Micropolitics, Identity, and Citizen-State Relations: Community Responses in the Face of Emerging Gasquakes in Northeastern Groningen
Author: Hugo Ooms Supervisor: Michiel Köhne Date: 12-08-2019
Course code: SDC‐80436 Contents
Acknowledgements…………………………………………………………………………..3 Abbreviations………………………………………………………………………………...4 Introduction and Research …………..……………………………………………………....5 Theoretical Framework……………………………………………………………………...17 The Groninger Gasquake Context…………………………………………………………...31 The Enactment of Resistance………………………………………………………………..50 Frame Analysis……………………………………………………………………………...64 Conclusion and Discussion………………………………………………………………….87
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Acknowledgements Throughout the writing of this thesis I have received a great deal of support and assistance. I would first like to thank my thesis supervisor, Dr. FM Köhne, for his useful and critical advice. His advice has kept me on my toes throughout the research process and has motivated me to continuously improve the quality of this research effort. The elaborate feedback and phone calls provided me with a clear plan of action at times I felt overwhelmed, and has kept me on track at times the limits of my patience were seriously tested. I would also like to thank the research participants involved in this research effort. I could not have developed this thesis without the hospitality and input of these research participants who opened up their homes for me and at times even allowed me to join them for lunch or dinner. It is the kindness of these research participants that have turned my time in the field in an enjoyable and unforgettable experience that I will continue to look back upon with pleasure and appreciation. I would especially like to thank the members of Ons Laand Ons Lu and Stut en Steun who have allowed me to visit their organization, and who enhanced my understanding about the daily struggles local citizens face. The members of Ons Laand Ons Lu made me feel welcome from the very beginning, allowing me to become part of their community and to join their activities throughout the day. I greatly appreciate their hospitability and their efforts to support their fellow citizens from northeastern Groningen.
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Abbreviations
• CVW - Centrum Veilig Wonen • GBB - Groninger Bodem Beweging • EZK - Ministerie van Economische Zaken en Klimaat • KNMI - Koninklijk Nederlands Meteorologisch Instituut • LTO - Land- en Tuinbouw Organisatie • MNC - Multinational Corporation • NAM - Nederlandse Aardolie Maatschappij • NCG - Nationaal Coördinator Groningen • SODM - Staatstoezicht Op De Mijnen • TCMG - Tijdelijke Commissie Mijnbouwschade Groningen • WAG - Waardevermindering door Aardbevingen Groningen
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Chapter 1 – Introduction and Research It is the 5th of July, 2018. Dozens of local residents from northeastern Groningen have gathered at the cafeteria of the ‘Euroborg’- the arena of the regional soccer team – to watch the national political debates concerning the emergence of earthquakes in the region. These so-called ‘gasquakes’ are induced by regional gas extraction efforts and have damaged people’s homes, livelihoods and regional cultural heritage. The stairway leading up towards the cafeteria is filled with comics ridiculing Minister Wiebes of ‘Economische Zaken en Klimaat’ [EZK, Economic Affairs and Climate], who has an influential role in the management of gas extraction efforts. A table covered by shirts, caps and buttons from the ‘Groninger Bodem Beweging’ [GBB, The Groninger Soil Movement] – a prominent grassroots organization that defends the interests of local citizens in the gasquake debate - is placed at the entrance of the room. Gas-bingo cards are handed out containing hollow and technocratic statements used by politicians in previous debates, and the room is filled with flags of Groningen exerting a sense of regional pride. A local resident states to a journalist from the national newspaper ‘Trouw’ that Groningen has become an extractive colony that is home to people who are considered second-class citizens. As the debate ensues, a sudden booing emerges from the crowd. The national politicians are no longer referring to ‘the Groningers’ but ‘our Groningers’ instead, aiming to claim a sense of companionship the crowd furiously rejects. One man explains he no longer believes in national politics or our national political system in general: the debates are just a symbolic gesture to pretend politicians truly care about the fate of Groningen.
The abovementioned impression demonstrates how the regional emergence of gasquakes has deteriorated trust in national politics among local residents in northeastern Groningen. The emergence of gasquakes and the perceived mismanagement of the accompanying issues has opened up an arena of contestation through which citizens aim to reclaim a voice and aim to redefine their relationship to the state. The emergence of gasquakes has exposed tension between state and local citizen interests that one was not explicitly aware of prior to the emergences of gasquakes. This requires the local population to reevaluate their relationship with the state, their notion of citizenship, and whether they choose to maintain or discard pre- existing ideas about what it means to be a ‘good citizen’ to shape community responses in the face of emerging gasquakes and perceived mismanagement of local extractive practices. As such, this thesis aims to reveal how notions of citizenship and identity play a role in the development of varying community responses in northeastern Groningen. This analysis may enhance our understanding about the way community responses are formed and how local citizens deal with the negative consequences induced by local extractive practices in general.
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1.2 Problem Statement & Approach The study of community responses in the face of local extractive practices is more relevant than ever. The enhanced transnational mobility of corporations and the relaxed regulation of trade and financial markets since the 1980s have provided businesses with greater autonomy to pursue economic gain in an international playing field. This neoliberal development has made governments more responsive to the needs of Multinational Corporations (MNCs) to anchor businesses within their national borders, at times making states less accountable to its citizens in order to sustain corporate tax revenues or to develop a preferential business climate (Karl, 1997). This is especially the case within the extractive industries, where national and corporate interests to sustain oil or gas revenues may directly clash with socio-economic and environmental concerns of local populations affected by these extractive practices (Özen & Özen, 2009). These neoliberal developments have enabled a situation in which communities are increasingly confronted with local extractive practices that affect their livelihoods. The widespread introduction of fracking as an unconventional method for the production of gas and oil has contributed to this development as well, as this technique has pushed extractive practices and other related processes into regions where gas and oil has not traditionally been produced (USGS, n.d.)
The widespread introduction of extractive practices and our enhanced awareness about their environmental impact have ignited local resistance struggles against the extractive practices on a global scale. The local consequences of these extractive practices, however, are not always unveiled to the public and have no room in a neoliberal framework that revolves around efficiency, the best allocation of resources and the attainment of economic gain. As such, it is up to NGOs, environmental organizations, humanitarian workers, journalists and researchers to shed light on these local consequences, providing local communities with agency to develop their own narrative in the face of local extractive practices. It is in line with this argument that this thesis aims to shed light on the gasquake-induced issues from the perspective of local citizens in northeastern Groningen. Through the analysis of the perceptions and experiences of local citizens, this research effort aims to enhance our understanding of varying community responses prevalent in northeastern Groningen, allowing local citizens to develop their own narrative against the narratives provided by authorities involved in the management of gas extraction efforts. As such, this thesis is a case study that contributes to the body of research concerned with the analysis of community responses in the face of large-scale energy projects.
Two main scholarly debates have dominated resistance studies over the last couple of decades. The first debate was introduced by Ortner, a well-respected cultural anthropologist who studied at the University of Chicago. In her much-cited article, “Resistance and the Problem of the Ethnographic Refusal”, Ortner sheds light on the issue that resistance is barely ever ethnographically analyzed (Ortner, 1995). According to Ortner, scholars have shied away from ethnographic analysis of resistance due to the challenge to remain objective in a politicized environment. Furthermore, the ethnographic analysis of resistance would imply resistance movements can be holistically understood from an outsider perspective. The challenge to maintain one’s neutrality or to develop false generalizations or
6 misrepresentations has thus ignited a situation in which scholars shy away from the ethnographic analysis of resistance. However, Ortner explains that the lack of ethnographic analyses contributes to exactly this: scholars never move beyond superficial interpretations of particular acts or cultures as they aim to remain objective and thus aim to depoliticize highly politicized issues (Ortner, 1995). Such analyses lack the explanatory power behind acts of resistance and the strategies conducted and fail to encapsulate the power struggles, hierarchy, and the contested identities among those that are part of resistance movements or organizations (Ortner, 1995). As such, Ortner believes that the ethnographic analysis of resistance movements should be reintroduced, and that scholars should not think of their work as an objective account that is supposed to encapsulate a holistic understanding of resistance. Instead, Ortner believes scholars should perceive their work to be one of the many subjective, scholarly contributions that together may enhance our understanding of the complexity of resistance.
To counter the issues related to the ethnographic refusal, I have taken on an ethnographic methodological approach to analyze the experiences and perceptions of local citizens in northeastern Groningen. As such, this research effort attempts to develop a more nuanced understanding of the regional resistance struggles than one may find within the national media, and aims to contribute to a more complex understanding of resistance studies in general as well. I thus attempt to include the power struggles, hierarchy, and contested identities prevalent within the resistance movement and among the citizens locally involved. Furthermore, as formulated in the methodology, I do not intend or claim to represent an objective account of the resistance movement in Groningen, but instead acknowledge that my research effort is one of the many scholarly contributions that is affected by my role as a researcher as well as the research participants involved.
The second scholarly debate is concerned with the definition of resistance. Whereas some authors believe that resistance should solely include overt acts of opposition that are both intentional and recognized as such by the target, others believe that everyday forms of resistance should be recognized as such as well. The ongoing debate is built around the fundamental scholarly disagreement about the importance of intent and recognition, and which of both elements takes precedence over the other to determine whether an act is considered to be resistance or not. Hollander and Einwohner, however, state that scholars should acknowledge different forms of resistance. Scholars should aim to understand the root foundations of the debate to ensure they can clarify their position within the scholarly debate when conducting research. Furthermore, Hollander and Einwohner state that this will allow resistance scholars to inquire more useful challenges within resistance studies by, for example, analyzing how different types of resistance manifest themselves under different contextual circumstances (Hollander & Einwohner, 2004).
The local resistance struggle in northeastern Groningen has developed under extraordinary contextual circumstances that could provide new insights as to how local circumstances may be of influence to the development of varying community responses. Unique to the local context, for example, is the fact that gas extraction has been part of the regional narrative of
7 northeastern Groningen for nearly sixty years. Issues related to soil subsidence and the emergence of gasquakes only became visible decades after regional gas extraction efforts commenced, urging local citizens to readjust their views on regional gas extraction efforts and the way the local extractive practices affect their livelihoods. Whereas many resistance studies within the extractive industries have focused on the introductory phase that allows communities to position themselves either in favor or against the introduction of extractive practices, this is no longer the case in northeastern Groningen where gas extraction and the emergence of gasquakes are already affecting people’s daily lives. The emergence of gasquakes has affected the homes and livelihoods of the local population in a multitude of ways and the extent to which local citizens are affected greatly differs from one household to another, as families have to cope with the financial consequences of the damage induced to their homes. The variety of ways in which citizens are affected and the multitude of protocols and procedures established by the state, the ‘Nederlandse Aardolie Maatschappij’ [NAM, Dutch Petroleum Company], and other newly-introduced authorities have the ability to subdivide communities that may have different concerns and different interests regarding the management of gasquake-induced issues. As such, the local population of northeastern Groningen is involved in an exceptionally complex, long-standing resistance struggle that could enhance our understanding as to how micropolitical differences may affect local responses to the emergence of gasquakes. The resistance struggle in northeastern Groningen thus provides an opportunity to analyze how different manifestations of resistance are linked to these micropolitical differences, allowing this research effort to address the academic challenge proposed by Hollander and Einwohner in the preceding paragraph (2004).
1.3 Research questions This case study is concerned with the analysis of community responses in the face of regional extractive practices and the way they affect the livelihoods of local citizens. The environmental impact and the enhanced ability of extractive industries to move to places where gas and oil has historically not been produced has given rise to an increase of local resistance struggles against the extractive industries. As such, it is crucial to understand the struggles and responses of local communities whose concerns often remain underrepresented within a neoliberal context that is focused on the attainment of economic gain. The ethnographic analysis of communities affected by extractive practices provides local communities with agency to develop a narrative from their perspective, and to shed light on issues related to extractive practices that are not as easily recognized at the surface. The main research question must reflect this open-ended approach to allow the stories, experiences and perceptions of research participants to stir the research outcome. As such, the main research question addressed is: How do local citizens in northeastern Groningen deal with the emergence of gasquakes and the damage they induce? The term ‘deal’ is used as its broadness encapsulates all possible community responses that are locally enacted, thereby allowing research participants to influence the answer to the research question posed.
Even though the enactment of resistance is always oppositional, the lack of resistance does not always signify a sense of acceptance or approval. However, non-resistance is often interpreted as such, giving rise to superficial understandings built on the assumptions that
8 affected communities are either in favor of the extractive practices or that the communities lack the assertiveness to resist the extractive industries. Nevertheless, reality is often far more complex as non-resistance could be triggered by highly context-specific circumstances that only the ethnographic analysis of locally affected communities could reveal. Citizens may choose not to enact resistance due to fear, discomfort, or because they think this may negatively affect their livelihood. Furthermore, the social identities prevalent within the affected communities may discourage activist practices and may encourage other forms of opposition that are not as easily recognized as resistance. These micropolitical, context- specific understandings may not be revealed if locally affected communities are not ethnographically analyzed. This ethnographic analysis thus aims to develop a more nuanced picture and aims to provide local citizens with agency to construct their narrative themselves. That is, because only the narratives and understandings of the local population will enhance our understanding about the way the local population perceives and deals with the emergence of gasquakes. As such, the first sub-question reads as follows: What are the key drivers behind the multitude of community responses prevalent in northeastern Groningen? Resistance can be enacted in numerous ways and makes up an important element that shapes local community responses. The choice to enact or refrain from resistance could reveal local positioning in favor or against the extractive industries. The way in which resistance is enacted may also shed light on local social identities and their associated norms that could determine whether local citizens engage in activist street protests or choose to politically engage to obtain local objectives. The enactment of resistance may also be linked to micropolitical circumstances that are not visible to outsiders, yet may seriously encourage or discourage local citizens to resist local extractive practices. The enactment of (non-)resistance may thus be motivated by various aspects of one’s identity, micropolitical concerns, as well as other contextual circumstances that can only be revealed by an ethnographic analysis of resistance. The study of resistance is therefore of great relevance to understand the way in which local community responses are shaped. As such, the following sub-question is: In what ways do local citizens in northeastern Groningen enact resistance against the proceedings and management of regional gas extraction efforts and the emergence of gasquakes? The emergence of gasquakes and the perceived mismanagement of regional gas extraction efforts have affected local citizen-state relations as well. The ongoing gasquake-induced issues may have affected local trust in governmental authorities to come up with viable solutions. Furthermore, citizens may feel betrayed as the government has failed to uphold its responsibility to protect their livelihoods. This perceived breach in their reciprocal relation with the state may challenge pre-existing notions of what it means to be a ‘good citizen’, and could shape the responses of local communities that may engage in activist practices they would not have participated in before. The lack of trust and altering citizen-state relations could thus motivate local citizens to adopt new methods of (dis)engagement with the regional gasquake-induced issues. The way local citizens choose to redefine their relationship with the state may reveal how local citizens deal with the perceived distributive and procedural injustice imposed upon the local population and may form an important driver behind the varying community responses prevalent in northeastern Groningen. This is especially so
9 because the state is the main beneficiary of regional gas extraction efforts, receiving approximately 90 percent of the generated gas revenues in northeastern Groningen (van der Voort & Vanclay, 2015). Chapter 6 therefore analyzes how changed citizen-state relations shape the perceptions, motivations, and justifications used by local citizens to form their response in the face of the gasquake-induced issues. This brings us to the third sub-question: How do notions of citizenship shape local community responses in northeastern Groningen?
1.4 Methodology and Methods The main objective of ethnographic research is to translate the experiences and life worlds of the research participants and to allow these experiences to shape the foundations and outcome of the research conducted. As such, it is imperative that I encapsulate the varying motivations that may shape one’s position in the face of gasquakes and the way in which someone chooses to enact resistance. To do this effectively, I have taken on the ‘micropolitical ecology’ approach developed by Horowitz. According to Horowitz, communities can split based on different expectations how large-scale industrial development may affect the future of one’s livelihood and one’s community (Horowitz, 2011). Even though the introduction of large- scale neoliberal projects is imposed upon these communities, the acceptance thereof is locally negotiated and shaped based on local micropolitical strategizing through which groups and individuals aim to protect and enhance their livelihoods (Horowitz, 2012). As such, the micropolitical ecology approach is a hybrid approach that recognizes the importance of macrostructural political, economic and social forces, yet also acknowledges the local population as an important agent that shapes the way in which these forces are translated on a local level. Taking on a micropolitical, ethnographic methodology, the researcher is supposed to take into account environmental conflict and cooperation on the local level acknowledging the nested nature of local populations, which consist of sets of sub-groups and individuals with various, contingent identities (Horowitz, 2012). As such, the micropolitical perspective may shed light on the different ways in which local citizens are affected and the way in which this affects the micropolitical strategizing of individuals, subgroups and communities. The micropolitical ecology approach is therefore suitable to encapsulate the complexity of the local struggle in northeastern Groningen that is characterized by issues of regional, local, sub- group and individual concern.
The main ethnographic methods used to gather the data required have been participant observation and semi-structured interviews. Participant observation was mainly used during my stay at Ons Laand Ons Lu. Ons Laand Ons Lu is a local foundation and activist organization that aims to defend the interests of local citizens in the face of emerging gasquakes and the damage they have induced. The organization has an informal and activist approach, is voluntarily run by local citizens and has an office that is located in Appingedam. The members of Ons Laand Ons Lu allowed me to become a part of their community, joining their daily conversations and bringing me up to speed with upcoming events, protests and news developments. I stayed with Ons Laand Ons Lu the first weeks of my fieldwork, and mainly used participant observation to observe the way in which the members perceive, discuss, experience and respond to the emergence of gasquakes and the perceived
10 mismanagement of regional gas extraction efforts. The analysis of group discussions allowed me to take on a passive role thereby reducing the influence of my presence as a researcher. My stay at Ons Laand Ons Lu also allowed me to analyze the organization’s position within the larger social context, thereby revealing whether their activist approach is in line with the social identity and accepted community responses prevalent within the region.
I mainly conducted semi-structured interviews during private meetings with research participants and during my stay at the organization Stut en Steun. Stut en Steun is a formal organization that works with professional, paid employees who provide emotional support and practical advice to citizens that seek assistance in their damage and consolidation procedure. The employees provide practical knowledge and advice, keep track of people’s procedures, and accompany citizens when they meet with authorities such as the NAM to discuss their personal situation. Even though I initially contacted Stut en Steun as a potential gateway to speak to locally affected citizens, I was not provided such access due to privacy concerns. Nevertheless, the interviews conducted with the employees allowed me to enhance my understanding about the difficulties that the emergence of gasquakes and the accompanied protocols and procedures have brought upon the local population. My presence at both Stut en Steun and Ons Laand Ons Lu has also allowed me to analyze and compare the perceptions of the members of both organizations. This comparison has revealed how both organizations make sense of regional occurrences and events, and how these perceptions are used to shape their organizational approach in the face of the gasquake-induced issues. These findings provide insights that are of relevance to the frame analyses developed in chapter 5.
I conducted 30 interviews in total and reached most of my research participants using the networks of people I met at regional gatherings. Eight of the interviews were conducted with employees of the grassroots organizations Ons Laand Ons Lu, Stut en Steun and the Groninger Bodem Beweging. These interviews were informative and were no longer than an hour as these participants addressed the regional issues at large and did not necessarily address their personal situation. The other twenty-one interviews were held with locally affected citizens. These interviews were significantly longer as they provided a great opportunity for in-depth discussions about one’s personal experiences, struggles, and perceptions related to the emergence of gasquakes and the perceived mismanagement of the authorities involved. These interviews were mainly conducted in the comfort of people’s own home, providing me with an intimate glimpse into people’s lives and allowing me to witness the gasquake-induced damages up close. The interviews began with broad and open-ended questions, providing the participants with room to discuss their personal experience with the gasquakes and individual damage or compensation procedures from their perspective. These questions usually triggered lengthy responses with formal interviews ranging from 43 minutes to 2 hours and 20 minutes with an average length of 1.5 hours. The lengthy semi-structured interviews allowed research participants to elaborately explain their perceptions and motivations behind their acts. As such, the conduction of semi-structured interviews has been an effective tool to reveal micropolitical concerns, but also to reveal how one’s social identity and notions of citizenship may affect the way in which someone chooses to respond in the face of emerging gasquakes and the damage they have induced. The semi-structured
11 interviews were often followed by informal talks as some of the participants even allowed me to stay for lunch or dinner. These informal talks provided additional insights into the daily lives of the research participants and often revealed how the participants emotionally identified with the issues and the regional landscape of northeastern Groningen.
The research participants consist of local citizens who live in the gasquake region and who have experienced damage to their house, businesses, or other property. Of the 30 interviews conducted, 5 interviews were with couples, 13 interviews with women, and 12 interviews with men. The age of the research participants varies from 29 to 82 years old thereby representing a broad range of the adult population that find themselves in different stages of their lives. The interviewees included 4 members of Ons Laand Ons Lu, 3 members of Stut en Steun as well as the manager of the GBB. Among the research participants were 11 entrepreneurs of which 5 pastoral farmers and 1 arable farmer. Furthermore, of the 26 research participants whose private situation was discussed, 25 are private homeowners whereas 1 research participant rents her place. Throughout my fieldwork, I have taken thorough notes of my observations, interviews and discussions. Even though I mainly used my laptop to work out my observations, I carried a small booklet with me at all times to make notes as well. With the permission of the interviewees, I was able to record 29 of the 30 interviews conducted. One research participant was too emotional and did not like me recording the conversation. However, I was able to make notes and the research participant gave me letters written by her and her son, allowing me to get a detailed glimpse of what this family experienced over the years.
Once the interviews had been conducted I transcribed the recorded interviews, resulting in a lengthy document of nearly 200 pages. Thereafter, I used data-driven coding as I connected each part of the interviews to the specific topics addressed by the research participants. These codes, for example, included topics such as ‘individual damage procedure’, ‘comments on management NAM/state’ and ‘views on regional activism’. These codes revealed how the regional issues were perceived by the research participants and how these perceptions appeared to be interrelated to varying elements of one’s social identity. However, I was unaware how I would attach these findings to academic concepts and theories as of yet. My focus on local community responses soon drew my attention to the academic debates developed by resistance scholars. These scholars analyzed local resistance struggles against the introduction of large-scale energy projects and often made connections between the enactment of resistance and aspects of local social- and place identities which I had recognized within northeastern Groningen as well. The transcriptions also revealed that the regional situation had greatly deteriorated one’s trust in the authorities as locally affected citizens were not treated and compensated for the gasquake-induced damages as properly as they had initially expected. These revelations led to the inclusion of citizenship and recreancy – the decay of trust in the institutions that are meant to protect local citizens in the face of a crisis – as part of this analysis as well. Once I had familiarized myself with the main academic concepts revealed, I went back to my transcriptions to conduct a concept-driven analysis. This analysis revealed how the perceptions of my research participants were related to the main academic concepts such as place identity, social identity, micropolitics, citizenship, activism,
12 and resistance. Even though these codes are not mutually exclusive and overlapped at times, they allowed me to provide an overview of the varying community responses and the way these responses are shaped by elements of one’s identity, perceptions, and contextual circumstances. This analysis has therefore revealed how locally affected citizens have developed different frames to make sense of the gasquake-induced occurrences and events.
One of the main research-related struggles I encountered was the research fatigue experienced by locally affected citizens. One research participant asked me what was left to analyze as so many researchers had already visited the place, suggesting yet another research effort would not assist local citizens in their struggle. Yet another interviewee explained that many journalists had visited the region who at times would randomly approach local citizens at the local supermarket. According to this interviewee, local citizens feel like the number of research reports has reached its saturation point and experience a sense of suspicion towards researchers that visit the region. To take away this suspicion, I had to be rather clear about the purpose of my research effort prior to my visits and interviews. I clearly informed everyone who I was and gave into the demands of my research participants to inform them about my research over the phone, via email or face to face. These friendly encounters usually reduced the distrust experienced by my research participants who often felt reassured that I was unaffiliated to any media outlet or governmental organization. The fact that I was there to shed light on the gasquake-induced issues from the perspective of local citizens was helpful as well, as local citizens started to perceive me as a potential gateway to shed light on the regional issues rather than a potential threat. Overall, I thus made sure that the research participants were well-informed about the purpose of my research. My respectful and honest approach and my objective to translate the perceptions and experiences of local citizens reduced initial suspicions, and allowed me to build friendly relations with the research participants involved.
I have changed the names of my research participants to safeguard the privacy of the research participants involved. I initially thought these changed names would be useless as research participants would be able to identify one another based on the stories developed throughout this thesis. However, I chose to change the names anyways as these stories are not as recognizable to outsiders and would thus safeguard the anonymity of the research participants to the outside world. Even though my research participants were well-informed about the purpose of my research, I still received information that could potentially harm my participants if made public. As such, I chose not to implement this information into the personal stories developed. If this information was crucial to the development of this research report, I would detach the information from any personal stories and solely refer to this information in a separate piece of text that was unaffiliated to any personal stories of the research participants. As such, I safeguarded the privacy of my research participants to the best of my ability and ensured that my research participants were well-informed about my intentions and research objectives prior to the visits and interviews.
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1.5 Local context Even though gasquakes are felt throughout a large part of Groningen and the neighboring province Drenthe, the northeastern region of Groningen is most gravely affected. Loppersum makes up the indisputable heart of the gasquake region which stretches out from the northeastern part of the city of Groningen to the northeastern coast at Eemshaven and Delfzijl. The heart of the region is approximately 600 km² in size, is relatively sparsely populated, and is known for its agricultural character. Loppersum perfectly resembles the region, as the municipality had a population density of 88 residents per km² against a Dutch average of 510 residents per km² in 2018 (Informatie Gemeente Loppersum, 2019). The municipality is also home to an extraordinary amount of agricultural businesses, making up 26.57 percent of all businesses against a national average of 4.7 percent in 2010 (CBS, 2011). The region of focus is represented in figure 1 and figure 2.
Figure 1 and 2. Groningen and risk municipalities (Boelhouwer & van der Heijden, 2018; Eemskrant, 2017).
The gasquake region possesses a relatively marginalized economic position as average per capita income levels of all municipalities in the area were below the national average in 2015 (CBS, 2018). The gasquake region suffers from population decline as well. This decline has its societal consequences, as numerous municipalities in Groningen are merged together and medical facilities are undergoing a process of centralization (DvhN, 2018). The gasquake region makes up part of the northern coastal area, which is far removed from the political center in The Hague and the urbanized Randstad located in the west. This distance plays its parts in the formation of a regional identity and the way local citizens perceive and relate to national politics, as will be discussed in chapter 5. An extensive description about the local history and socio-economic circumstances of the gasquake region is provided in chapter 3.
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1.6 Limitations & Reflection One of the main limitations of this research effort is that I had to rely on the network of others to gather my research participants. As I used a public gathering to watch political debates as my entry into the field, I was surrounded by people that were either disproportionally affected by the gasquakes, or by people that were relatively more concerned about the emergence of gasquakes than the average local citizen. This clearly played its part when I conducted my semi-structured interviews, as my expanding network existed of activists or people who knew each other from their regular visits to regional gatherings, protests, or conferences. I attempted to counter this bias by asking my respondents if they had any acquaintances who were less actively engaged and who may be willing to talk to me. Some of the respondents were so kind to use their Facebook page to ask their online network but this generated little response. After all, the consequences of the gasquakes can be rather personal and not everyone may be willing to talk openly about these personal issues with a stranger. The use of the snowball method thus created a bias, as I had to rely on the pre-existing social networks of my participants that were relatively more actively engaged. Nevertheless, as with any body of ethnographic research, I am not claiming to represent an absolute truth regarding the way the gasquake-induced issues are locally experienced. As I am aware that all personal experiences differ from one another, this research body solely claims to represent one of the multiple realities of the local citizens of northeastern Groningen, which is not only affected by the methods used and the respondents involved, but by my role as a researcher as well.
In my theoretical framework, I discuss the work of Rasch and Kӧhne who analyze citizenship as an oppositional force against the introduction of hydraulic fracturing in the Noordoostpolder. The authors reveal how negative connotations associated with activism necessitated the resistance movement to rid itself from activist associations and to represent it as neutral and objective in order to gather widespread local support. Ironically, it was this emphasis on the need for objective knowledge that I recognized within myself and had to let go off to effectively gather the data required. As I had no experience as a researcher, I lacked the confidence to let my research run its natural course and entered the field being too fixated on gathering concrete data. Initially, this frustrated my ability to properly enact the goal of ethnographic, anthropological research to translate the lifeworld of the research participants involved. When confronted with stories based on hearsay, it took some time before I realized that it is not always about the actual content of the story, but about the feelings and impressions behind the story instead. Nevertheless, as time went by I got more sensitive to fruitful moments that I would not have recognized as such in the beginning. My time in the field has thus been a learning opportunity providing me with the necessary experience to keep developing my abilities as a researcher.
I entered the field with the intention to shed light on the gasquake-induced issues from the perspective of local citizens. This approach appealed to many of my research participants who thought I could draw attention to their personal situation. These expectations grew once I built friendly relations with my participants and once I had witnessed their personal situation up close. Some research participants even suggested that I should hand over my final report to politicians to make them aware of the issues at hand, perceiving my research effort as a
15 potential tool that could bring about change. My ethnographic approach and the friendly relations I developed thus created expectations that I may not be able to realize and at times required me to remind my participants and myself that I was writing an academic report. Even though I would consider it a tremendous honor and advantage if this report could bring about change even in the slightest way possible, I had to keep the expectations of my respondents in check to ensure they were not unrealistic. Despite this challenge, the relations I built with my respondents were friendly and I am grateful for the opportunity that they have given me by allowing me into their community and homes. It is the hospitality and friendliness of the participants and grassroots organizations involved that enabled me to conduct this research effort and that have turned my fieldwork into a wonderful experience that I will never forget.
1.7 General Overview This chapter has provided a brief introduction regarding the content, purpose, methodology, and limitations of this research effort. Nevertheless, a more thorough understanding of the local context and the relevant theoretical concepts is required prior to the analysis of the research data. As such, chapter 2 addresses the main theoretical concepts of relevance to this research effort. Chapter 3 more thoroughly elaborates upon the local context and the local population, also providing a timeline concerning the developments that have shaped the regional resistance movement. Chapter 4 contains an overview of the various forms of resistance enacted in northeastern Groningen and analyzes the motivations behind the enactment of (non-)resistance. Chapter 5 uses frame analysis to reveal how local citizens make sense of regional occurrences and events, and how they use these frames to develop their response in the face of the gasquake-induced issues. This chapter also explores why different social groups take on a different approach within the Groninger gasquake context. Chapter 6 consists of the conclusion and discussion, briefly commenting on the main findings and the theoretical relevance of this research report.
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Chapter 2 – Theoretical framework and Research Questions This chapter provides an academic discussion about the main theoretical concepts that are of relevance to this research effort. The first sub-section provides an overview of similar case studies concerning local community responses in the face of large-scale energy projects. This sub-section highlights the theoretical insights as well as the shortcomings of this scholarly body, emphasizing the need for more human-centered research efforts that identify the micropolitical, contextual circumstances in which local community responses are shaped. These community responses are greatly affected by power structures that shape the relations between the authorities and citizens, the relations among citizens, and the place-based position of communities within a neoliberal context. Power structures may also divide communities in social classes that may be separated by differences in one’s relative wealth and one’s social identity. These distinct social identities may reproduce group norms that shape the behavior of social groups and thus shape the way in which citizens choose to respond to the negative impacts of large-scale energy projects. One’s response may be affected by one’s prior experience with the authorities as well, as citizens may feel inclined to reproduce traditionally friendly or hostile relations one has with the state. The theoretical relevance of power, identity, and citizen-state relations will therefore be discussed in separate sub-sections. Thereafter, an overview concerning the developments within new social movement theory is provided. This overview sheds light on the varying techniques and lenses that one may use to analyze and categorize the narratives of affected communities, thereby enabling oneself to analyze local community responses from a human-centered perspective. The chapter ends with a concluding paragraph reflecting on the theoretical insights, developments and shortcomings touched upon in this theoretical framework.
2.1 Case studies: community responses in the face of extractive practices The plethora of research reports and case studies analyzed have revealed numerous trends concerning the way in which community responses are given shape, explained and analyzed (Benford & Snow, 2000) (Buechler, 1995) (Brasier, et al., 2011) (Conde & Le Billon, 2017) (Gramling & Freudenburg, 1992) (Fominaya, 2010) (Ladd, 2014) (Ladd, 2018) (Luke, 2017) (Malin, 2014) (Mihaylov & Perkins, 2015) (Mix & Raynes, 2018) (Staggenborg, 2018) (Widener, 2018). Neoliberalism and modernization have been identified as two of the main drivers behind the increase in local environmental struggles, as the globalizing economic forces make states more susceptible to give in to industry demands to anchor international businesses and to maintain tax revenues. Drawing on the work of environmental psychologists, sociologists and scholars engaged with politics, Mihaylov and Perkins argue that modernization, neoliberalism, and the supporting ideology of progress have led to the emergence of informal place-based power structures (2015). These power structures support the growth of urban areas that are more suitable to support economic growth and capital accumulation, and puts rural communities in subordinate positions as they have relatively less resources at their disposal and less opportunities to benefit from neoliberal development (Mihaylov & Perkins, 2015). Their relative remoteness and distance from national political centers reduces the ability of local communities to orchestrate large-scale protests that could disrupt society. In addition, the relatively marginalized economic position of rural communities may render them susceptible to accept large-scale extractive projects to satisfy
17 their need for short-term economic gains and jobs without fully understanding the potential long-term socio-environmental consequences of these large-scale energy projects (Mihaylov & Perkins, 2015). The remoteness and relatively marginalized economic position thus make rural communities vulnerable and relatively powerless in their attempts to control their own terms of development. According to Mihaylov and Perkins, it is the unequal economic development among communities that have localized environmental struggles and that have made environmental struggles increasingly identity based. That is, because one’s fate is no longer determined by one’s social class, but by the neoliberal place-based power structures that either favor or frustrate the ability of communities to maintain control over their own development and way of life (Mihaylov & Perkins, 2015). The majority of local case studies resemble similar interpretations of the macrostructures that shape local socio-environmental struggles in the face of extractive practices. Malin, for example, demonstrates that neoliberalism has normalized hydraulic fracturing on Pennsylvanian farmland, which stimulates small-scale farmers to sign natural gas leases (2014). Malin shows that the economic vulnerability of small-scale farmers makes them susceptible to sign the leases in order to collect the lease payments. Feeling a lack of economic agency and control, the farmers choose to adopt neoliberal rhetoric to rationalize their signing and to regain a sense of agency whenever signing the leases was considered to be inevitable. As such, neoliberalist rhetoric creates a false sense of individual freedom and stimulates farmers to visualize a rather narrow view of reality that disregards potential environmental risks, thereby further normalizing the signing of natural gas leases on Pennsylvanian farmland (Malin, 2014). Mix and Raynes, on the other hand, link neoliberalism to the development of strong state-industry relations that may enable large-scale corporations to engage in the regulatory capture of the extractive industries, and that may make governmental authorities less responsive to local citizen concerns (2018). Having analyzed the emergence of fracking induced earthquakes in Oklahoma, the authors reveal how continuous denial, disinformation and delays triggered community opposition and led to the normalization of recreancy (Mix & Raynes, 2018). Recreancy refers to a situation in which persons or institutions that hold positions of trust, agency or responsibility fail to fulfill their obligation to protect local citizens in the face of a disaster or technological risk as they continue to defend or safeguard their own (financial) interest. Disillusioned by the failure of governmental authorities to provide local citizens with assistance or solutions to extraction induced issues, citizens lose trust in the institutions developed to protect them, leading to the normalization of recreancy over time (Mix & Raynes, 2018). This case study thus reveals that neoliberalism does not only affect place-based power structures, but also affects citizen-state relations in a world where the global market and multinational corporations are becoming increasingly influential. Trust has been identified as one of the key indicators to shape community responses among the case studies analyzed, and its deterioration appears to be one of the main drivers of community resistance. Overall, the plethora of case studies analyzed point to similar factors that influence community responses. Some authors point to place-related factors, such as the way in which the extractive industries align with a region’s history and alternative livelihood strategies, the way in which extractive practices affect the regional landscape, and the relative economic
18 marginalization of the affected communities (Ladd, 2018) (Luke, Rasch, Evensen, & Köhne, 2018) (Mihaylov & Perkins, 2015). Other authors have emphasized the importance of social identity to shape the socio-cultural circumstances that affect local community perceptions and the acceptance of activist and other oppositional practices (Fominaya, 2010) (Ladd, 2014) (Luke, 2017) (Luke, Rasch, Evensen, & Köhne, 2018) (Mihaylov & Perkins, 2015). The direct experience of communities is of great relevance as well, as these experiences shape one’s perceptions, one’s trust and one’s knowledge regarding the extractive industry and the authorities involved (Conde & Le Billon, 2017) (Ladd, 2018) (Luke, 2017) (Mix & Raynes, 2018). Most authors touch upon various elements that ignite community opposition, which suggests that these factors are interrelated and cannot be analyzed in isolation from one another. The wide variety of the studies analyzed has provided an elaborate overview of the drivers and contextual circumstances that could generate conflict whenever large-scale energy projects disrupt the lifeworld of local communities. Even though the scholarly body of work provides fruitful insights regarding the drivers behind community opposition, it falls short in its provision of micropolitical, human-centered understandings of the way in which community perceptions are shaped. Within rural sociology, for example, numerous scholars have analyzed community perceptions using quantitative methods and standardized questionnaires (Ladd, 2013) (Theodori, 2013) (Wynveen, 2011). Although these methods may provide a coherent general overview of superficial community perceptions, they cannot effectively identify particularistic, micropolitical concerns that may be of relevance to the ways in which community perceptions are shaped. Furthermore, these studies fail to analyze the connection between community perceptions and responses as it is assumed that negative perceptions will generate community opposition and vice versa. Ladd, for example, connects the lack of community opposition against fracking developments in Louisiana to the region’s longstanding history with the extractive industry (2014). Even though regional fracking opponents developed diagnostic and prognostic frames similar to opponents in other states, Ladd states that the region’s economic dependence, familiarity and ability to cope with the negative environmental side effects made the issue less pressing (2014). Ladd supports his view using his research on community perceptions, which reveals that Louisianan communities are relatively positive about the potential economic impact of the extractive industry in comparison to other U.S. regions. As such, Ladd overlooks the possibility that Louisianan fracking opponents may be just as concerned as opponents elsewhere, but may feel discouraged to publicly oppose fracking developments in a region where a great share of local residents rely on the extractive industry as a source of income. Furthermore, Ladd does not include an analysis on the presence of covert resistance efforts to bring to halt regional fracking developments and may thus fail to identify the social tensions he claims to be non-existent. The lack of public opposition could also be caused by a sense of local powerlessness to oppose the extractive industry that has already deeply manifested itself within local societal structures. To get a more nuanced and thorough understanding of the root causes behind the lack of community opposition, one requires a qualitative, in-depth approach that aims to connect local community perceptions to micropolitical concerns. These studies should also analyze how
19 these perceptions guide community responses to local extractive practices to undermine the assumption that the lack of community opposition signifies community acceptance. Taking on an ethnographic, micropolitical approach, this research effort aims to contribute to the scholarly challenge to develop more qualitative, human-centered analyses when researching the social impacts of local extractive practices. Although this analysis recognizes the structural influence of neoliberalism on local communities, it aims to provide room for context-specific, micropolitical understandings of local resistance struggles as well. These understandings more accurately reveal how prevalent power structures, social identities and interpersonal relations may affect the way in which communities choose to respond to the negative impacts of large-scale energy projects, thereby creating a more nuanced picture of the complex realities local citizens find themselves in. The following sub-sections will more elaborately address how these theoretical concepts are of influence to the ways in which local community responses are formed.
2.2 Power & Resistance – from structuralism to actor-oriented approach Resistance is an academic concept that is far from straightforward. The concept has meant many different things over time and has been applied in varying ways by different authors. Until the 1970s, power was understood in a structural sense. These explanations were heavily influenced by Karl Marx who introduced a class-based, teleological view of society which predicted that increased inequality and greed of the bourgeoisie would inevitably lead to the revolt of the proletariat (Marx, 1848). Heavily influenced by Marx, Gramsci introduced the theory of cultural hegemony. The theory implies that the dominant social class manipulates the beliefs, explanations, values and mores within society so that the world-view of the dominant class becomes the accepted cultural norm (Gramsci, 1971). This form of domination would lead to the acceptance of the status quo as the lower social classes were misled to believe the system was beneficial for everyone. These structuralist understandings of power attributed little to no agency to lower social classes, which were often portrayed as mere recipients of authority whose minds were clouded by their false consciousness. Nevertheless, these notions of power expanded due to the scholarly work of Foucault and Scott. Foucault was one of the first authors to perceive domination and suppression as a spectrum that was dialectical and under continuous negotiation (Demirovic, 2017). Oppression was never considered complete, which meant that the resisting party would always have agency to renegotiate the power relations in place. As such, Foucault’s work marked an important shift from structuralist to more actor-oriented understandings of power, thereby weakening the notion that those being governed are passive recipients of authority (Demirovic, 2017). It is for this reason that Foucault wanted to rid the passive and defeatist concept of repression as well. Instead, Foucault thought the concepts to fight, struggle, and strategy would be more appropriate to describe the position of those resisting the powerful, thus emphasizing their ability to renegotiate power relations in place (Demirovic, 2017). Foucault also drew attention to more everyday forms of power that are developed and reproduced by discursive practices. In his book ‘the history of sexuality’, Foucault discusses the development of ‘sexuality’ as a discursive object that has been scientifically analyzed since the 18th century. Foucault, for instance, describes how sexuality as a discursive object
20 led to the analysis and categorization of sexual acts that deviated from male-female relationships (Foucault, 1978). As such, terms such as ‘homosexuality’ were introduced, thereby enabling discriminatory practices against these groups. Using this analysis, Foucault shed light on the power of words and discourse, and the way such power has manifested itself within the sexuality discourse. As such, Foucault criticized our monolithic conception of power, which assumes power is enacted solely through the proceedings of formal institutions and authorities (Foucault, 1978). Instead, Foucault believes that power is an ever-present phenomenon, stating, “Power is everywhere…because it comes from everywhere (Foucault, 1978).” Foucault’s emphasis on agency and everyday forms of power inspired Scott to apply these concepts within his resistance studies as well. In Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance, Scott explains that farmers are often afraid or do not have the resources to engage in overt forms of resistance (1985). Nevertheless, Scott emphasizes that this does not mean that resistance does not exist. Instead, farmers choose to enact resistance through everyday practices that are less confrontational and that can be enacted more spontaneously. These acts of behavior include foot dragging, dissimilation, false compliance, pilfering, feigned ignorance, slander, arson, sabotage, and so forth (Scott, 1985). Scott refers to these everyday forms of resistance as infrapolitics and highlights the importance of these acts to develop a counter-hegemonic consciousness for more overt resistance struggles to develop. According to Scott, it is the intent, rather than the recognition of the act of resistance that is of importance to distinguish acts of resistance from other acts of behavior (Hollander & Einwohner, 2004). Scott’s approach brings us to the main scholarly debate within resistance studies regarding the classification of acts of resistance: is the intent of the actor or the recognition of the target more important when distinguishing acts of resistance from other acts of behavior? Scott believes that intent is a better indicator of resistance than outcome, because acts of resistance do not always achieve the desired effect. The sociologist Carr believes so as well, as she distinguishes tomboys who actively consider their behavior as acts of resistance from those who do not (Hollander & Einwohner, 2004). Rubin, on the other hand, thinks recognition is equally as important as intent as he believes that resistance should solely encapsulate those acts of behavior that directly challenge power structures and bring about social change (Hollander & Einwohner, 2004). Yet another group of resistance scholars believes that resistance does not have to be intentional. The scholar Hebdige, for example, believes that resistance can occur at a level beneath the consciousness (Hollander & Einwohner, 2004). Similarly, cross-cultural differences can lead to wrong implications: something may be recognized as acts of resistance even though it is not and vice versa (Hollander & Einwohner, 2004). Even though authors seem to agree that resistance involves an act of behavior that is defined by a sense of opposition, the disagreements stem from the author’s attempts to extend this definition in a particular direction. According to Hollander and Einwohner, this debate distracts scholars from the fruitful contributions resistance studies have made to the social sciences as it attempts to come to a definite conclusion as to how resistance should be defined
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(2004). Instead, Hollander and Einwohner believe that it is more effective to acknowledge different types of resistance and to understand the underlying disagreements of the scholarly debate. This may ensure that scholars clearly define their position when conducting resistance studies. As such, instead of adding to the discussion, Hollander and Einwohner have developed a typology concerning the different ways in which resistance has been used. The typology distinguishes 7 different forms of resistance that differ as to whether the act of behavior was intended as an act of resistance; whether the act was recognized as such by the target; and whether the act was recognized as such by a third party. An overview of the different forms of resistance is represented in figure 3.
Figure 3. Typology: Types of resistance. (Hollander & Einwohner, 2004) The typology of Hollander and Einwohner does more than simply structure the resistance debate: its focus on intent, recognition of the target, and recognition of observers highlight the interactional nature of resistance. The wide range of definitions illustrates the fact that the concept resistance is socially constructed and that resisters, targets, and observers all participate in this construction (Hollander & Einwohner, 2004). This goes against the assumption of many scholars that some forms of resistance are self-evident and can be consensually defined as such. Even though scholars may agree how resistance should be defined, they may still disagree whether a particular act may or may not fit within this definition. In other words, the recognition of resistance is subjective, and what may be considered as resistance to some, may be interpreted as accommodation or even domination by others. In fact, one act of behavior can both be an act of accommodation and resistance at the same time depending on the context, power structures, and discourses at work (Hollander & Einwohner, 2004). For instance, a female body builder may resist the norm that women should be feminine, but at the same time may reproduce the norm that women have to be thin and concerned with bodily improvement. Other scholars such as Foucault go as far to say that resistance cannot exist in a position of exteriority in relation to power, as their relation is tautological and cyclical. As such, resistance has the ability to challenge power structures, but at the same time reify the existence and production of alternative power structures (Demirovic, 2017). The ever-presence of power structures thus challenges the monolithic duality between the resistor and the dominator as all actors may be both depending on the particular context and power structures at play (Demirovic, 2017).
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To conclude, resistance should be perceived as a relational force rather than an oppositional force to power. Resistance is often enacted not to oppose the concept of power, but to instead alter the dominant power structures that bestow a subordinate position upon the resistors. Furthermore, someone is not solely a dominator or resistor but can be different things at the same time or may find oneself somewhere on the spectrum in between. These realizations are of great importance if one is to ethnographically analyze community responses in the face of extractive practices as these acknowledgements allow for more complex understandings of one’s actions and the drivers behind varying community responses. The way someone chooses to respond will not solely be driven by one’s stance in opposition to or in favor of regional gas extraction efforts, but will also be affected by one’s social networks, socio- economic class, and other differences among local citizens that may determine someone’s position in society. These differences make up the power structures prevalent among local citizens and within the affected communities that may provide opportunities to some that may not be accessible to others. The realization that power is ever-present and that power and resistance are relational thus acknowledges the importance of micropolitical differences to explain varying community responses in northeastern Groningen, as they may motivate individuals and subgroups to deal with the emergence of gasquakes in different ways than others.
2.3 The multiple layers of identity and its influence on community responses What drives citizens or communities to engage in overt or covert acts of resistance in times of injustice? Many authors have turned to identity to answer this question, which has led to a transition of the concept and its academic meaning over time. Brubaker and Cooper point out that the identity debate suffers from a so-called ‘identity crisis’ (Brubaker & Cooper, 2000). The authors argue that many scholars have attempted to soften the meaning of identity to rid the concept from its essentialist features. To use identity as a category of analysis may reproduce identity as a form of classification and relies on the assumption that identity is a static thing that exists and that all people and groups seek to obtain. As such, scholars have come to define identity as a concept that is fluid, multiple and contested. However, according to Brubaker and Cooper, this makes the term rather useless as a category of analysis as the concept loses its explanatory power. As the notion of a clear-cut, static identity is eradicated, it is no longer possible to attribute one’s thoughts and actions to one’s identity, which is now considered to be fluid, multiple, and contested. Even though identity is important to, for instance, come to understand identity politics, Brubaker and Cooper believe that one can analyze identity-talk, the way the concept is used, and the effects this has without positing its existence (Brubaker & Cooper, 2000). This is similar to the way in which scholars can analyze the influence of nationalism and nationalist politics even though these scholars may think of nations as imagined communities that solely exist in the minds of citizens. To deal with this problem, the authors suggest that scholars discard the term identity as a category of analysis and suggest several alternative terms that can be used. Instead of using identity as a mode of categorization, Brubaker and Cooper suggest using the term ‘identification’. How one may identify oneself and how one is defined by others is interactional and may vary in different contexts. As such, the concept acknowledges the importance of the process of identification to explain one’s thoughts and actions yet rids itself
23 of the essentialist connotations attributed to the term identity. The term also stimulates authors to specify the agents that do the identifying as it acknowledges the importance of context. Furthermore, the authors suggest using the term ‘self-understanding’ or ‘situated subjectivity’ to analyze one’s social location instead of using clear-cut categorical attributes such as race, ethnicity, gender or sexual orientation. By doing so, one does not presuppose these particularistic attributes to be the main driver behind one’s actions. Instead, scholars will come to focus on one’s sense of who one is, of one’s social location, and of how one is prepared to act (Brubaker & Cooper, 2000). Lastly, Brubaker suggests using the terms ‘commonality’, ‘connectedness’, or ‘groupness’, as these terms are more specific, less static, and less suggestive as the terms clarify that group formation can occur to different extents, but can just as well be formed temporarily without the development of a strong, clear-cut identity (Brubaker & Cooper, 2000). How does identification work, and how does someone use one’s self-understanding to determine the way one is prepared to act? Analyzing community responses to the introduction of unconventional gas development in Australia, Canada, the United States and the Netherlands, Luke, Rasch, Evensen and Köhne argue that it is the intersection of social identity and place identity that may either foster or discourage opposition (Luke, Rasch, Evensen, & Köhne, 2018). Social identity refers to the way someone identifies him or herself in relation to their group involvement and memberships (Luke, Rasch, Evensen, & Köhne, 2018). This identification is relational and interactional and leads to the development of different social groups that are associated with particular group norms. These group norms may come to influence whether activism or resistance is widely embraced or rejected and may thus influence community and individual responses towards the introduction of unconventional gas developments (Luke, Rasch, Evensen, & Köhne, 2018). Place identity, on the other hand, refers to the way in which the physical landscape and natural worlds have become internalized in one’s identification. According to the authors, local communities will consider the economic factors, the effects on the region’s visual amenity, and its concurrence with the region’s past, present, and future to develop its stance toward the introduction of unconventional gas developments (2018). It is this positioning and its intersection with the prevalent social identity that will inform the way in which communities may respond to the introduction of unconventional gas developments. According to Luke, Rasch, Evensen and Köhne, this intersection may lead to ambiguous community responses characterized by concerned silence or accidental activist acts whenever the affected communities oppose unconventional gas development yet do not embrace activism as part of their social identity (2018). The study of Rasch and Köhne in the Netherlands represents a case in which the local population is against the introduction of hydraulic fracturing, yet is also uncomfortable to engage in traditional, overt forms of activism (Luke, Rasch, Evensen, & Köhne, 2018). As activism was considered an out-group activity associated with ‘greenies’ and ‘leftists’, all acts of resistance had to be disassociated from activist labels before a large local support base could be formed (Rasch & Köhne, 2016). This disassociation from activism was made visible by the acts of resistance as well as the types of organizations that were formed (Rasch & Köhne, 2016). Rather than resisting the introduction of hydraulic fracturing through street
24 marches or blockades, local citizens engaged in research and the gathering and diffusion of knowledge. The community also used formal political and legal channels to get their voices heard, which often led to the formation of unexpected coalitions between different organizations and social groups bound by their common objective to put to halt hydraulic fracturing developments (Rasch & Köhne, 2016). Even though the organization ‘shale gas no Noordoostpolder’ had been involved in resistance against hydraulic fracturing since the beginning, this organization was considered too activist to gather a large support base. As such, the organization ‘Tegengas’ was developed as a more professional and objective counterpart, thus carefully maintaining an image that was in line with the social identity of the local community (Rasch & Köhne, 2016). Instead of using acts of civil disobedience, local citizens used their citizenship and strategies similar to those of formal organizations to resist the introduction of hydraulic fracturing: a process referred to as ‘citizenship from below’. To conclude, identity can be multiple and contested and the way in which someone identifies oneself and is identified by others greatly relies on contextual circumstances. This theoretical perspective rids identity from its essentialist connotations that assumes that classifications such as class, gender, race or sexual orientation will be the main drivers behind one’s behavior and self-understanding and allows for the presence of multiple identities that may even contest one another. Even though prevalent social identities and place identities will remain an importance source for local citizens to give shape to community responses and the way in which communities choose to enact resistance, the soft notion of identity opens up the possibility that these identities may change in the face of newly developed contextual circumstances that arose due to the emergence of gasquakes. The damage induced by gasquakes may ignite a shift that, for instance, leads to the acceptance of activist practices communities may not have embraced otherwise. The analysis of community responses may therefore reveal how micropolitical circumstances have generated such change in northeastern Groningen, and may provide new insights as to how local community responses and aspects of one’s identity are interrelated.
2.4 Citizen-state relations, citizenship and their influence on community responses Thus far, identity has been mainly defined as a phenomenon that is interactional and constructed by one’s self-understanding and the way one is identified by others. However, Brubaker and Cooper notice that there are identifications that are not as interactional: the identities imposed upon citizens by the state through the establishment of classificatory schemes and modes of social counting and accounting that other non-state actors must refer to (Brubaker & Cooper, 2000). Even though these categorizations do not establish hard identities, the identifications imposed upon citizens by the state are powerful, as they become part of people’s frame of reference. Foucault has named this particular power the state possesses ‘governmentality’: the ability of the state to shape the way we govern ourselves (Rose, O'Malley, & Valverde, 2006). Foucault states that a state’s strategy determines the way in which the relation between the state, market, society and citizens is given shape (e.g. neoliberalism) (Rose, O'Malley, & Valverde, 2006). The supporting policy programs determine the policy objectives and uses categorization to problematize and bring attention to particular issues (e.g. rising obesity rates) (Rose, O'Malley, & Valverde, 2006). Once the subject is widely acknowledged as a societal issue, this legitimizes the state to use concrete
25 techniques to manage its population (e.g. health and education programs on schools or the introduction of excise duties on fast food) (Rose, O'Malley, & Valverde, 2006). The state’s ability to develop institutions and create categorizations thus enables the government to shape the way in which gasquake-induced issues are managed. These categorizations and institutional setups may be internalized into the frame of reference of local citizens, and could thus influence the way in which the regional issues are perceived as well. As discussed in in the previous sub-section, Rasch and Köhne have analyzed how citizenship is shaped and used as an oppositional force at the site of energy transition in the Noordoostpolder. The authors argue that these acts of citizenship move beyond ‘participation’ as citizens actively seek unexpected alliances with societal groups and are actively engaged in research and knowledge diffusion to strengthen their opposition against the introduction of hydraulic fracturing (Rasch & Köhne, 2016). These acts of citizenship differ from overt activist practices as they are assimilative rather than disruptive, thus using methods similar to those of the authorities to claim rights and to regain decision-making authority. The development of the organization ‘Tegengas’ is one of the strategies through which the local community had used its citizenship as an oppositional practice. That is, because Tegengas was developed to generate broader support and mainly used methods that were considered objective and that were in line with local notions of citizenship to enact resistance and to reclaim a voice at the site of energy transition (Rasch & Köhne, 2016). Seeking alliances, knowledge diffusion, and the development of research efforts thus served the purpose to strengthen the position of local citizens in their claim to regain control over local developments that could be gravely affected by the introduction of hydraulic fracturing. The field of energy transition is thus an important site in which citizens renegotiate their relation to the state as they negotiate their inclusion in decision-making processes. As such, Rasch and Köhne demonstrate the interactional nature of citizenship, and represent how citizenship can be used as a powerful mechanism to maintain or regain local control over local developments. Even though communities may both adopt overt activist practices and acts of citizenship for different purposes at the same time, the preferred oppositional approach is linked to elements of one’s social identity. The prevalent social identities of locally affected communities may therefore be of great influence to the way in which local community responses are formed. To conclude, it appears the state possesses an exceptional source of power to classify its population. In northeastern Groningen, for example, the state has the ability to establish damage and consolidation procedures in cooperation with authorities such as the NAM. Even though local citizens may consider these procedures to be unjust, they will have to refer to those procedures to be eligible for any form of compensation for the damage gasquakes have induced to one’s property. The establishment of procedures and the development of organizational structures thus allow the state to restrict the possibilities through which local citizens can request compensation for gasquake-induced damages and enable the state to restrict the ways in which citizens can formally participate to influence the management of the gasquake-induced issues. Nevertheless, the state does not possess control as to how local citizens respond to the injustices imposed upon the local population. Local communities have the ability to seek alliances or to develop research efforts and organizations to strengthen their position vis-à-vis the authorities involved in order to regain control. Local communities thus
26 have the ability to use their citizenship to enhance decision-making authority and to challenge the institutional structures in place, allowing citizens to reshape citizen-state relations from below. These changed relations may alter local notions of ‘good citizenship’ that may enable local communities to adopt oppositional practices that may have been unthinkable before. The way in which citizenship is locally enacted is therefore considered to be of great relevance to understand the way in which local community responses are formed in northeastern Groningen.
2.5 Developments within social movement theory Within Social Movement Theory, several theoretical strands have developed over the past decades. McCarthy and Zald first proposed resource mobilization theory in the 1970s (McCarthy & Zald, 1977). Resource mobilization theorists perceive social movements as rational actors whose success is determined by the movement’s ability to acquire resources and mobilize people towards accomplishing the movement’s goal. These social movements are perceived as political change generators that work within the constraints imposed upon them by the ‘political opportunity structures’. Political opportunity structures refer to the political contextual circumstances that will affect the ability of social movements to bring about political change and has become an important concept for social movement theorists to determine the potential success for social movements to achieve their anticipated results. The scholar William Gamson broadened the transformative scope of social movements when he introduced social movement impact theory in 1975 (Gamson, 1975). Social movements were no longer perceived as rational actors that solely brought about political change, but were believed to possess the ability to jointly construct and develop shared understandings of the world through daily interactions among its members. This theoretical insight resulted in the belief that social movements possessed the ability to construct reality as they obtain the agency and material resources to develop narratives and frame issues from their organizational perspective. If a social movement was successful in its attempt to mobilize widespread support, this could have a long-lasting impact on cultures, institutions and individuals as well. As such, these understandings drew attention to the socio-cultural, informal power sources of social movements to influence perceptions and to develop counter- narratives in opposition to the narratives developed by the state and the industry, making social movements part of the so-called ‘war of signification’. The realization that social movements possessed the power and agency to construct meaning ignited interest in the way they shape reality to garner widespread support or trigger mass mobilization. Ervin Goffman first proposed frame analysis as a technique to analyze how individuals or groups ‘locate, perceive, identify and label’ events and occurrences in order to make sense of the world (Goffman, 1974). Goffman defined frames as schemas of interpretation that consist of anecdotes and stereotypes, and that allow individuals to organize and attribute meaning to occurrences and events. According to Goffman, these perceptions build the foundation for individuals to guide their responses and actions. The sociologist Snow extensively applied frame analysis to analyze the role of social movements in meaning construction since the 1980s. Snow analyzed frame development as a strategy for social movements to garner support and trigger mass mobilization, which could enhance their ability to bring about societal change. According to Snow and Benford, participant mobilization will
27 only be achieved if the developed frames are robust, thorough and complete; if they align with the larger belief system of the targeted participants; and if the concerns addressed are of relevance to the realities of the participants as well (Benford & Snow, 2000). Snow and Benford argue that framing attempts can only be thorough and complete if social movements define the issue and the actor held responsible (diagnostic framing); provide solutions, strategies and a plan of action to tackle the issue identified (prognostic framing); and provide a broader morale or rationalization in support of collective action (motivational framing). Even though the congruence of diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational framing is considered most important to achieve collective action, Benford and Snow emphasize that political opportunity structures and cultural beliefs form the contextual opportunities and constraints in which frames need to be formed (Benford & Snow, 2000). Whereas the political opportunity structures are of importance for social movements to achieve tactical objectives, one’s cultural identity consists of one’s ideologies, practices, values, myths and narratives that communities use to make sense of the world. Even though these understandings are considered culturally specific, they may also differ among individuals who have different diagnostic, prognostic or motivational views and may possess different social positions within a community. Throughout the 1980s, numerous scholars broke with the Marxist understanding that social movements emerge from class conflict and inherently threaten capitalist society. According to these ‘New Social Movement’ (NSM) theorists, social movements have since the 1960s shifted priority from enhancing the economic wellbeing of particular social groups to the attainment of non-materialist goals such as human rights, environmental protection, autonomy and self-determination (Buechler, 1995). These issue-, ideology-, or identity-based movements mainly conduct collective action in the cultural rather than the political realm as their goal is no longer to maximize political influence but to bring about socio-cultural change instead (Buechler, 1995). As the adherents of these social movements are no longer structurally bound by their socio-economic class, they have to rely on newly-developed, informal and temporary networks to enable participant mobilization (Buechler, 1995). Even though NSM theorists distance themselves from Marxist class-based societal understandings, they do adopt other models of societal totality such as advanced capitalism, a postindustrial society or information society to provide the context in which collective action emerges (Buechler, 1995). Even though Buechler believes that new social movements have several features that set them apart, he argues that the distinction is not as clear-cut as the name ‘new’ social movement would suggest (1995). Buechler states that the misconstrued breach between traditional and new social movements ignores the legacy of environmental activism before the 1960s, and denies the fact that there still are contemporary class-based social movements that focus on economic wellbeing. Buechler also argues that NSM theory is represented as one united theoretical bloc despite the fact that many NSM theorists have different beliefs that are supported by different ideological underpinnings. As such, Buechler believes that NSM theories should be represented as a continuation of the legacy established by traditional social movements. Building upon the scholarly work of Castells, Touraine, Habermas and Melucci, Buechler makes a distinction between political and cultural strands of new social theories that have different ideas on power, societal development, and the nature of social movements
28 altogether (1995). The political strand of NSM theory is considered most similar to resource mobilization theory as it retains a role for instrumental action towards strategic goals and retains a focus on centralized and class-based notions of power and conflict. The cultural strand is most similar to social constructivist theory represented by Snow and Benford as it focuses on informal, decentralized power structures and eschews strategic concerns in favor of cultural and symbolic expressions. Rather than choosing one over the other, Buechler notes that both could be equally as useful to analyze different levels of society (1995). Whereas Buechler believes the political movement to be most suitable to analyze macro structures of social movements that focus on institutional organization and resource mobilization strategies, the cultural movement is considered more micro-oriented and more suitable to analyze civil society and everyday life (1995). The developments within social movement theory provide a framework through which one can analyze community responses in northeastern Groningen. Whereas the analysis of political opportunity structures could be applied to analyze the ability to bring about political change, the cultural and social constructivist understandings of social movements are considered suitable to analyze the socio-cultural understandings and narratives grassroots organizations and communities develop to shape their perceptions and responses in the face of the gasquake-induced issues. Frame analysis is considered a useful technique to analyze and structure the perceptions of grassroots organizations and locally affected individuals in northeastern Groningen, and could be applied to analyze how these perceptions are used to shape local community responses. As NSM theory suggests, the regional resistance struggle in northeastern Groningen is a place-based issue that is no longer determined by socio- economic class. As such, frame development could be an important source for locally affected citizens to create inclusive narratives that may bridge the social differences among the local population to form a unified protest movement. As such, this thesis aims to use frame analysis to analyze and structure community perceptions, and to reveal whether the varying diagnostic and prognostic frames applied have developed the congruence required to trigger mass mobilization. The motivational frame is left out of this analysis as it is concerned with the way in which social movements strategically frame social issues to call for collective action. This information is considered irrelevant if one is to explore how locally affected citizens make sense of regional occurrences and events on an individual level.
2.6 Conclusion This framework has provided the theoretical and methodological toolkit required to analyze local community responses in the face of extractive practices. The realization that power is ever-present and stands in dialectal relation to resistance provides local communities with agency to alter power structures in place and has called for the analysis of locally affected communities that are no longer considered the passive recipients of authority they were thought to be. Their exposure to multiple, informal power structures may subdivide communities as people may possess different social positions and may thus face different opportunities and constraints to shape their response in the face of extractive practices. Mihaylov and Perkins have represented how these informal power structures have become increasingly place-based as neoliberalism favors the growth of urban areas at the expense of rural areas that are considered backward and in need of replacement. These altering power
29 structures may alter citizen-state relations, as neoliberalism has made governments increasingly susceptible to give in to industry demands to anchor international businesses and maintain tax revenues. If industry demands clash with and are given precedence over the concerns of local communities, this may result in recreancy as citizen lose trust in state institutions that are expected to protect their livelihoods and to present solutions to extraction- induced issues. Neoliberalism has thus altered power structures and citizen-state relations, and these changes provide the context in which local environmental struggles emerge.
The relational nature of identity has revealed how one’s identification may differ in varying social contexts as one’s social identity is formed by one’s self-perception as well as the perception of others. One’s social identity and associated networks may reproduce norms that provide the context in which individuals shape their responses in the face of extractive practices and may thus influence the way in which individuals choose to enact resistance. How local extractive practices may fit with the local history, may affect visual amenity, and may influence local livelihood strategies will be of influence to local social positioning and community responses as well. The multitude of frames adopted by the local population may reveal how local citizens apply different aspects of one’s identity and micropolitical concerns to make sense of regional occurrences and events and to guide their actions. Frame analysis is therefore considered an effective tool to analyze and structure community perceptions and to reveal how local citizens use diagnostic and prognostic frames in their decision to engage in collective action or not. These frames do not only reveal how individuals may submerge numerous aspects of their identity to form a comprehensive narrative, but may also determine whether citizens choose to maintain or discard notions of ‘good citizenship’ to shape their response in the face of the gasquake-induced issues.
The case studies analyzed have touched upon a wide array of drivers behind community resistance. These drivers touch upon multiple elements of one’s identity, the level of trust in the authorities, the link between knowledge and risk, as well as project-related factors that could trigger community opposition. Even though the scholarly body of work is rich in explanations about the emergence of local opposition and conflict, it lacks in its provision of qualitative, human-centered approaches to analyze the way in which community perceptions and responses are shaped. These human-centered approaches, however, may reveal how micropolitical understandings affect the way in which community perceptions and responses are connected, and may discard superficial understandings that assume that a lack of community opposition signifies community acceptance and vice versa. Taking on an ethnographic, micropolitical approach, this research effort aims to contribute to the scholarly challenge to develop more qualitative, human-centered analyses when researching the social impacts of local extractive practices. The analysis of regional and individual narratives may reveal how citizens combine or compromise elements of their social identity, place identity, and micropolitical concerns to make sense of regional occurrences and events. This approach may also reveal how the individualization of the procedures and financial gasquake-induced consequences affect local sense making and the ability of communities to engage in collective action.
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Chapter 3 – The Groninger gasquake context This chapter elaborates upon several aspects that are important to comprehend the context in northeastern Groningen. First, a short narrative about the local history and the development regional of farmer-state relations is provided. This sub-section enhances our understanding of the regional social identity that may be of influence to the varying ways in which resistance and other community responses are enacted. Thereafter, a brief overview of the four main authorities involved in the management of the gasquake-induced issues is given. It is of crucial importance to enhance our understanding about these organizations, as they play a big part in the story of locally affected citizens and will be mentioned throughout the rest of this research report. Thirdly, a timeline is provided that highlights the events that have led to the development of local resistance and that explain the historical context in which the Groninger gasquake context has developed since the beginning of regional gas extraction efforts. This chapter concludes with a thorough introduction concerning the multiple dimensions of the gasquake-induced issues. This sub-section uses the stories of multiple research participants to reveal how the emergence of gasquakes has affected the daily lives of the local population. Overall, this chapter aims to inform the reader about the local social identity, the regional gasquake-induced issues, and the regional history to provide the Groninger gasquake context with substance and to provide the reader with information of relevance to understand the analyses set out in the subsequent chapters.
3.1 Local History: laborers, farmers and farmer-state relations The coastal region of Groningen has a unique agricultural history that is defined by the exceptional levels of wealth and status that farmers possessed from the second half of the 18th century to the beginning of the 20th century (van den Burg, 2009). The introduction of the ´beklemrecht´ in the 17th century - the perpetual lease of land at a fixed rent – was one of the key drivers of this wealth as inflation reduced the actual value of this lease over time (van den Burg, 2009). Furthermore, the law forbid farmers to split their land in smaller pieces and obligated farmers to sell the products that were not used for own consumption. As such, farmers in Groningen maintained large pieces of land for a lease that was far below the actual value. Moreover, the cattle pest outbreak in the 18th century set in motion the transition towards the production of agricultural products (van den Burg, 2009). This transition was a success as prices increased and as the agrarian revolution allowed for the intensification of agricultural production over time. Lastly, coastal farmers had the ability to reclaim land from the sea thus further enlarging the pieces of land they could use for agricultural production (van den Burg, 2009).
The exceptional levels of wealth and status accumulated by farmers gave rise to a class system that is unique to the Netherlands. The so-called ‘herenboer’ lived in exceptionally large houses and relied on the services of laborers to work on their land. Furthermore, the herenboer maintained good relations with local and national governors and occupied important political and societal positions as well. As such, the herenboer possessed exceptional political influence, and developed exceptionally close relations with the local, provincial and national government (van den Burg, 2009). However, the wealth of the herenboer came at a price of regional laborers. Throughout the 19th century, inequality
31 between laborers, the middle classes and ‘herenboeren’ increased. This was especially so in Oldambt, the eastern region of Groningen. Agricultural production in the eastern region was more seasonally bound, which meant a considerable share of laborers would be unemployed throughout winter (van den Burg, 2009). The laborers who managed to keep their job in winter received less income due to the excessive supply of laborers that was readily available. The introduction of the tractor and the first mechanic agricultural technologies further challenged the position of laborers, eventually igniting radical socialist labor protests in Oldambt (van den Burg, 2009).
The mechanization of the agricultural sector in the 20th century led to the disintegration of the labor class that once made up the greatest share of the population. Nevertheless, the development of a large labor class and the emergence of socialism and socialist protests in Oldambt still affect the local population which is known for its leftist, socialist character. This socialist character, however, failed to take root in the northern coastal region of Groningen known as the ‘Hogeland’. The labor protests in the Hogeland were characterized by a social democratic rather than a socialist approach and the protest movement took less of a hold in this region in general (van den Burg, 2009). As such, traditional farmer-state relations of the 18th and 19th century have maintained greater influence in the northern coastal region, which is made apparent if one looks at the results of the last national elections in 2017. Whereas the eastern municipalities have voted for the Socialist Party, the northern municipalities have voted for the CDA; the conservative, moderately Christian party that is known for its allegiance to farmers and the agricultural sector (rtvnoord, 2017)
Figure 5. 2017 National Election results in Province of Groningen (rtvnoord, 2017, March 15)
The heart of the gasquake region – Loppersum – is located in the northern region. Numerous research participants have brought to my attention this regional difference, using it as an explanation as to why they believe local citizens are relatively passive in the face of the emergence of gasquakes. Some have stated the region lacks strong leaders such as Fré Meis who was a leader of the provincial Communist Party and who led the labor protests in eastern Groningen the second half of the 20th century, while others simply point out the perceived lack of assertiveness among local citizens that one is able to find in the east. Some research participants thus use the distinction between the Hogeland and Oldambt as a totalistic, identity narrative to explain the supposed passiveness one perceives among the local population.
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However, this narrative equates the enactment of resistance to traditional, overt street protests as if this is the only channel through which local citizens can express dissent. The differences in regional identity may thus not render the local population mere passive recipients of whatever kind of injustices the region faces but may instead affect the varying ways in which resistance is regionally enacted. How this historical narrative may influence the regional identity and the enactment of resistance will be discussed in chapter 5.
3.2 The main authorities involved The ‘Nederlandse Aardolie Maatschappij’ [NAM, Dutch Petroleum Company] was established in 1943 with the responsibility to explore and extract oil and gas reserves on Dutch soil (NAM, n.d.). This exploration led to the discovery of the Slochteren gas field in 1959, allowing the NAM to start gas extraction efforts by 1963 (NAM, n.d.). As such, the NAM is the company that was initially held responsible for the gasquake-induced damage. The NAM has also been involved in the development of damage and compensation procedures when the gasquakes emerged. Nevertheless, the initial NAM procedure was heavily criticized as it was considered time-consuming, inefficient and unfair (Zembla, 2014). According to local citizens, the NAM acted as if the damage compensation payments were trade deals, negotiating about the share of damage the organization was willing to compensate for (Zembla, 2014). That is, because the NAM had a financial interest to minimize the damage compensation payments the organization would be held responsible for. As such, the Centrum Veilig Wonen [CVW, Center Safe Living] had been established to take over new damage evaluations in 2015. The NAM has since then been involved in the settlement of old, complex damage cases that have remained unresolved thus far.
The ‘Centrum Veilig Wonen’ has taken over damage evaluations in 2015. The CVW established a standardized damage procedure that classified damage into three different categories. Damage classified as A was considered gasquake-induced and would be covered by the NAM; damage classified as B was damage that had already been present but had been aggravated by the gasquakes; and damage classified as C was considered non-gasquake related and thus would not be covered by the NAM (Follow The Money, 2017). This standardized procedure was criticized by local citizens, who questioned the professionalism of the procedure and of the appraisers conducting the damage evaluations. Furthermore, the NAM appeared to have great influence over the proceedings of the CVW behind closed doors, giving the impression the CVW was established to solely create the illusion that the NAM no longer possessed influence over the procedure in place (Follow The Money, 2017). The CVW was further criticized when it was revealed the organization had generated millions of yearly profits through its involvement in the damage evaluations (DvhN, 2018, October 24). As such, new damage evaluations have been taken over by the Tijdelijke Commissie Mijnbouwschade Groningen [TCMG, Temporary Commission Mining damage Groningen] since March, 2017. The CVW, however, remains responsible for claims that have been reported to the organization prior to the introduction of TCMG.
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The ‘Tijdelijke Commissie Mijnbouwschade’ is the current organization involved in the management of damage evaluations and the procedures in place. The organization copes with the damage evaluations temporarily until a public fund and independent, public institute will have been developed to take over the management of the damage evaluations and compensation procedures in place. Even though the TCMG was introduced to make damage evaluations more effective, the organization has struggled to get started due to a lack of independent damage evaluators and an unfit information system (DvhN, 2018, August 1). The organization has since then struggled to reduce its backlog, as the organization is facing over 17.000 damage claims that remain unresolved thus far (TCMG, 2019).
The Nationaal Coördinator Groningen [NCG, National Coordinator Groningen] is a public organization that is established by the Ministry of Economic Affairs and Climate (MEAC). The organization was developed to take over numerous responsibilities concerning the management of gasquake-induced issues, including the management of the consolidation of homes that no longer adhere to national safety regulations. Hans Alders was the initial leader of the organization and was formally held accountable for the management of the consolidation procedure of 152.000 homes (DvhN, 2015, april 20). Alders also possessed authority over the implementation of the 5-year management plan developed to enhance the livability and economic prosperity in the region (NRC, 2015). The NCG consists of civil servants from the national government, the provincial authorities, and the affected municipalities (NCG, 2019). The organization uses local citizen concerns as the focal point in an effort to reduce the distance between the locally affected citizens and those involved in the management of gasquake-induced issues (NCG, 2019). The NCG also operates as a point of contact and mediator for local citizens that find themselves in complex situations. The NCG also fulfills its mediating role through its representation in the Maatschappelijke Stuurgroep [Societal Steering Board]. The Maatschappelijke Stuurgroep consists of the NCG, the GBB and the Groninger Gasberaad [Groninger Gas Council] and is established to discuss the management of gasquake-induced issues from the perspective of local citizens and different regional interest groups. The GBB is one of the main grassroots organizations that defends the interests of local citizens. The Groninger Gasberaad consists of several societal and subgroup organizations that represent all different sectors and subgroups that are regionally affected.
The abovementioned trajectory of the numerous institutions involved represents how complex and problematic the development of the damage and consolidation procedures has been. The struggles with organizational efficiency and the lack of trust that developed among locally affected citizens has led to institutional reorganizations that exacerbated delays and further complicated the damage evaluations of locally affected citizens who do not always know what organization to turn to. The organizational issues eventually led to the establishment of the NCG, which was developed to solely direct its attention to the management of the gasquake-induced issues. However, the amount of unresolved damage claims has continued to increase to an amount that currently exceeds 17.000. As such, the struggle to be fairly compensated in a timely manner remains a concern among locally affected citizens today. The TCMG, therefore, has yet to prove that it may accelerate the settlement of damage claims, and that it will be more efficient than its organizational predecessors.
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3.3 Timeline: Gas Extraction and the Development of the Groninger Gasquake Context The gasquake-induced issues and the regional resistance struggle in northeastern Groningen were shaped by a long-standing history in which the negative side effects of regional gas extraction were purposely hidden and publicly denied. This history finds its roots in 1959 when the Slochteren gas field was discovered. Since then, numerous academics, local citizens, and politicians have attempted to shed light on the negative side effects regional gas extraction may generate. As such, this section consists of a timeline that sheds light on the various events that are of importance to the development of the contemporary resistance struggle. The overview represents how the local population slowly developed awareness about the negative effects of gas extraction, requiring local citizens to readjust their perceptions regarding continuous gas extraction efforts.
In 1943… The Dutch-British oil- and gas company ‘Shell’ discovers the first Dutch oil reserve near Schoonebeek in the province Drenthe (NAM, n.d.). The oil field was the second biggest oil field discovered in Western Europe at the time, sparking interest of numerous gas- and oil companies that were eager to exploit and further explore gas- and oil reserves on Dutch territory (NAM, n.d.). This interest led to the development of the ‘Nederlandse Aardolie Maatschappij’ in 1947, which is a joint venture between Shell and the American gas- and oil company ‘Exxon’. The NAM was established with the sole purpose to exploit and further explore gas- and oil reserves on Dutch territory, starting with the extraction of Schoonebeek oil the same year (NAM, n.d.).
In 1959… The NAM discovers the Slochteren gas field in northeastern Groningen (NAM, n.d.). This discovery had a tremendous impact on the Dutch economy, as it allowed the Netherlands to become a net gas exporter for decades and provided the country with a relatively clean energy source in comparison to coal. The NAM would be held responsible for the extraction efforts, whereas the Dutch government would alter the national energy infrastructure to enable the use and exploitation of Slochteren gas. The gas extraction efforts commenced in 1963. The entire energy infrastructure had been altered by 1968 as ‘Egmond aan Zee’ came to be the last Dutch municipality to realize its energy transition (VNO-NCW, 2017).
Figure 6. Laborers installing the required gas infrastructure. (VNO-NCW, 2017)
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In 1963… The gas extraction efforts began, which gave rise to the first concerns among geologists and technical engineers. The technical expert W.A.B. Meiborg wrote a letter to the newspaper ‘Dagblad van het Noorden’ [DvhN, Newspaper of the North], stating that the soil in Groningen could subside more than one meter due to regional gas extraction (Andere Tijden, 2015). Meiborg therefore plead for the establishment of a fund to finance the adaptation of ground water levels and dykes that will be required in the future (Andere Tijden, 2015). The NAM publicly discredited Meiborg’s claims, yet secretly conducted research that revealed the soil could in fact subside 150 centimeters instead (Andere Tijden, 2015). The NAM, however, withheld this information from the national government and the Dutch citizens, solely informing the provincial government by 1967 to ensure ground water levels were properly adjusted (Andere Tijden, 2015).
Figure 7. Family photo of Mr. Meiborg Figure 8. Meiborg’s Newspaper article with heading that (Andere Tijden, 2015) states “We have to take into consideration soil subsidence after gas extraction.” (Andere Tijden, 2015) The Gasgebouw To manage the extraction of the Slochteren gas field, Jan Willem de Pous – the minister of economic affairs at the time – initiates the development of the Gasgebouw (Andere Tijden, 2015). The Gasgebouw is a seemingly complex construction that consists of Energiebeheer Nederland (EBN), Maatschap Groningen, the NAM and GasTerra, each represented in figure 6. However, these organizations solely represent the NAM and the Dutch government united in different organizational set-ups. Each of these organizational set-ups manage a specific task concerning the extraction of the Slochteren gas field (van der Voort & Vanclay, 2015). Maatschap Groningen determines the yearly volume of gas that will be extracted each gas year (van der Voort & Vanclay, 2015). The NAM represents Maatschap Groningen for 60 percent whereas EBN represents 40 percent of the organization. The EBN is a state-owned company that manages the state’s involvement in the energy sector, thus indirectly representing the state within the Gasgebouw (van der Voort & Vanclay, 2015). Despite the 60-40 construction within Maatschap Groningen, the EBN and the NAM have equal decision-
36 making authority when determining the yearly extracted gas volume (van der Voort & Vanclay, 2015).
The extracted gas is sold to the company GasTerra (van der Voort & Vanclay, 2015). The NAM owns 50 percent of GasTerra. The state does so as well, directly possessing 10 percent and indirectly possessing 40 percent through the share of EBN (van der Voort & Vanclay, 2015). GasTerra sells and distributes the gas extracted, thus arranging the sales to large domestic consumers and energy retail companies (van der Voort & Vanclay, 2015). The NAM’s license to produce and exploit gas provides the company with legal ownership of the gas extracted. The initial agreements made with the Dutch government, however, obligates the NAM to pay 25 percent of income tax over the profits made (van der Voort & Vanclay, 2015). Furthermore, the NAM is obligated to share 50 percent of the profits with the state after taxation and is obligated to pay 7.6 percent of sales revenue as a royalty to the state as well (van der Voort & Vanclay, 2015). As such, the eventual construction ensures that the state at least receives 70 percent of the profits made (van der Voort & Vanclay, 2015). Nevertheless, the share received by the state increases whenever gas prices exceed a pre- determined price level, which means the state has in reality received approximately 90 percent of the profits made (van der Voort & Vanclay, 2015).
Figure 9. Visualization of the Gasgebouw (van der Voort & Vanclay, 2015)
In 1972… The politician Jan Terlouw is made aware of the unrevealed research report developed by the NAM, bringing it to the public’s attention by asking parliamentary questions about its content. The debate that emerges is solely concerned with the costly consequences soil subsidence may have for regional water management and the adjustment of dikes, as one is not yet aware that this process may induce gasquakes in the future (Andere Tijden, 2015). In response to the revelations made, the incumbent NAM manager Bongaerts announced the NAM would cover the additional costs soil subsidence may generate. Bongaerts had paid 500 million Guilder before he stepped down to ensure these costs were covered (Andere Tijden, 2015).
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In 1976… Citizens in Groningen and Drenthe experience seismic tremors for the first time, sparking a discussion whether the tremors were induced by regional gas extraction. The tremors were detected and reported by dozens of citizens and the measuring station of the Dutch meteorological institute in Witteveen (Reformatisch Dagblad, 1976). The spokesperson of the Dutch meteorological institute stated that it could indeed be that “the soil has been rumbling at great depths due to gas extraction, but there is no certainty concerning its cause as of yet (Reformatisch Dagblad, 1976).” The discussion reemerges in 1985, when people discover unusual cracks in the walls of their homes. This eventually enforces NAM manager Jetses to make a public statement in which he denies the existence of any relation between the development of cracks and gas extraction in the region (Andere Tijden, 2015).
In 1986… An earthquake strikes the capital of Drenthe, leading to the reemergence of the gasquake debate. Geologist Meent van Der Sluis states there is a connection between the emergence of earthquakes and gas extraction in the area, as there is no other significant geological change that could explain the sudden emergence of regional seismic activity (Andere Tijden, 2015). The NAM, however, continued to deny claims the earthquakes were related to regional gas extraction efforts and claimed the ideas of van der Sluis were delusional (Andere Tijden, 2015). As such, the ideas of van der Sluis did not gather widespread support nor did they change the way gas extraction efforts were managed at the time. His attempts to bring about change, however, are recognized nowadays as a regional foundation and a monument have been established in his name. The van der Sluis foundation helps citizens troubled by the emergence of gasquakes, and the monument built in his honor symbolizes the negative impact gas extraction has had on the region. The monument is named ‘The Other Monument’ thereby signifying its counter-symbolic force to the celebratory monument that was established in 2009 to honor the discovery of the Slochteren gas field 50 years before (DvhN, 2019). The monument represents a cracked brick that lights up at night, drawing attention to the damage gasquakes have regionally induced. The van der Sluis foundation has collected half the funding required to build the monument, whereas the NAM, the Gasunie and Gasterra fund the other half (DvhN, 2019). Van der Sluis has unfortunately not been able to witness this honor since he has passed away in 2000.
Figure 10. The Celebratory Gas monument. Figure 11. The counter-symbolic ‘Other Monument’. (Westerdiep, 2016) (Menterwolde Info, 2019)
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In 1990… Hans Roest – technical expert from the Technical University of Delft – analyzes the relation between gas extraction and earthquakes in the Northern provinces of the Netherlands. His research confirms that regional earthquakes are induced by gas extraction efforts, and his estimates reveal that regional gasquakes may reach a magnitude of 2.7 on the Richter scale (Andere Tijden, 2015). In response to these findings, TU Delft Professor Jacob Fokkema visits the NAM to discuss options for further research (Wassink, 2019). Nevertheless, the NAM refuses requests to provide funding, thereby obstructing attempts to shed light on the geological effects of gas extraction (Wassink, 2019). Since then, the amount of TU Delft research publications concerning gasquakes decreased, reaching an absolute silence from 2005 to 2015 (Wassink, 2019).
In 1993… Hans Roest, Peter van der Gaag, and four other geologists establish the ‘Platform of Independent Geologists’ to weaken the influence of multinationals on geological research conducted in Groningen (Alma, 1993). According to the founders, the Governmental Geological Services (GGS) monopolized geological research in the region (Alma, 1993). This was considered problematic as the GGS retrieved its information from gas and oil companies such as the NAM, which had a financial interest to ensure gas extraction was sustained (Alma, 1993). Through the development of independent research, contra-expertise, and the collection of international data sources, the platform represented a critical voice that would safeguard scientific objectivity free from the influence of multinationals (Alma, 1993). The same year, the national government conducted its own research and – based on the findings – formally acknowledged the causal relation between earthquakes and gas extraction efforts in the Northern provinces. The governmental report concluded that gasquakes could reach a magnitude of 3.3 but stated that this risk was negligible (Zembla, 2014).
In 1995… The NAM develops its first damage claim procedure under pressure of local politicians. Even though the NAM acknowledges and compensates numerous damage claims, the NAM solely does so in secrecy and avoids having to formally acknowledge the causal relation between earthquakes and gas extraction efforts. The local population is informed about the procedure through a folder in which the NAM states that ‘earthquakes may possibly be caused by gas extraction in the region.’ As such, the NAM’s position concerning the relation between earthquakes and gas extraction efforts remains ambiguous as the organization continues to cast doubt whether this relation exists. (Zembla, 2014).
In 2003… The government establishes a new mining law. The former mining law established by Napoleon imposed the burden of proof upon the responsible party, thus obligating companies to cover reported damage claims unless the company could demonstrate these claims were not mining induced. Even though the involved legal advisor Jan Dunné urged the government to maintain this principle, the burden of proof was reversed and imposed upon the claimants instead (Zembla, 2014). This has complicated the challenge for local citizens to be rightfully
39 compensated for gasquake-induced damages, as citizens must rule out any alternative explanation the NAM may suggest to evade responsibility. The amount of gasquakes striking the region drastically increases in the midst of these developments as the region experiences nearly seven times as many gasquakes in comparison to 2002 (NAM, 2019). This upsurge marked the beginning of a general increase leading up to a peak amount of 124 gasquakes in 2017. The trend is visualized in figure 12 represented below.
Figure 12. Yearly amount of gasquakes in Groningen. (NAM, n.d.)
In 2009… The ‘Groninger Bodem Beweging’ [GBB, Groninger Soil Movement] is established. The grassroots organization was established by a group of local citizens who were concerned about the increasing amount and intensity of gasquakes. The organization aims “to defend the interests of people who either directly or indirectly suffer from damage induced by gas extraction efforts in Groningen (GBB, 2009).” With about 4000 members, the GBB is the biggest grassroots organization concerned with gasquakes today. The GBB aims to achieve fair compensation for all local citizens through legal procedures, political engagement, the organization of protests, and through the generation of media attention (GBB, 2019). The organization develops its own newspaper in which it informs local citizens about new developments and procedures. The GBB also represents local citizens in formal political arenas such as the ‘Maatschappelijke Stuurgroep’ [Societal Steering Board]. As such, the GBB fulfills an important role in defending the interests of the local citizens of northeastern Groningen.
In 2012… A gasquake with a magnitude of 3.6 strikes Huizinge (Zembla, 2014). This is the most severe gasquake that has struck the region to this day generating a drastic increase in national media attention (rtvnoord, 2016). The Huizinge gasquake brought about a turning point for locally
40 affected citizens, as questions concerning the legitimacy and management of gas extraction efforts became topics of national interest, scrutinizing politicians and authorities involved and every decision they made ever since. Investigations were launched to analyze whether the state had been negligent and authorities were no longer able to ignore and downplay regional issues without facing a public backlash. Minister Kamp of EZK, for example, received a backlash when he increased yearly gas extraction levels to a record amount of 54 billion m³ in 2013 even though the ‘Staatstoezicht op de Mijnen´ [SODM, National Mines Inspectorate] revealed that gas extraction should be reduced to an amount of 12 billion m³ to protect the safety of local citizens. It is not only the Huizinge gasquake but the perceived mismanagement and the initial neglect of the issues that has infuriated local citizens giving way to the resistance struggle local citizens still find themselves in today. As such, the Huizinge gasquake is considered the turning point that plunged the local population into the present reality that brought to the fore the tension between the interests of local citizens and the financial interests of the authorities represented within the Gasgebouw. How the local population has dealt with these tensions and how the affected communities have attempted to protect the interests of local citizens in the face of emerging gasquakes will be discussed in the following chapter.
Conclusion This timeline represents how knowledge has both been used to ignite and obstruct the development of resistance against the extractive industries. The NAM used its authority to obstruct the development of local resistance as the company hid relevant research and refused to provide funding for research that analyzed the causal relation between gas extraction efforts and the emergence of gasquakes. Furthermore, the NAM structurally denied the claims of scientists who revealed regional gas extraction efforts could cause soil subsidence and could lead to the emergence of gasquakes. These scientists thus used knowledge to draw attention to the potential negative consequences of regional gas extraction efforts, forming an important foundation for the development of the regional resistance struggle years later. Even though voices of dissent were present since the very beginning of regional gas extraction efforts, the local resistance struggle drastically grew once the gasquake-induced issues became visible to the local population and the gasquake-induced issues became part of people’s lives. The Huizinge gasquake marked a turning point, as it brought the gasquake-induced issues to the fore and opened up the arena of contestation through which local citizens have aimed to reclaim a voice in the management of gas extraction efforts and the issues induced. As such, the following chapters will analyze how local citizens have responded to these gasquake- induced issues since the Huizinge gasquake in 2012.
3.4 Problem description: regional issues from the perspective of local citizens As clarified in chapter 1, northeastern Groningen has an agricultural character that suffers from population decline and has an average per capita income that is below the national average (Informatie Gemeente Loppersum, 2019). Some of the contextual issues the region has faced have been exacerbated by the emergence of gasquakes, igniting problems within different realms of society that one would not immediately think of. The following sub- sections will build on the personal experiences of numerous research participants to shed
41 lights on the different ways in which regional gasquakes have affected their lives. As such, this sub-section aims to provide an overview of the varying ways in which the region and its communities are affected by the emergence of gasquakes.
Population decline Mary lives in a small village in the midst of the gasquake region. Her house is located on the corner of a small side street, providing her with the perfect view over the agricultural lands. Even though Mary could imagine that others may want to leave the region due to the gasquakes, Mary herself would not dare think of it. She explains she is too attached to the community and landscape as she asks herself why she would want to leave a place this beautiful. Mary has, however, noticed how the gasquakes have affected her local community. The amount of vacant houses in her village has drastically increased as no one is willing to invest in a home in the gasquake region. This has exacerbated local population decline, as the amount of children that go to the local school or the local music or drama association continues to decrease. Mary explains how this has led to the fact that no one is willing to invest in the community center any longer as the community is simply becoming too small to sustain and fund all local services. According to Mary, this threatens the development of the local community and affects the living satisfaction of local citizens ‘as it is simply not pleasant to live next to a vacant home.’
The story of Mary demonstrates how the emergence of gasquakes may exacerbate regional population decline. The mechanization of the agricultural sector brought about one of the first regional waves of population decline as the large share of land workers were no longer required and had to look for jobs elsewhere (Andere Tijden, 2011). Population decline, however, still plagues the region to this day as the population in Loppersum has decreased by 12 percent since 1995 (Informatie Gemeente Loppersum, 2019). This population decline has numerous reasons, one of which can still be linked to the developments within the agricultural sector. The upscaling of large agricultural businesses has led to a reduction of businesses, as small-scale businesses can no longer compete or fail to find a suitable successor to keep the business afloat (WUR, 2017). Children feel less inclined to take over family businesses, which generally provides less financial security than they used to, and the amount of economic opportunities is limited in a region that is so sparsely populated and characterized by an average per capita income that is below average. These developments have generated the outflow of youth to the city of Groningen or other places in the Netherlands. In Loppersum, the share of young adults in their 20s makes up 9.16% which is relatively low in comparison to the national average of 12.54% (CBS, 2015). The emergence of gasquakes has exacerbated this process as the purchase of houses in the region is no longer considered a safe, life-long investment. Whereas the national housing market had reached sales that exceeded pre-recession levels in 2017, Loppersum was one of the 10 municipalities where housing transactions had not yet been restored (Stadszaken, 2018). The share of vacant houses is relatively high as well – 5% in Loppersum versus a national average of 2% - and the recovery of housing prices lag far behind relative to the national average (CBS, 2018, June 29) (CBS, 2018, March 13).
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Trapped in one’s own home and developmental standstill Olivia and Oscar had big plans for the future. They decided to sell their spacious, monumental home in Loppersum to move to the western parts of the Netherlands to live in closer proximity to their children. As such, they put their house on the market 7 years ago and were negotiating its sale with potential buyers in 2012. These potential buyers, however, retracted their offer after the 16th of August, 2012, when the Huizinge gasquake struck the region and the national media drew attention to the regional gasquake induced issues. Olivia and Oscar have not been visited by any other potential buyer ever since. Instead, they have continuously been engaged with the damage and consolidation procedures to maintain the safety and condition of their home. The couple has also been involved with numerous court cases to bring about procedural adjustments, and has applied for the buy-out arrangement established by the NCG. This buy-out arrangement allows homeowners to sell their house to the NAM for 95 percent of its market value. The participants were, however, chosen by random draw and Olivia and Oscar were not selected. Olivia and Oscar explain how the random draw made them feel guilty to participate, as their inclusion would exclude someone else’s opportunity to move out of the region. The pre-determined amount of participants also made them feel like it was the amount of money the NAM was willing to set aside rather than the severity of the situation of local citizens that was the decisive factor of their fate. Olivia and Oscar, however, are most frustrated about the time they have lost due to the way the gasquake-induced issues have affected their lives. Oscar emphasizes this as he states: “We had a plan, and our life plan is not turning out the way it’s supposed to go. We are lagging behind six years now and we will never be able to get back the time we lost.”
The narrative of Olivia and Oscar demonstrates how the emergence of gasquakes may affect one’s future plans as one may no longer be able to sell one’s home to move elsewhere. The emergence of gasquakes have damaged the housing market, as housing prices lag behind and the average selling time greatly exceeds the selling time of homes in comparable areas outside of the gasquake region (CBS, 2018, March 13). As such, people may be enforced to stay anyhow either because they cannot sell the house, or because the value has decreased so severely that it may be financially impossible to buy a house elsewhere. Finding a buyer is even more challenging when one’s house is severely damaged, generating situations in which people are entrapped in their own homes. Furthermore, the damage and consolidation procedures challenge the ability to maintain one’s home as well. For people to get the gasquake-induced damage rightfully covered and repaired, the damage needs to remain visible for the appraiser. Nevertheless, the backlogs and multitude of organizations involved have ignited a situation in which the evaluation and restoration process may take years. As such, citizens may feel obligated not to paint the walls, to rebuild the house, or to lay new floors as this will impede the damage and consolidation procedures one must adhere to in order to get everything covered. Additionally, citizens may not be willing to invest in their homes as long as gasquakes continue to strike the region which could render worthless the investments made. Not only does this affect the housing market and the ability to maintain one’s home, but it also affects regional entrepreneurs that, for example, rely on the purchase of home decorations and furnishings.
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Loss of sense of security Nicole is an older woman who lives in a small workers cottage that is located at the main street of Roodeschool. The house is rather cozy, as Nicole has filled up her place with lots of sculptures and antiques. Nicole explains how numerous gasquakes have woken her up over the years, making her feel unsafe in her own home. She describes how she could see that the wooden beams of the home’s construction were losing each other’s support when she would walk upstairs, terrifying her that the house may collapse. As such, Nicole decided to relocate her bedroom to the ground floor. Nicole rightfully did so, as damage evaluations pointed out her home had to be consolidated. Buttresses had been placed outside and inside her home and large beams were located across the floor of her living room greatly hindering Nicole’s ability to move around the house. The continuous presence of construction workers inside and around her house stressed out Nicole as well. Nicole explains that numerous things had gone wrong during the consolidation procedure, but she is uncomfortable talking about this because it brings back painful memories she would rather not relive. As such, Nicole only informs me about her state of mind, explaining that she felt she lacked the energy to pull through and often fantasized about moving to an apartment in the city like one of her friends had done. However, she was simply too attached to her home where she had spent more than thirty years of her life. When asked if all the consolidation proceedings were finished now, Nicole clarifies that she had received a sum of money from the CVW that has yet to be used to replace her chimney. However, the sum of money does not cover the entire proceeding and Nicole does not have the financial capacity to use her own money to get the chimney fixed. As such, despite the risks it may pose, Nicole has chosen not to replace the chimney, stating that it is fine the way it is.
Nicole’s story demonstrates how the emergence of gasquakes may affect one’s sense of security, even in one’s own home. As Nicole saw the construction of her home deteriorate and experienced numerous gasquakes herself, she no longer felt comfortable sleeping upstairs having to make adjustments to her home that she would not have made otherwise. The years of construction, the buttresses inside her home and the presence of construction workers had seriously affected Nicole’s quality of life, marking a dark period in her life she would rather not relive. She has explained how at times her home no longer felt like her home as she fantasized about moving despite the fact she loves and is deeply attached to her own place. Nicole’s decision not to adjust the chimney appeared to come from a place of resignation, as she no longer had the energy to request additional funding and did not want to go through another consolidation procedure yet again. The loss of sense of security experienced by Nicole is not uncommon as many research participants had expressed their fear for another gasquake. One research participant explained that the whole family sleeps in pajamas to ensure the family could leave the house as quickly as possible in the face of a gasquake. Yet others have explained how their home no longer feels like their home, as they have come to associate it with the misery the gasquakes and the accompanying damage and consolidation procedures imposed upon their lives. People are thus not only concerned about their safety, but are also afraid of the prospect that another gasquake may enforce them to go through the damage and consolidation procedure yet again. This would require local citizens to invest their time and resources into their homes for another couple of years. As such, a place once
44 associated with peace and quiet may now have become a symbol for the damage imposed upon the region due to the emergence of gasquakes.
Loss of cultural heritage Once we have finished the interview, Mary (page 41) offers me a ride back to the train station. Mary has noticed that the regional flag has become significantly more present, and tells me she has sung the regional anthem more than ever before due to the amount of activist activities organized in the region. Mary has a story to tell for each house that we pass. She exactly knows which homes have been bought by the NAM; which homes will be demolished; and which homes are about to be consolidated or rebuilt providing a thorough overview of the way the region is affected through the eyes of someone that is familiar with the area. She slowly surpasses one house which is about to be demolished, informing me she would really like to buy it if she would have the money. Mary’s visible concern for the loss of regional cultural heritage has motivated her to take action as she orchestrated a small protest against the demolition of a large, beautiful home in her village. The protest developed rather spontaneously as Mary’s tweet about her grief and disbelief eventually ignited the local protest. The protestors were successful to put to halt the building’s demolition that day. Nevertheless, much to Mary’s frustration, the building was demolished soon after the protest anyway. That is, because the building was not considered to be a monumental or regionally defining feature and thus did not possess protected status (DvhN, 2018).
The abovementioned story about Mary’s experience demonstrates how the gasquakes do not only affect one’s home and financial situation, but the regional landscape and the way someone relates to this landscape as well. Northeastern Groningen is a region that has a fruitful history that can still be witnessed by the presence of a multitude of large, old churches from the 11th, 12th, and 13th century; the presence of many monumental buildings and herenboerderijen; and the historical center of Appingedam, a small city that finds its origin in the Middle Ages. Many of the monumental buildings and churches are built on so-called ‘wierden’; parts of elevated land meant to protect the homes and churches from the surrounding waters before communities started using dykes in the 1200s. Nowadays, however, it is not the surrounding waters but the emergence of gasquakes that has led to the decay of this regional heritage. Throughout the region, numerous historical churches and more than a hundred monumental buildings have been demolished despite their historical value (DvhN, 2017, August 17). The decay and loss of cultural heritage has upset many local citizens and has generated numerous protests to safeguard the monumental buildings in place. A regional database containing all demolished monumental buildings has been developed by the newspaper ‘Dagblad van het Noorden’ as well (DvhN, 2017, August 17). Furthermore, Libau – the regional authority concerned with the maintenance of cultural heritage - and numerous municipalities have taken measures to protect local cultural heritage, going from door to door to develop an overview of the monumental and historically iconic buildings to ensure they are granted protected status. This protected status ensures that these buildings must be maintained in their original state and material even in the face of regionally emerging gasquakes.
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Entrepreneurial risk and financial consequences Emily and her husband own the building that is home to one of the most well-known cafés of Loppersum. The building is evaluated in 2016 to determine whether the building is safe in the face of emerging gasquakes. Emily and Chris receive a report about these evaluations in July 2018, which reveals that 90 percent of the roof´s construction is considered weak. From the moment Emily and Chris receive the report, they are held responsible for any injuries guests may suffer in the face of another gasquake. As such, they are forced to make a decision: either shut down their business until the entire construction is fixed, or keep the business open for guests and take the risk that a gasquake may strike during opening hours. Emily and Chris decide to shut down the business and put fences around the building the next morning. This leads to a conflict with the manager of the café, who pays rent to Emily and Chris to run his business in their building. The employees temporarily lose their jobs, and both the manager and Emily and Chris lose their income. Furthermore, the café loses its permanent customer base that is enforced to go elsewhere, providing the perfect opportunity for potential competition to open up a business and take over their clientele. Emily is concerned about the long-term impact their shutdown may have and thinks it will be rather challenging to get compensated for indirect costs that may generate a long-term loss of income after the shutdown as well. Emily considers herself lucky because they have already paid off the mortgage for the place and are able to bear the financial consequences. However, she believes the losses should be fully covered by the authorities, stating, “This is something that is done to you and that is completely out of your control…this by far transcends the regular business risks every entrepreneur faces and it should not be dismissed as such.”
The experience of Emily and Chris represents how the emergence of gasquakes can have indirect effects for regional business owners that may have to shut down their businesses, may have additional expenses, or may suffer from a long-term loss of income. To get coverage for and to determine the actual value of these damages is usually much more complex as the authorities such as the NAM, the CVW, and the TCMG claim to only cover direct, physical damage ignited by the consequences of gas extraction. Who to approach and who will be held responsible often remains unclear, plunging local entrepreneurs in situations where they may lose their income and may face additional costs without knowing how to fix the situation. Even though one may appeal to court for compensation, the actual value of this loss may be disputed by the responsible party which may look for alternative explanations or which may suggest the business was not doing well anyhow. This makes the struggle for entrepreneurs to be rightfully compensated for their losses even more challenging than usual. These issues play its parts within the agricultural sector as well. Pastoral farmers have underground manure cellars that are exceptionally vulnerable to seismic activity and very costly to repair. Pastoral farmers also have stables that need to be maintained to protect the safety of one’s cattle, requiring farmers to make costly investments and temporarily relocate their cattle to get the stables fixed (FTM, 2018). Agricultural producers may also experience a loss in production due to regional soil subsidence and the associated changes in ground water levels when these levels are not appropriately adjusted. These costs, however, are not directly caused by the gasquakes, but are indirect effects of seismic activity, regional soil subsidence, and the failure to properly adjust water ground levels in accordance to ground subsidence levels. Who can be
46 held responsible and who to approach in these situations is therefore rather complex and remains unclear while local entrepreneurs continue to bear the consequences.
Recreancy: alienation and lack of trust in national politics Jacob had bought a new gym in 2012, right before the gasquakes had generated national media attention. As such, Jacob was not concerned about the damage gasquakes could induce when the purchase was made. Nevertheless, as Jacob started renovating the building, he soon discovered the building was severely damaged. The business suffered from gasquake-induced water damage as cracks had formed that allowed water to trickle into the storage room. Jacob explains that this room was filled with cans full of paint, turpentine, paint thinner and other chemicals that ran into the main gym area and that had penetrated the parquet floor. Jacob also found out the foundation of the building was damaged and damage evaluations had revealed that the wall behind the squashing room had split into two as well. This put Jacob in a rather complex situation, as he had to deal with the renovation of his gym, the damage evaluations, and construction work required to fix the damage all the while running a business. The renovations and the stench caused by the parquet floor led to the outflow of clients as the costs for renovations continued to increase. Jacob states that the NAM had tried to buy him off with numerous financial settlements since then. According to Jacob, these financial settlements did not resemble the actual value of the damage to his property, nor did they include compensation to renovate the building’s foundation. Jacob is furious about the way he has been treated by the NAM and the CVW, which he claims have deliberately misinformed him and had made multiple false promises that would have disappeared whenever Jacob would receive an agreement on paper. However, Jacob thinks the issues are not just about Groningen, but are of political concern and are much more deeply rooted within our society than one is currently aware of. Jacob is concerned about the power of multinationals and the political system as he openly fantasizes about the idea that international environmental organizations should come together to block our borders and to depose our current government. As Jacob expresses his views he directly looks at me as he states: “I mean, this is your government too! When are we going to wake up?!”
The story of Jacob demonstrates how the situation in Groningen has eroded trust in national politics among local citizens. As the gasquakes have exposed the tension between the interests of local citizens and the financial interests of the authorities, local citizens find out they can no longer rely on the protection of the state to assist them in their hardships. Some of the research participants have chosen to fully disengage themselves from anything political as they are enraged about the situation and do no longer believe politicians have their best interest at heart. Most participants attribute their frustration and anger to the perceived distributive and procedural justice experienced. These participants point out that the state and the NAM have enjoyed tremendous gas revenues for decades and are now unwilling to deal with the consequences. They point out the technocratic, time-consuming and ineffective nature of the damage protocols in place, which they claim to be designed to discourage local citizens to claim compensation and which are supposed to minimize the compensation payments made. As such, the emergence of gasquakes and the mismanagement of the associated consequences have led to the alienation of affected communities that feel no longer
47 represented by the politicians in ‘the west’. One of the research participants perfectly phrased the local sentiment when he stated that Groningen had provided the country with warmth for decades, and now that it is time for the government to reciprocate this warmth the politicians are nowhere to be found.
Bureaucratic entanglement Oliver and Vanessa are tulip farmers. Their business had always performed well, but since the harvest of 2013 Olivia and Vanessa have experienced a structural decline in production. Oliver and Vanessa wondered what the cause could be, as their proceedings and inputs had remained the same in comparison to other years. It took years before Oliver and Vanessa understood it were the ground water levels that had been fluctuating. According to the geologist Peter van der Gaag, regional seismic activity may pressure ground water that is located under the regional clay soil to move upwards. This may lead to locally increasing ground water levels that may hinder Oliver’s and Vanessa’s tulip harvest. According to the couple, this was made prevalent during the harvest of 2017, as parts of Oliver’s and Vanessa’s land was visibly covered by an unusual amount of water which destroyed a considerable part of their harvest that year. As such, Oliver and Vanessa decided to claim the harvest losses of 2017 and the preceding years. This process, however, turned out to be rather complex. The TCMG claimed it could only deal with recent damage claims that occurred after March, 2017. However, when Oliver and Vanessa reported their claim to the NAM they were told the NAM no longer takes on any new cases. Furthermore, the established procedures are solely concerned with the evaluation and compensation of direct, physical damage that is caused by the emergence of gasquakes and, therefore, does not deal with indirect issues that are related to regional soil subsidence or fluctuating ground water levels. As such, Oliver and Vanessa had contacted the regionally established Commissie Bodemdaling [Commission Soil Subsidence] and the regional water authorities. Nevertheless, these authorities point to one another as well as they deny responsibility for the structurally disappointing harvests Oliver and Vanessa had experienced the past six years. In the meantime, Oliver and Vanessa have decided to no longer harvest tulips bulbs in the region. This has required the couple to give up their self-sufficiency, as they now rely on the purchase of tulip bulbs to solely focus on the flowering process instead.
The story of Oliver and Vanessa represents the way in which local citizens can get entangled in the bureaucratic web of authorities concerned with the management of gasquake-induced issues. This appears to be especially so in complex damage cases that do not fit the standardized procedures established, providing local citizens with little assistance to deal with their complex situation. Research participants have expressed confusion about the organization that they need to approach and have complained about the multitude of organizations involved that have required local citizens to go through multiple damage evaluations that is each conducted by a different organization. The development of this bureaucratic web is perceived as a technique to deliberately stall the damage and consolidation procedure which have been put to halt to hand over proceedings to a new organization numerous times. The bureaucratic web has also been recognized as a means to deny responsibility as authorities continue to point fingers to one another, discouraging local
48 citizens to report their claims at all. This clearly applies to Oliver and Vanessa, who have claimed their loss in production to numerous authorities involved, yet were continuously directed elsewhere. In the meantime, none of the organizations have been able to assist the couple with their damage claims, nor have they been compensated for the damage induced.
Conclusion This sub-section has revealed how the gasquake-induced issues are experienced and perceived from the perspective of local citizens. The emerging gasquakes have not only induced damage to the property of local citizens, but has affected their livelihoods, future plans, financial situation and sense of security as well. The damage and consolidation procedures have dictated the life of locally affected citizens for years, enforcing them to invest their leisure time and resources in these procedures in order to be fairly compensated. Numerous issues of regional concern have been recognized as well, as cultural heritage is lost and as the regional housing market has suffered from devaluation. The gasquake-induced issues thus gravely affect the personal lives of local citizens to an extent that may seriously affect their quality of life. This subchapter has also revealed the diversity in which local citizens are affected. The fact that the damage procedures are carried out on a household level implies that each household is fighting a slightly different fight. This may be of influence to the way in which collective resistance takes hold, which will be analyzed in chapter 4. The subsequent chapters analyze the way in which communities have responded to the emergence of gasquakes and how this response has been influenced by one’s identity and one’s notion of activism and citizenship.
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Chapter 4 – The enactment of resistance in northeastern Groningen This chapter uses the narratives of research participants to explore the ways in which resistance is enacted in northeastern Groningen. Building upon the framework provided by Hollander and Einwohner, these responses are classified as acts of covert, overt and non- resistance. The overview established is required to analyze how different elements of one’s identity and micropolitical concerns are applied to guide community responses, which will be discussed in chapter 5. The chapter ends with a discussion that explores the lessons that can be drawn from the varying forms of resistance prevalent within the Groninger gasquake context.
4.1 Acts of overt resistance Overt acts of resistance are acts that are both intended and recognized as such by the resistor, the target and potential observers. These acts often require greater organizational capacity, time, and material resources in order to draw attention from the authorities involved. The most obvious form of overt resistance is the enactment of public protests. Public protests require great organizational capacity and material resources to symbolically express discontent and are often used to disrupt daily life to pressure the authorities held responsible. Overt resistance can also be enacted through the generation of media attention, legal action, and the use and development of political channels to enhance local decision-making authority. Even though these strategies rely on the formal legal and political institutions, they are considered overt acts of resistance as they draw attention to the issues at hand, directly target authorities involved, and aim to weaken the influence or reputation of the authorities represented in the Gasgebouw. As such, the following paragraphs will elaborate upon each of these strategies that have been identified in northeastern Groningen.
Developing political gateways, networks and alliances Hannah has been actively engaged in the regional resistance struggle against the management of the NAM, the CVW and the TCMG. Hannah argues that it is unacceptable that the NAM has been given the authority to determine how gasquake-induced damage is evaluated, compensated and repaired. As such, Hannah challenges this authority and has replied to emails of the NAM, the CVW and TCMG referring to ‘protocol Hannah’ to come up with alternative solutions and to indicate she possesses equal juridical status to the authorities involved. Hannah’s discontent has led her to become politically engaged as well. She explains how this has allowed her to develop gateways that provide direct access to national politicians, thereby allowing her to shed light on regional issues that may be addressed on a national level. Hannah also discovered that she knows four people in the local municipal council, providing her with yet another gateway to affect local politics that she had not been aware of before. As Hannah developed political networks to express her concerns, she found out that the municipality of Delfzijl did not have consultation evenings that allow citizens to directly address their politicians. Hannah therefore used her political network to ensure her plea for the introduction of consultation evenings became a topic of discussion within the local council. Hannah’s plea had been successful, as Delfzijl has recently introduced consultation evenings, allowing all citizens to directly express their wishes or concerns to local politicians.
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Hannah’s enhanced political awareness represents how the gasquake-induced issues may motivate or necessitate citizens to get politically engaged, which allows citizens to develop political networks and to reveal potential institutional frictions or blockades one was not previously aware of. These developments allow citizens to become better equipped to use the political system to their advantage, and to bring about political changes that expand the possibilities for local citizens to get their voices heard. At least five other research participants have developed similar political networks, as they have been visited by national politicians or are in regular contact with the national politician and Groninger Sandra Beckerman.
Grassroots organizations such as the GBB and the Groninger Gasberaad have developed political gateways for local citizens to express their concerns as well as they engage with the NCG in the societal steering board. The societal steering board, however, does not provide the grassroots organizations with any formal decision-making authority despite numerous pleas from the GBB to enhance their influence. The regional political opportunity structures thus limit grassroots organizations in their attempt to obtain greater influence in a system dominated by the tightly controlled institutional construction called the Gasgebouw. Grassroots organizations, however, overcome some of these limitations when they build alliances with NGOs or cooperate with political parties to draw attention to local issues or to pressure authorities to alter the management of gasquake-induced issues. This was demonstrated when the GBB cooperated with Friends of the Earth Netherlands to orchestrate the large-scale torchlight protests in 2017 and 2018. The alliance between the grassroots organization and (inter)national NGO allowed both organizations to bridge climate change concerns with the local gasquake-induced issues that affect local citizens, generating national media attention as the protest attracted thousands of participants.
Legal action George, a 77-year old man, lives in a large country house in the middle of the gasquake region. George had reported numerous damage claims as his house had been severely damaged. The initial damage report established by the CVW, however, stipulated that much of the damage was caused by ‘deferred maintenance’ and thus wasn’t gasquake-induced. George disagreed with this evaluation and decided to request a contra-expertise report. The contra-expertise report is part of the formal procedure, which allows locally affected citizens to let their damage be reevaluated by an appraisal company that is not directly affiliated to the NAM or the CVW. However, when this appraiser reevaluated the damage, he walked around the house with a booklet developed by the NAM that stipulated how a contra-expertise evaluation should be conducted. Infuriated by the lack of impartiality of the contra-expertise procedure, George decided to approach an appraisal company that was willing to reevaluate his damage completely independent from the NAM regulations. Whereas the initial damage report established by the CVW estimated the damage to be €48.000, this report concluded that the damage to George’s country house amounted up to €700.000 instead. As George expected, the NAM did not accept this damage report. George has since then been entangled in longstanding legal conflicts with the state, Maatschap Groningen, EBN and the NAM who he has brought to court based on the claim that the ongoing gas extraction efforts go against
51 the European right to live an undisturbed private life. George gets emotional as he speaks about the future of younger generation, which he believes is taken away by the state’s efforts to deny responsibility and to refuse to restore the damage and additional costs properly. This unwillingness was made even more apparent to George during the last court-ordered damage reevaluation of his country house. Even though this process is supposed to be independent, the authorities sent three lawyers to ‘accompany’ the evaluation (see figure 13). However, George is unwilling to give in to ‘this kind of intimidation’ and is planning to continue his legal battles until justice is achieved.
Figure 13. Three NAM/state lawyers accompany George’s court-ordered, independent damage evaluations.
The narrative of George reveals how local citizens can appeal to court to further one’s personal damage procedure and to hold authorities accountable for the damage done to the entire region. Legal victories may create juridical precedents that obligate the NAM to provide similar benefits to citizens in similar situations and can thus be an effective mechanism to alleviate the situation for the local population. However, to appeal to court is a costly process that requires citizens to cover legal fees and other juridical expenses without any guarantee that the judge will rule in their favor. Furthermore, one has to oppose authorities such as the NAM, which have great material resources at their disposal to conduct research in support of their claims and to hire the best legal advisors one can obtain. George has been an agricultural farmer and a horsekeeper for most of his life and had recently sold his land, which means he has considerable material resources at his exposal. As such, George has the time and financial resources to make use of the legal system in a way that is unattainable to the average local citizen. To use the legal system as an act of resistance is therefore considered a privilege only available to those who possess the resources, time and resilience
52 required to oppose authorities such as the NAM. Collective court cases, however, overcome some of these financial complications. The organization ‘Waardevermindering door Aardbevingen Groningen’ [WAG, Devaluation due to earthquakes Groningen] represents thousands of local citizens and has successfully obligated the NAM to compensate regional homeowners for the devaluation of their property. The GBB has successfully appealed to court to request a criminal investigation against the NAM as well. To use the legal system collectively thus is more attainable and efficient than to appeal to court individually. However, this collective approach is not always effective as it often results in a standardized outcome to cope with regional issues. These standardized outcomes do not consider individual differences despite the fact that the severity of the gasquake-induced damages greatly varies across households. The regulation established after the WAG’s legal victory, for example, uses regionally bound standardized percentages that determine one’s amount of property loss based on the location of one’s home. This arrangement, therefore, enables a situation in which someone with one crack in the wall may receive the same level of compensation for loss in property value as someone whose house has become uninhabitable.
Use of media Harry and Ava have been residing in a temporary senior home for years as the restorations to their country house ensue. Their home is directly attached to a large barn which clash into each other in the face of a gasquake. This has seriously weakened the construction of their home and barn as the roof started losing its support from the walls that were moving outwards. Despite their unfortunate living situation, the couple is relatively far ahead in their consolidation procedure. The couple is involved in the regional NCG-pilot called ‘Eigen Initiatief’ [own initiative], which allows selected residents to be involved in the execution of their own consolidation procedure. This procedure has allowed Harry and Ava to start with the consolidation procedure independently from the local pilot initiative that has been initiated in their village. This local pilot has been postponed numerous times and has generated conflict as some local residents wish to rebuild their home, much to the dismay of their neighbors who state this will affect the visual amenity of the place. Harry and Ava argue that it is of crucial importance to remain informed and to openly discuss developments within each other’s damage and consolidation procedures to strengthen each other’s case. Harry and Ava make sure to visit every lecture, local information meeting and protest to ensure they remain informed about newly introduced pilots or procedures that may assist them in their damage and consolidation procedure. Whenever conflict would erupt between the couple and the NAM or CVW, Harry and Ava made sure to approach the media to publicly pressure the institutions to cover the costs the couple has made to maintain their home. This has enabled the couple to receive coverage for the placement of their wooden struts and an intercom system that they required as the wooden beams made it impossible for visitors to reach their door. Harry and Ava are also one of the few residents who have been able to get coverage for a steel construction that sustains their barn. The couple has thus far been in contact with regional, national as well as Belgian, German, French and British media to get their story heard. The couple has also organized a workshop called ‘recognizing gasquake-induced cracks for beginners’ and have assisted numerous local citizens in their damage and consolidation procedure and their communication with the NAM or CVW.
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Harry and Ava’s story demonstrates how local citizens can use the media to frame regional occurrences from their perspective in order to pressure the authorities and to regain control over their personal damage and consolidation procedure. Harry and Ava’s attempts to remain informed, to be open, and to contact the media have allowed the couple to receive coverage for the wooden struts and an intercom system that the NAM had been unwilling to pay for before the media got involved. Numerous other research participants have approached the media as well, as they have written blogs for national newspapers or expressed their experiences in talk shows or informative television programs such as ‘Kanniewaarzijn’. The GBB has even developed its own newspaper to inform citizens about current events and newly established procedures that could assist local citizens in their damage or consolidation procedures. Overt protests are often organized for similar reasons, as they draw national media attention to regional issues and the mismanagement of the institutions involved. The torchlight protests, as well as the road blockades and hunger strike organized by Ons Laand Ons Lu drew national media attention and reignited national interest in the regional state of affairs. As such, the media has been a powerful source for citizens to actively resist and draw attention to the mismanagement of institutions such as the NAM or the CVW. Harry and Ava have demonstrated how this media attention can pressure institutions to change their behavior in the face of a public backlash.
Protest Alexander and Henry criticize the state and the royal family for their involvement in regional gas extraction efforts as they drink their morning coffee. Both Ons Laand Ons Lu members show me a regional map that depicts the numerous salt- and gas extraction locations in Groningen. The map also depicts locations where the state is planning to store CO2 or gas reserves whenever the state will have to substitute national gas revenues with gas imports. To Alexander, the map represents the fact that the province is perceived as an experimental area the state uses for storage and extraction opportunities that may just as well induce seismic activity or that may generate other unknown issues. The fact that the royal family still possesses shares of the company ‘Royal Dutch Shell’ infuriates Alexander as well, as he believes the royal family should rid Shell of its royal status and should distance itself from a company that is involved in regional gas extraction efforts. Alexander has therefore lost his faith in national politicians and their ability or willingness to defend the interests of local citizens affected by regional gasquakes. Instead, Alexander believes that the Groningers need to engage in collective action to revolutionize our national political system. Ons Laand Ons Lu was established by numerous local citizens that met each other during the local hunger strike, turning protest into one of the core features of their organizational identity. As such, the organization has been involved in numerous road blockades and occupations of numerous gas locations. According to Rose – one of the members that joined our discussion – these protests are required to safeguard a future for northeastern Groningen. However, if the Groningers refuse to wake up, Rose believes that the region will slowly depopulate and will solely come to serve as a recreational park for the people from ‘the West’.
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The story of the Ons Laand Ons Lu members demonstrate how the development of recreancy – the decay of trust in national institutions – is one of the key drivers to turn to overt and disruptive protests to enact resistance. Feeling unrepresented by the politicians in ‘the West’, Ons Laand Ons Lu believes it is up to local citizens to engage in collective action and to defend their own interests. Unlike political or legal acts of resistance, protests are meant to be disruptive and do not necessarily intend to work within the boundaries of the formal political and legal systems in place. Instead, protests are often organized in cooperation with NGOs such as Friends of the Earth Netherlands or activist groups such as GroenFront and Code Rood to address broader societal issues that include corporate greed, inequality, injustice, or climate change. These protests have the ability to challenge broadly accepted ideas and can be of great symbolic importance to the region’s cause. Ons Laand Ons Lu perceives protest and civil disobedience to be part of the solution to fight against regional injustice. This is also made apparent by the terminology used among the members, who talk about ‘battles’, ‘revolutions’, or ‘the people’ and thus dichotomize the locally affected citizens with the corporations and political actors held responsible. Ons Laand Ons Lu thus applies narratives that are widely used within other activist communities, and relies on activist methods to enact resistance and to get their message across. Their cooperation with organizations such as Code Rood and GroenFront allows the organization to align regional issues with international issues such as environmental degradation, injustice and climate change. These alignments provide grassroots organizations with the ability to rely on the resources of well-established NGOs and activist organizations thereby expanding the influence and symbolic relevance of the protests organized.
4.2 Acts of covert resistance Covert acts of resistance are acts that are intended yet not recognized as acts of resistance by the target or potential observers. Covert acts of resistance often occur spontaneously as they can be enacted in one’s daily lives through intra-community communication and information sharing efforts that strengthen the position of local citizens in a way that is not noticeable by the authorities. The circumvention of regulations, gossip, or the enactment of playful against the authorities can be considered covert acts of resistance as they do not require great organizational capacity, nor will they be recognized as acts of resistance by authorities such as the NAM. As such, the following paragraphs will discuss how playful acts, micropolitical strategies and information sharing efforts have been applied to enact covert resistance against the authorities represented in the Gasgebouw.
Circumventing Regulations Mary (page 41 & 3.3.4) expressed her frustration about the fact that the newly established regulations exclude barns and other non-residential buildings from safety inspections. Mary has children and wanted to know whether the barn could still be used safely by her and her family. As such, Mary came up with the idea to turn the barn into a ‘man cave’ for one of her sons prior to the planned safety inspections. Mary thus turned her barn into a room for one of her children so that it would be considered a residential area that required safety inspection as well. Mary shared this story with some of her neighbors at a funeral in the village, as they were eager to know how she made sure her barn was inspected. Mary states she gladly shares
55 these stories to help her neighbors out. However, Mary also believes that you should make yourself familiar with the procedures and regulations, dare to speak up, and try to be creative in order to get done as much as realistically possible. Mary’s communication with the NAM and the CVW has been rather negative since the beginning as Mary feels like the evaluators did not respect her privacy during the damage evaluations and safety inspections. Mary has also requested her personal report that contains all the personal data and internal correspondence the NAM and CVW have gathered about her, as she felt like numerous employees had been instructed about prior conflicts and her supposedly ‘difficult’ attitude.
Mary’s story represents how local citizens can share and take on certain strategies to circumvent regulations and to ensure the damage and safety inspections are conducted in ways that most closely resemble their personal wishes. This provides local citizens with the ability to oppose the authority of the NAM and the CVW, and to reclaim some sense of control over the damage evaluations. This is done in a partially covert way, as citizens share these stories with one another yet hide these efforts from the authorities involved. These strategies are usually adopted in cases characterized by negative experiences with the authorities involved, which may suggest that the lack of experienced mutual respect may provide local citizens with a sense of moral justification to circumvent the regulations, to maximize personal gains, and to regain a sense of control over the regulations established. These kinds of covert acts of resistance have been widely adopted by many research participants, as they hold the NAM, the CVW and the state accountable for the damage done to their property and the mismanagement of their damage claims. One research participant, for example, called a hotel owner requesting her to raise prices for her rooms as he would soon have to leave his house and temporarily reside in a hotel paid for by the NAM. The experienced distrust and injustice has thus led to the development of recreancy, allowing local citizens to share these strategies more freely with one another as they feel like the authorities do not treat them with respect. This has been an effective tool to enhance each other’s damage and consolidation procedure and to circumvent regulations established by the authorities.
Playful Acts William and Zoe have recently bought a new home on a large piece of land. Zoe explains they did so because the construction of their old home was considered unsafe. The couple wanted to apply for the buyout arrangement by the NCG, but to be applicable the couple had to put up their house for sale for at least a year. Zoe and William however felt it was useless and immoral to sell a house that may have to be rebuild in the near future, which is why they currently still possess both homes and have double housing expenditures. The couple expresses their frustration in regards to the NAM and the CVW, as they have doubts about the expertise of the evaluators and have been frustrated by the long waiting periods in between contact moments. Zoe’s frustration erupted when she screamed at one of the CVW employees over the phone. Since then, the couple has tried to take on a different approach in an attempt to no longer allow the gasquake-induced damage to dictate their lives. Instead, the couple tries to create fun within their situation as they regularly meet with another couple to engage in small-scale, playful protests. The couple explained that they had recently bought iron bars and fireworks, and drove to the gates of one of the gas locations to make and post photos that
56 made it seem like they were welding through the iron bars of the gates. The police arrived at the location soon after, finding William and Zoe with nothing more than sparklers and iron bars. William and Zoe explain that they had a great laugh together, and that this new approach has provided them with the ability to distance themselves from the seriousness of their damage and consolidation procedures. According to the couple, this has lightened their mood and allowed themselves to create joyful moments in a rather pressing situation.
The story of William and Zoe represents how locally affected citizens may use humor and playful acts to enact resistance in order to distance themselves from the seriousness of regional gasquake-induced issues. In the case of William and Zoe, this distance allows the couple to regain control over their own well-being and emotions as they discovered a new outlet for their frustration and discontent. These acts are not conducted with a clear objective in mind, but are instead orchestrated to either make a statement or as an outlet for one’s frustration. Hannah (page 41 and 44) has been involved in similar playful acts, as she refers to ‘protocol Hannah’ in her communication with the NAM, the CVW and the TCMG. Hannah has also sent the NAM a bill for the purchase of a canoe to prepare herself for a situation in which a gasquake may break through the dikes. During the interview, Hannah clarified she purposely frames her acts as something fun or ‘a hobby’ to provide herself with the motivation to continue her struggle and to distance herself from the actual severity of the regional situation. Hannah refers to her acts as ‘teasing’, and frames it as such to take the focus off the fact that she has lost a lot of time, energy and living satisfaction due to the gasquake-induced damage to her home and the region at large. She supports her claim with an example as she states, “the time I have lost during this interview could have been spent with my family in my yard as well.” The use of playful, symbolic acts thus provide an outlet for local citizens to covertly express their frustrations and to oppose or ‘tease’ the authorities involved. These acts serve to temporarily reduce the stress of local citizens, who aim to take the attention off the seriousness of the gasquake-induced issues.
Obtaining and sharing information Robert moved out of his house five years ago as the damage evaluations conducted revealed his house had become unsafe. Cracks started to emerge throughout Robert’s house and the back wall was losing its foundation thereby weakening the home’s construction. Nevertheless, according to the CVW the damage was not gasquake induced but caused by the soft soil his home was located on. Declining water ground levels had led to soil subsidence weakening the foundation of Robert’s home, and damage induced by extreme cold and heat had supposedly further weakened the home’s condition. The NAM also suggested that a part of the house had been added to the additional construction later in time, which could have weakened the initial construction as well. However, Robert did not accept these alternative explanations and decided to conduct research of his own. Robert first asked for the damage reports of his neighbors, who nearly all possessed reports that recognized their damage as gasquake- induced. Robert also dug deeper into the history of his home to find out no renovations had taken place since the home had been built in the 19th century. Furthermore, Robert revealed that the NAM had used data from the wrong ground water measuring station to support their claim that ground water levels had led to soil subsidence. Although the data were gathered
57 from the nearest measuring station, this station is located in a different lock area where water ground levels have been managed differently over time. As such, Robert was able to refute many of the alternative explanations the NAM had proposed and successfully pled his case in front of a judge who held the NAM accountable for the damage and the restoration costs. Robert saw this as a major victory, as his house is located in the outer regions of the gasquake region where the consequences of gasquakes were often downplayed and not sufficiently recognized. Robert therefore started the organization ‘Waakzaam Woldendorp’ [Cautious Woldendorp] with a couple of fellow residents, which was developed to enhance awareness and inform people about the local gasquake-induced damages. Information meetings were held, and the members went door-to-door to map the gasquake-induced damage claims in the village. The organization also cooperated with TU Delft to conduct research that clarified that gasquakes did induce damage in the outer regions as well. Waakzaam Woldendorp has recently been dismantled as the organization has achieved its goal to get gasquake-induced damage in the outer regions recognized. According to Robert, openness is of great importance to get ahead on an individual and regional level because “if you do it together, you can only learn from one another.”
Robert’s story represents how citizens gather and distribute knowledge to develop counter narratives in opposition to the narratives developed by public institutions or authorities represented in the Gasgebouw. Prior to the establishment of Waakzaam Woldendorp, damage evaluations outside of the gasquake region were barely recognized. However, Waakzaam Woldendorp gathered information and conducted research to prove the gasquakes induce damage outside of the gasquake region as well, obligating the authorities to take these damage claims seriously. The information Robert had gathered about the history of his home, local ground water levels, and the damage reports of his neighbors proved to be valuable to his damage procedure as well as a the judge ruled in his favor and held the NAM accountable for the costs required to rebuild his house. The gathering and distribution of information is thus a covert technique of resistance used by citizens to develop counter-narratives and to strengthen the damage evaluations of oneself and each other. The GBB takes on the main role as information distributor on a collective level, as the organization has the greatest amount of members and develops four newspapers per year. These newspapers contain personal stories and tips that inform people about new regulations and potential possibilities and constraints people may come across in their damage or consolidation procedure.
4.3 Non-resistance Non-resistance refers to situations in which local citizens do not enact resistance, nor are these responses perceived as such. Non-resistance may be enacted due to micropolitical concerns, as citizens may think that the enactment of resistance may be counter-effective to attain proper compensation for the gasquake-induced damages. Non-resistance may also emerge from a sense of hopelessness, as citizens feel like any form of resistance will not make a difference for their personal or the regional situation. The following sub-sections will analyze cases of non-resistance in northeastern Groningen, and will shed light on the reasons behind non-resistance.
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Procedural discouragement Thomas is the owner of multiple houses in northeastern Groningen. Thomas also runs a business and greatly suffers from the stress he experiences due to the damage claims he has to take care of. The settlement of these damage claims have been rather time consuming as it takes long before the CVW gets back with results after damage evaluations. The CVW has also provided Thomas with numerous financial settlements that do not represent the value of the actual damage and has proposed numerous consolidation techniques that are not considered durable. As Thomas’ office is at his house, he is tempted to continue working in the evening hours further exacerbating his stress. Thomas has therefore made the decision to see a psychologist on a regular basis, who has advised him to put down all his work after 6 p.m. However, Thomas explains this has not helped him to reduce his stress at all. That is, because once he sits down with his wife she will ask questions about the damage and consolidation procedures which she wishes to see resolved as soon as possible. As such, Thomas has recently accepted one of the financial settlements proposed by the NAM. Even though Thomas did not consider this settlement to be fair, he chose to accept it anyways because he could not handle yet another time-consuming, frustrating struggle required to obtain fair compensation.
The abovementioned story about Thomas represents how the time-consuming and complex procedures may discourage local citizens to continue their struggle to obtain fair compensation. The fact that Thomas has five homes and runs a business at the same time made it impossible to be on top of all these procedures at once, requiring Thomas to choose his battles and accept financial settlements for damage claims he considered to be unjust. The negative experiences Thomas has had with the authorities and the damage and consolidation procedures in place pressured Thomas not to oppose the NAM’s minimal offer in order to protect his own well-being. The experience of Nicole (page 43) is similar to the situation of Thomas, as she accepted an insufficient sum of money from the CVW for her to be able to replace her chimney. The fact that Nicole is an older woman who has had wooden beams and workers in and around her house for years made Nicole unwilling to go through a similar situation once again as she wished to forget about her unpleasant experience and lacked the energy to get in contact with the CVW once again. Both Thomas and Nicole thus felt discouraged to oppose the settlements proposed by the institutions due to the time-consuming and negative experiences they have had with the NAM and the CVW. These experiences thus reveal how the time-consuming and complex nature of the procedures may work in the advantage of the institutions involved, as people may feel discouraged to report damage claims or refrain from any legal action to fight for proper compensation of one’s gasquake- induced damage. The experiences of Thomas and Nicole, however, also reveal how such discouragement has varying effects on locally affected citizens. Whereas Nicole’s unfair settlement led to the fact that she could no longer replace her chimney and thus continues to reside in a potentially dangerous situation, Thomas possesses greater financial freedom to take care of the damage independently from the NAM and the CVW. This reveals how the gasquakes and the procedures established may exacerbate social inequalities that are prevalent within society, negatively affecting those who do not have the financial capacity to hire legal support to supplement the insufficient funds provided by the NAM.
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Micropolitical concerns One of Thomas’ homes is located in the southern part of the city of Groningen, an area that is not typically associated with the gasquake region. Thomas has a good relationship with his neighbors who regularly inform him about their gasquake-induced damage at their occasional neighborhood barbecues. Thomas believes that he and his neighbors should cooperate and speak up about the damage in their neighborhood to help each other out and to strengthen each other’s damage claims. However, whenever Thomas brings this up, he is told to keep quiet. That is, because his neighbors are afraid that local housing prices will fall once their neighborhood is considered part of the gasquake region. His neighbors are thus unwilling to draw public attention to the local gasquake-induced damages as this may negatively affect their financial situation. This greatly frustrates Thomas, who is willing to take this risk as long as it may enhance awareness about gasquake-induced damage in the city of Groningen and his neighborhood specifically.
The story about Thomas and his neighbors represents how financial concerns may prevent citizens from enacting resistance. The neighbors of Thomas have come to the conclusion that to speak up about local gasquake-induced damage will do more harm than good for their financial situation. As such, they choose not to speak up or draw attention to local gasquake- induced concerns but choose to manage their damage claims individually instead. Thomas’ wish to cooperate to enhance local awareness and strengthen each other’s damage evaluations demonstrates how such micropolitical considerations are made in varying ways. The fact that Thomas runs a business and owns multiple homes may provide him with financial security that may not be attainable to the average local citizen, who may not be able to bear any financial setbacks. As such, Thomas’ plea to cooperate and shed light on the local gasquake- induced issues may come from a financially privileged position that reduces the potential risks for Thomas if local housing prices would fall. Furthermore, Thomas has the financial resources to hire a lawyer and thus has a privileged position in comparison to those that may not be able to cover such legal fees. The experience of Thomas and his neighbors thus represents how one’s personal situation may affect one’s choice and ability to resist, which could in turn subdivide citizens that may envision a different approach to safeguard their livelihoods.
Social group & identity Mary (page 41 and 44) feels strongly about the loss of cultural heritage and has attended numerous regional protests. Mary is also a part-time employee of the organization Stut en Steun, and thus is fairly invested with the gasquake-induced issues. She, however, feels slightly discouraged as it is always the same small group of people that attend these protests. Mary also points out that this group consists of people she does not really want to associate herself with. Even though she did attend the torchlight-protest in Groningen, Mary states she made sure to walk on the back of the line as she did not want to be on a picture with some activists of GroenFront. Mary goes on to explain herself as she states “let’s be honest, these people look very different from you and me.”
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The story of Mary represents how one’s social identity is linked to the ways in which citizens choose to enact resistance. Mary is intrinsically motivated to protect her living environment, yet is worried that her involvement may affect the way in which she is perceived by others. This is clarified by the fact that she does choose to engage in numerous protests, yet does not want her picture taken with GroenFront activists as others may come to associate her with this activist identity. The fact that she states that these activists look very different represents how she distances herself from the way in which activists are perceived by herself and others. This perception was widely shared among the majority of the research participants who did not want to be associated with activists because ‘it was not for them’ or because their way of life did not resemble activist ideals. The way in which one’s social identity affects the way in which resistance is enacted will be more thoroughly discussed in chapter 5.
Individualization and conflicting local interests Tamara, Jim and their children have been living in a container on their property for years as their country house had become uninhabitable. The emerging gasquakes had weakened the construction of their home, which is why the construction company that works in service of the CVW had placed metal pins in its walls to stabilize the building. However, the implemented pins did not consist of stainless steel and thus started rusting and expanding over time. This further weakened the home’s construction as moisture seeped into their home through the emerging cracks. The only solution would be to remove the metal screws and to rebuild the home using the same materials. However, Libau – the organization that is concerned with the preservation of cultural heritage in Drenthe and Groningen – does not allow Tamara and Jim to remove the screws as their home is a national monument that needs to be preserved in its original state. As such, Tamara, Jim and their children can no longer live in their home and are in no situation to do anything about it. Tamara and Jim are facing similar issues with their barn, which has been severely damaged by the gasquakes as well. Even though there are possibilities for the couple to renovate the barn, regional regulations require Tamara and Jim to preserve the barns’ construction which has been built in the 1960s. The barn is however still used by Tamara and Jim who run their own agricultural business that needs to evolve with its time to remain productive and competitive. The continuously enlarged size of machinery such as tractors requires business owners to enlarge their barns and its gates to ensure the tractors can enter and can be stored inside. The couple is faced with additional costs as well as they have to pay €500,00 per month for their container, and invest an exceptional amount of time and resources to get out of their situation. The couple believes that the current regulations will lead to regional impoverishment as many business owners are unable to renovate their stables. Tamara expresses her disbelief as she states, “When you tell me that we have to maintain our barn this way, what I am actually hearing is that you want regional development to stop at our generation.”
The situation Tamara and Jim find themselves in demonstrates how the gasquakes have affected society in numerous ways, giving rise to a multitude of conflicting interests among locally affected citizens. Tamara and Jim strongly feel like they should be able to rebuild their home and barn as the current regulations lead to the impoverishment of regional businesses
61 and obstructs the couple’s ability to run their business and to live in their own home. At the same time, the strengthened local regulations to protect cultural heritage have been developed due to local concerns that gasquakes will demolish local monuments. Numerous research participants felt strongly about the need to protect regional cultural heritage and thought this should be prioritized over the need of business owners to sustain their livelihood. One of the research participants stated: “These people are just the temporary owners of the building whereas the building will be there forever. Imagine that I would have a Rembrandt painting at home and let’s say that I would not like it anymore. Would it really be up to me to just throw it away?” These conflicting interests have the ability to ignite conflict and subdivide citizens that may find each other at opposite sides. This occurred in the village Krewerd where neighbors disagreed with the choice of local residents to rebuild their homes as this would alter the visual amenity of the village. Our individualized society and the individual damage and consolidation procedures thus allow individual needs of locally affected citizens to clash with the wishes or requirements of local communities and locally developed laws and regulations. The complexity and multitude of ways in which the gasquakes affect local citizens can thus have divisive effects that may challenge the ability of local communities to remain unified in their struggle for fair compensation and management. That is, because citizens may no longer be able to visualize their common goals and objectives, which could negatively affect the capacity of local communities to engage in collective action.
Conclusion This chapter has provided an overview of the varying acts of resistance taken on by citizens in northeastern Groningen in the face of emerging gasquakes. These acts appear to be rather diverse as the local population has taken on activist methods as well as acts of citizenship to enact resistance. The narratives of local citizens have revealed numerous factors that appear to be of relevance to shape these responses. One’s financial capacity and overall resilience appears to be of crucial importance to shape the responses of locally affected citizens. Financial resources open up possibilities to enact resistance that are not accessible to the average local citizens. Furthermore, elderly people may not be as resilient to oppose authorities that may propose insufficient financial settlements or inadequate consolidation techniques. The negative experiences with institutions such as the NAM and CVW discourages citizens to report new damage claims or to fight financial settlements that are considered unjust. As such, the gasquake-induced issues have the ability to exacerbate social inequalities favoring those who have relatively more financial resources or who have a broader social network to support them in their struggles.
This chapter has also revealed that one’s micropolitical concerns will affect one’s choice to publicly enact resistance or not. Whereas Thomas was willing to cooperate and draw attention to gasquake-induced issues in his neighborhood, his neighbors feared that public attention could negatively affect local housing prices. This situation demonstrates how neighbors may make different micropolitical considerations that could subdivide citizens that may envision a different approach to deal with local gasquake-induced issues. These considerations may be affected by one’s socio-economic situation as well as one’s convictions and ideals. The individualized damage and consolidation procedures have given rise to conflicting interests
62 among local citizens whom are fighting slightly different fights. As such, the demand of agricultural business owners to be able to evolve their business may directly conflict with the demand of other local citizens to protect local cultural heritage as new regulations forbid local farmers to adjust the façade and construction of their barns. Citizens who wish to rebuild their homes may also face community opposition from neighbors who claim this will affect the visual amenity of their village. The multitude of ways in which the gasquakes have affected society has thus given rise to conflicting interests that may challenge the ability of local citizens to remain united and to engage in collective action.
One’s social identity appears to be of relevance to the enactment of resistance as well. Mary belongs to the majority of research participants who stated that activism did not suit her. Even though numerous research participants have participated in the torchlight protests, they refuse to be associated with activists who ‘look different from you and me’. Activism is thus considered an out-group activity by the majority of the research participants involved, who reiterate an activist stereotype that associates activism with ‘greenies’. Hannah is one of the research participants that appears to be aware of this stereotype and actively aims to challenge the negative connotations attached to activism, as she has bought herself a posh protest dress to challenge notions of what an activist should look like. How one’s social identity is linked to local community responses needs to be more thoroughly discussed. As such, the following chapter will use frame analysis to reveal how local citizens make sense of the regional occurrences, and how these frames are used to shape local community responses.
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Chapter 5 - Guiding community responses: place identity, social identity and micropolitical concerns This chapter uses frame analysis to analyze the varying ways in which local citizens make sense of regional occurrences and the gasquake-induced issues. Within northeastern Groningen, there appear to be three main ways in which the gasquake-induced issues are approached and perceived. These approaches are referred to as ‘the traditional activist’, ‘the pragmatic entrepreneur’ and ‘the intellectual activist’, and are each analyzed in a separate sub-section. The second part of this chapter will discuss the theoretical relevance of the identified approaches, and will analyze why different groups of people take on a different approach in the Groninger gasquake context. The chapter ends with a conclusion, briefly summarizing the elements of the different identified approaches.
5.1 Frame Analysis: local community perceptions and responses The approach of the traditional activist The traditional activist refers to the group of research participants who are either affiliated to activist grassroots organizations or who have been extensively involved in regional protests. These research participants have been involved in the blockade of the Farmsum tank park organized by Code Rood, and have had experience with activism prior to the emergence of gasquakes as well. The traditional activist links the regional issues to broader societal problems associated with our current economic and political system. The traditional activist therefore distrusts the authorities and chooses to cooperate with NGOs and environmental organizations to oppose the government and the NAM. The following sub-sections will use the quotes and narratives of the traditional activist to discuss these perceptions and responses more thoroughly.
The traditional activist: diagnostic framing “According to me, the problem is: they do not want to solve it. The current climate is defined by a government that is way more eager to promote the Netherlands internationally, to show off: “we have arranged everything perfectly”… If Rutte would raise our national debt by 1 percent, figuratively speaking, you could manage the issues in the entire province. However, what you see is that Rutte wants to promote the Netherlands in the EU because that’s where he and his colleagues will end up eventually.” “You know what the issue is: we always speak about Groningen when we talk about this problem, but the issue is much bigger. This is a national problem. This is the biggest political scandal in Dutch history and it is evident that the current system does not work; it just doesn’t. You cannot induce so much damage to a province to betray it even more afterwards. It is understandable that people lose themselves to the extent that they commit suicide or are psychologically damaged forever. I mean, what they do is criminal. When are we going to forbid politics? It’s all about the money. We are situated on a gold mine, but now that they got the gold they are leaving us high and dry.”
The abovementioned quotes are respectively stated by Alexander (page 53) and Jacob (page 46). Alexander is a member of the activist organization Ons Laand Ons Lu, whereas Jacob claims to have been extensively involved in regionally organized protests. Their remarks strikingly resemble the views and perceptions of the traditional activists represented in this
64 research report. Both respondents connect the issues in Groningen to a failing political system that is dictated by a government that prioritizes personal and economic gain over the well- being of regionally affected citizens. According to Alexander and Jacob, this emphasis on personal and economic gain has led to the fact that the state is unwilling to solve the regional- gasquake induced issues. The state is thus perceived as the main offender that has enabled multinationals to act on their greed to the dismay of locally affected citizens that bear the burden of regional extractivist practices. These concerns are shared by other activists as well, who have linked the regional issues to the power of multinationals, the lack of regional representation in The Hague, as well as climate change. The statements made by the research participants thus reveal that the gasquake-induced issues have seriously affected trust in public institutions. This lack of trust is not only experienced in relation to the gasquake- induced issues, but has affected one’s vision on the entire political and neoliberal economic system that organize our (inter)national society.
The normalization of distrust in public institutions among regional traditional activist has serious implications. Numerous citizens have stated they no longer trust the gasquake-related risk calculations made by the ‘Staatstoezicht Op De Mijnen’ [SODM = International Mining Inspectorate], nor do they trust the gasquake-related observations by the ‘Koninklijk Nederlands Meteorologisch Instituut’ [KNMI = The Royal Netherlands Meteorological Institute]. As such, several citizens – including Alexander – have purchased measuring equipment such as tilt meters to measure local soil movements independently from the public authorities. Other citizens have also requested their personal file from the NAM and the CVW as they were concerned about the personal data the authorities may have collected about their private lives. The following statement made by Ons Laand Ons Lu member Tara represents how deep this distrust is manifested in the mind of numerous research participants, who feel like they can no longer rely on the claims and services of the NAM and the state. The second quote is made by Jacob and reveals how the procedures and institutional setups are considered to be part of a demotivation policy that reduces overall costs.
“Acquaintances of mine have a farm that had been completely demolished. €200.000,- had been paid to recover it and they had recently experienced another severe gasquake but had placed a tilt meter immediately after their first damage procedure. However, to my astonishment, they had collected the data of the tilt meters but the NAM did not accept them and said the data were not correct. This has been a main issue in general, because citizens wanted to place tilt meters throughout the region to carefully map the ground movements but the KNMI did not want this… The Groningers do not even trust the KNMI anymore… I’m telling you, we do not trust anyone anymore, and I really don’t know if the gas locations are really shut down if we are being told that they are.”
“You really do not expect your government to be this corrupt. First of all, we are speaking about damage induced due to extraction of natural resources. If you are dealing with this kind of damage you should be really generous because tremendous revenues are being made here – that especially applies to the NAM as the main extractor. Well, that just does not happen here, they have a demotivation policy, and that’s where all the money goes to, that’s what you
65 saw in the first documents. More than one billion had been paid and 90 percent were governmental costs which went to experts, the institutions and everything that has been developed to demotivate citizens to report their damage claims. So this demotivation policy is what we’re paying for.”
The traditional activist thus perceives the state as the main perpetrator of the gasquake- induced issues. The current political and economic system gives way to corporate greed and individual incentives that neglect the needs of locally affected citizens. As such, the NAM and the public institutions can no longer be trusted to properly manage the gasquake-induced issues, or to shed light on the severity of the problems in a fair, unbiased way. This distrust has led to the fact that local citizens increasingly rely on their own observations and measurements as opposed to the measurements made by the authorities. The normalization of distrust has also triggered privacy concerns among respondents who are concerned by the personal data the authorities have retrieved about their situation. The following sub-section will reveal how this normalization of distrust shapes the solutions posed by the traditional activist.
The traditional activist: prognostic framing “What the local organizations are currently lacking is a think-tank that allows them to develop a good plan that is thorough, well thought out, and that allows local citizens to successfully take a stand against the main perpetrators. We have to develop more intellectual organizations that negotiate with international environmental organizations to bring our current government to its knees and to bring about a separation of the state and the economic needs of multinationals. Groningen is a province that could bring about an international political U-turn, history could be written here. Our current political system is too diverse, too polarized, and too focused on short-term goals… In my opinion, we have to gather all environmental organizations in Europe to bring down our government.”
“The network of protestors is small, and everybody has his own network of people that one retracts information from. I have such a network as well and I share this information with others, but only with those that have engaged in protests and not with those people that state they feel dejected or beaten down despite the fact that they have never done anything. That may sound weird, but if someone only benefits from the effort of others while not doing anything himself, I will quit helping at some point. And that does not make me ‘dejected’ or ‘beaten down’, but it does make me more selective. I expect all Groningers to invest themselves. And I know not everybody is equally as strong or capable, but everybody is capable to do something.”
The abovementioned statements are respectively made by Jacob and Shane. Jacob perceives the cooperation with international environmental organizations as part of the solution to enhance regional management. This cooperation could intellectualize and enhance the influence of grassroots organizations, and could pressure the national government to give in to regional demands. Jacob connects his proposed solutions to broader societal issues as he envisions a political U-turn that would alter the entire national system. This new system
66 would exclude the government and the Gasgebouw from any decision-making authority and would provide greater influence to locally affected citizens. Jacob’s distrust in the authorities and the political system has thus made negotiations with the authorities impossible. Instead, a solution can only be reached when the national political system is reformed and multinationals are excluded from any decision-making authority. Shane, on the other hand, believes in the power of regional collective action. Shane has been extensively involved in the regional resistance movement, and even possesses a business card on which he describes himself as a ‘concerned citizen’. Shane has also been on national television to shed light on the gasquake-induced issues. Shane has clarified that he expects the same commitment from other residents that are physically able to invest themselves. As such, Shane criticizes fellow citizens whom he considers to be passive or whom he has never seen at regional protests. According to Shane, it is this passive attitude that hinders local citizens in their struggle to get their damage repaired and compensated for in a timely and respectable manner. This is clarified by the following statement as he says: “I think that a lot of issues are caused by people themselves. If we would only be more assertive, then we would have made a lot more progress than we currently have.”
Jacob’s views on the political system and his plea to cooperate with (inter)national environmental organizations are broadly shared by other regional activists and numerous grassroots organizations. The traditional activist looks for solutions that exclude public authorities, and looks for ways to align the regional issues with other (inter)national interest groups that may share their concerns or that could provide assistance for regionally affected citizens. The traditional activist, however, is also concerned about the ‘passive’ attitude of regionally affected citizens as represented by Shane. It is often argued that collective action would be much more effective if the Groninger would ‘finally wake up’. Even though the approach of Jacob and Shane may seem rather different, both respondents rely on the force of local citizens and grassroots organizations to bring about regional change or to galvanize a revolution. The belief in collective action and the power of the people thus appears to be the main feature of the approach adopted by traditional activists in the face of the gasquake- induced issues. This approach is supported by apocalyptic narratives that foresee the demise of Groningen and its residents if local citizens refuse to ‘wake up’ and take matters in their own hands.
Conclusion The group of ‘traditional activists’ refers to the group of research participants that has been extensively engaged in overt protests, and that perceives collective action as the main solution to the gasquake-induced issues. This group perceives the state as the main perpetrator that is held responsible for regional mismanagement. The government, however, is considered part of the broader political and economic system that has increased the influence of multinationals and that has led to a situation in which economic and political gain is being prioritized over the well-being of local citizens. Locally affected citizens should, therefore, engage in collective action to oppose the authorities. The traditional activist may also look for partnerships with non-state actors such as international environmental organizations that may share similar concerns and that could support local citizens in their resistance struggle. The
67 perceptions and responses of the traditional activist are supported by apocalyptic narratives that foresee the demise of northeastern Groningen if local citizens refuse to ‘wake up’ and take matters in their own hands. The traditional activist, therefore, expects every citizen to publically engage with the gasquake-induced issues, and is critical of the perceived ‘passive’ or ‘beaten down’ attitude of their fellow Groningers.
The approach of the pragmatic entrepreneur The group of pragmatic entrepreneurs solely consists of research participants who own a business. With the notable exception of Jacob, all business owners are part of this group. These research participants mainly consist of farmers, but also includes one café owner, one store owner, and one wholesale business owner in agricultural products. This group of entrepreneurs appears to have similar experiences and perceptions that shape their response in the face of regionally emerging gasquakes. Whenever the pragmatic entrepreneur discusses the regional issues, he or she maintains a position of equality vis-à-vis the government and the NAM. They often speak in terms of ‘trust’ and ‘reciprocity’ as if the regional gasquake- induced issues represent a contractual breach on the part of the national government. The pragmatic entrepreneur also refrains from using emotional language, as they do not appear to be interested in one’s ‘pity’ but want to be perceived as objective and professional. Using quotes and stories of these research participants, the following sub-sections will more thoroughly discuss the way in which this group of research participants perceives and responds to the gasquake-induced issues. This will reveal how one’s position as a business owner may affect the way in which the regional issues are approached and perceived.
The pragmatic entrepreneur: diagnostic framing “In the 90s they were fully aware of what could happen and they acted like they had no clue. And that’s what bothers us the most, that the NAM didn’t treat us fair from the very beginning. Why not? I’m okay with the fact that gas was extracted and that this has been very beneficial to the Netherlands, but if damage is induced, make sure you manage this fairly... And I often think, we have given you all this warmth for decades, but now that it is time to reciprocate this warmth and to manage the damage fairly they are nowhere to be found.”
Look, the fact that gas had been extracted here: everybody agreed on that decision. And the fact that there have been earthquakes, I mean, you could blame the NAM for that and rightfully so, but they did not consciously make this happen or they could not foresee all the consequences at the beginning. For me, the main issue is the ridiculous way the damage is being managed, and that’s what most gravely affects the citizens here… And I do not want to say we are holy Mary, but we have always worked hard, we have never used welfare and we never had to because we can sustain ourselves just fine, but you just do not treat us this way.”
The abovementioned quotes are respectively made by Steve and Emily (page 45) and perfectly resemble the business-like approach of the pragmatic entrepreneur in the face of the gasquake-induced issues. Steve is an 82-year old agricultural producer who has worked in the sector for most of his life. Steve has been engaged in politics for the Christian party CDA as well. Emily is the co-owner of the building that is home to one of the most well-known cafes
68 in Loppersum. Both start off with the statement that they do not have a problem with gas extraction in general. However, both research participants emphasize they expect a fair and honest treatment in return for the tremendous profits that have been made. According to the entrepreneurs, the longstanding history of secrecy and denial as well as the current way in which citizens are being treated signifies a lack of mutual respect and reciprocity. Steve clarifies this point as he speaks about a lack of reciprocity of the literal ‘warmth’ the province has provided to the rest of the Netherlands. Emily, on the other hand, does so by clarifying she fulfills her duties as a respectable, good citizen and therefore expects a similar treatment in return. Gas extraction is thus not considered the issue, but the management of the associated issues and the lack of a fair and respectable treatment is. The pragmatic entrepreneur often appears to perceive regional mismanagement as a breach of contract caused by the NAM and state. Multiple pragmatic entrepreneurs, including Emily, make this comparison in a literal sense as they compare the situation to a car accident in which the responsible party is obligated to pay for the damage to one’s car. Emily has made this statement in the following way: “I always name the following example: if I damage your car I will have to compensate you for it, and I do not give you a small share of the damage or ask you to wait a couple of years before I pay you back.”
Pragmatic entrepreneurs thus perceive the NAM and the state as the main perpetrators that are held responsible for the mismanagement of the gasquake-induced issues. The authorities are perceived as equal business partners that are expected to uphold their end of the bargain by managing the regional issues in a fair and respectable manner. In contrast to the traditional activist, however, the pragmatic entrepreneur does not connect the gasquake-related problems to larger societal issues. Instead, pragmatic entrepreneurs believe the issues can be solved with the boundaries of our current economic and political system. This is clarified by the fact that pragmatic entrepreneurs stress they are not against regional gas extraction efforts per se, nor do they claim to envision an entirely different economic or political system. As revealed in the following sub-section, some pragmatic entrepreneurs even perceive continuous gas extraction efforts as part of the solution to the gasquake-induced issues.
The pragmatic entrepreneur: prognostic framing “I’ve been involved in the development of a regional development plan, the Groninger delta plan it’s called. And we (= group of entrepreneurs) have said, guys, just build new homes that are earthquake resistant and extract all the gas that is still left in the ground, that doesn’t matter to us. But at least make sure that our houses can withstand the earthquakes… And that’s when I say, if you are fair: there is still enough gas in the ground, just extract that and invest the revenues in the reconstruction of Groningen, but even that is no option for them (= the authorities)… So eventually we have developed a foundation. And of course this is the only way, because you are much stronger together. We have a good lawyer and a good economist as well. We started off with 30 farmers but luckily there are more and more applications. … And we are lucky, because solving issues is part of our profession. But if you are a regular citizen with no insurance, it is crazy what you would be fighting up against. It’s too crazy. And as neighbors we really support each other because we have similar issues. And
69 we are also in negotiations with LTO, and that’s where I come together with all my colleagues because we all have similar issues.”
“I can handle the issues well, but if people start to empathize with you, you have to be careful. Because then people start pitying you and, naturally, people like to feel like someone is empathizing with them so they start thinking ‘Poor me’… Well, I don’t want that. I have enough experience in this kind of business that I can handle it well mentally. I take control over the business, the business does not control me. So the problems, I handle them, and the problems are not going to control me. That is the mental approach I have developed… I look at it pragmatically and realistically, but I am not in it emotionally.”
The abovementioned quotes are respectively made by Steve and Jake and represent some of the prognostic views that have been expressed by the pragmatic entrepreneur. Steve starts off by stating that he has been involved in the establishment of the Groninger Deltaplan in which it is suggested that regional gas extraction efforts should continue to fund the reconstruction of Groningen. According to Steve, the current plans established by the government are unrealistic. The severe reductions in gas revenues in combination with an enforced energy transition could create a large budget deficit that can only be filled by increased taxation rates. Steve also believes that this lack of funds is one of the reasons why regional damage claims are not settled properly. Steve therefore thinks the authorities should continue gas extraction efforts to maintain this source of income to reconstruct Groningen, and to buy time to enable an energy transition in a more realistic time frame. Steve considers it only fair to use these additional revenues to reconstruct Groningen as he states that ‘only a minimal amount of gas revenues has been invested in the northern provinces’ thus far. Steve thus aims to look at the gasquake-induced issues rather pragmatically as he carefully weighs out the benefits of each possible solution. This pragmatic view is also revealed when Steve is asked about the loss of cultural heritage the initiation of the Groninger Deltaplan may bring about. Although Steve would rather see regional cultural heritage preserved, he seems to accept this loss as he states: “Well, but if everything is broken, how can we move on? I have decided to accept it, what else can you do?” The pragmatic approach of Steve is broadly shared by other regional entrepreneurs. Jake thinks that Groningers should keep emotion out of the public discussion, and has stated that in order to maintain a respectable approach “we should not engage in strange, weird activities that no one will respect.” Annabelle – the owner of a regional furnishings business – states that ‘screaming will not get you anywhere.’ Instead, Annabelle believes that the Groningers should remain approachable and reasonable in order to be treated in a similar fashion by the opposing party. The pragmatic entrepreneur thus seems to work with the cards they are dealt with. They choose to engage with the authorities to look for ways to influence regional management of the gasquake-induced issues from within as they maintain business values that emphasize the need for engagement, mutual respect, and pragmatism. It is therefore unsurprising that the pragmatic entrepreneur isn’t really engaged in regional activist practices, nor does the entrepreneur consider activism to be the primary solution to the gasquake- induced issues. The pragmatic entrepreneur has given multiple reasons for their relative lack
70 of involvement as they referred to a lack of time due to their fulltime jobs; because the groups organizing these protests do not agree with their agricultural profession; or because they try to distance themselves from the situation as much as possible to protect their own well-being. The pragmatic entrepreneur also questions the effectiveness of these protests because “Groningers lack the kind of spirit needed to make these protest work”, because “it is just not for us” or because “Us Groningers don’t like to share our dirty laundry in public.” The pragmatic entrepreneur does not necessarily condemn activism, but simply does not see it as the main or most effective method to solve the gasquake-induced issues in northeastern Groningen. Emily perfectly summarizes these views as she states: “Look, what I think: we need all kinds of people. We need activists, and we need people that work at the GBB. We actually need a bit from everything. Every initiative is good, and everyone can contribute in his or her own way. Because if all people were like us, there wouldn’t be enough commotion. However, we have also seen all the cursing and yelling on television, when I saw that I thought to myself, this doesn’t solve anything either.” The pragmatic entrepreneur thus mainly focuses on solutions that are considered practical and reasonable. This approach, however, appears to be linked to the relatively privileged position these entrepreneurs possess, allowing them to more effectively influence their own damage procedure as well as the way in which the gasquake-induced issues are regionally managed. The research respondents, in fact, often refer to this privileged position themselves. Steve, for example, has stated multiple times that the regional issues are even more troubling for local citizens that do not possess as much financial resources as he does. These resources have provided Steve with an insurance, as well as lawyers and financial advisors that regular citizens cannot obtain. Jake has also clarified that he is the owner of multiple businesses and, therefore, has a large international network that he has used to his advantage. As such, Jake has been able to directly correspond with minister Wiebes about the gasquake-induced issues. Jake has also been involved in the recently-established ‘Agro Tafel’: a consultative body that includes governmental authorities, agricultural organizations, the GBB and the Gasberaad to discuss the issues the agricultural sector is facing. Multiple other entrepreneurs have stated their situation is not as pressing as they are still able to sustain themselves financially whereas this is not always the case for others. Emily appears to be aware of this privilege when she explains she and her husband do not engage in activism to distance themselves from the regional issues as much as possible. Emily believes that everyone should be able to make this decision for oneself to ensure people will not ask too much of themselves. However, she immediately comes back to this statement as she says: “But hold on a second, it’s true, but what if we had all kinds of bills we would not be able to pay? You cannot really decide to distance yourself from the issues in that kind of situation, can you?” The ability to maintain a ‘reasonable’ or ‘practical’ position within the Groninger gasquake context thus appears to be linked to the extent of control locally affected citizens possess over their own damage procedure and their ability to influence regional management at large. This allows citizens who are relatively more prosperous to pick their battles and alleviate their personal struggles in ways that are unattainable to locally affected citizens who are more financially strained. The statements made by Steve and Jake also reveal that agricultural producers manage their gasquake-induced issues in a collective manner. Steve and Jake have been involved in the
71 development of ‘Stichting Boerenbelang Mijnbouwschade’ and the recently-established Agro Tafel. Steve has also referred to the involvement of the “Land- en Tuinbouw Organisatie” [LTO, Agri- and Horticulture Organization], stating the LTO gatherings are used to discuss the sector-specific gasquake-induced issues as well. LTO is a powerful, national agricultural organization that defends the interests of the agricultural sector at large. This organization has a sub-department that is solely concerned with the needs of agricultural businesses in the Northern provinces, allowing regional farmers to build on their pre-existing network to address sector-specific, gasquake-induced issues. The existence of this well-established network and the strong regional presence of the agricultural sector have put agricultural producers in an exceptionally favorable position to collectively address the gasquake-induced issues. This collective approach, however, is not representative for the entire business sector. In fact, most businesses cope with rather unique gasquake-induced issues that cannot be addressed collectively, nor can they be addressed by the standardized procedures in place. This issue is also recognized by Emily as she states “What I think our weakness in this situation is: everyone has earthquake related problems, but they are all slightly different. Our story is completely different from the story of Annabelle, or anyone else for that matter…. So everyone has a different experience and approach, and everyone has his or her own way to solve one’s own issues to the best of their ability. Look, we all have a different story and not everyone has the same approach so you simply cannot start anything collectively.”
Conclusion All in all, the pragmatic entrepreneur appears to maintain its entrepreneurial approach in the face of the gasquake-induced issues. One stresses the need to remain pragmatic, reasonable, and rational in one’s attempt to achieve fair and proper compensation for the gasquake- induced damages. The pragmatic entrepreneur talks about fairness, reciprocity, and respectability and thus opts for consultation and negotiation strategies to further their case. This is especially so for agricultural producers who have a strong, pre-existing network and regional presence that makes their approach exceptionally cooperative, cohesive and unified. The pragmatic entrepreneur does not see activism as the primary solution to solve the gasquake-induced issues. Instead, the pragmatic entrepreneur believes he or she can alter regional management from within, using one’s network and financial resources to reach out to influential politicians, to set up consultative bodies, or to look for other ways to infiltrate the current institutional structure. This cooperative approach is supported by a rationale that emphasizes the need for justice and reciprocity. The focus on justice motivates the pragmatic entrepreneur to take action, using one’s network and financial resources to enhance the management of regional gasquake-induced issues. The focus on reciprocity ensures the pragmatic entrepreneur does so in a respectable, lawful and approachable manner, refraining from overt activism or any other acts that are considered unlawful or disrespectful. Pragmatic entrepreneurs try to uphold this respectable approach as they expect to be treated by the authorities in a similar way in return. It is this rationale along with their financially privileged position that enables the pragmatic entrepreneur to work with, rather than to oppose the authorities.
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The approach of the intellectual activist The intellectual activist is actively engaged in the struggle for better regional management of the gasquake-induced issues. These research participants do not have a history in activism, but have become self-proclaimed activists due to the perceived urgency of the regional situation. Although the intellectual activist does not necessarily shy away from traditional protests, the intellectual activist mainly uses modern forms of communication and media to shed light on the regional situation. The intellectual activist values openness, transparency and cooperation which are considered to be the main factors that could improve regional management. As such, they write blogs for newspapers, give speeches at local, regional and national gatherings, and share their stories on national television. The intellectual activist aims to obtain and share as much information as possible, as they visit every lecture, give lectures, or are actively involved in research themselves. The approach of the intellectual activist is supported by particular perceptions regarding the gasquake-induced issues. Using the quotes and stories of these research participants, the following sub-sections will more thoroughly analyze these views.
The intellectual activist: diagnostic framing “I have no trust in our government whatsoever anymore despite the fact that I have been a member of council for 12 years and strongly believed in our democratic system. I have completely lost that faith. Why? Because the politicians in The Hague are assessing the situation without any procedural knowledge… Only 10 to 12 members of parliament are still involved in the debates, so they decide how their fractions will vote but they are not informed at all. This actually means that the minister gets to decide. Whatever he discusses with the NAM or Shell behind the scenes, the minister decides how the coalition parties will vote… The debates are symbolic, we already know what the outcome will be beforehand. The coalition determines how the members of parliament will vote and the exchange of arguments is no longer relevant in our democracy. Well, that’s not how a democracy works.” “The authorities do not work with the people, but have their own strategy and their own approach. To name an example, an information meeting was held and the managers told the attendees they were looking for appraisers. Thereafter, they said they would be coming back with a couple of models and would let the citizens choose which model was best. No, they should do this differently, they should include the citizens one phase earlier: sit around the table with the people, let them develop their own program with their own demands for the rebuilding of their homes… After that, you can request price estimates from numerous appraisal agencies and architects and allow citizens to make an informed decision themselves. This completely turns around the story: they are engaged themselves and are creating their own future.” The abovementioned quotes are made by Oliver (page 42). Oliver is mad about the lack of procedural knowledge the members of parliament showcase during the public debates. According to Oliver, the 10 to 12 members of parliament involved in the debates lack the knowledge to make informed decisions, yet represent their entire fraction and will thus determine how their party will vote. Oliver also believes that the outcome of the debates are pre-determined as the minister has already told the coalition parties how to vote, making it
73 seem like the debates are symbolic and undemocratic. In Oliver’s second statement, he criticizes the top-down approach of the authorities involved. Oliver states that the authorities come up with pre-determined models and plans to provide citizens with a choice afterwards. However, they fail to engage and communicate with local citizens to develop options of their own which would allow them to gain more influence over the eventual process and their own future. Oliver thus appears to hold our national politicians as well as the authorities such as the NAM accountable for the gasquake-induced issues. This criticism is linked to their perceived inadequacy to make informed decisions as well as the lack of room they provide for local citizens to influence regional management themselves. The concerns of Oliver are broadly shared among other intellectual activists. Hannah, for example, has expressed her frustration about the poor quality of the damage evaluations and the lack of possibilities to be involved in one’s own damage procedure. Hannah was frustrated by the fact that the construction agency and damage expert that had evaluated the damage to her home had been pre-selected without consultation. Hannah faced similar issues when she participated in the pilot initiative ‘Eigen Initiatief’ developed by the NCG. Even though this pilot was developed to provide applicants with greater control over their consolidation procedure, she had to work with 3 pre-selected construction supervisors. Hannah thought this was ‘shady’ and confronted one of her construction supervisors as she asked him what made him more suitable for the job than the construction supervisor she had selected herself. Hannah also filed a Freedom of Information Act request, obligating the NCG to provide information about the way in which the construction supervisors were selected. Hannah also expressed concerns about the lack of communication with the authorities such as the NAM and the CVW who failed to respond for months and refused to correspond with her via email. Hannah thus appears to hold the authorities accountable for their top-down approach, taking away her ability to choose her own construction worker or to be involved with the management of her own restoration and consolidation process. The perceived lack of expertise, transparency and communication has also affected Hannah’s trust in the institutions and has led her to question their willingness and capability to manage the gasquake-induced issues properly at all. This distrust is demonstrated by her statement that the pre-selected construction workers would ‘look for alternative explanations and say that the building is poorly constructed’ in order to free the NAM from any liability. Her request to demand greater transparency about the selection procedure of the construction workers resembles this distrust as well. The intellectual activist thus is mainly concerned about the top-down approach and the lack of expertise and transparency of the authorities involved. The government is criticized for its ‘undemocratic approach’ and ‘lack of vigor’ to defend the interests of locally affected citizens. The debates are considered to be ‘symbolic’, ‘solely for the audience’, and the outcomes are believed to be pre-determined in a system where ‘the majority vote trumps the needs of minorities’. The NAM, on the other hand, is mainly criticized for its top-down approach and poor communication, thereby taking away the ability of locally affected citizens to be involved in the management of their own renovation, consolidation, or rebuilding procedure. The intellectual activist does not solely disagree with the management of the gasquake-induced issues, but is well-informed about one’s possibilities to pressure the
74 authorities to provide greater transparency or to enhance their institutional procedures as well. Whereas Mary and Hannah had used their institutional right to request personal and procedural information from the CVW and the NCG, Oliver and Olivia had appealed to court to address numerous institutional flaws of the pilot buyout arrangement established by the NCG. The intellectual activist is thus able to pinpoint institutional flaws and privacy breaches and uses this information to challenge the authorities in order to regain some control over the way in which the gasquake-induced issues are managed. Intellectual activists thus challenge the authority of the Gasgebouw as they refuse to accept the established procedures if they are considered to be unjust. Hannah’s following statement resembles this oppositional stance as she openly refuses to use terminology associated with the damage protocols established by the NAM and the CVW. Hannah states: “They talk about ‘potentially dangerous situations’ but those are their terms, I have nothing to do with that anymore. I just use my own terms. I do not speak about the damage to my home in ABC terminology either: those are their terms… In fact, we are two equal, civil parties that find each other on opposite sides. So when they say that my actions are not in accordance with the protocol I say, no, not THE protocol, YOUR protocol. So then I tell them, well according to protocol Hannah it works differently. So its protocol NAM versus protocol Hannah.”
The intellectual activist: prognostic framing “You have to be able to work with the computers, with email and pdf-files to understand a lot of things. But you also have to want it because there are a lot of gatherings that everyone can attend. The municipality of Loppersum and the University of Groningen have arranged a lot of gatherings and we have been to all of them. We have visited the lectures from the law department and the lectures of geologists as well. We have been to informative gatherings from www.onzeklei.nl, Waakzaam Woldendorp, the GBB, we have contact with Ons Laand Ons Lu, we have contact with all the people that try to contribute in their own way, and we are not the kind of people who would not go to one group because we are affiliated to the other. For us, everyone is equal, politicians as well. So we have been visited by politicians as well, Henk Nijboer (PVDA) has been here, a representative of the ChristenUnie, Wilders (PVV) has been here as well. So we have been to all gatherings and receptions, and we have been visited by a lot of media, including international media such as die Welt, the Guardian, America Today, and we have recently been visited by Belgian media.”
“I put everything in the media. I think that is extremely important because you learn a lot from it if you consider the amount of response I got from lawyers and academics. I obtain so much information. So you have to be open and transparent, and that’s not just to tease the NAM, but to show what is happening exactly because if the story is not accurately communicated then the story is gone. So you have to communicate with a journalist one on one and you also have to carefully consider which journalist you will approach because there are some journalists who write down the wrong things and who mess up your story. But you can learn so much, and everyone can use the information if they want to when it is openly discussed. And, as I said, this openness has brought me a lot.”
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The abovementioned quotes are respectively stated by Ava (page 52) and Robert (page 56). As revealed by Ava, the intellectual activist takes every opportunity to learn more about the regional issues in order to further one’s case. Harry and Ava have visited every informative gathering and lecture to obtain as much knowledge as possible. Harry and Ava choose to be open about their personal issues as well as they have been in regular contact with (inter)national and regional media to get their story heard. Robert appears to take on a similar approach as he believes everyone should discuss their issues publicly because you can learn a lot from each other. The reasons given for this openness are twofold: on the one hand, the research participants want to shed light on the regional issues and provide other citizens with potentially useful information. On the other hand, the media can also be used to gather information, or to pressure the authorities to give in to particular demands. Robert, for example, had been contacted by his current lawyer and an academic who were interested to assist him with his procedures once they had read about his situation online. His openness and his use of (social) media have thus provided Robert with assistance of experts he would not have obtained otherwise. As already revealed in chapter 4, Harry and Ava had also approached the media when the NAM did not cover the restoration costs of their broken intercom system. This approach turned out to be effective, as the NAM changed its approach and covered the restorations costs anyways. The intellectual activist thus uses the media as a means to share and obtain information, and to pressure the authorities to give in to specific demands. This the case for the majority of intellectual activists, who write blogs, attend televisions shows, have been interviewed for newspaper articles, and actively use social media to express their concerns and to remain informed. Their use of the media and their open approach appear to be part of a broader strategy that promotes cooperation as the main foundation to achieve proper and fair compensation for the gasquake-induced damages. This is revealed by the fact that the intellectual activist is actively engaged in efforts to help others. Robert had been involved with the establishment of Waakzaam Woldendorp to enhance awareness and visualize the damage induced to his village; Harry and Ava have organized a workshop called ‘recognizing cracks for dummies’, providing information as to how one could recognized earthquake- induced cracks in someone’s wall; Hannah has invested her time to plea for municipal consultation evenings in Delfzijl; Mary is a part-time employee of ‘Stut en Steun’ and thus provides local citizens with assistance to enhance their damage or consolidation procedures; and Oscar is an active member of the GBB. The intellectual activist thus takes on a rather cooperative and transparent approach. Hannah’s attempt to gather all ‘Eigen Initiatief’ participants to discuss their procedure perfectly resembles this approach. Hannah thought that these gatherings would allow the participants to discuss the limitations and possibilities of the project, which had been developed to provide participants with greater control over their own consolidation procedure. This idea wasn’t embraced by the NCG, who refused to assist Hannah in her attempt to get in contact with the other participants. Hannah made it happen anyway, and explained the situation in the following manner: “I found out someone I knew was also part of Eigen Initiatief so I thought to myself: why did we not know this about one another? So I asked Hans Alders if the 50 members could get in contact with one another. However, Alders said this wasn’t possible due to privacy concerns.
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So I said, well, this can be arranged really easily. You just have to rent a small room and send all participants an email stating: if you want to get in contact with the other Eigen Initiatief participants, you can attend the gathering at the following location. But, no, they were not going to do this. So, we then decided to publish a message ourselves and currently form a group with a significant amount of Eigen Initiatief members. And now Hans Alders wants to know what we are discussing together but now we are like, that’s none of your businesses. But, as we got talking we soon realized that one gets story A, the other gets story B and someone else gets story C. So we get treated differently but we’re part of the same project… So in this group we discuss questions like: how is this arranged for you, and why could I not get this whereas someone else could? So we are doing a good job together and really helping each other out.” Cooperation, transparency and engagement are thus considered the cornerstones of the approach of the intellectual activist. This approach, however, takes its toll as it requires continuous commitment from research participants to remain on top of things. The intellectual activist appears to realize this as they state one will need ‘patience’ ‘will-power’ and ‘perseverance’ in order to maintain as much control over one’s damage or consolidation procedure as possible. Numerous intellectual activists have therefore tried to distance themselves from the reality and purposely aim to frame the issues as a ‘game’ or something ‘fun’. Ava, for example, explains how the ‘recognizing cracks for dummies’ workshop was not only informative, but also provided them with the ability to have fun despite the seriousness of the situation. Robert, on the other hand, frames his struggles with the NAM as a strategical game. Robert extensively explains the moves he and his lawyers had made to ‘outsmart the NAM’ to ensure his house would be rebuild according to his ‘game rules’. Robert states: “I can perceive it as a game, but I know I can play the game really well mainly because I have such tremendous support from my lawyer. So this completely changes the game, because without the support of a lawyer you will not be able to withstand the NAM and not be able to play the game the way that I did.” Although Robert thus tries to perceive his struggle with the NAM as a game, he appears to be aware that this may be impossible for others. Robert uses the following example to stress how important his lawyer has been for him to maintain his fighter mentality required to continue his legal battles against the NAM: Last July I was in the U.S. on holiday and I got another troubling message from the NAM so I called my lawyer and said to him, just make a deal, I am so sick of it. So he said, well if I were you I would think about it a day or two. So when I was calm again I thought to myself, well, we’ll get them hahaha… so it’s that kind of teamwork that is really important. Others do not have this opportunity, so they will approach it in an entirely different way.” Hannah frames her involvement with the regional issues as something ‘fun’ as well. Hannah does so by engaging in ‘playful acts’ in order to make a statement against the authorities. Hannah, for example, requested the NAM to cover the costs for a canoe which she had purchased to safe herself in case the dykes break through. She did so to address the fact that regional gasquakes have damaged regional water works, which may threaten the safety of residents protected by these dykes. As already clarified in the previous sub-section, Hannah also challenges the authority of the institutions involved as she refuses to use their terminology and represents herself as an equal civil party with a protocol of her own. Hannah
77 challenges traditional notions of what it means to be an activist as well. To do so, she has purchased a ‘posh action dress’ that she wears to make sure she does not look like a ‘traditional activist’. She goes on to state how ridiculous these stereotypes are as she wonders: ‘so, if I wear my normal clothes and wear a jeans or something, do I immediately look like a professional activist? How do you even recognize people as such?’ Hannah thus tries to frame her engagement with the gasquake-induced issues as something fun and deliberately challenges stereotypical notions of what an activist should look like as she wears posh clothes. Hannah, however, clarifies that this is only a way to cope with the regional situation as she takes the issues very seriously. Hannah explains this approach the following way: “The only way not to get depressed is to frame the situation as something fun. You have to frame it as something funny and should not allow yourself to think ‘that’s so mean and unfair’ because then you will not be able to withstand the issues. To name an example of an acquaintance: her wall had to be consolidated but they could not do so from the outside so this had to be done on the inside which means the living space would be significantly smaller. Her roof has to be consolidated as well which meant she would lose space both horizontally and vertically. So, this woman decides to move her bathroom downstairs due to her old age. But the kitchen has become slightly too small to cook together and the guestroom has become too small for guests to walk around the bed which wasn’t initially the case. So, you could frame it in a positive way and tell yourself you are not worse off because your bathroom is moved downstairs to make your home age-resistant. But, in reality, you have lost space and have to deal with rather invasive renovations that would not have been necessary in the first place. So, in reality, you are worse off.”
Conclusion All in all, the intellectual activist criticizes the government and the NAM for their top-down, inadequate and undemocratic approach. The national debates are considered symbolic as the coalition parties appear to be uninformed and are believed to vote in accordance with the wishes of the minister. The NAM fails to engage local citizens when models and plans for action are being established thus taking away the ability of locally affected citizens to take control over their own damage, consolidation or rebuilding process. According to the intellectual activist, these issues have led to a situation in which fair and proper compensation for the gasquake-induced issues is not self-evident. Instead, one’s chance to be fairly compensated is believed to rely on one’s resilience, means and one’s capability to oppose the authorities. These developments have disillusioned intellectual activists who have lost trust in the authorities and the current democratic system, and who have become self-proclaimed activists to improve regional management in order to fight the perceived injustices. The intellectual activist believes in an open and cooperative approach to make sure everyone can learn from each other’s situation. Intellectual activists therefore use (social) media to share and obtain information, to broaden one’s network, and to shed light on the regional issues. The media is also used as a means to pressure the authorities to give in to particular demands concerning their own procedure. Intellectual activists do not shy away from legal procedures either, as they have gone to court to develop juridical precedents or plea for procedural changes. Intellectual activists are able to oppose the authorities as they are knowledgeable about the regional situation and make sure to attend every regional gathering to remain well-
78 informed. These research participants adopt this hands-on approach as they feel responsible to help citizens that are incapable to defend themselves, and because it will enhance their own damage, consolidation and rebuilding procedures as well. In order to maintain this hands-on approach, intellectual activists frame their endeavors as something ‘fun’ to distance themselves from the seriousness of the situation. This allows them to continue their struggles that have endured for years thus far.
5.2 Interpreting the different frames: theoretical analysis Thus far, this frame analysis has identified three main approaches adopted by locally affected citizens to deal with the regional gasquake-induced issues. However, the question why locally affected citizens adopt different frames has not yet been thoroughly discussed, nor have the results been analyzed from a theoretical perspective. This sub-section therefore analyzes how the different approaches adopted by locally affected citizens are affected by elements of one’s social identity, place identity as well as other contextual circumstances and micropolitical concerns. This sub-section therefore aims to address the following question: why do locally affected citizens adopt different approaches in the face of regional gasquake-induced issues?
Financial capacity and prior institutional experience One’s financial capacity is of great importance to the way in which local citizens approach the gasquake-induced issues. Pragmatic entrepreneurs, who are the most affluent in general, have greater opportunities to influence regional management and their own damage and consolidation procedures as they can hire lawyers and other kinds of experts that provide pragmatic entrepreneurs with greater control and independence from the NAM than the average local citizen. Their relative financial independence allow pragmatic entrepreneurs to pick their battles as they can afford to bear some financial setbacks in order to avoid another long-standing conflict with the authorities as well. These differences are perfectly illustrated by the experiences of Thomas (page 58) and Nicole (page 43). Both Thomas and Nicole chose to accept a financial settlement that did not resemble the actual value of the damage induced to their property as they could not deal with another struggle against the NAM. This choice, however, had much greater consequences for Nicole who lacked money to supplement the insufficient fund provided by the CVW to fix her chimney. As such, Nicole continues to reside in a potentially dangerous situation as her chimney remains unfixed. Thomas’ financial situation, on the other hand, allowed him to accept this financial settlement without any serious consequences as he possessed the resources to take care of the damage himself.
One’s financial capacity is often connected to one’s relation and prior experience with the authorities as well. As revealed in chapter 3, the Herenboer traditionally enjoyed friendly relations with the authorities as they were extremely wealthy and often held important management positions themselves. Even though this relative wealth has declined since then, the agricultural sector still has a strong regional presence and a well-established network to defend their objectives on a regional level. Numerous agricultural producers involved in this research effort have been politically engaged for the CDA and have revealed they discuss their struggles with organizations such as LTO. Their relatively great financial capacity and institutionalized presence suggests that regional agricultural producers often find themselves
79 on the side of the authorities who have a mutual interest to enhance economic growth and to enhance agricultural production for the provision of foodstuffs. At the same time, the interests of agricultural producers may oppose the demands of traditional activists who address climate change concerns that threaten the ability of agricultural producers to continue business as usual. Tamara (page 60) emphasizes this point when she explains why she and her husband have not participated in regional protests. Tamara asks herself: “Should you really want to associate yourself with these kind of organizations that oppose our way of life?” From Tamara’s perspective, the convictions of her and the activist organizations are too different to engage in collective action together. The traditional activist thus challenges the status quo whereas it is in the interest of the pragmatic entrepreneur to protect it. This is also revealed by their different objectives and approach, as the pragmatic entrepreneur has vocalized its approval or acceptance of regional gas extraction efforts whereas the traditional activist is greatly opposed to the extractive industry in general. This reveals how one’s pre-existing relations with the authorities and the current state of affairs affect one’s vision and approach adopted to demand better regional management of the gasquake-induced issues.
Social identity The views and responses of the traditional activist, the pragmatic entrepreneur and the intellectual activist are affected by the regional identity and group norms and values. The majority of the research participants, for example, do not embrace activism as part of the regional identity. When the research participants were asked about the involvement of their fellow Groningers, the respondents described the regional population as passive and law- abiding citizens who are not easily mobilized. George, for example, has stated that the passive and kind attitude of Groningers work to the advantage of the authorities who are met with relatively little resistance. Thomas has stated that activism may simply not be the answer in northeastern Groningen as ‘people lack the civic spirit to make these protests effective’. Mary had already revealed that she did not want her picture taken during the torchlight protests as she did not want to be associated with the activists that ‘look different from you and me’. Tamara had also questioned whether she should want to associate herself with activist organizations that oppose her agricultural lifestyle, thus using her agricultural identity to distance herself from regional activists. Other research participants have stated that activism is ‘just not for them’ or have questioned the use of activist protests as ‘all that screaming and shouting’ and ‘hitting with pots and pans’ is not believed to get you anywhere. One research participant even referred to regional activists as ‘conspiracy theorists’, thereby reproducing a stereotypical image that activists are irrational. These comments reveal that activism is not regarded as part of the regional identity. Whereas some research participants perceive this as something problematic, others appear to associate activism with negative connotations that equate activists to unreliable people who disobey the law.
The majority of research participants thus appear to associate the regional identity with an obedient, law-abiding and passive citizenry. Most research participants attribute this perceived passiveness to the regional agricultural history. According to Victor – the manager of the GBB – the historically friendly relations between the regional agricultural sector and the authorities have given rise to a passive, law-abiding citizenry today. Victor supports his
80 point as he claims that the ‘import Groninger’ - Dutch citizens that have moved to Groningen later on in life – are considerably more vocal about the regional issues and their demands. Others have attributed this perceived passiveness to a lack of willingness to engage, or have stated that it is the varying extent to which citizens are affected that hinders widespread collective action. Robert, for example, refers to these differences and the individualized nature of the issue to explain the perceived regional passiveness as he states: “I have damage of €384000,- but my neighbor only has €600,- of damage. Well, I can tell you, you will not get my neighbor on the barricades for €600,-. Neither will you get people to block the gates of the NAM for €1500,-. So they experience the issues entirely different than I do.” Even though the majority of the research participants appear to associate the regional identity with this perceived passive attitude, none of the research participants believe to be part of this group themselves. Instead, the research participants appear to refer to ‘the passive Groningers’ to distance themselves from this perceived regional passiveness, representing this regional identity as a hindrance to enhance gasquake-related regional management. Local citizens are thus confronted with a complex duality as they do not want to be perceived as activists, yet do not want to be perceived as passive, weary Groningers either. As revealed in the following paragraphs, each social group deals with this duality in different ways.
The pragmatic entrepreneur distances oneself from an activist identity most fervently. Pragmatic entrepreneurs are bound by group norms that require themselves to remain reasonable and respectable, and to treat others the way you wish to be treated in return. Their relatively great financial capacity, well-established networks and friendly relations with the authorities allow pragmatic entrepreneur to exert greater control over their individual procedures and regional management at large, putting them in a favorable position to work with the authorities and the established procedures. To cope with perceived injustices, the pragmatic entrepreneur therefore favors assimilative or cooperative strategies when opposing the NAM. The pragmatic entrepreneur therefore appeals to court, establishes consultative bodies or other kinds of organizations, or engages with the authorities to change the institutional structure from within. These oppositional acts are usually enacted to tackle individual or sector-specific issues and are not necessarily enacted to put to halt regional gas extraction efforts or to bring about broader societal change. The pragmatic entrepreneur thus takes on a cooperative approach to serve their individual or sector-specific needs, using one’s financial capacity, one’s social network, and assimilative strategies to oppose the authorities when required. By doing so, the pragmatic entrepreneur remains involved to enhance regional management, yet are able to distance themselves from any activist connotations.
The intellectual activist, on the other hand, tries not to care about the negative stigmas attached to activism. The majority of the intellectual activists have challenged negative connotations with activism as they embrace an activist identity despite the fact that they do not adhere to the stereotypical notions of what an activist should look like or how an activist should approach the regional issues. The intellectual activist thus appears to be aware of the negative connotations attached to activism but tries not to let this influence their open and cooperative approach. The intellectual activist therefore uses both assimilative and disruptive strategies to enhance the regional and their individual situation to the best of their ability. The
81 intellectual activist uses acts of citizenship to do so, as they engage in regional research efforts, actively seek to obtain and distribute knowledge about the regional situation, engage in protests and approach the media to shed light on the regional and one’s personal situation. Even though some intellectual activists have criticized the perceived passiveness of their fellow Groningers, most intellectual activists strongly believe that locally affected citizens should not criticize each other as they equate this behavior to ‘victim-shaming’. The intellectual activist, instead, believes that it is much more effective if citizens collectively attribute their anger to the authorities that are responsible for the regional situation, and that citizens should allow each other to look away if this make one’s fellow citizens happy. The intellectual activist, in fact, appears to empathize with ‘the passive Groninger’ as they feel a moral sense of responsibility to engage in protest to defend those that are incapable to do so themselves. The intellectual activist thus embraces an activist identity and pleas for the acceptance of the perceived passiveness of others in order to avoid conflict and to remain united in the face of the gasquake-induced issues. These self-proclaimed ‘re-activists’ have developed a sub-group of their own, having embraced an activist identity that is more in line with their regional and social identity as well-educated, down-to-earth Groningers.
The traditional activist has no other option but to embrace its out-group status. The traditional activist is aware of the way in which they are perceived as they explain how they have been called ‘the biggest jokes of the region’ or have read commentary about themselves online. The traditional activist, however, perceives this as a necessary evil to enhance awareness and to ensure that the people of Groningen wake up. The traditional activist believes the seriousness of the situation is not sufficiently acknowledged. The research participants argue that organizations such as the GBB are too soft as they sit around the table with the authorities and allow themselves to be ‘co-opted’ by the organizations that have caused the situation in the first place. Although their endeavors are not always appreciated by others, traditional activists perceive themselves as regional advocates who have the ability to change the regional situation. Traditional activists are bound by a strong group identity that is based on similar convictions, approaches and strong interpersonal relations that have developed due to their involvement in regional protests. This is especially so among the Ons Laand Ons Lu members who had been involved in the orchestration of the hunger strike and have established the organization right after. The members often refer to their time in the hunger strike camp and discuss each other’s personal struggles as well. Their out-group status is thus compensated by a strong in-group identity that provides the traditional activist with a support system where one’s personal struggles can be discussed freely.
One’s social identity thus appears to influence one’s approach in the face of the gasquake- induced issues. The pragmatic entrepreneur perceives itself as a rational and reasonable person who aims to stay true to this identity to tackle the gasquake-induced issues. The pragmatic entrepreneur therefore engages with the authorities and uses one’s financial means and network to stir regional management from within. The intellectual activist is aware of the negative connotations attached to activism as well but tries not to let this affect their cooperative and open approach. In fact, the intellectual activist actively challenges these stereotypes as they embrace an activist identity but take on an approach that diverts from
82 these stereotypical, activist notions. Traditional activists, on the other hand, have embraced their out-group status as they perceive this as a necessary evil to enhance awareness and to ensure Groningers will wake up. This out-group status is compensated by a strong in-group identity that is built on similar convictions, approaches and interpersonal relations that have developed due to their involvement in regional protests.
Place identity The way in which the physical landscape is integrated into one’s lifeworld varies greatly among social groups. Traditional and intellectual activists appear to be concerned about the way in which regional gasquakes lead to the demolition of monumental buildings and regional cultural heritage that makes up an important part of the regional identity. Harry and Ava, for example, have turned one of their rooms in a small museum with a timeline that informs visitors about the rich history of the region. The couple emphasizes the need to preserve cultural heritage in the region that signifies this rich history as they state that the region is one of the UNESCO world heritage regions that requires to be preserved. Mary is concerned with the preservation of cultural heritage as well as she organized a small local protest to prevent the demolition of one monumental building in her village. The same applies to Zoe and William, who gave me a tour on their land and passionately spoke about the peace and quiet they enjoyed there. William and Zoe also have multiple campers on their estate, allowing visitors to stay and enjoy the peace and quiet whenever they want. The loss of cultural heritage is of great importance to the members of Ons Laand Ons Lu as well. One of the members gave me a tour through Appingedam to demonstrate how the gasquakes have damaged the monumental buildings that were built in the Middle Ages. The members regularly expressed their grievances about the fact that the authorities may have to demolish these monumental buildings due to gasquake-related safety concerns. The regional newspaper ‘DvhN’ has even developed a database called ‘the disappeared Groningen’ which documents all monumental buildings that have been demolished due to the gasquake-induced issues. The loss of cultural heritage thus creates a breach with the region’s past and affects the visual amenity of the region. This breach appears to be of great concern to the intellectual and traditional activists who identify the loss of regional cultural heritage as one of the main reasons to try to enhance regional management of the gasquake-induced issues.
The need to preserve regional cultural heritage, however, regularly clashes with the need of entrepreneurs to sustain their livelihoods. The longstanding agricultural history of the region has given rise to a situation in which a great share of monumental buildings are agricultural businesses as well. The strict preservation regulations no longer allow these agricultural producers to enlarge their barns or to develop their businesses as their property needs to be preserved in its original state. These regulations challenge the ability of agricultural producers to remain competitive as they can no longer adjust their property to the enlarged size of their machinery or can no longer make the necessary adjustment to adhere to environmental regulations that, for example, require farmers to store their pesticides in particular ways. It thus is unsurprising that these entrepreneurs prioritize their need to preserve their livelihood over the need to maintain regional cultural heritage. This also applies to other business owners and families who have had to shut down their business or have had to temporarily
83 move out of their house due to safety concerns and are faced with many limitations to rebuild or reconsolidate one’s property to ensure these buildings are maintained in their original state. These regulations make the rebuilding or consolidation procedures much more complex and time-consuming, prolonging the time in which business owners have to shut down their business and the time that families have to relocate themselves. These research participants, therefore, plea for the relaxation of preservation regulations in order to accelerate or facilitate their consolidation and rebuilding procedures.
The clash of interests among locally affected citizens has been the source of intra-community friction and tense local debates. In Krewerd, for example, local citizens had written an angry letter to regional governors to oppose the choice of fellow villagers to rebuild their homes as this would affect the character of the village. One research participant has also been in doubt whether she would choose to consolidate or completely rebuild her home as she knew her neighbor would get mad if she chose the latter. Some research participants have claimed that the current owners are just temporary owners whereas the monumental building has been here for centuries, using this as an argument as to why the need to maintain regional cultural heritage should be prioritized over the need of regional entrepreneurs to maintain their livelihoods. Other research participants, however, believe this sudden focus on the preservation of cultural heritage has gone too far. Nicole, for example, had been given a permit to demolish her home when she bought the property thirty years ago as the building supposedly did no longer fit the character of the village. However, since the emergence of regional gasquakes, her home has been added to a list of regionally defining buildings that are meant to be preserved in their original state. This reveals how the regional gasquake context has awoken a renewed emphasis on the need to preserve regional cultural heritage despite the fact that some of these buildings were of no value to fellow residents prior to the emergence of gasquakes.
The way in which the gasquakes have affected regional place identity thus appears to motivate the majority of research participants to take action against regional gas extraction efforts. These concerns, however, clash with the concerns of a minority of entrepreneurs and home owners who are hindered by the established preservation regulations that challenge them to sustain their livelihoods and to speed up their consolidation or rebuilding procedure. These findings reveal how the individualized financial consequences of the gasquake-induced issues may lead to intra-community conflicts and a clash of interests among locally affected citizens that may each be affected differently within a neoliberal context. Although place identity thus appears to be a source of intra-community conflict, it is by far less influential to the way in which locally affected citizens shape their response to the regional gasquake- induced issues in comparison to one’s social identity. This could be the case because the emergence of gasquakes does not directly threaten the agricultural character of the region, nor is the region as dependent on the extractive industry for the provision of jobs as some communities in the U.S. The absence of this direct threat and lack of reliance on the extractive industry could alleviate the tension between economic and socio-economic factors that shape one’s place attachment one may find elsewhere.
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5.3 Frame analysis: conclusion The frame analysis conducted has revealed that there are different groups of locally affected citizens that have different views and responses that appear to logically connect to one another. The belief of the traditional activist that regional mismanagement is caused by broader societal issues associated with our current economic and political system leads to an oppositional approach that excludes cooperation with the authorities as a potential option. The apocalyptic narratives that envision the demise of northeastern Groningen make it seem like overt activism and collective action is the only effective approach to enhance regional management of the gasquake-induced issues. Even though intellectual activists do not completely oppose the authorities, they are critical of the undemocratic approach that is supported by our current political system. As such, the intellectual activist pleas for a more transparent and cooperative approach, and is not afraid to appeal to court or to use the media to pressure the authorities to change their approach. Their focus on the perceived regional injustices supports their plea for greater transparency and their endeavors to assist other locally affected citizens with their struggles. The pragmatic entrepreneur perceives the gasquake-induced issues as a breach of contract caused by the state and the NAM. The regional issues are not believed to reflect broader societal issues associated with our economic and political system and can thus be solved in cooperation with the institutions established. The pragmatic entrepreneur therefore engages with the authorities, and uses their financial resources and network to alleviate their personal and regional struggles. Their focus on reciprocity supports this lawful and cooperative approach as they expect to be treated in a similar fashion by the authorities in return. The different identified approaches find their origin in one’s financial capacity to stir one’s procedure; one’s prior experience with institutions that creates a certain sense of path- dependency as to how the authorities are approached; and one’s social identity that gives way to in-group norms and values that one would like to maintain when dealing with the gasquake-induced issues. The traditional activist has the least financial resources in general and has been engaged in protests prior to the regionally emerging gasquakes as well and is thus familiar with an oppositional approach and particular norms, values and concerns that perpetuate this stance. The pragmatic entrepreneur – especially the agricultural producer – has traditionally enjoyed good relationships with the authorities and has great financial capacity to stir one’s damage procedure and regional management. These advantages along with their businesslike values that stress the need for fairness, respectability and reciprocity ensure the pragmatic entrepreneur uses assimilative strategies to alter regional management from within. The intellectual activist has traditionally enjoyed unproblematic relations with the authorities but has been astonished by the undemocratic approach and perceived regional injustices. Their approach is thus shaped by a breach in one’s prior experience as they take on an activist approach they are unfamiliar with themselves. This stance is oppositional as the intellectual activist uses (social) media to shed light on the regional issues and to pressure the authorities; visits and gives informative lectures to enhance awareness and to share and obtain information; and uses research efforts and appeals to court to strengthen the position of locally affected citizens vis-à-vis the authorities. As such, their response challenges traditional notions of what an activist should look like and how an activist should approach the regional
85 issues. The way in which one has internalized the physical landscape mainly appears to be a source of intra-community conflict. Whereas the traditional and intellectual activist appears to prioritize the need to preserve cultural heritage, the place identity of pragmatic entrepreneurs is mainly defined by economic dimensions that allow them to sustain their livelihood and to improve their businesses. It thus appears that the individualized financial burden inflicted upon locally affected citizens gives way to individual or sub-group interests that can lead to intra-community conflict and that may hinder communities to maintain a unified approach in the face of the gasquake-induced issues.
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Chapter 6 Conclusion and Discussion This chapter consists of the overall conclusion and discussion. The conclusion summarizes the findings of this ethnographic study, thereby revealing how locally affected citizens in northeastern Groningen have dealt with the gasquake-related issues. The discussion connects these findings to broader theoretical debates to discuss the scientific implications of this research report.
Conclusion The aim of this research effort is to reveal how local citizens in northeastern Groningen deal with the emergence of gasquakes and the damage they have induced. To enhance our understanding of the way locally affected citizens deal with the gasquake-induced issues, I first revealed the varying ways in which (non-)resistance was enacted; the drivers behind the multitude of varying community responses; and the way in which citizens reevaluate their relationship to the authorities and the state. Each of these questions has been addressed in one of the main chapters of this thesis. These results need to be interpreted in relation to regional socio-cultural contextual circumstances as well. Chapter 3 has therefore elaborated on the region’s place identity, the region’s history with gas extraction, and the gasquake-related issues from the perspective of locally affected citizens. It is the aim of this conclusion to bring together the different elements of this thesis to provide a thorough yet brief answer to the main research question posed. The theoretical relevance of these findings will be discussed in the subsequent discussion.
Chapter 3 revealed that the gasquake-induced issues penetrate the daily lives of locally affected citizens to a much greater extent than initially meets the eye. Locally affected citizens are not just confronted with some cracks in their wall, but may face complex, long-standing consolidation or rebuilding procedures as their home has become unsafe. These procedure are rather time-consuming and may dictate one’s life for years. As overall costs often exceed the costs covered by the authorities, citizens may need to use their savings to ensure the gasquake-induced damage is properly restored. These additional costs may be especially great for regional entrepreneurs who may have to temporarily shut down their business due to safety concerns and are thus faced with a loss of income and additional expenses at the same time. These issues have also affected the regional housing market, leading to a situation in which people who wish to move out feel trapped in their home or may feel obligated to sell their home for a price far below its actual value. The sense of security of locally affected citizens has been affected as well, as people are afraid to experience another severe gasquake and have felt necessitated to, for example, move one’s bedroom downstairs to regain a sense of security. The procedural complexity, the time-consuming nature of the proceedings as well as the multiple delays locally affected citizens have faced have seriously affected their trust in the authorities and, for some, their belief in the entire political system. The gasquakes have demolished regional cultural heritage and have accelerated region population decline as well. These issues have triggered local communities to defend their livelihoods and their direct physical environmental in varying ways.
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Chapter 4 has revealed that locally affected citizens engage in varying overt and covert acts of resistance. These citizens develop political gateways, use the legal system, approach the media, or engage in collective protest to either further one’s personal procedure or to enhance regional management in general. Citizens resist the authorities in covert manners as well, as they strategically circumvent regulations, engage in regional playful acts or protests that mock the authorities, and aim to obtain and share information with one another to the best of their ability. These acts are usually enacted to further one’s personal procedures and to assist one’s fellow community members. Resistance, however, is not always enacted as the complex procedures have demotivated local citizens to report their damage to avoid yet another longstanding struggle with the NAM. People have also refrained from resistance as they do are afraid they may lose their jobs or do not want their neighborhood to be associated with gasquake-induced damage as this affects the local housing market. The gasquake-induced issues have also given rise to varying, clashing interests among different groups of people that challenge communities to collectively unite cohesive resistance struggles. Whereas some activists plea for the preservation of cultural heritage, for example, other regional entrepreneurs and home owners plea for the relaxation of these regulations to rebuild and develop their property in a freer and more timely manner.
Chapter 5 revealed that the different community responses are associated with various social groups that each take on a different approach in the face of the gasquake-induced issues. Traditional activists mainly adopt disruptive strategies in the form of overt protests to oppose the authorities; pragmatic entrepreneurs use assimilative strategies, using one’s financial means and well-established network to engage and cooperate the authorities in an attempt to influence one’s procedures and institutional structure from within; and intellectual activists use acts of citizenship to shed light on the regional issues and to further one’s personal procedures, as they are engaged in research efforts, actively approach the media, and seek to share and obtain information to remain informed. Intellectual activists use both assimilative and disruptive strategies, as they engage in protests yet aim to gather as much information to use the established institutions and procedures to the best of their ability as well. These responses are driven by various factors that determine one’s social position and that shape one’s perceptions in the face of the gasquake-induced issues. As discussed in chapter 5, these factors include one’s financial capacity, one’s prior experience with the authorities, as well as one’s social identity and associated group norms. As already touched upon in the previous paragraph, place identity is the main source of intra-community conflict because the need to maintain regional cultural heritage directly constrains the freedom of local entrepreneurs and owners of monumental buildings to consolidate or rebuild one’s property. Whereas these citizens may feel pressured by their neighbors to maintain their property as it is, their need to maintain their livelihoods may enforce them to rebuild their property whenever possible anyhow.
This thesis has thus revealed that there are varying social groups in northeastern Groningen that respond differently to the gasquake-induced issues. Each of these groups take on a different approach that is supported by different diagnostic and prognostic beliefs that concur with one’s social identity and the associated group norms, as well as their capacity to exert
88 influence over the way in which the gasquake-induced issues are regionally managed. It thus appears that the gasquake-induced issues exacerbate and reproduce regional inequalities among social groups, providing the relatively prosperous citizens with greater possibilities to influence their damage procedures and to alleviate their personal gasquake-related issues. These inequalities are caused by the individualized nature of the damage procedures and the individualized financial consequences of the gasquake-induced issues which provoke a situation in which locally affected citizens are primarily preoccupied with their personal struggles. This challenges communities to engage in widespread collective action in ways that one would expect to erupt had local citizens been affected in similar ways. Some locally affected citizens have deliberately refrained from resistance due to certain micropolitical concerns, as they are afraid they may lose their jobs or refuse to draw attention to local issues as this may affect local housing prices. These acts of non-resistance are thus not adopted due to a lack of willingness or an inherent passive regional identity, but are shaped by circumstantial factors that convince these citizens that non-resistance is most advantageous to their personal situation. Even though locally affected citizens are bound by their attachment to the same place, it appears to be one’s social identity that is of greatest influence to shape local community responses within the Groninger gasquake context. The subsequent discussion will position these findings within broader theoretical debates and reveal what theoretical conclusions can be drawn based on this research report.
Discussion The conclusion reveals that this research report both concurs and disagrees with some of the theoretical premises posed in the theoretical framework. The main conclusion drawn is that different social groups respond differently to the gasquake-induced issues. These differences can partially be explained by the way one’s social position shapes one’s possibilities to oppose the authorities, and is partially related to one’s social identity and one’s experience with the authorities. The fact that the Groninger gasquake struggle is a place-based issue supports the theoretical premise that social conflicts have become increasingly place-based rather than class-based (Mihaylov & Perkins, 2015). The citizens of northeastern Groningen do not necessarily share a uniform social identity or social status, but are bound by their attachment to the same place and place-based neoliberal developments that negatively affect their livelihoods. The fact that the gasquake-induced issues transcend social class may also explain why locally affected citizens have taken on different approaches within the Groninger gasquake context. As the citizens of northeastern Groningen lack the civil uniformity one would find in class-based struggles, they each are affected differently and each have to rely on different support systems and resources provided by their social groups. These differences are most visibly apparent among regional farmers and activists, who each have a clear-cut social group that is respectively defined by one’s occupation, and one’s convictions and involvement in social protests. Both of these groups have their own approach and are engaged with their own social network, engaging with the gasquake-induced issues in separate, uncoordinated ways. The interviews with my research respondents have also revealed that it is rather challenging to bridge the differences among these social groups that have different social identities and world views that often clash with one another. It thus appears that the gasquake-induced issues did not bridge the differences among social groups, but instead
89 perpetuated them as each group has taken on a different approach and has been confronted with different indirect consequences associated with the regional gasquakes. These findings suggest that the increasingly neoliberal, place-based nature of social conflict may challenge the ability of locally affected citizens to engage in collective action as communities lack the socio-economic uniformity one would find in class-based struggles. This premise also suggests that communities are less likely to engage in widespread collective action and overt resistance in neoliberal, place-based contextual circumstances than in more egalitarian societies or in class-based struggles in which people are bound by similar group norms and are more equally affected by impactful occurrences and events. Further research is required to test this hypothesis, and to explore how neoliberalism and associated inequality levels may affect collective action when communities are confronted with large-scale, neoliberal energy projects. This could be done in the form of a comparative analysis, analyzing communities that are faced with similar energy projects in different contextual circumstances characterized by different intra-community inequality rates.
According to Luke, Rasch, Evensen and Köhne, the intersection of place identity and social identity may lead to ambiguous community responses characterized by concerned silence or accidental activist acts whenever the affected communities oppose unconventional gas development yet do not embrace activism as part of their social identity (2018). The findings of this research effort suggest that activism is not a part of the regional social identity. The research respondents have repeatedly commented on the supposedly passive attitude and their experienced lack of support from their fellow Groningers. The fact that the largest grassroots organization – the GBB – solely consists of 4000 members whereas the population of the province of Groningen exceeds 500.000 also suggests that solely a small portion of the regional population is actively engaged in the regional resistance struggle. The research findings, however, do not concur with the theoretical premise that this social identity gives rise to ‘accidental activists’. That is, because nearly all research participants have been continuously engaged with the gasquake-induced issues regardless of their social identity. Although this involvement may not be in the form of traditional, overt activism, these research participants have aimed to oppose the authorities and enhance their decision-making authority just as actively as traditional activists, yet in ways that most closely resemble their social identity and socio-economic position. Intellectual activists especially debunk the premise posed by Luke et. al as they have become self-proclaimed re-activists, embracing an activist identity they had been unfamiliar and uncomfortable with before. Some intellectual activists, such as Hannah, have even challenged stereotypical notions attached to activism in order to make widespread collective action against the authorities more acceptable. The intellectual activist have thus been exceptionally determined in their efforts to bring about regional change despite the fact that activism was not a part of their social identity prior to the emergence of gasquakes. The efforts of these intellectual activists underscore the fluidity of one’s social identity and demonstrate that citizens may possess greater agency to change socio-cultural conceptions than the theoretical premise of Luke et. al suggests. The research findings thus support a more nuanced view of the way in which social identity shapes local community responses, as the data reveal that citizens can make through a shift in one’s social identity that allows people to become more comfortable with an oppositional approach over
90 time. Further research is required to reveal whether this premise stands ground outside of the Groninger gasquake context as well. This research should analyze how social identity may change under longstanding conflictual circumstances, and should explore whether this change is associated with an increasingly conflictual approach of affected communities over time.
Overall, the ethnographic, micropolitical approach of this research effort has developed a more nuanced understanding of the way local community responses are formed. This human- centered approach has identified how intra-community differences among locally affected citizens affect one’s approach and how these differences can severely constrain one’s ability to oppose the authorities. Non-resistance is often motivated by fear, hopelessness, or a careful consideration of the pros and cons that are attached to one’s involvement in overt activism. These micropolitical understandings refute the widely supported conviction that non- resistance is attached to a supposedly passive regional identity. The identified covert resistance strategies concur with Scott´s observation that resistance does not necessarily have to be recognized as such, and suggests that the lack of perceived resistance does not necessarily equate to non-resistance or acceptance of local extractive practices (1985). This realization supports Ortner’s premise that human-centered ethnographic analyses are required to avoid misrepresentations of local resistance struggles, and to allow local communities to create their own narrative in opposition to the narratives established by the authorities (1995). The NAM, for example, had proudly published a factsheet on its website which stated that the organization had settled 85% of the reported damage claims by 2017. This factsheet, however, did not address the question whether the claimants happily accepted these settlements. The claimants may have felt pressured to accept the financial settlements as they lacked the perseverance or means to oppose the authorities, or may have been afraid they would not receive any financial compensation if they refused the proposed settlements. This reveals how authorities can use categorizations and numbers to misrepresent the actual situation of locally affected citizens, providing a much more positive picture than this research effort indicates. A quantitative research effort should therefore be conducted to reveal under what circumstances these damage settlements have been accepted. Further research should also elaborately analyze the manifestation of neoliberal power structures, thereby analyzing the effects these power structures have on our democratic system, and the way in which these structures affect local decision-making authority when communities are faced with large-scale energy projects.
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