe1930s.Thetwomenoperatedwithinthesame professionalandsocialcircles,andoftenworkedtogether.91WhileDobsonhasbeen

describedbyscholarsasbeingdiscriminatoryinhisantiͲmiscegenationposition92and

antiͲsemeticrhetoric,93healsoarticulatedarhetoricofsocialjusticepremisedonthe

90FormoreonHughWesleyDobson,seeDavidElliott,"HughWesleyDobson(1879Ͳ1956):Regeneratorof Society,"inNeilSemple,ed.,Papers:CanadianMethodistHistoricalSociety(1991).  91BCARS,HughWesleyDobsonPaper,MSͲ1605,ReelA01179,HughWesleyDobson,“Minutes:Racial RelationsGroupMeeting”(April1939).  92Roy,TheOrientalQuestion,148.  93AlanT.Davies,Howsilentwerethechurches?:CanadianProtestantismandtheJewishPlightDuringthe NaziEra(Waterloo:WilfredLaurierUniversityPress,1997),144,note2.Here,Daviescitesananonymous antiͲsemiticcomment,andassertsthat“theviewsexpressedareprobablyanaccuratereflectionofa certainelementintheUnitedChurchaswellassocietyatlargeduringthe1920s.HughDobson,aformer MethodistwhoservedaswesternsecretaryoftheBoardofEvangelismandSocialServicefrom1925to 1951,frequentlyindulgedinantiͲsemiticcommentsinhisearlycorrespondence,blamingtheJewsfor underminingprohibitionandothersocialevils.” 

247 Christiantenetofthebrotherhoodofhumanitywhichinformedmanysocialgospel activistsinCanada.

 WhentheCommitteeonChristianityandRaceRelationsonthePacificCoast wasformed,Dobsonwasadamantthat“interͲracialattitudeswithintheprovincewere vitallyrelatedtoracialcontactsinworldaffairsintheareasurroundingthePacific

Ocean,and,therefore,thehomephaseoftheproblemwaspartandparceloftheworld phaseoftheproblem.”94In1930,DobsongavecredittotheI.P.R.forcontributing significantlyto“thedevelopmentofbetterunderstandingbetweennationsandraces” throughits1927Honoluluand1929Kyotoconferences.Hewentontoassertthat“[t]his betterunderstandingandgrowthofasenseofinterdependenceofnationsandraces hasfavouredthespreadanddevelopmentofChristianattitudesbetweenraces.”95This

senseofboththeproblemofandsolutiontoraceͲrelationsasbeinginherently transnationalincharacterwasakeyaspectofDobson’srhetoric,and,aswiththe rhetoricproducedbyotheractivistsinVancouveratthetime,wascolouredbythe notionofuniversalrights.InallofhisdiscussionsandwritingonthesubjectofraceͲ relations,DobsonwascarefultousethetermChristianattitudesratherthan

Christianity.Inotherwords,headvocatedauniversalequalityregardlessofreligious affiliationthatwasnonethelessexplicitlypremisedonChristiantenetsthatwere themselvesinterpretedasassertingtheuniversalismofhumanbeings’needs,qualities,

94BCARS,HughWesleyDobsonPapers,MSͲ1605,ReelA01178,HughWesleyDobson,“Reportof CommitteeonChristianityandRaceRelationsAppointedbytheB.C.ConferenceoftheUnitedChurch,” (May1929),1.  95BCARS,HughWesleyDobsonPapers,MSͲ1605,ReelA01178,HughWesleyDobson,“Reportof CommitteeonChristianityandRaceRelations”(May1930),1. 

248 rights,andresponsibilities.Dobson’sdefinitionofChristianattitudeswas,ofcourse, basedonbiblicalteachings.Thisdefinitionwaspremisedontwokeydoctrines:the brotherhoodofhumanityandtheprimacyofmorality.Thenotionofthebrotherhoodof humanityoriginatesinthepreceptthat“Godhasmadeofonebloodallthenations,” andthattherefore,allpersonsaresacred.96Humanity,then,isasinglefamilyunderthe patriarchalfigureofGod–thehumanrace,orChristianbrotherhoodofhumanity.97

 ForDobson,the1920swas“aperiodoftransitionfromcommunityand nationalsystemsofproductionanddistributiontoaworldsystem.”Asaresult,bythe

1930stherewasawidespreadglobal“awakeningtotheinterdependenceofnationsand races.”98InBritishColumbia,this‘awakening’highlightedthelongstandingpatternsof conflictsinvolvingdiscriminatorypracticesagainstChinese,Japanese,andSouthAsian residents.In1935,afterfiveyearsofconsideration,Dobsonandhiscommittee concludedthattoaddresstheproblemofdiscriminationintheprovince,changesto

96BCARS,HughWesleyDobsonPapers,MSͲ1605,ReelA01178,HughWesleyDobson,“ChristianAttitudes onRacialRelationsandonContactsBetweenPeoplesofDifferentNationalOrigins”(c.1930Ͳ31).The citationistakenfromActs17:26.Theideaoftheunityandonenessofallnationsisalsoarticulatedin Matthew28,andinthebookofPaul.Theideaof“thesacrednessofallpersons”istakenfroman interpretationofthelifeofJesus,asdescribedinthebooksofMatthew,MarkandLuke.  97Christiandoctrineisalsofoundeduponthetenetofexclusivityintermsofreligiousaffiliation.Thus, whileDobsonpreachedpolitical,economic,andsocialequality,andusedalanguagethatimpliedan acceptanceofthepluralityofreligionaswell,hisloyaltytotheChristiandoctrinemeantthatconversion waslikelystilltheultimategoal.Forexample,in1933,Dr.OsterhoutassertedinareporttheCommittee onChristianityandRacialRelationsthatconversionwasakeyaspectoftheUnitedChurch’sOriental MissionsinVancouver.Thus,atthegrassrootslevel,theprojectofinstillingChristianattitudestofight racialdiscriminationinvolvedconversiontoChristianity.AsOsterhoutwarned,“Christianityisontrial.Ifit shouldfailhere,onitsownsoil…howshallwehopefortheChristianizationoftheworld?”SeeBCARS, HughWesleyDobsonPapers,MSͲ1605,ReelA01178,S.S.Osterhout,“OrientalMissionsinVancouver” (1933).  98BCARS,HughWesleyDobsonPapers,MSͲ1605,ReelA01178,HughWesleyDobson,“Committeeon ChristianityandRaceRelations”(May1931). 

249 citizenshippolicywerenecessary.Inapetitiontothefederalandprovincial governments,thecommittee,asrepresentativeoftheUnitedChurchofCanada,argued thatbecausetheCanadianpopulationwasreallya“polyglot…ofracialelementsand nationality…amoreuniformstandardofcitizenship”wasnecessary.Inaddition,the committeeadvocatedtheextensionofthefranchise“toallpersonsbornandrearedin

Canada,sothattheymaybepermittedtoexercisetheirfullresponsibilityascitizens.”99

Inrhetoric,thisideaofcitizenshipextendedtoall“races”andallpersons.Throughout the1930s,Dobsonidentifiedthetwo“mainproblemssofarasBritishColumbiais concerned”asbeing,first,“relationsbetweenthemainstockofpopulation(AngloͲ

Saxon)andaboriginalNorthAmericanIndians”and,secondly,“relationsbetween

OccidentalsandOrientals.”100Yet,inpractice,thebulkofthepublications,publictalks, petitionstogovernment,andmissionworkconnectedwiththeUnitedChurchandthe

I.P.R.focusedonthesituationofChineseCanadiansinBritishColumbia,andmanifested incampaignsforenfranchisementandtheliberalizationofimmigrationpolicy.

 Thereasonforthisdiscrepancyintheintensityoftheirefforthasmuchtodo

withtheimpactofinternationalaffairsinthePacificregiononlocalpoliticsin

Vancouver.However,thecharacterofactivismfromwithintheChineseCanadian communityascomparedtothatwhichwasoccurringwithintheAboriginalcommunity inVancouveralsoshapedthenatureofactivismamongthesepotentialallies.Bythe

99BCARS,HughWesleyDobsonPapers,MSͲ1605,ReelA01178,Dr.W.H.Smith,“Resolutionsofthe CommitteeonChristianityandRacialRelations”(1935).  100BCARS,HughWesleyDobsonPapers,MSͲ1605,ReelA01178,HughWesleyDobson,“Christianityand RaceRelations”(c.1930s). 

250 1940s,whenthefirstpoliticalpublicationsemergedoutoftheCanadianAboriginal communityandAboriginalactivistsbeganofficiallytoorganizeinconjunctionwith

AboriginalactivistsintheUnitedStates,Dobsondidexpandhisfocustoinclude advocacyforsocialjusticeforAboriginalCanadians.101Butinthe1920sand30s,antiͲ racistactivisminVancouverwaspremisedonanassumptionofdifferencethat distinguishedindigenismfromethnicity.TheverydifferentsocioͲeconomic,political, andlegalpositionoftheChinesecommunityinVancouverasopposedtothesituation ofAboriginalpeoplebothenabledandconstrainedraceͲbasedequalityactivismforeach

ofthesegroups.WhileChineseCanadianactivistswereabletodrawonacultureof transnationalmigrationandtherhetoricofNationalismthatemergedoutof revolutionaryChina,AboriginalCanadianactivistswereonlybeginningtoforgean indigenouspoliticalidentitythatwouldcometoprovideasimilarsenseofpolitical solidarity.TherhetoricofrightsthatdevelopedintheinterwarperiodinVancouverwas onethatdrewontransnationalcurrentsandthenotionofuniversalrights.Whilea commonlyhelddefinitionofuniversalhumanrightsdidnotcrystallizeuntilthe1948

UnitedNationsDeclaration,thisanalysisofinterwarrightsrhetoricsuggeststhe significanceoftransnationalinfluencespriortotheSecondWorldWar,particularly amongChineseactivistsinVancouver,tothebroaderhistoryofhumanrightsinCanada.





101SeeBCARS,HughWesleyDobsonPapers,MSͲ1605,ReelA01178,HughWesleyDobson,“Eighteenth AnnualReport,GeneralBoardofEvangelismandSocialService”(1942);BCARS,HughWesleyDobson Papers,MSͲ1605,ReelA01179,variousfilesonAndrewPaull,theNativeSons(previously“TheNative Brotherhood”),andAboriginalactivismthroughoutthe1940s.

251 Conclusion

 UntilDouglasJungwaselectedtoParliamentasMemberforVancouverCentral in1957,theformaldebateinCityHall,intheLegislatureinVictoria,andinOttawaover therightsofOrientalCanadianswasarticulatedalmostexclusivelybywhiteCanadians.

Nonetheless,thestrugglesthatChineseandAboriginalactivistsengagedinatthelocal levelwerepartofabroader,transnationalpublicdiscussionaboutrace,rights,and citizenship.Theinterwaryearssawthegenesisofinternationalnongovernmental organizations,amongthemtheLeagueofNations,andthusprovidedthefirstmodern internationalforumforthediscussionofrights.Themostactiveinternational

nongovernmentalorganizationontheWestCoastofCanadawasnot,however,the

LeagueofNations,buttheInstituteofPacificRelations.TheleadershipofCanadian

CounciloftheI.P.R.,basedinVancouver,wasdominatedintheinterwarperiodbyH.F.

Angus,thenheadofthepoliticalsciencedepartmentattheUniversityofBritish

Columbia.ScholarshavearguedthattheI.P.R.wassubsumedbyeconomicconcerns,as theprecursorofsuchorganizationsasthePacificEconomicCooperationCouncilandthe

AsiaͲPacificEconomicCooperationinitiative.102However,theI.P.R.wascreatedin1924 asaconferencefor“thediscussionofracialandinternationalproblems…basedon

Christianprinciples”103AlthoughtheInstituteofficiallybecame“freeofreligious

102Woods,“RegionalDiplomacy,”212Ͳ213.SeealsoRaucher,“TheFirstForeignAffairsThinkTanks,”493Ͳ 513;andFairbank,“WilliamL.Holland,”587Ͳ590.  103UBCSC,InstituteofPacificRelations,CorrespondenceSeries,Box72,File1,GalenM.Fisher,“ABird’s EyeViewoftheI.P.R.”(1937):13. 

252 limitations”withinitsfirstyearofexistence,CanadianrepresentationintheI.P.R. remainedfirmlyconnectedtoorganizedreligionandChristianity.104

 TherhetoricofrightsproducedbyH.F.Angusandhiscolleague,theReverend

HughWesleyDobson,wasarticulatedintheirvariouspublicationsandcirculatedamong policymakersinVictoriaandOttawa.Thisrhetoriccombinedthreeideological elements:thesocialgospelidealofthe“OnenessandBrotherhoodofHumanity”105;the

internationalnongovernmentalorganizationfocusontrade,peaceandcooperation;and

thediscourseoflocalsocialactivistswhoadvocatedrightsbasedonatransnational

notionofegalitarianism.TheidealsandlanguageoftheSocialGospel,whichpreached

brotherlyloveandequality,wereimplicitintherhetoricexpoundedbyAngusand

Dobson.BothwroteprolificallyforbothaCanadianandinternationalaudienceonthe subjectofracerelations.Theirwritingwasheavilyinfluencedbytheparticularsituation inVancouverduringthe1920sand30s–ashometothelargestandincreasingly politicizedChinesepopulationinCanada,acountrywhichmaintainedracist

enfranchisement,citizenship,andimmigrationlegislationaimedspecificallyatthisracial demographicdespiteaneverincreasingeconomicdependenceonAsiainthecontextof adomesticeconomicdepression.



104Ibid.  105BCARS,HughWesleyDobsonPapers,MSͲ1605,ReelA01178,HughWesleyDobson,“Christian AttitudesonRacialRelationsandonContactsBetweenPeoplesofDifferentNationalOrigins”(1930). 

253 Chapter9~“KeepCanadaCanadian”1:AGrainofSalt 



 Thisdissertationhasshownhowprocessesofracializationthatoccurredduring theinterwarperiodcreatedaconceptualfoundationforthehumanrightsrhetoric whichemergedinpopulardiscoursefollowingtheSecondWorldWar.Clearlydefined racialcategoriesbecamethebasisforpoliticalidentitieswhichenabledcertaingroups ofindividualstoadvocateforrightsatthelevelofformalpoliticswithintheCanadian state.ChineseCanadianpoliticsinVancouvergaverisetoarhetoricwhichassertedthe rightsofethnicity,andwhichdirectlyinfluencedhumanrightsdiscourse,whilethe notionofindigenismfuelledpanͲIndianactivism.Ideasofwhitesupremacy,onthe otherhand,fadedintothebackgroundofformalpolitics,andtheracialcategoryof whitebecameanunspokenassumptioninrightsdiscourse.Thisstudyhasfocusedon threespecificandinterconnectedtrajectoriesofidentityͲmakingtorevealone importantprocessofracializationinCanadianhistory–namely,constructingand

employingracialidentitiesasarhetoricalmeansofadvocatingforrights.Andyet, racializationisnevertheonlyrelationofpowerthatdeterminesevents.

 Thisfinalchapterexaminesgovernmentandpoliceattemptstoprohibitwhite womenfromworkingforChineseemployersinVancouverduringthe1920sand30s.

ThestoryofChinatown’swhitewaitressesrevealstwokeyinsightsintotheeffectsof

1TomMacInnes,OrientalOccupationofCanada(Vancouver:SunPublishingCompany,1927).“Keep CanadaCanadian”isthetitleoftheeighthchapterinMacInnes’book,inwhichheargues:“Ithinkaman shouldbeconcernedforthepurityofhisrace;thatis,forkeepingthemainbloodstreamofitfreefrom anyalienblood…howeverexcellentsuchalienbloodmaybeinitself,andinitsownkind.Amixofsugar andsaltisthespoilingofboth”(82). 

254 racialization.First,itshowsthatwhitenesswasnotalwaysapositionofprivilege becauseracializationisalsoaclassͲbasedandgenderedprocess.Second,itreveals interͲracialconnectionsandsolidaritybetweenthewaitressesandtherestaurant owners,aswellasintraͲracialconflictbornoutofclassandgenderdivisionswithinthe

whitecommunity.Inotherwords,thefollowingaccountfocusesontwoaspectsof racializationthatwerenotbeingdebatedinformalpoliticsatthetime,andwerenot includedinpostwarhumanrightsdiscourse–womenandinterͲgroupsolidarity.The exclusionofwomen’srightsandtheisolationofracialcategoriesinthisearly manifestationofhumanrightsrhetoricwasaresultofselectivepolitics,and,asa consequence,thisrhetoricwaslimitedasameansofachievingsocialjustice.



Chinatown’sWhiteWaitresses

BritishColumbiawasnotthefirstprovincetoattempttolegallyprohibitwhite womenfromworkingforChinesebusinessowners.Manitoba,Ontario,andperhaps mostardently,Saskatchewan,hadimplementedsimilarlawsasearlyas1912.2

AgitationforformalrestrictionsonraciallymixedworkplacesinBritishColumbiabegan in1915,andin1919,anAmendmenttotheMunicipalActwaspassedbytheBritish

ColumbiaLegislature.3ThisAmendment,however,wasnotapplicableinthecityof

2FortheSaskatchewanAct,seeJamesSt.G.Walker,Race,Rights,andtheLawintheSupremeCourtof Canada(Waterloo:SirWilfridLaurierUniversityPress,1997),chapter2;andConstanceBackhouse,Colour Coded:ALegalHistoryofRacisminCanada,1900—1950(Toronto:UniversityofTorontoPress,1999), chapter5.  3PatriciaRoy,TheOrientalQuestion:ConsolidatingaWhiteMan’sProvince,1914—41(Vancouver: UniversityofBritishColumbiaPress,2003),43 

255 Vancouver,andin1922theTradesandLabourCouncilandtheGreatWarVeterans

AssociationpassedresolutionstoCityCouncilinsupportofamunicipalbylawthatwas initiallyentitled“TheEmploymentofWhiteGirlsbyAsiatics.”Thebylawwasdeemed ultraviresbytheVancouverCitySolicitor,andwasreplacedbyaprovincialstatute,“The

WomenandGirlsProtectionAct,”thefollowingyear.4Thisprovinciallegislation

prohibitedwhiteorIndianwomenfromworkingforOrientalemployersifaChiefof

Policeshoulddeemthemoralsofthesewomeninjeopardy.TheoftͲstatedrationale behindthisActwasthattheChinese,inparticular,exertedacorruptinginfluenceon youngwomen,coercingthemintoalifeofdrugsandprostitution.Akeyinfluenceon thiswayofthinkingderivedfromthesoͲcalled“waronwhiteslavery,”anationͲwide campaigntostoptheforcibletraffickingofwomeninthesextrade.TheWomenand

Girls’ProtectionActappliedthroughouttheprovince,includingVancouver,andwasmet

byprotestfromtheChineseBenevolentAssociation(C.B.A.)andtheConsulforChinaas

beingunconstitutionalanddegradingtotheChinese.Asaresult,theterm“Oriental” wasremoved,thusofficiallymakinginvisibleanyraciallydiscriminatoryreadingofthe

ActwhileconferringontheChiefofPoliceconsiderablediscretionaryauthorityin assessingmoraldanger.

However,theracialdesignationsofwhiteandIndiandidremainonthebooks.

Sincetheseventeenthcentury,AboriginalwomenintheWesthavebeensubjecttoa doublemisconceptionintermsofeconomicdependency,asbothracializedOthersand

4VancouverCityArchives(VCA),LawDepartmentSeries480,115ͲCͲ1,File42,LetterfromCitySolicitorto CityClerk,26April,1922;LetterfromCitySolicitortoCityClerk,1May,1922. 

256 aswomen.5Thesewomenwere,ofcourse,centralintothefurtradeeconomy.InpostͲ

Confederationperiod,womencontributedinthedomesticsphereaswellasinavariety ofwagelabourjobs.Mostnotably,onthePacificCoast,Aboriginalwomenworkedin thecanneriesalongsidewhitewomenandChinesemen,asthreekeysourcesofcheap labour.6Aboriginalwomenthussetprecedentsfornotionsaboutworkingwomen,as wellasaboutinterracialrelationsinBritishColumbia.WhentheProtectionofWomen andGirls’Actwaspassedin1923,thestatusofwhitewomenwasconceptuallyaligned withthatofAboriginalwomen.AlthoughitmayseemoddthatAboriginalwomenwere associatedwithwhitewomeninthisstatute,bothgroupsofwomenwereinherently economicallydependentbecauseoftheirgenderandrace,andthusnotentitledtothe rightsof(un)employment.Ontheotherhand,Chinesewomenwerenotincludedinthis statutebecauseitwasconsideredbothappropriateandnaturalforChinesewomento

bedependentonChinesemen.Thus,whileeconomicdependencewasinherenttoall women,crossracialdependencywasseenaproblem.Aboriginalandwhitewomenhad tobeprotectedfrompossiblesexualinteractionwithChinesemenintheinterestsof

5SylviaVanKirk,ManyTenderTies:WomeninFurͲTradeSociety,1670—1870(Winnipeg:WatsonͲDwyer, 1980).AsSylviaVanKirkhasconclusivelydemonstrated,interracialmaritalunionsbetweenAboriginal womenandwhitemenformedthesocialandeconomicbasesoftheCanadianWestintheseventeenth andeighteenthͲcenturies.ThehighlyinfluentialstatusofAboriginalwomeninfurtradesocietywas premisedontheirrolesaswivesandmothers,theirpositionsasintermediariesintrade,andtheirlabour –fromdomesticworktobuildingandmanningcanoes.Duringthenineteenthcentury,thisstatuswas challengedfirstbytheemergenceofmixedbloodwomen,andthenbywidespreadEuropeansettlement andtheincreasingpresenceofwhitewomenintheWest.ByConfederation,Britishcultureandits ascribedracialprejudicespredominatedinsettlersociety,andinterracialmaritalunionsweredeemed iniquitousintheeyesofthecourtsandgovernmentofficials,andinthepopularmind.  6McMaster,WorkingGirls,146.FormoreonAboriginalwomenandlabour,seeRolfKnight,IndiansAt Work:AnInformalHistoryofNativeLabourinBritishColumbia,1858—1930(Vancouver:NewStarBooks, 1996),especially127—34. 

257 maintainingracialsegregation.Inpractice,however,theActwasonlyusedto‘protect’ whitewomen.Between1923and1931,itwasscarcelyusedatall.

 Then,in1931,theActcamedramaticallyintoplaywhenVancouver’sChief

ConstableC.E.EdgetttriedtoremoveallofthewhitewaitressesfromtheB.C.Royal

CaféinChinatown.Edgett’sactions,perhapsmotivatedbythemurderofMaryShaw,7

wereabruptlydiscontinuedwhenlawyersfortheB.C.RoyalCafépointedoutthat“no byͲlawhadbeenpassedforbiddingtheemploymentofsuchwaitresses.”Edgettwas notabletoproducesufficientbonaͲfideevidenceofthedangertothemoralityofthese womentojustifypoliceactionundertherequirementsoftheProtectionofWomenand

GirlsAct,andthecasewasdropped.8ButthiswasnottheendoftheAct’sdeployment.

In1935,AldermanH.D.Wilson,avirulentlyracistpoliticianwithaffiliationsandsupport fromsuchorganizationsastheAsiaticExclusionLeagueandtheNativeSonsofBritish

Columbia,begananotoriouscampaignto“cleanup”Chinatown.InOctoberofthat

year,sixrestaurantsweregivennoticetodismisstheirwaitresses,butthenewChief

Constable,ColonelW.W.Foster,deniedanyassociationbetweenthispoliceactivityand

AldermanWilson’spoliticalcampaignorantiͲOrientalposition.Asthepenaltyunder theProtectionofWomenActof$100wasinsufficienttocauseanyrealdisruptionto

Chinesebusiness,Foster,withthesupportofLicenceInspectorUrquhart,threatened

insteadtocancelthebusinesslicencesofthethreecafésthatrefusedtocomply.

7MaryShawwasawaitressinChinatownwhowasallegedlymurderedin1931byherChineseadmirer, oneDickLee.Theresponsetothismurderwasminimal.SeeRoy,TheOrientalQuestion,145—6.  8VCA,LawDepartmentSeries480,115ͲCͲ1,File42,LetterfromEdgetttoG.E.McCroassan,CitySolicitor, December29th,1931;LetterfromMcCroassantoEdgett,6January,1932. 

258 However,chargesagainstthecafésweredismissedincourtonthegroundsthatthe

ChiefofPolicehadfailedtoprovethatindividualwaitresseswerebeingmorally compromised.9

 PoliceChiefFosterprovedtobeconsiderablymorepersistentandmorally dogmaticthanhispredecessor,Edgett,buthiseffortsonlyservedtostimulateamore vigorousreactionfromthecaféownersandwaitresses.Byearly1937,hehadcompiled alistofallofthewhitegirlsworkinginChineserestaurantsforthepurposeof investigation.Unfortunately,muchtotheireofFoster,“itwasfoundthatagreatmany ofthesegirlsgavetheirwrongnames”andthattheChineserestaurantproprietors

“treatthematterasajoke,statingtheymadearrangementsbywhichthepolice instructionscouldbeoverlooked.”10Inaddition,therestaurantswereswapping employeestosuchadegreethatFosterfoundhisoriginallistquiteuseless.Inthespring ofthatyear,acombinedefforttoprotestFosterandUrquhart’scampaignwas undertakenbythecaféproprietorsandthewaitresses—theproprietorsbytakinglegal action,andthewaitressesbyappearingatCityhalltomake“adramaticpleatobe allowedtoretaintheirjobs…theirmeansoflivelihood.”11Thisconflictbetweenpolice andmunicipalofficials,andtheChinesecaféownersbackedbytheChineseBenevolent

9VCA,LawDepartmentSeries480,115ͲCͲ1,File42,LetterfromCitySolicitorLordtoCityClerkWoodford, 11October,1935;LetterfromChiefConstableFostertoCitySolicitorLord,16October,1935;Letterfrom LordtoFoster,17October,1935;LetterfromFredHowlett,ActingCityClerk,toD.E.McTaggart, CorporationCounsel,9January,1936;LetterfromMcTaggarttoMayorandAldermenoftheCityof Vancouver,10January,1936;LetterfromHowletttoMcTaggart,15January,1936.  10VCA,VancouverMayorSeries483,33ͲDͲ6,file4,LetterfromFostertoMayorGeorgeC.Miller,27 February,1937;LetterfromFostertoMiller,6March,1937.  11VCA,VancouverMayorSeries483,33ͲDͲ6,File4,LetterfromFreemanV.Murphy,Solicitor,toMayor GeorgeC.Miller,6May,1937;TheVancouverSun,16September,1937. 

259 Associationandthewhitewaitresseswhoworkedforthemreachedaclimaxinthefall of1937.ThethreecaféstargetedbyFoster—ToyWing’sB.C.RoyalCafé,CharlieTing’s

HongKongCafé,andHarryLee’sGeeKongCafé,allonEastPenderStreet—continuedto operateaftertheirlicenceswerecancelled.Thewaitressesinsistedpubliclythatthey

werewelltreatedandthattheirmoralintegritywasinnodanger,throughinterviews withthemediaandthenbymarchingtoCityHallinprotest.Thewomenalsoenlisteda lawyer,aswellasthesupportoftheVancouverMother’sCouncil,theWomen’sLabour

League,andtheHotel,RestaurantandCulinaryEmployeesandBartendersUnion.

 Thelatterallywasinacontradictoryposition.TheHotel,Restaurantand

CulinaryEmployeesandBartendersUnion(Local28,Vancouver),whochampionedthe whitewaitresses’bidtoclaimcompensationforlostwagesfromtheCity,were,during themidͲ1920s,affiliatedwiththeAsianExclusionAssociation.TheUnionsupported

“whiteonly”workplacesandtheProtectionofWomenandGirls’Actatthetimeofits passage,butthecontradictoryeffectsofracialsegregationandlabourrightsbecame apparentbythelate1930s.WhentheActwasactuallyimplementedin1937bypolice

andcityofficials,theUnionfounditselfbackingthewhitewaitresses,whointurnwere advocatingtherightsofChineseemployers.InanattempttoassertboththeirantiͲ

Asiansentimentsandthelabourrightsofthewaitresses,theUniononlyadvocated obtainingapensionfromthecityforthewaitresses’lossofwages,andnottheir

reinstatementintheChinatowncafés.12

12UniversityofBritishColumbiaSpecialCollections(UBCSC),Hotel,RestaurantandCulinaryEmployees andBartendersUnionfonds,1910—1981,Box5,Local28–Vancouver,“Minutes,”October1924,April 1925. 

260  BytheendofSeptemberof1937,Wing,Ting,andLeecametoanagreement withcitycounciltodismissalloftheirwhitewaitressesinexchangeforthereturnof theirbusinesslicences.Therestaurantowners,ledbytheirspokesperson,C.B.A. secretaryFoonSienWong,assertedthatwhiletheCityhadnolegalauthoritytocancel

theirlicences,theproprietorswerewilling,asa“goodwillgesture”to“cooperate”and be“reasonable.”Thisconcessionwasnot,however,tobeseenasabsolute acquiescenceonthepartofChinatowncaféownersastheyconsentedonlytodismiss theirpresentlyemployedwhitewaitresses,andnottoreͲemployanywhitewomen“for

thebalanceoftheyear,”atotalofthreemonths.Nonetheless,thiscompromiseappears tohavesatisfiedthepoliceandcitycouncil.13Onceagain,asin1923whentheoriginal

Actwasamended,in1931whenEdgettfailedtoremovethewaitressesfromtheB.C.

Royalcafé,andin1935whenFosterwasunsuccessfulinhisattempttoclosedownthe

Chinatownrestaurants,theChinesecommunitywasabletoassertsomeinfluence.In

eachofthesecases,incrementalvictorieswereachievedonthegroundsthatracial discriminationwasunconstitutional,notsomuchinitself,butbecausethemeasures takentoimposeitwerebeyondtheauthorityheldbylocalorprovincialgovernments.

 Thewaitresseswereequallystraightforwardandferventontheirpositioninthe

matter.KayMartin,whohadworkedattheHongKongCaféforCharlieTingformore thanayear,insistedthatshehadnoissueworkingforaChineseemployer,thatthe wagesandhoursweregood,andthatshehadalwaysbeentreatedwell.Thefeeling

13VCA,VancouverMayorSeries,33ͲDͲ6,file4,LetterfromDenisMurphy,solicitor,toOscarOrr,City Prosecutor,29September,1937. 

261 amongthewaitressesingeneralinregardstotheiremploymentwasapparentlyoneof

“perfectsatisfaction.”Severalofthewaitressesofferedharshcriticismofthemoral reformerswho,intheirminds,wereoblivioustotheactualsituationinChinatown.

Martinaskedvehemently“whatthe“oldwomen”whoaretryingtogetthegirlsoutof

Chinatownwoulddoforthemwhentheylosetheirjobs,”whileafellowwaitress condemnedthesereformersas“abunchoffussyoldbridgeͲplayinggossipswhoare selfͲappointeddirectorsofmoralsforthegirlsofChinatown.”14Thewaitressesclearly distinguishedthemselvesintermsofageandclassfromthefemalemoralreformers whowereallegedlyprotectingthem,andwerefirmintheirrejectionoftheassociation betweenChinatownandtheChinese,andimmorality.Asonewomandeclared,“ifagirl isinclinedtogowrong,shecandoitjustasreadilyonGranvilleStreetasshecandown

here.”15

 IncontrasttotheresponseofmunicipalofficialstoagitationbyChinese employers,theprotestsofthewhitewaitresses,ledbytheirspokespersonMargaret

West,werevirtuallyignored.ThewaitressesmarchedtoCityHallatotalofthreetimes duringthiscourseofeventstobringtheirgrievancestothemayor;twicetheywere turnedawaywithoutsomuchasameeting.16Inthethirdinstance,thirtywaitresses attendedacivicsocialservicesmeetingtodemandreinstatementoftheirjobsor compensationforlostwagesfromtheCity,armedwiththeirsolicitor,GarfieldKing.

14TheVancouverSun,17September1937.  15Ibid.  16VancouverSun,16September1937;TheProvince,24September1937. 

262 ThisdemonstrationwasmetwithindifferencefromMayorMiller,whosimplyasserted

thatthesewomenhadnoclaimastheywere“notwardsofthecity.”Afterall,Miller declaredtothe“girls,”they“shouldnothavemuchtroubleingettingotherjobs.”17

DespitetheMayor’sassurances,however,atleastsomeofthesewomendidhave troublefindingemployment.Twomonthsaftertheirofficialdismissalasemployeesat theChinatowncafés,thecityofVancouveroncemorethreatenedtotakeawaythe licencesoftheHongKongCaféandtheGeeKongCaféforallegedlyreͲemployingwhite

women.ThelicenceswererestoredaftertheC.B.A.employedalawyertoprotestthe action.WhathadhappenedwasthattwooftheexͲwaitresseshadbeenunabletofind relieforemployment,andhadreturnedtotheirformeremployersforhelp.HarryLee andCharlieTing,theemployersinquestion,hadbeengivingthewomenmeals.Not wantingtobecharitycases,thewomenreturnedthefavourbydoingsomeworkinthe restaurant.Theattitudeoftherestaurantowners,theChinesecommunity,andthe waitresseswassummedupinadefiantstatementbyFoonSienWong,whodeclared,

“thegirlswerehungryandcouldnotgetonrelief,andifthegirlsdiddoalittleworkin return,whatofit?”18

Untilthe1930s,womeninVancouverwerenotentitledtomunicipalrelief becauseunlikewhitemen,asGillianCreesehaspointedout,theirrighttoworkhadnot

17VancouverSun,12October1937;TheProvince,14October1937.  18TheNewsHerald,24November1937. 

263 yetbeenestablished.19By1933,however,asaresultoftheeffectsoftheDepression andthedemandsofunemployedwomen,cityreliefwasgrantedfirsttowidowsand desertedwives,andthentosinglewomen.Reliefforwomen,however,wasdifficultto actuallyaccess,andthisprovisionwashighlyregulated.Further,thefactthatmany women,singleorotherwise,supporteddependantswasvirtuallyignored.Akeyaspect ofreliefpolicyforwomenduringthe1930swasaprevailingpatriarchalmindsetwhich heldtoa“socialdefinitionofmenasbreadwinnersandwomenasdependants regardlessofthesituationofindividualworkers.”20Thisfundamentalgenderinequality intheareaof(un)employmentrightswaspubliclycondemnedbyFoonSienWongas, ironically,“man’sinhumanitytoman.”WongcomparedtheidealsofConfucianismwith thatofCanadiansocialwelfarepractices,arguingthatthevaluesupheldbytheChinese, inaccordancewiththetenetsofConfucianism,wereinfactsuperiortothecurrent valuesof“theWesternworld.”21

Thissenseofsocialjusticewasnotananomaly,andwaskeytothestruggleof theChinesetowardsattainingcitizenshiprights.CharlieTing,oneofthecaféowners whoselicencewascancelledforfeedingawhitewoman,isrepresentativeofthe emphasisonsocialvaluesupheldbytheChinesecommunityduringtheinterwarperiod.

TingwaspresidentoftheC.B.A.inVancouver,andontheeventofhisdeathin1939,

19GillianCreese,“ThePoliticsofDependence:Women,WorkandUnemploymentintheVancouver LabourMovementBeforeWWII”inBritishColumbiaReconsidered:EssaysonWomen(Vancouver:Press GangPublishers,1992),376.  20Ibid.,382.  21TheVancouverSun,24November,1937;TheNewsHerald,24November,1937. 

264 washeraldedas“CharlietheChristian,”amanwhosereligionwasthat“ofthehelping hand,”andtowhomnopersoninneed“everwenttoforaidinvain.”22Asaresultof

longͲstandingracisminCanada,theChinesehadalwaysreliedontheirowncommunity forassistanceintimesofneed,andthismindsetextendedbeyondtheboundariesof racetothewhitewaitresseswhoworkedinChinatownduringthe1930s.However,the campaignoftheChinesecommunityinthe1930stoestablishapoliticizedracialidentity basedonnotionsofcitizenshipandrespectabilitytookprecedenceoverthestruggleof womentoattain(un)employmentrights.TheChinatownwaitressesweregenderedand racializedsuchthattheycametorepresenttheepitomeofimmorality.RaceͲbased equalityrightsdependedonnotionsofrespectability,andthuscouldnoteffectively

alignwiththecampaignfortherightsofworkingwomen,whowereinmanyways perceivedasthecounterpointofrespectability.Intheend,therightsclaimsofChinese businessownersovershadowedwomen’srighttoemploymentinCityHall,inthecourts,

andinthemedia.



PoliticalSolidarityandWomen’sRights

The1937waitressincidentisusefulasanearlyexampleofinterͲgrouppolitical solidarity,inwhicharhetoricofequalitywasusedwhichsimultaneouslyassertedrace rightsandwomen’srights.However,andperhapsmoreimportantly,theoutcomeofthe conflictalsodemonstrateshowgenderconsiderationscomplicatedtherightsdebate,

andwasobscuredbyraceͲbasedequalityrightsclaims.Women’srightswerenot

22TheVancouverSun,20March,1939. 

265 recognizedinhumanrightscodesinCanadauntilthe1969BritishColumbiaHuman

RightsAct.23Intheinterwarperiod,workingwomenwerediscussedinmoralrather thanpoliticalterms.Forreformersandthepolice,workingwomenwereperceivedas eithervictimsofsexualpredatorsorasmorallylax.AsCarolynStrangeandLindsay

McMasterhavedemonstrated,thesocialpuritymovementwhichgaverisetothepanic

overwhiteslaveryandthe1923WomenandGirlsProtectionActalsoencouraged conceptualassociationsbetweentheworkinggirlandtheprostitute.24Evenmore alarmingforreformers,inthecaseoftheChinatowncaféwaitresses,wastheinterracial aspect.AsMcMasterargues,thefactthatworkingwomenandChinesemeninhabiteda mutualspaceinthelabourmarketwasregardedbythemediaasa““vilecondition”… andthishadastrongeffectonhowtheworkinggirlcametoberepresented–inthe

WestmorethanelsewhereinCanada–asasymbolofimperilledwhiteness.”25

 ThewaitressesinvolvedintheChinatowncafédisputeinVancouver,however, wereneithertheinnocentyoungthingsnorthedepravedtrollopsthatmoralreformers andthepolicehadconstrued.Itwastruethatthesewomenweregenerallyyoung,their averageagebeing22.However,mosthadalreadybeenworkingforyears,sincethey were18or19.OutofthethirtywaitresseswhoprotestedtoCityCouncilinthefallof

23DominiqueClément,““IBelieveinHumanRights,NotWomen’sRights”:WomenandtheHumanRights State,1969Ͳ1984,”RadicalHistoryReview101(Spring2008):111.  24CarolynStrange,Toronto’sGirlProblem:ThePerilsandPleasuresoftheCity,1880—1930(Toronto: UniversityofTorontoPress,1995),53—88;McMaster,WorkingGirls,88—120.  25McMaster,WorkingGirls,147. 

266 1937,oneͲthirdofthemweremarriedandmosthadchildren.26Thesewerenotthe single,unattachedwomenwhodominatedthefemaleworkforceintheearlytwentieth century,andwhowerethetargetsofearliersocialreformcampaigns.Thefactthat someofthesewaitressesweremarriedandallhaddependantswhowere,inmost cases,children,presentsachallengetoconventionalinterpretationsofmoralreform activityinCanadathatfocusonthesingleworkingwoman.27AsLynnWeinerhasshown intheAmericancontext,bythe1930syoung,single,workingwomenhadbecome somewhatacceptable,whiletheworkingmotherorwifesurfacedasanewpointof contention.Theperceivedproblem,whichbecameahottopicinpublicdebate, pertainedtothe“consequencesofawoman’semploymentoutsidethehomeonthe physicalandpsychologicalhealthofheryoungchildren.”28Whiletheearlystirringsof thisdemographicshiftisalsoapparentinVancouver,establishedperceptionsofwhite

26TheVancouverSun,12October1937;TheProvince,14October1937.  27McMasterdefinesthe‘averageworkinggirl’inherstudyaccordingtoLindaKealey’sdescriptionof “young,single,andinthelabourforceonlyuntilmarriageorfamilyresponsibilitiesprecludedfurther wagework.”Althoughshedoesbrieflyacknowledgeagrowingsegmentofthefemaleworkersasmarried, andthepresenceofdivorcedandwidowedwomen,shegivesevenlessconsiderationtoworking mothers.MariannaValverdesimilarlyarguesthatthesexualmoralityofyoung,singlewomenwasthe centraltargetofthesocialpuritymovement.LynnWeiner’sstudyofshiftsinthefemaleworkforceinthe UnitedStatespresentstheinsightfulargumentthatthelabourforceshiftedfrombeingdominatedby singleyounggirlstowivesandmothersaftertheSecondWorldWar.Hermainfocus,however,isonthose middleclasswomenwhochosetoworkoutofadesiretoimprovetheirstandardsofliving.McMaster, WorkingGirls;MarianaValverde,TheAgeofLight,SoapandWater:MoralReforminEnglishCanada, 1885Ͳ1925(Toronto:McClelland&Stewart,1991);andLynnY.Weiner,FromWorkingGirltoWorking Mother:TheFemaleLabourForceintheUnitedStates,1920—1980(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorth CarolinaPress,1985).  28Weiner,FromWorkingGirl,98—9. 

267 womenthatemergedoutofearlierreformcampaignswithsingleyoungwomenattheir core,particularlythewhiteslaverypanic,persisted.29

 Intheearlytwentiethcentury,whiteslaverynarrativeswerebeingpublished prolificallybymoralreformers,throughchurchpublicationsaswellassecular newspapersandmagazines.AlthoughboththepoliceandtheImmigrationDepartment pointedtothesensationalizingandexaggeratedcharacterofthemedia’swhiteslavery narratives,theyallagreedthatCanadianwomenwereendangeredbytheproximityof

AmericancitiesandtheinfluenceofAmericanwomenofloosemoralcharacterwho crossedtheborderintoCanadiancities.Forexample,in1910,theImmigration

Departmentmadeapublicstatementdenyingthecharge“thatMontrealwasa receivingportforBritishimmigrantgirlsofimmoralcharacter,”andthatBritish

immigrationwasnottheproblem.Instead,theDepartmentchargedthattheproblem ofimmoralitystemmedfromthecities,andwomencomingintoCanadafromthe

UnitedStates.30Likewise,a1908reportbyimmigrationofficialsandtheChief

ConstablesofVictoria,NewWestminster,andVancouverconcludedthatintheinterest ofcurbingprostitutioninthesecities,inspectorswerenecessaryattheUnitedStatesͲ

29ForanaccountoftheintellectualunderpinningsofthewhiteslaverypanicinCanadathroughan examinationofthesocialpuritymovement,seeValverde,TheAgeofLight,Soap,andWater.Formoreon thewhiteslaverypanicinCanada,seealsoJ.G.Shearer,Canada’sWarontheWhiteSlaveTrade(Toronto: TheBoardofMoralandSocialReform,1912);BCARS,GRͲ1547,ImmigrationDepartment,RG76Vol.569 File813739,ReelB1242,“ReportoftheStandingCommitteeonEqualMoralStandardandPreventionof TrafficinWomen,”22July1913.  30MontrealHerald,4August1910. 

268 Canadianborder,“wherenineͲtenthsoftheundesirableclasses,andImaysaythescum oftheWesterncountry,driftinherefromacrosstheline.”31

 Inthewinterof1907,followingthefirstinternationalagreementconcerningthe

traffickingofwomenandchildren,DetectiveEdwardFosteroftheDominionPolice travelledfromOttawatoVancouverbyrail.FromDecemberofthatyearuntilFebruary ofthefollowingyear,hewasengagedbythefederalDepartmentofImmigrationto

clearthecitiesofVancouverandVictoriaof“immoralwomen.”32Withinthreemonths,

FostermanagedtorelieveVancouverofeightyAmericanprostitutesbydeportingthese womenbacktotheUnitedStates.33Foster’sworkwaspartofanongoingcampaignby theImmigrationDepartmenttocleartheseWesterncitiesofundesirableimmigrants underanewprovisiontotheImmigrationActwhichcameintoeffectin1906.This provisionallowedfortheexpeditiousdeportationofundesirableswhohadbeenin

Canadaforlessthantwoyears.Undertheprovision,‘undesirables’weredefinedas:

…thosewhoarefeebleͲminded,idiotic,epileptic,insane,paupers,

destitute,professionalbeggars,vagrants,publicchargesorlikelyto

becomesuch,thoseafflictedwithaloathsomediseaseorconvicted

ofacrimeinvolvingmoralturpitude,prostitutesorthosewhoprocure

orattempttobringintoCanadaprostitutesorwomenforimmoral

31BCARS,GRͲ1547ReelB1136File741425,LetterfromR.G.Chamberlain,ChiefConstable,Vancouver,to A.B.Munro,MedicalInspectorandImmigrationAgent,Vancouver,11January1908.  32BCARS,GRͲ1547ReelB1136File741425,LettertoDetectiveEdwardFosterfromL.M.Fortierforthe SuperintendentofImmigration,18November1907;LettertoFosterfromW.D.Scott,Superintendentof Immigration,5February1908.  33BCARS,GRͲ1547ReelB1136File741425,LettertoW.D.ScottfromA.S.Munro,MedicalInspectorand ImmigrationAgent,Vancouver,12February1908. 

269 purposes.34

ItwouldappearthatundertheImmigrationAct,nonͲCanadianprostituteswereseenas

beingirredeemablydepraved,withdeportationastheonlyoptiondespiteaheavy demandforwomenintheWestatthistime.35Incontrast,forreformers,Canadian

womenwhohadfallenbythewayside,endedupasprostitutesinAmericancities,and beendeportedbacktoCanadaasundesirableswereseenasbeinginneedofrefuge, protection,andsalvation.36

 OneyearbeforeFoster’sappointmentintheWest,DupontStreetinVancouver wasthehubofthecity’svicedistrict.Followingapolicecrackdown,theredlightdistrict relocatedtoCantonAlleyandShanghaiAlley,theheartofVancouver’sChinatown.37In

1907,policeraidedthesetwostreets,aswellasHarrisStreet,whichwasalsoapartof theChinatowndistrict,androundedup37Americanwomenfordeportation.The womenwereorderedtogo,but“insteadofleavingtheysimplyscatteredalloverthe city,”andleftthepolicedepartmentscramblingto“drivethembackintothe[Chinese] district.”38DespiteagitationbytheC.B.A.andotherleadersoftheChinesecommunity

34BCARS,GRͲ1547ReelB1136File741425,ReportbyObed.Smith,CommissionerofImmigration,re: DeportationofUndesirableImmigrants,19December1907—11January1908.  35ForamoredetailedanalysisoftheeconomicandsocialdemandforwomenintheCanadianWest,see McMaster,WorkingWomenintheWest.  36Shearer,Canada’sWar,5.  37DanielFrancis,RedLightNeon:AHistoryofVancouver’sSexTrade(Vancouver:SubwayBooks,2006) 27;KayJ.Anderson,Vancouver’sChinatown:RacialDiscourseinCanada,1875Ͳ1980(Montreal& Kingston,McGillͲQueen’sUniversityPress,1991),73—105.  38BCARS,GRͲ1547ReelB1136File741425,LetterfromA.S.Munro,MedicalInspectorandImmigration Agent,Vancouver,toR.G.Chamberlain,ChiefConstable,Vancouver,27December1907;Letterfrom ChamberlaintoMunro,11January1908. 

270 tocleanupthearea,thecitydidlittletoremedythesituation.Unabletoexpelthe prostitutes,policeandgovernmentofficialswereonlyabletorestrictthephysical boundariesofthebrothels.ThisspatialcongruencebetweenChinatownandthered lightdistrictcontinuedthroughoutthefirsthalfofthetwentiethcentury,reinforcing conceptualassociationsbetweenraceandsexualviceformanywhiteresidentsof

Vancouver.TheimageoftheChinesemanassexualpredatorprovidedaconvenient catalysttothenotionoftheinnocentyounggirlsturnedfallenwomen.

 Themindsetestablishedbythisinternationalcampaign,thesocialpurity movementinCanadaandthewhiteslaverypanicpersistedtosomedegreeintothe

1930sinVancouver.Thepolice,undertheleadershipofColonelW.W.Foster,drew justificationfortheiractionsinthefallof1937fromtherhetoricofmoralreform.As partofhisevidenceagainstthesixcaféswhoselicenceswererevoked,Fosterpresented

abstractsfrompolicediariesdatingfrom1935to1937.Althoughtherewereonly9 incidentsofallegedprostitutionrecordedoverthecourseof3years,andnoneofthese convictions,itwasenoughtojustifypoliceaction,demonstratingthewidespread acceptanceoftheimagesofsexuallycorruptChinesemanandthevulnerablewhite

woman.Evenmorecompellingisthefactthatofthenineincidentsrecordedinthese

diaries,threecasesweredescribedsimplyasawhitewoman“livingwithaChinese man,”withnomention,prooforevidenceofillicitsexualactivitywhatsoever.39 

39VCA,VancouverMayorSeries483,33ͲDͲ6,File4,VancouverCityPoliceDepartmentReport,18 September1937. 

271  TheChinatownwaitressescontinuedtoprotesttheirlossofemployment, appearingbeforeCityCouncilagaininthespringof1939.Inresponse,ColonelFoster presentedalettertotheMayorwrittenbyawomanwhohadallegedlyfallenpreyto thecorruptinginfluenceofChinesemen.Inthisletter,hereportstheexperienceofan innocentyounggirlfromWinnipeg,whomovedtoVancouverinsearchofwork,ended upinaChinatownCaféonPenderStreet,andwiththehelpof“abottleofWhiteHorse

Whisky”broughttoherbya“Chinaman,”turnedinveterateprostitutewithinthecourse ofthreeweeks.40Foster’sresponseissignificantbecauseitclearlyfollowsthelanguage andformofthewhiteslaverynarrativespublishedbymoralreformerstwentyyears prior.Inotherwords,thesesameconcernsaboutthemoralityofwomenwere maintainedbythePoliceDepartmentandmanycityofficialsinthe1930s.Thisconflict

demonstratestheenduringstrengthofwhatJamesWalkerhasdefinedas“common sense,”oraprevailingmentality,thatbecomesentrenchedinlawevenafterthat mentalitybeginstochange.41

TheconflictovertheemploymentofwhitewomenbyChinesementellsus muchabouttheeffectivenessofraceͲbasedequalityrightsdiscourseintheinterwar periodinVancouver.Theencounterbetweenrace,gender,andclasswasplayedoutin thedetailsoftheeventsthattookplacein1937,andinthelargerstoriesthatcanbe teasedoutfromthesedetails.Duringtheinterwarperiod,theChinesewerenot entirelybarredfromthestatusofCanadiannationalorcitizen,norwerewhitewomen.

40VCA,VancouverMayorSeries483,33ͲFͲ3,File11,LetterfromFostertoMayor,29April,1939.  41JamesSt.GeorgeWalker,“TheQuongWingFiles”inOntheCase:ExplorationsinSocialHistory,Ed. FrancaIacovettaandWendyMitchinson(Toronto:UniversityofTorontoPress,1998),217. 

272 However,citizenshipforeachofthesegroupswaspartial,andwasnotyetsynonymous withpoliticalequalityorfullcivilrights.Forwhiteworkingwomen,race,gender,and classconsiderationsstructuredthenatureoftheirexperienceasCanadianssuchthat thedutyofthestatetoprotecttheirraceandgendersupersededtheirrightsto employment,and,intheuneasyeconomicmilieuoftheDepression,compromisedtheir abilitytosurvive.Whiteness,inthiscase,imposedrestrictionsonthosedesignatedas such.Incontrast,theshiftingperceptionsofraceinrelationtothecategoryofChinese gavesomepoliticalclouttotheChineserestaurantownersduringthisdisputethatthe

waitressesdidnothave.



Conclusion

 ThisaccountofChinatown’swhitewaitressesrevealstwoofthelimitationsof raceͲbasedrightsrhetoric.First,humanrightsrhetoricinthepostwarerafailedto addresswomen’srightsaspartofitsagenda.42AsDominiqueClémenthaspointedout,

“Westernhumanrightsnormswerebasedona“falseuniversalism””whereby“states failedtorecognizedwomen’sdifferenceasabasisforunequaltreatment.”43Second,

humanrightsdiscourseisolatesracialcategoriesandlinksracetoculture,thereby promotingthenotionofracialessentialismandexcludingindividualswhodonot conformtoestablishedracialorculturalstandards.Thisisbecausethepoliticsof

42See,forexample,ShirleyTillotson,“HumanRightsLawasPrism:Women’sOrganizations,Unions,and Ontario’sFemaleEmployeesFairRenumerationAct,1951.”CanadianHistoricalReview72:4(1991):532Ͳ 557.  43Clément,“”IBelieveinHumanRights,””112. 

273 ethnicityandindigenismduringtheinterwarperiodwasselective,andhumanrights rhetoricwasanexpressionofonereality–butwasnot,asthisrhetoricproclaims, universal.ThisaccountofinterwarChinatownshowshow,despiteclaimsof universalism,interͲgroupsolidaritywaslimitedbyarhetoricofrightsthatwas

dependentonrigidlydefinedracialcategoriesandthatobscuredgenderandclass inequalities.

































274 Chapter10~Conclusion  



 Inthe1920sand1930s,thecityofVancouverwashometoavibrantraceculture thatwaspremisedonthemythofapioneerheritage.Thisracializednarrativetoldofan evolutionarystruggleoccurringwithin,betweenwhiteandIndian,andimpliedan invasionfromwithout,bythealienOriental.1Soforcefulwastheclashbetweenthese threeracesalongthePacificNorthwestCoastduringthelatenineteenthandearly twentiethcenturiesthatbytheendoftheSecondWorldWar,theracepoliticsofBritish

Columbiaheldcenterstageinthenationaltheatre.Assuch,thisstudyofraceandrights

inVancouverintheinterwaryearscomprisesmorethanarepresentationofevents commontoCanadiancitiesinthisperiod.TheintensityofVancouver’sraceculture meantthattheinfluenceofdebatesoriginatingoutofbothVancouver’sCityHalland theprovinciallegislatureinVictoriabecamekeyinfluencesonnationalprocesses pertainingtoracerelationsinthesecondhalfofthetwentiethcentury.Racializationin

Vancouverinthisperiodwasahighlypoliticalprocess,andastudyofthisprocessgives risetotwobroadconclusions.First,thistimeandplace–Vancouverduringtheinterwar period–wasonekeypointoforiginformodernCanadianrightspolitics.Second, understandingtheparticularwaythatracewaspoliticizedinVancouverinthisperiod

1BasedonAnneMcClintock’snotionthatimperialismrelegatesindigenouspeoplestoananachronistic spaceandtime,ShereneRazackdescribesthismythologyasonewhere“ifAboriginalpeoplesare consignedforevertoanearlierspaceandtime,peopleofcolourarescriptedaslatearrivals,comingto theshoresofNorthAmericalongaftermuchofthedevelopmenthasoccurred.”ShereneRazack,Race, Space,andtheLaw:UnmappingaWhiteSettlerSociety(Toronto:BetweentheLines,2002),3.

275 correctsafundamentalprobleminpresentͲdayCanadianracehistoriographyand politics,namelytheisolationofracialcategories.

 MuchofthecurrentliteratureonraceandrightsinCanadareinforcesa conventionalchronologythatsituatestheemergenceofraceͲbasedrightspoliticsafter theSecondWorldWar.InthefirstchapterofAHistoryofHumanRightsinCanada,Ross

Lambertsonexplainsthelogicbehindthischronologythroughahistoriographical assessment.2HeconcludesthatresistancetodiscriminationinCanadainthepreͲ1945 eradidoccur,butonlyasisolatedincidents,productsof“subculturalisolationism.”3In

otherwords,Lambertsonusesthecriterionofgroupadvocacyandintergroupsolidarity todeterminetheabsenceofaninterwarhumanrightsdiscourse.Thisdissertation contributestothestoryofhumanrightsinCanadabyshowinghowracializationwasa precursortothegroupadvocacyandinterͲgroupsolidaritythatflourishedinthepostͲ warera.

 Racialequalityasarightsnorminhumanrightsdiscoursewasalsodependenton theuniversalistlanguagethatemergedduringtheinterwarperiod,intheideologiesof panͲIndianism,theHuáqiáotradition,andtheChristianprincipleofthebrotherhoodof humanity.Thisdiscourse,whichinitsspecificcombinationoftheseelementswasa productofregionallyspecificcircumstances,representsthegenesisofaninterͲ ethnic/racial/culturalsolidarityinCanada.Lambertsoninadvertentlypointstothe politicalsignificanceofresistanceinBritishColumbia,whenhecitestheSocietyof

2RossLambertson,“DominationandDissent”inAHistoryofHumanRightsinCanada,ed.JanetMiron (Toronto:CanadianScholarsPress,2009):11Ͳ24.  3Ibid.,19.

276 FriendsoftheIndiansofBritishColumbiaandtheSikhs’KhalsaDiwansocietyas exceptionstotheruleof“subculturalisolationism”–withoutnotingthathalfofhis exceptionscomeoutofBritishColumbia.Thisdissertationdemonstratesthat

Lambertson’sdiscussionof“individual”resistanceandwhathecalls“exceptionsto[the] ruleofsubculturalisolationism”canbereadasamorecohesivenarrative.4

 Theestablishedchronologyandapproachtohumanrightshistoryalso unintentionallyreinforcesrigidracialcategoriesandidentities–andthusreproduces

“subculturalisolationism.”Thereareseveralreasonsforthistendency.First,historiesof raceareofteninterpretedbyscholarsasatopdownimpositionofpowerbyone racializedgroup,andthecorrelatingsuppressionofrightsofanothergroup.Thisis,in part,aresultofthesecondformativeinfluenceonthisbodyofliterature.Thenotionof agencyisrelativelyrecentinthehistoriography,andintegratinghistoricalagencyinto historiesofoppressionposescertainproblemswhichscholarscontinuetostrugglewith.

Themostpersistentandstrikingoftheseistheessentializingofracialidentity,whereby scholars,inarticulatingracialization,reproducethatprocessofracializationbywriting it.5Third,theliteratureoftenfollowsaMarxistargumentwhichobscuresthecomplexity ofracepolitics,andseesraceasatoolofclasspowerratherthanasahistorical

4Ibid.  5ThisparadoxissimilartotheonediscussedbyDeniseRileyin“AmIThatName?”:Feminismandthe Categoryof“Women”inHistory(Minneapolis:UniversityofMinnesotaPress,2003).Inthisinterpretation offeminism,Rileyarguesthatthenaminganduseofthecategoryof‘women’byfeministsinorderto challengepatriarchy,servestoreinforceoppressionbyreproducingthosecategoriesthatenable structuraloppression. 

277 determinantinandofitself.6Finally,scholarshavetendedtonaturalizetheconceptof raceratherthanproblematizingrace,andasaresulthavegenerallyacceptedthat immigrantandindigenoushistorieswerefundamentallydifferent.7

 Thisdissertationcontributestothehistoriographiesofbothraceandrights,and

tothebroaderhistoryofcitizenshipinCanadabyaddressingsomeoftheseconceptual puzzlesthathavebeenraisedthroughthecollectiveworksofawideͲrangingscholarly community.WhatthisstudyofVancouverclearlyshowsisthatthewaypreviously marginalizedracialidentitieswereconstructedandusedbyactivists,community leaders,politicians,reformers,andintellectualschangedintheearlytwentiethcentury, frombeingpredominantlyatoolofoppressiontobecomingameansofassertingrights ofcitizenship.Thisprocessofredefinitionwasinfluencedbyinternationalcurrents.

Whiteness,likethemarginalizedidentitiesofIndianandOriental,wasalsoarticulatedas

adefenseofrights,andwassimilarlyshapedbylocalaswellasinternationalpolitics.

ThepaththatraceͲbasedrightsfollowedinCanada,ofcourse,wasthatblazedbythe

AboriginalandChineseCanadianactivistsdescribedinthisthesis,ratherthanthose proponentsofwhitesupremacy.RaceͲbasedrightsinCanadawerethuspremisedona contradictoryconceptualfoundation.Thiswasonethatsimultaneouslyasserted universalrightsandhumanequality,whileatthesametimeassumingfundamental differenceswithinhumanityandtheexistenceofnaturalracialessences.

6SeeIntroduction,19Ͳ23,above.  7SeeIbid.,23Ͳ24,above. 

278  DespitethecommonnotionofuniversalityfoundinbothearlyAboriginaland

ChineseCanadianactivism,thesetwomovementsdivergedfromtheirveryinception.

ThepoliticizationoftheChineseCanadiancommunityinVancouverwascloselyaligned withnotionsofCanadiancitizenship,andwasbasedonanestablishedtraditionwhich assertedthetransnationalrightsofmigratoryculturesandcommunities.Incontrast,the

politicizationoftheAboriginalcommunityinVancouverwascenteredonthenotionof

indigenism,ofattachmenttoplacesincetimeimmemorial.Asaresult,discussionsof

Aboriginalrightshadtobecarriedoutondifferentterms,outsideofthecitizenship regime,andthroughpanͲIndianstrategies.IndigenismmeantthatAboriginalrightswere

excludedfrommainstreamCanadianhumanrightsdiscoursesintheimmediatepostwar period,butthisexclusion(liketheChinesecommunity’sassertionofinclusionintothe debateoverdefinitionofCanadiancitizenshipandrights)wasnotentirelyimposed.

Instead,AboriginalleaderslikeAndrewPaullandactivistslikeThomasWhaunandFoon

SienWongmadestrategicchoicesabouthowtodealwithacommonsubjectionto racism.TheseindividualslaidthegroundworkforbothraceͲbasedequalityand indigenousrightsactivismonanationalscaleinthepostwarperiod.

 Atthesametime,organizationsliketheInstituteforPacificRelations,and scholarslikeH.F.AngusandHughWesleyDobson,advocatedthenecessityforstable domesticraceͲrelationsinordertoestablishbeneficialinternationaltraderelationswith

PacificRimcountries.Thissmallbuthighlyinfluentialcircleofacademicswas undoubtedlymotivatedbyeconomicinterests,buttheirworkwasalsoaresponseto activismfromwithinmarginalizedandracializedcommunitiesinVancouver.Acommon

279 rhetoricofuniversalrightswasarticulatedintheearlyI.P.R.publications,byAngusand

Dobson,aswellbyotherkeypoliticalactorsonthenationalstagefromVancouverwho wereassociatedwiththiscircle,mostnotablyGraceandAngusMcInnis,ChiefDan

George,andDouglasJung.Thisrhetoricwasregionallyspecific,buthadasubstantial impactonboththehistoriesofraceandofrightsinthiscountrythatfarexceededthe boundariesofVancouver,orevenofBritishColumbia.

 Bythe1970s,partlyasaresultofpersistentactivismfromFirstNationsand

“ethnicminorities”basedonthisrhetoricthatarguedforuniversalcitizenshiprights regardlessofracialdifference,theCanadianfederalgovernmenttookupthetaskof recognizingthesetypesofrights.Intermsofpolicy,thisrecognitionwasembodiedin the1969WhitePaper,the1982CanadianCharterofRightsandFreedoms,and, eventually,throughmulticulturalismpolicy.Multiculturalismpolicywasbornoutofthe

recommendationsofthe1969Ͳ1971RoyalCommissiononBilingualismand

Biculturalism,anattemptbyTrudeau’sgovernmenttoaddresstheissueofQuebec nationalism.However,inpractice,multiculturalismpolicydevelopedinsuchawaythat bythe1980s,itprimarilyfunctionedasameansofsupportingtheintegrationof“nonͲ

Charterethnicgroups”intoCanadiansociety.Multiculturalismisnowdefinedas“ethnic diversity,”andisdeemedtobe“integraltoCanadiansociety.”8Thiscitizenshipstrategy,

createdandmaintainedbythestate,seekstosimultaneouslyestablishequalitywhile encouragingandreinforcingdifference.Differencesaredefinedambiguouslyand somewhatinterchangeablyas“racial,”“ethnic,”and“cultural.”Multiculturalismpolicy

8MarcLeman,“CanadianMulticulturalism”(Canada,PoliticalandSocialAffairsDivision,1999),3.

280 hasbeenprimarilyimplementedthroughvarious‘initiatives,’someintendedtocombat racialdiscriminationandotherstoprotectandpromoteculturalidentity.

 OnekeycriticismofmulticulturalismpolicyinCanadaisthatitis“divisive becauseitemphasizeswhatisdifferent,ratherthanthevaluesthatareCanadian,”and thuscompromisesanyunifiedsenseofCanadiannationalism.9Manycontemporary scholarsandpoliticalcommentatorshaveobservedthevariouslimitationsof multiculturalismpolicy,andthereisaconvincingargumenttobemadeagainstthe validityofthisnotion.TheinterpretationofCanadianhistoryofferedinthisdissertation contributestothatdiscussionbylocatinginoneoftheoriginsofhumanrights

consciousnessasimilarissue.Intheconceptofrightsdescribedinthisthesis,thehuman rightsmovementisbasedonahistoricalparadox,wherebytheactivismwhichgaverise tothismovementwasheavilyconstrainedfromitsgenesis.Thisconstraintwasaresult ofthefactthatstrategiesofresistanceinthisplaceandtimeperiodreliedon conceptualoriginsthatwereembeddedincolonialdiscoursesandinstitutions.

 Thisparadoxreappearsinmulticulturalism.Theparallelisstrikinglyarticulatedin the2005documentaryfilmproducedbyAnneMarieNakagawacalledBetween:Living intheHyphen.ThefilmexaminesthecontradictionsofmulticulturalisminCanada

throughNakagawa’sinterviewswith“multiͲethnicCanadians.”10Onecharactermuses that“multiculturalismneverimaginedsomeonelikeme…”Thisassertionholdstwo

9Ibid.,6.  10AnneMarieNakagawa,Between:LivingintheHyphen.43minutes43seconds.NationalFilmBoard, 2005.Theseindividualsareidentifiedas“multiͲethnic”becausetheyhaveonebiologicalparentfroma Europeanbackground,andonefromavisibleminoritybackground. 

281 importanthistoricalimplications.First,thatmulticulturalisminCanadaisbasedona

conceptionofCanadianheritage,whichimpliesatraditionpremisedonmoralbeliefs andvalues–ratherthanhistory.11Canadianheritage,asthisdissertationhasshown, includesthepioneermyth,andtheracializednarrativeofawhitesettlersociety.As

Betweenreveals,elementsofthistraditioncanstillbeidentifiedinpresentͲday conceptionsofCanadiancitizenship.Second,multiculturalismreliesonrigid racial/ethnic/culturalcategoriesbecausetodenythesedistinctionswouldrequirea

denialofbothhistoryaswellastheconventionalrhetoricofhumanrights.Thepresent studyhasdemonstratedthatthesameparadoxcanbefoundinprocessesof racializationthatoccurredintheinterwarperiod.Theimpactofthisparadox,nowas then,ispointedlyarticulatedintheopeningnarrationofthefilm,inthewordsofpoet

FredWah:

 Betterwatchoutforthecraw,betterwatchoutforthegoat,that’sthemix,

 thebreed,thehalfbreed,métis,quarterbreed,traceofabreed,truedemi

 semiethnicpollutedrootlesslivingtechnicoloursnarltocomplicatethe

 underbellyPanavisionofracismandbigotryacrossthiscountry.Iknow,

 you’regoingtosaythat’sjustbeingCanadian…Canadianisn’taracialidentity…

 quiteasoup,Heinz57varieties,there’sawholebunchofuswho’vegrownupas

 residentaliens,livinginthehyphen…12

11Canada,CanadianCharterofRightsandFreedoms(1982).Section27oftheCharterstates:“This Chartershallbeinterpretedinamannerconsistentwiththepreservationandenhancementofthe multiculturalheritageofCanadians.”Thisclausehasprovidedthefoundationformulticulturalpolicyin Canadasince1982.  12Nakagawa,Between.

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