DOCSLIB.ORG

PDF Hosted at the Radboud Repository of the Radboud University Nijmegen

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
PDF Hosted at the Radboud Repository of the Radboud University Nijmegen PDF hosted at the Radboud Repository of the Radboud University Nijmegen The following full text is a publisher's version. For additional information about this publication click this link. http://hdl.handle.net/2066/105825 Please be advised that this information was generated on 2021-10-05 and may be subject to change. !"#$ % &&'''$ $ () "* % * +,-%./0!.1!.!/!. %2 ( 3'% * $53 ) $ 62(5 ) 7 * 8 9P ;( Q Tense, Aspect, Modality, and Evidentiality Marking in South American Indigenous Languages Proefschrift ter verkrijging van de graad van doctor aan de Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen op gezag van de rector magnificus prof. mr. S.C.J.J. Kortmann, volgens besluit van het college van decanen in het openbaar te verdedigen op dinsdag 26 maart om 10.30 uur precies door Neele Janna Müller geboren op 28 mei 1982 te Leer Promotor: Prof. drdrdr.dr . Pieter Muysken CopromotoreCopromotoren:n:n:n: Dr. Rik van Gijn (((Universität(Universität ZürichZürich)))) Dr. Mily Crevels Manuscriptcommissie: Prof. drdrdr.dr . HHHeHeeelenlenlenlen de Hoop Prof. drdrdr.dr . Kees HeHeHenHe nnngeveldgeveld (Universiteit vanvanvan Amsterdam) Prof. drdrdr.dr . Pier Marco Bertinetto (Scuola Normale Superiore, Pisa) För Mama un Papa. Für Axel. i TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS vvviviii ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS viviviivi iiiii 1.1.1. INTRODUCTION 111 2.2.2. TERMINOLOGY, FRAMEWORK, AND TOOLS 333 2.12.12.1 INTRODUCTION 333 2.22.22.2 TERMINOLOGY 333 2.2.1 Marking 3 2.2.2 Cumulative morphemes 5 2.2.3 Ambiguity 6 2.32.32.3 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK 777 2.3.1 Prototype theory and the canonical approch 7 2.3.2 The dominance parameter 8 2.3.3 Grammaticalization 9 2.3.4 Obligatoriness 10 2.3.5 Systematicity 11 2.42.42.4 THE MODUS OPERANDI OF THIS STUDY 111111 2.52.52.5 TOOLS 151515 2.5.1 The language sample 15 2.5.2 The questionnaire 22 3.3.3. TENSE 252525 3.13.13.1 INTRODUCTION 252525 3.23.23.2 DEFINITIONS 262626 3.2.1 PRESENT , PAST , and FUTURE Tense 26 3.2.2 Remoteness degrees 32 3.33.33.3 TENSELESS LANGUAGES 333333 3.3.3.43. 444 TENSE SYSTEMS 363636 3.4.1 Overview 36 3.4.2 Binary split FUTURE / NONFUTURE 38 3.4.3 Simple split FUTURE / NONFUTURE 40 3.4.4 Binary split PAST / NONPAST 41 ii 3.4.5 Three-way split Tense systems 43 3.4.6 FUTURE and PAST marking 44 3.53.53.5 MAXIMUM TENSE 454545 3.63.63.6 REMOTENESS DEGREES 464646 3.6.1 Overview 46 3.6.2 One remoteness degree in the PAST 47 3.6.3 Two remoteness degrees in the PAST 48 3.6.4 Three remoteness degrees in the PAST 49 3.6.5 Four remoteness degrees in the PAST 51 3.6.6 Six remoteness degrees in the PAST 52 3.6.7 Remoteness degrees in the FUTURE 53 3.6.8 Remoteness degrees in the PAST and FUTURE 54 3.6.9 Discussion 57 3.73.73.7 TYPOLOGICAL DISTRIBUTION IN THE SAMPLE 636363 3.83.83.8 GGGEOGRAPHICALGEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION IN THE SAMPLE 696969 3.9 GENEALOGICAL DISTRIBUTION IN THE SAMPLE 737373 3.9.1 Introduction 73 3.9.2 Macro-Gêan 73 3.9.3 Arawakan 74 3.9.4 Tupían 75 3.9.5 Cariban 78 3.9.6 Quechuan 80 3.10 STABILITY OF TENSE 838383 3.11 SUMMARY 858585 4.4.4. ASPECT 878787 4.14.14.1 INTRODUCTION 878787 4.24.24.2 PERFECTIVE/ IMPERFECTIVE 898989 4.2.1 Definitions 89 4.2.2 Distribution in the sample 90 4.34.34.3 HABITUAL 939393 4.3.1 Definition 93 4.3.2 Distribution in the sample 94 4.44.44.4 CONTINUATIVE 959595 4.4.1 Definition 95 iii 4.4.2 Distribution in the sample 96 4.54.54.5 ITERATIVE 979797 4.5.1 Definition 97 4.5.2 Distribution in the sample 100 4.64.64.6 COMPLETIVE/ INCOMPLETIVE 105105105 4.6.1 Definitions 105 4.6.2 Distribution in the sample 107 4.74.74.7 ANTERIOR 111111111 4.84.84.8 TYPOLOGICAL DISTRIBUTION INININ THETHETHE SAMPLE 114114114 4.94.94.9 GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION IN THE SAMPLE 118118118 4.104.104.10 GENEALOGICAL DISTRIBUTION IN THE SAMPLE 123123123 4.10.1 Introduction 123 4.10.2 Macro-Gêan 123 4.10.3 Arawakan 123 4.10.4 Tupían 124 4.10.5 Cariban 125 4.10.6 Quechuan 126 4.11 STABILITY OF ASPECT 128128128 4.124.124.12 SUMMARY 129129129 5.5.5. MODALITY 131131131 5.1 INTRODUCTION 131131131 5.25.25.2 REALIS/ IRREALIS 133133133 5.2.1 Definitions 133 5.2.2 Distribution in the sample 135 5.35.35.3 CERTAINTY/ DUBITATIVE (EPISTEMIC MODALITY) 141141141 5.3.1 Definitions 141 5.3.2 Distribution in the sample 143 5.4 INTENTIONAL 146146146 5.4.1 Definition 146 5.4.2 Distribution in the sample 146 5.55.55.5 POTENTIAL 149149149 5.5.1 Definition 149 5.5.2 Distribution in the sample 150 5.65.65.6 PURPOSIVE 153153153 iv 5.6.1 Definition 153 5.6.2 Distribution in the sample 154 5.75.75.7 FRUSTRATIVE 158158158 5.7.1 Definition 158 5.7.2 Distribution in the sample 159 5.85.85.8 DESIDERATIVE 163163163 5.8.1 Definitions 163 5.8.2 Distribution in the sample 163 5.95.95.9 COMMAND TYPES 167167167 5.9.1 Definitions 167 5.9.2 Distribution in the sample 170 5.10 TYPOLOGICAL DISTRIBUTION IN THE SAMPLE 180180180 5.11 GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION IN THE SAMPLE 188188188 5.12 GENEALOGICAL DISTRIBUTION IN THE SAMPLE 198198198 5.12.1 Introduction 198 5.12.2 Arawakan 198 5.12.3 Tupían 201 5.12.4 Cariban 202 5.12.5 Quechuan 204 5.13 STABILITY OF MODALITY 205205205 5.12 SUMMARY 205205205 6. EVIDENTIALITY 207207207 6.16.16.1 INTRODUCTION 207207207 6.26.26.2 DEFINITIONS 209209209 6.2.1 FIRSTHAND and VISUAL Evidentiality 209 6.2.2 NON -FIRSTHAND Evidentiality 210 6.2.3 SECONDHAND and QUOTATIVE Evidentiality 210 6.2.4 INFERRED and ASSUMED Evidentiality 212 6.3 TYPOLOGICAL DISTRIBUTION IN THE SAMPLE 213213213 6.3.1 General overview 213 6.3.2 Systems of Evidentiality marking 217 6.4 GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION IN THE SAMPLE 227227227 6.4.1 Results 227 6.4.2 The Guaporé-Mamoré area 234 v 6.56.56.5 GENEALOGICAL DISTRIBUTION IN THE SAMPLE 236236236 6.5.1 Introduction 236 6.5.2 Arawakan 237 6.5.3 Tupían 239 6.5.4 Cariban 240 6.5.5 Quechuan 241 6.66.66.6 STABILITY OF EVIDENTIALITY 243243243 6.76.76.7 SUMMARY 243243243 7.7.7. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS 245245245 7.1 INTRODUCTION 245245245 7.2 GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION IN THE SAMPLE 246246246 7.2.1 Overview 246 7.2.2 Andes vs. Amazonia 246 7.2.3 The Chaco 248 7.37.37.3 GENEALOGICAL DISTRIBUTION IN THE SAMPLE 250250250 7.4 TAME PROMINENCE 256256256 7.5 STABILITY 258258258 7.6 FUTURE RESEARCH 260260260 REFERENCES 262626326 333 SUMMARY 272727327 333 SAMENVATTING IN HET NEDERLANDS 272727727 777 CURRICULUM VITAE 222812818181 vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Acknowledging all the people who so graciously helped me during the project seems no less complex than the verb morphology in my sample, and in case I forgot to mention someone overtly, be assured that this is rather because I tend to overlook things closest to me. I consider my thesis the verbal stem, root, or theme of this project, with the following people having scope over it: closest to the root are my supervisors, Pieter Muysken, Mily Crevels, and Rik van Gijn. Without them, the thesis would have been ungrammatical. They marked my arguments, switched references if necessary, and helped me through Ärger-tiv times. I thank Pieter especially for guiding me through the rijstepap to the rozijnen! My sincerest thanks for their belief in my abilities, for their outstanding support and patience, and for their guiding me towards becoming not only a better researcher, but also organizer, writer, typologist, etc. I could not have wished for better supervisors. To Pieter my thanks for funding my position and my stay in Peru and giving me the possibility to embark on this four year-long journey. You let me steer the boat through the pap my own way but nevertheless guided me. How you did that I still fail to understand. Your positive look at things saved me many a time! To Mily my thanks for making me always think twice, for minding my manners and appearance, and for the references! To Rik, a role model on accuracy in everything he does, and for the first book present in my career. Yurakaré will always have a special place in my heart because of that! I wish to express my gratitude to my reading committee all of whom have been part of my life as a Ph.D. student, and I am glad that they accompanied me at the last stages as well: Prof. Dr. Helen de Hoop, Prof. Dr. Pier Marco Bertinetto, and Prof. Dr. Kees Hengeveld. Imperative for the successful verb phrase are the other project members, closest of all Olga Krasnoukhova, Josh Birchall, and Bob Borges. I think together we agglutinated to a very harmonious project complex. You have been major suffixes to me! Olga and Josh, you two are my paranymphs as well and I am very grateful for your support and friendship not only at the defense, but throughout all the years. I thank my office mates, Mily in the first year and then Olga, Bob, and Linda van Meel for making coming to the office every day a pleasure.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Languages of Amazonia Patience Epps University of Texas at Austin
    Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland South America Volume 11 Article 1 Issue 1 Volume 11, Issue 1 6-2013 The Languages of Amazonia Patience Epps University of Texas at Austin Andrés Pablo Salanova University of Ottawa Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/tipiti Part of the Anthropology Commons Recommended Citation Epps, Patience and Salanova, Andrés Pablo (2013). "The Languages of Amazonia," Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland South America: Vol. 11: Iss. 1, Article 1, 1-28. Available at: http://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/tipiti/vol11/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ Trinity. It has been accepted for inclusion in Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland South America by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Trinity. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Epps and Salanova: The Languages of Amazonia ARTICLE The Languages of Amazonia Patience Epps University of Texas at Austin Andrés Pablo Salanova University of Ottawa Introduction Amazonia is a linguistic treasure-trove. In this region, defined roughly as the area of the Amazon and Orinoco basins, the diversity of languages is immense, with some 300 indigenous languages corresponding to over 50 distinct ‘genealogical’ units (see Rodrigues 2000) – language families or language isolates for which no relationship to any other has yet been conclusively demonstrated; as distinct, for example, as Japanese and Spanish, or German and Basque (see section 12 below). Yet our knowledge of these languages has long been minimal, so much so that the region was described only a decade ago as a “linguistic black box" (Grinevald 1998:127).
    [Show full text]
  • On Numeral Complexity in Hunter-Gatherer Languages
    On numeral complexity in hunter-gatherer languages PATIENCE EPPS, CLAIRE BOWERN, CYNTHIA A. HANSEN, JANE H. HILL, and JASON ZENTZ Abstract Numerals vary extensively across the world’s languages, ranging from no pre- cise numeral terms to practically infinite limits. Particularly of interest is the category of “small” or low-limit numeral systems; these are often associated with hunter-gatherer groups, but this connection has not yet been demonstrated by a systematic study. Here we present the results of a wide-scale survey of hunter-gatherer numerals. We compare these to agriculturalist languages in the same regions, and consider them against the broader typological backdrop of contemporary numeral systems in the world’s languages. We find that cor- relations with subsistence pattern are relatively weak, but that numeral trends are clearly areal. Keywords: borrowing, hunter-gatherers, linguistic area, number systems, nu- merals 1. Introduction Numerals are intriguing as a linguistic category: they are lexical elements on the one hand, but on the other they are effectively grammatical in that they may involve a generative system to derive higher values, and they interact with grammatical systems of quantification. Numeral systems are particularly note- worthy for their considerable crosslinguistic variation, such that languages may range from having no precise numeral terms at all to having systems whose limits are practically infinite. As Andersen (2005: 26) points out, numerals are thus a “liminal” linguistic category that is subject to cultural elaboration. Recent work has called attention to this variation among numeral systems, particularly with reference to systems having very low limits (for example, see Evans & Levinson 2009, D.
    [Show full text]
  • Languages of the Middle Andes in Areal-Typological Perspective: Emphasis on Quechuan and Aymaran
    Languages of the Middle Andes in areal-typological perspective: Emphasis on Quechuan and Aymaran Willem F.H. Adelaar 1. Introduction1 Among the indigenous languages of the Andean region of Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, northern Chile and northern Argentina, Quechuan and Aymaran have traditionally occupied a dominant position. Both Quechuan and Aymaran are language families of several million speakers each. Quechuan consists of a conglomerate of geo- graphically defined varieties, traditionally referred to as Quechua “dialects”, not- withstanding the fact that mutual intelligibility is often lacking. Present-day Ayma- ran consists of two distinct languages that are not normally referred to as “dialects”. The absence of a demonstrable genetic relationship between the Quechuan and Aymaran language families, accompanied by a lack of recognizable external gen- etic connections, suggests a long period of independent development, which may hark back to a period of incipient subsistence agriculture roughly dated between 8000 and 5000 BP (Torero 2002: 123–124), long before the Andean civilization at- tained its highest stages of complexity. Quechuan and Aymaran feature a great amount of detailed structural, phono- logical and lexical similarities and thus exemplify one of the most intriguing and intense cases of language contact to be found in the entire world. Often treated as a product of long-term convergence, the similarities between the Quechuan and Ay- maran families can best be understood as the result of an intense period of social and cultural intertwinement, which must have pre-dated the stage of the proto-lan- guages and was in turn followed by a protracted process of incidental and locally confined diffusion.
    [Show full text]
  • Time and Language: Roughly, We Have So Does It Work? Or XKCD Eg We Can Construct
    A digression before we start: how do A famous wrong example: Inuit have 56 Time and Language: we describe what goes on? words for snow Roughly, we have How we talk about time The Sapir Whorf hypothesis. (they actually have one!). ! However skiers have at least 10: • Physical Time Peter Watson (powder, crud, hard-pack, ice, crusty, • Psychological Time Are they the same? slush, spring, corn, sugar, fresh, wet, Biological Time piste, corduroy....). • (Very loosely). Or are they different" Sociological Time Time is an Illusion: • The strong form: you cannot discuss a concept Most of these distinctions are • aspects of the same thing? lunch-time doubly so ! unless you have the language to describe it. meaningless to non-skiers, but they • Astronomical Time Hitchhiker's Guide The weak form: your views of the universe are allow a concepts to be transferred in modified and restricted by language. compact form. • Historical Time • Geological Time 1 2 3 4 Peter Watson So does it work? • I picked the car up yesterday, so that, if you go to the supermarket now, I •I picked the car up yesterday, so that, if you go to the will have time to drive to Montreal." • Better: language represents a “window into supermarket now, I will have time to drive to the mind” (Pinker) Montreal." • J'ai pris la voiture hier, de sorte que, si vous aller au supermarché •I picked the car up yesterday, so maintenant, j'ai le temps pour conduire à Montréal." • We think in “mentalese” and translate it into that, if you go to the supermarket a language J'ai pris la voiture hier, de sorte que, now, I will have time to drive to • •Ich habe das Auto gestern auf, si vous aller au supermarché Montreal.
    [Show full text]
  • Language Ideology, Policy and Planning in Peru (Book Review) Yuliana H
    Intersections: Critical Issues in Education Volume 2 | Issue 1 Article 9 2018 Language Ideology, Policy and Planning in Peru (Book Review) Yuliana H. Kenfield University of New Mexico, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/intersections Part of the Bilingual, Multilingual, and Multicultural Education Commons, and the Indigenous Education Commons Recommended Citation Kenfield, Yuliana H.. "Language Ideology, Policy and Planning in Peru (Book Review)." Intersections: Critical Issues in Education 2, 1 (2018). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/intersections/vol2/iss1/9 This Book Review is brought to you for free and open access by UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Intersections: Critical Issues in Education by an authorized editor of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Intersections: Critical Issues in Education 2018, Vol. 2, No. 1, 51-53 | BOOK REVIEW | Language Ideology, Policy, and Planning in Peru by S. M. Coronel-Molina. (2015). Multilingual Matters: Bristol, England. 281 pp. ISBN 9781783094240 Yuliana H. Kenfield University of New Mexico If you’re curious about modern policy and ideologies towards indigenous Andean languages, Serafin M. Coronel-Molina’s Language Ideology, Policy, and Planning in Peru offers a solid analysis of the efforts involved in maintaining and revitalizing Quechua, an official language of Peru. The Andeans of Latin America have spoken sixteen variations of the Quechuan language family since pre-colonial times, and Quechua remains a vital lingua franca for over one-third of the modern Peruvian population. Born in the Quechuan city of Huancayo, Coronel-Molina is an associate professor at Indiana University, Bloomington, with extensive research in Quechuan linguistics.
    [Show full text]
  • 33 Linguistic Areas, Linguistic Convergence and River Systems in South America
    C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP-NEW/8902256/WORKINGFOLDER/HICY/9781107051614C33.3D 964 [964–996] 9.11.2016 5:57PM 33 Linguistic Areas, Linguistic Convergence and River Systems in South America Rik van Gijn, Harald Hammarström, Simon van de Kerke, Olga Krasnoukhova and Pieter Muysken 33.1 Introduction The linguistic diversity of the South American continent is quite impress- ive. There are 576 indigenous languages attested (well enough documen- ted to be classified family-wise), of which 404 are not yet extinct. There are 56 poorly attested languages (which nevertheless were arguably not the same as any of the 576), of which three are known to be not yet extinct (Nordhoff et al. 2013). Furthermore, there are 71 uncontacted living tribes, mainly in Brazil, which may speak anywhere between zero and 71 lan- guages different from those mentioned (Brackelaire and Azanha 2006). Perhaps the most impressive aspect of the linguistic diversity of South American indigenous languages is their genealogical diversity. The languages fall into some 65 isolates and 44 families (Campbell 2012a; Nordhoff et al. 2013), based on a comparison of basic vocabulary. Nearly all of the families show little internal diversity, indicative of a shallow time depth. Alongside this picture of genealogical diversity, many areal specialists have noted the widespread occurrence of a number of linguistic features across language families, suggesting either sustained contacts between groups of people or remnants from times when the situation in South America may have been genealogically more homogeneous. We only have historical records going back about 500 years, and the archaeological record is scanty and fragmentary (Eriksen 2011).
    [Show full text]
  • Language Index
    Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-86573-9 - Endangered Languages: An Introduction Sarah G. Thomason Index More information Language index ||Gana, 106, 110 Bininj, 31, 40, 78 Bitterroot Salish, see Salish-Pend d’Oreille. Abenaki, Eastern, 96, 176; Western, 96, 176 Blackfoot, 74, 78, 90, 96, 176 Aboriginal English (Australia), 121 Bosnian, 87 Aboriginal languages (Australia), 9, 17, 31, 56, Brahui, 63 58, 62, 106, 110, 132, 133 Breton, 25, 39, 179 Afro-Asiatic languages, 49, 175, 180, 194, 198 Bulgarian, 194 Ainu, 10 Buryat, 19 Akkadian, 1, 42, 43, 177, 194 Bushman, see San. Albanian, 28, 40, 66, 185; Arbëresh Albanian, 28, 40; Arvanitika Albanian, 28, 40, 66, 72 Cacaopera, 45 Aleut, 50–52, 104, 155, 183, 188; see also Bering Carrier, 31, 41, 170, 174 Aleut, Mednyj Aleut Catalan, 192 Algic languages, 97, 109, 176; see also Caucasian languages, 148 Algonquian languages, Ritwan languages. Celtic languages, 25, 46, 179, 183, Algonquian languages, 57, 62, 95–97, 101, 104, 185 108, 109, 162, 166, 176, 187, 191 Central Torres Strait, 9 Ambonese Malay, see Malay. Chadic languages, 175 Anatolian languages, 43 Chantyal, 31, 40 Apache, 177 Chatino, Zenzontepec, 192 Apachean languages, 177 Chehalis, Lower, see Lower Chehalis. Arabic, 1, 19, 22, 37, 43, 49, 63, 65, 101, 194; Chehalis, Upper, see Upper Chehalis. Classical Arabic, 8, 103 Cheyenne, 96, 176 Arapaho, 78, 96, 176; Northern Arapaho, 73, 90, Chinese languages (“dialects”), 22, 35, 37, 41, 92 48, 69, 101, 196; Mandarin, 35; Arawakan languages, 81 Wu, 118; see also Putonghua, Arbëresh, see Albanian. Chinook, Clackamas, see Clackamas Armenian, 185 Chinook.
    [Show full text]
  • Descriptive and Comparative Research on South American Indian Languages
    Historical overview: Descriptive and comparative research on South American Indian languages Willem F. H. Adelaar 1. Introduction The extreme language diversity that was characteristic for South America must have been a challenge to native groups throughout the subcontinent, struggling to maintain commercial and political relations with each other. Due to the absence of phonetically based writing systems in pre-European times there is hardly any documentation about the way cross-linguistic communication was achieved. How- ever, the outlines of a conscious linguistic policy can be assumed from the Incas’ success in imposing their language upon a millenary multilingual society. Second- language learning, often by users of typologically widely different languages, must have been an everyday concern to the subjects of the Inca empire. Sixteenth-cen- tury chroniclers often report in a matter-of-fact way on the ease and rapidity with which native Americans mastered the language of their conquerors, be it Quechua, Spanish or any other language. Apart from such cases of political necessity, there are indications that language played an essential role in many South American native societies and that it could be manipulated and modified in a deliberate way. The use of stylistic speech levels among the Cuna (Sherzer 1983) and of ceremo- nial discourse among the Mbyá (Cadogan 1959; Clastres 1974), the Shuar (Gnerre 1986) and the Trio (Carlin 2004), the appreciation of rhetorical skill as a requisite for leadership among the Mapuche, the distinction of female and masculine speech among the Karajá (Rodrigues 2004) and the Chiquitano (Galeote 1993), the associ- ation of language choice and family lineage among the peoples of the Vaupés region (Sorensen 1967; Aikhenvald 2002), and the association of language choice and professional occupation in highland Bolivia (Howard 1995) appear to indicate an awareness of linguistic functionality not limited to daily communication alone.
    [Show full text]
  • English for Practical Purposes 9
    ENGLISH FOR PRACTICAL PURPOSES 9 CONTENTS Chapter 1: Introduction of English Grammar Chapter 2: Sentence Chapter 3: Noun Chapter 4: Verb Chapter 5: Pronoun Chapter 6: Adjective Chapter 7: Adverb Chapter 8: Preposition Chapter 9: Conjunction Chapter 10: Punctuation Chapter 11: Tenses Chapter 12: Voice Chapter 1 Introduction to English grammar English grammar is the body of rules that describe the structure of expressions in the English language. This includes the structure of words, phrases, clauses and sentences. There are historical, social, and regional variations of English. Divergences from the grammardescribed here occur in some dialects of English. This article describes a generalized present-dayStandard English, the form of speech found in types of public discourse including broadcasting,education, entertainment, government, and news reporting, including both formal and informal speech. There are certain differences in grammar between the standard forms of British English, American English and Australian English, although these are inconspicuous compared with the lexical andpronunciation differences. Word classes and phrases There are eight word classes, or parts of speech, that are distinguished in English: nouns, determiners, pronouns, verbs, adjectives,adverbs, prepositions, and conjunctions. (Determiners, traditionally classified along with adjectives, have not always been regarded as a separate part of speech.) Interjections are another word class, but these are not described here as they do not form part of theclause and sentence structure of the language. Nouns, verbs, adjectives, and adverbs form open classes – word classes that readily accept new members, such as the nouncelebutante (a celebrity who frequents the fashion circles), similar relatively new words. The others are regarded as closed classes.
    [Show full text]
  • Revista Brasileira De Estudos Do Contato Linguístico Editores Gabriel Antunes De Araujo (Univ
    PAPIA Revista Brasileira de Estudos do Contato Linguístico Editores Gabriel Antunes de Araujo (Univ. de São Paulo, Brasil) Ana Lívia Agostinho (Univ. Federal de Santa Catarina, Brasil) Conselho Editorial Alan Baxter (Univ. Fed. da Bahia, Brasil) Alain Kihm (Université de Paris 7/CNRS, France) Angela Bartens (Univ. of Helsinki, Finland) Armin Schwegler (Univ. of California, Irvine, USA) Dante Lucchesi (Univ. Federal Fluminense, Brasil) Gabriel Antunes de Araujo (Univ. de São Paulo, Brasil) Heliana Mello (Univ. Federal de Minas Gerais, Brasil) Hildo Honório do Couto (Universidade de Brasília, Brasil) Isabella Mozzillo (Univ. Federal de Pelotas, Brasil) J. Clancy Clements (Indiana Univ. Bloomington, USA) Jean-Louis Rougé (Univ. d’Orléans, France) John M. Lipski (The Pennsylvania State Univ., USA) Klaus Zimmermann (Univ. Bremen, Deutschland) M. Chérif Mbodj (Univ. Cheikh Anta Diop, Senegal) Márcia Santos D. de Oliveira (Univ. de São Paulo, Brasil) Marta Dijkho (Instituto Lingwistiko Antiano, Curaçao) Mathias Perl (Univ. Mainz, Deutschland) Nicholas Faraclas (Univ. de Puerto Rico, Puerto Rico) Philippe Maurer (Univ. of Zurich, Swiss) Pierre Guisan (Univ. Federal do Rio de Janeiro, Brasil) Tjerk Hagemeijer (Univ. de Lisboa, Portugal) e-ISSN 2316-2767 PAPIA Revista Brasileira de Estudos do Contato Linguístico Volume 27(2), 2017 revistas.ch.usp.br/papia [email protected] Copyright © 2017 dos autores e de PAPIA. A revista PAPIA é indexada nas seguintes bases: LATINDEX (http://www.latindex.unam.mx) DOAJ (http://www.doaj.org) Universidade de São Paulo
    [Show full text]
  • Tupi-Guarani Loanwords in Southern Arawak: Taking Contact Etymologies Seriously
    DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.31513/linguistica.2017.v13n3a16383 TUPI-GUARANI LOANWORDS IN SOUTHERN ARAWAK: TAKING CONTACT ETYMOLOGIES SERIOUSLY Fernando O. de Carvalho1 ‘All the caveats are raised on the determination of inherited cognates while loanwords seem to be considered self-explanatory, but in fact the danger of casual resemblance is as great in borrowings as it is in cognates’ Jorge Suárez (1985: 575) ABSTRACT This paper seeks to rigorously evaluate a set of claims that lexical items in Southern Arawak languages are loanwords from Tupi-Guarani languages. I show that, in most cases, these hypotheses can be rejected because the Arawak forms in question either have clear internal etymologies or because the noted similarities are too superficial and no coherent or plausible picture for the phonological deviation between the putative loans and their presumed source forms can be offered. In advancing internal etymologies for the target Arawak forms I will also try to cast light on aspects of the historical developments of these languages, as well as raise some so far unacknowledged issues for future research. Next, I consider some plausible cases of Guarani loans in one Southern Arawak language, Terena, explicitly arguing for these contact etymologies and placing these loanwords within a chronological stratum in Terena history. Complications related to dissimilar sources in Arawak-Tupi- Guarani contact and to the status of Wanderwörter are also briefly addressed. 1 Universidade Federal do Amapá (UNIFAP). E-mail: [email protected] Keywords: Contact; Loanwords; Etymology; Arawak; Tupi-Guarani. Introduction and background The goal of this paper is to take a critical look at certain claims that specific lexical items in southern Arawak languages2 have their origin in the borrowing of Proto-Tupi-Guarani (PTG) etyma, or of reflexes thereof in individual Tupi-Guarani (TG) languages.
    [Show full text]
  • The Perfective Imperative in Japanese a Further Analysis
    The perfective imperative in Japanese A further analysis Axel Svahn [email protected] Master Thesis Lund University Japanese Centre for Languages and Literature, Japanese Studies Fall Term 2009 Supervisor: Lars Larm ABSTRACT The present thesis is concerned with a descriptive analysis of a phenomenon in the Japanese language, the use as an imperative of two suffixes of tense and aspect, -ta and -tari. The use of the past tense form (or ta-form) as an imperative in modern Japanese has been touched upon by various scholars, but a detailed account of the construction, its diachrony, and its place in a cross-linguistic context has not previously been performed. These aspects of the constructions are described in detail, and a contrastive analysis determines how imperative -ta differs from other imperatives in modern Japanese. The relation between aspect and imperative utterances manifested in imperative -ta is discussed, focusing on the connection between imperative -ta and perfective aspect. The discussion also focuses on the occurrence of past tense and perfective imperatives cross-linguistically. These phenomena are connected through the concept of deictic projection (Lyons 1977, Tavangar and Amouzadeh 2006). Keywords: Aspect, deictic projection, imperative, Japanese, past tense, perfective aspect, -ta, -tari ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This paper could not have been written without the help of a number of people. Without the information and ideas provided by them, the task of expanding a sketch of a peripheral phenomenon in Japanese into a larger paper surveying a variety of languages would have been impossible. The author wishes to express his gratitude to Ehsan Bouhendi, Östen Dahl, Bjarke Frellesvig, Thomas Gross, Szymon Grzelak, Lars-Åke Henningsson, Arthur Holmer, Lars Larm, Marita Ljungqvist, Sawako Murao, Johan Muskala, Mattias Nowak, Sven Osterkamp, Rumiko Shinzato, Kazuyo Suzumura-Lundström, Axel Theorin, Dorota Tubielewicz Mattsson, Janick Wrona, and Xiaoyan Zhang, to whom the thesis is dedicated.
    [Show full text]