Cooking in Zooarchaeology: Is This Issue Still Raw?

Chapter 2

Sandra Montón Subías

Feeding practices, including food processing and in this sphere ofpractice can affect many other realms cooking, are sorne of the most fundamental activities of activities, and how other practices can only be in creating and maintaining sociallife. Despite their developed when sustained by maintenance activi crucial character, traditionally they have not been ties. Feeding, and food processing and cooking as considered in archaeological studies. In this paper 1 integral parts of it, is a good example. An event that will emphasize why it is necessary for archaeology occurred while on a trip through Senegal illustrates in general, and for zooarchaeology in particular, to sorne of these aspects. When visiting sorne villages call attention to this sphere of practices. in the Southwest of Senegal, 1 was told that the di Traditionally, Western thought has considered vorce rate was increasing in sorne communities. For societies to be divided into two main spheres of their daily subsistence, these communities rely on a production: the domestic sphere and the public well-known dish called cous-cous, which is prepared sphere. Different analyses have already denounced by women. A change in the economic conditions of the artificiality of this division and how the sphere the country had led many families to a lower ac of the domestic - associated with women and con quisitive leveI. As a result, many husbands were not sidered non-fundamental in the configuration of so able to buy wheat to prepare this dish any longer. cial processes - has been banished from most social Instead, they would replace it with the traditional studies (Oakley 1974; Yanagisako 1979; Rosaldo 1980; and also cheaper milI. The disadvantages of this new Cowan 1989; Wylie 1992; Hendon 1996). Indeed, the staple are huge, however, since it requires a tremen traditional study of social processes has emphasized dous investment of labour to process it. As a result, change and therefore left unconsidered the activities women were no longer able to allocate their time to belonging to the domestic sphere, since they have many of their previous activities. Once this became been thought to be natural, routine and unchange clear to the women, many of them left their marital able. If one desires to take an alternative approach, dwellings and returned to their family homes, pro there are even epistemic difficulties in the naming of ducing a temporal readjustment in the communities' this sphere of practices. In fact, this lack of vocabu sets of social relations. lary in language is symptomatic of a more general Despite their clear significance as a structuring problem: the lack of fit between women's experi principIe of sociallife, food processing and cooking ences and the frameworks of thought available for have been considered inconsequential in most aca understanding experience in general (De Vault 1991). demic discourses. Stemming from the Greek tradi We have chosen the term 'maintenance activities' tion, an important branch in philosophy has praised (Picazo 1997) to refer to these set of practices, since it fasting. As Lupton (1996, 2) points out 'not only directly appeals to the importance of women's work were everyday practices such as eating and food in continually generating the social matrix of life. l preparation regarded as being beneath philosophi cal study, they threatened pure thought by encour Feeding and cooking as a foreground to social aging philosopher's bodily needs to disrupt and dynamics disturb their cogitations'. Fasting has been associ ated with the masculine and the rational, while cook What needs to be stressed is how fundamental and ing and its dimensions with the feminine and the central maintenance activities are putting in place emotionaI. Probably because of this, cooking and most basic social relations, how the decisions taken food have remained as important issues in domains

7 Chapter 2

such as painting, literature, cinema, even psycho phatica11y considered, but the importance of cook analysis, where emotions and sensations have not ing processes as a way to embodiment has also been been 'obliterated' (see, for example, Esquivel 1998; acknowledged (see, for instance, Falk 1994). Mahoney & Yngvesson 1992). From a structuralist perspective, cooking has Food and raw resources, however, have also also been seen as a fundamental social component. For been central issues in sorne academic disciplines. Lévi-Strauss (1958; 1965) cooking systems express Nutrition is probably the clearest example, although cosmologic and sociologic oppositions ofhuman socie with a unique stress on the biological dimensions of ties and are central to understanding them. The struc food and sorne cooking practices (Blaxter & Waterlow tures of a society can be found here, as it is possible to 1985; Linder 1985; Stinson 1992). The social discourses find them in the kinship system, in mythology, and in around food have been mainly developed in Sociol political ideology among others. However, because of ogy and Anthropology, but even here food process his own theoretical framework, the relationships among ing and specifica11y cooking practices have drawn the different systems expressing structures in society less attention than other aspects in the world of food. are not investigated. In fact, it was not until the emer Anthropological reports describe, many times in de gence of Feminism in certain disciplines of the social tail, cooking events performed in ritual festivals. sciences that the various activities associated with There are fewer accounts, however, detailing every the 'domestic' began to receive the attention that day-life cooking practices (see also Lévi-Strauss 1965 they deserved. In the wake of feminism, different on this point), and even fewer have considered the scholars in History, Economy, Sociology and An implications which food processing may have as a thropology considered housework important, and foreground to social dynamics (a clear exception is food processing and cooking practices began to be the attention given to cooking as a way to under analyzed (Oakley 1974; Cowan 1989; De Vault 1991). standing social life and historical processes in the analysis undertaken by Weismantel 1994). Cooking Cooking as a maintenance activity in archaeology has usua11y been seen as a dependent variable of other aspects: the ecological context (Harris 1985), Archaeology has remained quite ignorant of the con what has been called 'food' production and food tributions made by the aforementioned research, even consumption. As Goody (1994, 43) states, cooking is when elements employed or resulting from food 'the end point of that major activity of humankind processing are the most common ones (hearths, cook (reproduction apart), that is, the production of food'. ing pottery, grinding stones, animal bones). Only But cooking is many times more than a final process Gender Archaeology, in dealing with the spheres of in a chain; as shown below, it can also be at the women's experiences (Conkey & Gero 1991) and in forefront of this chain, serving as an impetus to drive troducing the feminist interest on housework the very system of production. mainly in household studies (Hendon 1996) - has Most approaches have analyzed food and begun to see cooking as a fundamental realm to be cooking from the perspective of consumption. They analyzed. Brumfiel (1991), for example, brought to have emphasized the importance of food as a way to light how cooking activities were central in the tran express and construct social behaviour patterns, sition from pre-Aztec to Aztec society in Central norms or religious prohibitions, cultural and sym Mexico. During this transition there was a funda bolical meanings (Crawley 1902; Frazer 1907; Fortes mental change in cooking - from wet to dry food & Fortes 1936; Firth 1966; Young 1971; Douglas 1971; that made feasible important changes in labour pat 1975; Arnott 1975; Khare 1976; Sahlins 1976; Barthes terns demanded by Aztec domination. This is thus a 1979; Turner 1982; Bourdieu 1984; Mintz 1985; Visser good example of how social changes are supported 1986; Weismantel 1994). In recent years, and con by maintenance activities. nected to the contemporary concern with the body Feeding is a complex social phenomenon and and health, the sociology of food and eating have implies different leveIs of action and relationships received renewed attention and the interaction be among food preparers/givers, and between food tween food, embodiment and subjectivity has been preparers/ givers and food-consumers/ receivers. investigated (Fischler 1988; Curtin 1992; Falk 1994; From a technical point of view, food-preparers are Lupton 1996). The cultural and subjective values of engaged in three main types of actions (see also food, which pass into the subject through its posses Colomer & Montón 1997): sion and consumption, have again been emphasized. a) The first of these refers to food processing and Consumption is, once more, the aspect more em involves a11 those activities related to the trans

8 Cooking in Zooarchaeology

formation of vegetal and animal resources into of raw resources change improving their character food, into edible products that will be used in istics to human consumption: palatability and di the short- or long-termo These activities include gestibility is improved, toxic and bacterial elements cooking processes (boiling, frying, roasting, disappear and preservation is accomplished (Leopold steaming, smoking, etc.) as well as other tasks & Ardrey 1972; 5tahl1984; Linder 1985; Wandsnider that transform raw products without using heat 1997). Cooking may change the nutrients of raw re (flour procurement, fermented and salted prod sources by increasing their nutritious value, or de ucts, etc.). Literally, the term food has been de creasing or losing it. It is therefore crucial to acquire fined as any substance that can be taken into the a good knowledge of these processes. On the other body of an animal or plant to maintain its life hand, through cooking processes the desirability (so and growth. In the case of humans, this aim is cial or personal) of food is also accomplished. mainly accomplished through the mediation of Despite its importance, food-processing tech maintenance activities, through food processing. nology has seldom been acknowledged as a social The term food has, therefore, a social meaning technological system to be analyzed (exceptions are, since these substances are only converted into for example, Firth 1966; Bruneton 1975; Goody 1994; food when they are filtered by the work of main Colomer 1996). Academic attention has focused on tenance activities in a cultural process. the technology of the activities that procure raw re b) Essential requirements to the conversion of raw sources such as hunting practises, agricultural meth resources into food are the procurement of water ods, etc. (see Oswalt 1976 as an example of this). In a and fuel, which therefore constitute an impor similar manner, technological changes experienced tant aspect in the process of feeding. Though in food processing, while directly affecting the work their properties are not always incorporated to ing time of an important part of the population, have food, they are usually essential to metamorphose been ignored (Cowan 1989). I myself had the oppor raw products into food. The quantity and qual tunity to discover, in a recent conversation with a ity of water and fuel required influence the daily friend from Calcutta, how important the introduc organization of maintenance activities. tion of the stove was for Indian women living in c) Finally, it is also important to maintain the arte rural areas. The overlooking of this issue is probably facts (pots, knives, grinding stones, ovens, etc.) related to the fact that cooking is associated in most and spaces (hearths, storage facilities, waste ar societies with women's work and therefore included eas, etc.) needed for these activities. Although in the economic sphere of the 'domestic'. Indeed, the time allocated to maintaining artefacts and cooking (as a maintenance activity and a part-time spaces is variable and culturally patterned, clean job) is probably one of the activities most consist ing activities are always crucial to a communi ently performed by women. In practically all known ty's salubrity and have consequences in the societies (present and past), there is a strong identifi spatial planning of settlements and houses. cation between women and cooking. Although men Food processing and cooking, as feeding activities, assist in sorne cases and participate in the prepara constitute a form of labour that embraces specific tion of ritual meals, the responsibility of the process kinds of relationships both because of the particular relies on women as is shown by countless examples nature of the labour required and probably because (Brumfiel 1991; Moore 1986; Friedl 1975; Fruzzetti of the agents performing these activities. Food 1985; De Vault 1991; Warde & Hetherington 1994; processing and cooking have traditionally been a Goody 1994; Lupton 1996, to name a few). I do not part of women's knowledge, which has been handed think it is a coincidence that precisely these ritual down by women to women. As with other occupa meals have drawn more attention in academic stud tions, they also have a period of apprenticeship. ies, as it is not a coincidence that the aspects empha Learning relationships are fundamental in becom sized by ethnoarchaeology and zooarchaeology in ing a cook and to the successful development and the analysis of food processing have been those re continuity of the technological process. It is neces lated to butchery practices conducted or supposedly sary to know sorne of the properties of the raw re conducted by men (see below). sources, how tools and facilities in use are to be ) employed, the different steps involved in each one Cooking and zooarchaeology of the cooking systems, the cooking time, the tem i perature conditions, fuel suitability, maintenance of Animal bones are among the most common remains , the energy source, etc. Through cooking the nature in archaeological excavations. Most of them are the

9 Chapter 2

result of social practiees carried out by humans and, tention since the management of animal carcasses basically, most are cooking remains discarded after must have been deeply affected by the introduction consumption. But zooarchaeology has been affected of cooking. Present ethnographic observations have by the same biases as other disciplines in the Social demonstrated how cooking is a key point in under Sciences in relation to 'domestic' activities. Broadly standing patterns of transport and processing of speaking, academic discussion in zooarchaeology has hunted animals (Binford 1978; Gifford-González 1989; been focused on three main sections: a) aspects re 1993; Oliver 1993): lated specifical1y with the identification and quanti How an animal is disjointed and filleted depends fieation of the animals present in the archaeological on whether a butcher aims to produce joints of sample; b) with the procurement and management meat to roast on a tire, segments of bones and flesh of these animals; and c) with the formation of the to boil in a pot, boneless cuts to be sliced and dried bone archaeologieal record. Cooking, as shown be as jerky, or manageable and quickly frozen seg low, may affect the three of them, but its presence ments for winter storage (Gifford-González 1993, 185). and consequences have rarely been estimated. Our ing the last few years, however, and though the and they have also led to suggestions on the evolu contributions are still scarce, sorne studies have tion of animal carcasses management: drawn attention to the cooking domain as an impor the importance of cooking in structuring initial tant topie to be considered (Gifford-González 1989; butchery and transport decisions suggests that pre 1993; Oliver 1993; Pearce & Luff 1994; Montón 1996). historie innovations in nutrient extraction technolo Indeed, there are sorne issues in zooarchaeology gies (e.g., tire, roasting, pits, stone boiling, and which are given a new twist when analyzed under a ceramic boiling vessels) may have driven the evo cooking perspective. lution of carcass transport and processing strate gies. (Oliver 1993, 222) One of the most debated subjects in prehis tory is when fire was first controlled by humans and So, it seems irrefutable that cooking produced im when it was first applied to the transformation of portant changes in human daily-life, but it is still raw resources (Gowlett et al. 1981; Isaac 1984; Clark unclear when cooking first emerged. A better under & Harris 1985; James 1989). So, one of the most in standing of how heat in cooking processes affects triguing questions facing prehistorians is 'when did bones could help in the clarification of this problem. cooking first appear?'. The emergence of cooking More experimentation on these aspects could con must have had important consequences to human tribute to the interpretation of the contexts where kind. Although controversia!, the possibility that the presence of control1ed fires is ambiguous. I whole cooking influenced anatomieal changes in hominid heartedly agree with the necessity of ethnoarchaeo evolution during the Middle Pleistocene needs fur logical observation (Gifford-González 1993; Oliver ther research (James 1989; Wandsnider 1997). What 1993) but archaeological experimentation also has to does stand without a doubt is that the application of be encouraged in order to know how different sys heat produced an enrichment of the diet by provid tems of cooking affect bones. ing many more products that were not previously edible (Leopold & Ardrey 1972). In the case of ani Cooking indexes on bones mals, cooking (roasting first and boiling later on) There are not many experiments conducted in ar allowed humans to take advantage of sorne animal chaeology that attempt to understand how cooking parts that, otherwise, would have had less or no alters bones. As previously stated (Martínez 1995), nutritional value. In addition to the dietetic improve the study of bone modifications by humans has a ments, the appearance of cooking practises would long tradition in zooarchaeology (Martin 1907-10). have probably opened a new field to express and Recently, the interest in this taphonomic area has construct new networks of social relations and val been renewed (e.g. Bonnichsen & Sorg 1989; Stiner ues (as it is demonstrated by the manifold meanings 1991; Hudson 1993; Lyman 1994). By far the largest and relations associated with food and cooking in segment of research has focused on the processes of present and past societies (Frazer 1907; Pullar 1970; skinning, carcass disarticulation, defleshing, perio Barthes 1979; Reve11979; Bahlouol1983; Visser 1986; stium and tendon removal and marrow extraction. Curtin 1992; Goody 1994; Weismantel 1994). The These processes have seldom been connected with emergence of cooking, therefore, should be an im cooking practices and the alterations that bones suf portant subject for archaeology and history. To fer in the different cooking processes have not re zooarchaeologists, this question deserves special at ceived, by any means, the same interest. Although

10 Cooking in Zooarchaeology

there is an acknowledgement that different cooking nographic observations seem to point in the same methods affect bones in different ways (Colley 1990), direction. While he was among the Hadza, Oliver taphonomic analyses have seldom considered cook (1993) noticed different patterns of bone breakage ing as an important taphonomic agent. between fresh bones and roasted bones. Gifford Different experiments have analyzed the ef González (1993), considering other experiments fects that heat has on bones. With few exceptions (Bonar & Glimcher 1970; Richter 1986; Sedlin 1965), (Pearce & Luff 1994), however, many of these ex noticed that the loss of collagen in cooked bones can periments have been conducted with goals other than possibly produce different breakage patterns. But the evaluation of cooking activities (Herrmann 1977; what seems c1ear is that, as previously mentioned, Shipman et al. 1984; Von Endt & Ortner 1984; Buikstra different cooking and processing methods (boiling, & Swegle 1989), since the way heat affects bones is roasting, brining, smoking, etc.) influence the way also of interest to other disciplines such as physical animals are butchered. In a study of the Roman sites anthropology. in Lincoln, Dobney et al. (1996) interpreted cattle In the wake of these studies we know that scapulae with trimmed glenoid cavities and chopped heating usual1y changes the colour, surface texture, spinae as trimmed and cold-smoked joints. microscopic morphology, and crystalline structure The experiments conducted up to now are of bones; that weight and size of bones may de promising. They themselves, though, demonstrate crease and that breakage and deformation may be the necessity to conduct further research. Besides, it affected. Not all these changes, however, are impor is necessary to bear in mind that it would be impor tant to cooking, since sorne of them only occur at tant to detect not only if the bones have been cooked temperatures higher than the ones bones reach at or not but which method has been employed. At the normal cooking temperatures. Bones begin to shrink present state of research it is almost impossible to at 750°C; the main changes in crystalline structure interpret faunal samples from this perspective. Only are produced between 525 and 645°C; changes in few bones in archaeological samples show at first microscopic morphology, one of the most reliable sight evidence of having been cooked (e.g. Coy 1975). indicators to reveal which temperatures the bones Moreover, in many cases, post-depositional proc have been subjected to, begins at 185°C (Shipman et esses have affected bones in such a way that it is al. 1984). impossible to see human alterations on bone sur In other cases, changes experienced by bones faces. It would be important, therefore, to discern in cooking are only context-specific and so, it is im how cooking processes change bone structure. New possible to extract indexes that can always be ap experimentation should also overcome sorne of the plied. The experiment conducted by Pearce & Luff current problems. Experiments should be carried out r (1994) was aimed at seeing differences in fresh, boiled with larger samples and with fleshed and defleshed o and roasted bones. They could see that, according to bones from different species. We have to bear in , the methods used and, in the case of roasted bones, mind that most of the cooking processes are done as a function of cooking temperatures and time with fleshed bones, which can modify the effects of length, the colour and texture of bones were differ heat on the bones (Van Wijngaarden-Bakker 1985). It ent. It seems c1ear, as pointed out by Pearce & Luff would also be important to determine whether other (1994) and Shipman et al. (1984), that colour is not a post-depositional factors may affect the bone in a g good indicator for showing at what temperature the similar way (Spennemann & Colley 1989; Lyman ), bones were affected. The changes in surface colour, 1994). a however, specifically when combined with texture Thus, experiments with the aim of identifying ). surface, should be examined more in relation to the cooking processes are still needed as well as ethno lS cooking system used. archaeological observations which are sensitive to

~r Although the effects of cooking methods in re these issues. As Oliver points out, 'we do not know ,t lation to bone fragmentation, breakage and defor how different elements are cooked, which bones are )f mation also need further investigation, current broken prior to cooking, whether roasting or boiling

) research shows sorne differences between fresh, of bone creates visible damages, how cooking- and 1. boiled and roasted bones. Pearce & Luff (1994) saw consumption-related bone breakage varies by ele :h that boiled bones tend to split longitudinally, the ment, taxon, and cooking technique' (1993,201). f length of boiling time being an influential factor. On e the other hand, roasted bones fragmented more and Cooking as a taphonomic agent ;h their friability increased with temperature. Sorne eth As already mentioned, cooking has seldom been con

11 Chapter 2

sidered as an important taphonomic agent. The scarce Discussion information available at present, however, leads to the conclusion that ignorance of this aspect can seri In this paper 1 have stressed two important aspects ously distort the evaluation of our faunal archaeo in the evaluation of food-processing practices. On logical samples. the one hand, food processing - as an integral part One of the primary concerns in zooarchaeology of maintenance activities - is fundamental in gener has been the quantification of faunal remains and ating and sustaining social life. On the other hand, different indexes have been aiming to achieve this and as a social practice, the evaluation of food goal. Among them, the weight of bone per taxon is processing affects key discussion areas in zoo still used by many zooarchaeologists in order to give archaeology such as the quantification of bone re meat weights and make comparisons among the spe mains, the management of animal resources and the cies in the record (see Casteel1978 and Vigne 1991 very formation of the archaeological record. for a discussion on weight methods). Bearing in mind We have briefly seen how important the devel other existing criticisms, the effects that cooking has opment of cooking practices must have been to hu on bones may render this method problematic be mankind and how cooking has sustained changes cause bones lose weight while being cooked. AI throughout historical periods. But the study of food though more experimentation is needed, the results processing and cooking is also important for the after Pearce & Luff (1994) indicate differences in the interpretation of daily life, since its practice perme percentage of weight lost with roasting and boiling ates the whole social net and it is crucial to the entire methods. Whilst boiled bones always lost the same community life. It is not only technological proc proportion of weight, roasted bones lost more weight esses that make raw resources edible. Through the in relation to cooking temperature. Cooking meth work of social agents, cooking transforms raw re ods also have to be considered when using other sources into food in a cultural process, that also con indexes such as the number of identified specimens. fers cultural values to food and the people who Since cooking methods affect both post-cooking frag consume it. Cooking, therefore, is not only a techno mentation ami pre-cooking butchery, archaeological logical process to make raw resources edible but 'a representation may be biased against sorne animals. moral process, transferring raw matter from "na Differential preservation is another important ture" to the state of "culture", and thereby taming aspect in the evaluation of faunal samples. Cooking and domesticating it' (Lupton 1996, 2). In this proc needs to be added to the other factors that influence ess, networks of personal relationships are created bone preservation. According to the cooking method and social features expressed and constructed. The employed, bone characteristics are different, making politics of cooking have already been noted, with it more favourable to preservation and more or less special stress in the definition and creation of iden attractive to the action of other taphonomic agents tity and difference (individual and collective). In this such as dogs. It has been noted that roasted, smoked sense, cooking has generated and expressed ethnic and burnt bones are better preserved than boiled and nationalistic feelings, gender, class, and so on. bones (Pearce & Luff 1994; Van Wijngaarden-Bakker (Barthes 1979; Bahlouol 1983; Bourdieu 1984; 1985; 1985). Buikstra & Swegle (1989), however, mention Mintz 1985; Klopfer 1993; Weismantel1994; Zubaida that this is not always the case and that the preserva & Tapper 1994; Jansen 1997). tion of burnt bones depends on the characteristics of In spite of their evident pre-eminence, food the sites. processing, and most clearly cooking, have assumed In discussing taphonomic questions, we also a low level of importance in archaeological discourse. cannot forget the problem of intrusive animals in the Up to now, stress has been put on how resources are archaeological record. At sorne sites for example, it procured and how they are eaten. How they are may be impossible to distinguish whether animals prepared to be eaten is also of paramount impor such as rabbits were consumed or not. Cutmarks tance. Cooking has spatial and material requirements may inform us on this aspect, but many times they that are involved in the organization of the settle are absent. Facing the impossibility of discerning ments (from the selection of the very place to settle whether these animals are contemporaneous with to the allocation of food-processing areas or the dis the rest of the record, they are often excluded from posal of waste material). Cooking is also a key point economic evaluations. More inspection of the marks in directing other practises among communities and left by cooking on bones could be useful to resolve in understanding changes that are produced in other such problems. spheres. The way food is prepared is culturally pat

12 Cooking in Zooarchaeology

temed and can have a cultural meaning when pat duction in Aztec Mexico, in Cero & Conkey (eds.), tems are detected in the archaeological record. Thus, 224-51. cooking and changes in the way food is cooked is Bruneton, A., 1975. Bread in the region of the Moroccan socialIy and culturally informative. high atlas: a chain of daily technical pperations in order to provide daily nourishment, in Amott (ed.), FinalIy, I would like to stress the necessity of 275-85. choosing new subject areas. Subject-areas that ex Buikstra, J.E. & M. Swegle, 1989. Bone modification due to hibit a focus on the interests and activities of women. buming: experimental evidence, in Bonnichsen & It is not only that those activities, like food process Sorg (eds.), 247-58. ing and cooking, traditionally considered part and Casteel, RW., 1978. Fauna assemblages and the 'Wiege parcel of women's domain have to be included; what methode' or 'weight method'. ¡oumal of Field Ar is important is to demonstrate how central these chaeology 5,71-7. activities are in any explanation of the pasto In doing Clark, J.D. & W.K. Harris, 1985. Fire and its roles in early this, we shall begin to deal with new kind of rela hominid lifeways. African Archaeological Review 3, 3 27. tionships, such as the ones defining food processing Colley, S.M., 1990. Humans as taphonomic agents, in Prob and cooking and maintenance activities in general. It lems Solving in Taphonomy: Archaeological and Palae is well-known that only research generates more re ontological Studies from Europe, Africa and Oceania, search, so it is important in this case to note these vol. 2, eds. S. Solomon, 1. Oavidson & O. Watson. domains as relevant and link them with practises in (Tempus 2.) St Lucia: Anthropology Museum, Uni other social spheres. versity of Queensland, 50-64. Colomer, E., 1996. Contenidors ceramics i processament Note d'aliments a la prehistoria. Cota Zero 12, 47-60. Colomer, L. & S. Montón, 1997. Feeding Societies: Food 1. The research on maintenance activities is being carried out Processing as a Foreground to Social Oynamics. Un published paper presented at the session "'Oomes o in the context of a project in progress entitled Creation and Maintenance Activities oJ Social Lije and Gender (1M 75/97). tic domain° and the evaluation of women's work in 1 This project is being undertaken by a group of Spanish past societies', TAC 1997, Bournemouth University, a women scholars from different disciplines within the Social Bournemouth. l- Sciences. The group of archaeologists is composed by Esther Conkey, M. & J. Cero, 1991. Tensions, pluralities, and g Hachuel, Laia Colomer, Marina Picazo, Paloma G. Marcén engendering archaeology: an introduction, in Cero and Sandra Montón. & Conkey (eds.), 3-30. d Cowan, RS., 1989. 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