sign in sign up
<<
Home , Abundantia, Africa (goddess), Concordia (mythology), Fortuna, Jupiter (mythology), Mural crown

Imperial Author(s): Kathleen J. Shelton Source: Gesta, Vol. 18, No. 1, Papers Related to Objects in the Exhibition "Age of Spirituality", The Metropolitan Museum of Art ( 1977-February 1978) (1979), pp. 27- 38 Published by: International Center of Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/766787 . Accessed: 30/04/2011 18:35

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.

Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=icma. .

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

International Center of Medieval Art is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Gesta.

http://www.jstor.org ImperialTyches*

KATHLEENJ. SHELTON The Universityof Chicago

In 1917, sixty-four pieces from an Albanian treasure hoard entered the MetropolitanMuseum of Art with the col- lection of J. Pierpont Morgan.The treasurehad appearedon the market, piece by piece, from 1902 to 1907 and had pre- sumably been purchased shortly thereafter by Morgan.The hoard was said to have been found by a farmer on his land near the village of Vrap, but no further details are known of the discovery or of the route taken by the pieces which surfaced in Istanbul, Trieste, Tirana and Durazzo. The bulk of the treasure was held by Morgan, although prior to his purchase seven (of eight) small, rough bars of gold had been melted down by the imperialmint in Vienna, conveyed there most probably by the Austro-hungarianconsul in Durazzo who knew of the treasureat an early date. The original treasure contained four gold goblets, one and three gold shallowbowls with "ear"handles, a silver ewer, a silver footed bowl with a swing handle, two round gold discs of uncertainfunction and the eight gold bars. The remaining pieces were cast and chased gold ornaments- buckles, small plaques, studs-quite clearly of barbarian manufacture.Within the year of the Morgangift, Strzygowski published the Albaniantreasure along with severalothers in an investigation of the arts of the Germanic and nomadic tribes.1 To be sure, Strzygowski was far more interested in the stylized ornament of the fifty-three barbarian pieces in the hoard, but he discussed the goblets, ewer and footed bowl as well. He saw in them types and motifs similar to those of Coptic, Sasanianand early Islamicorigin.2 It might be objected that the types are Mediterranean. FIGURE1. Gold cup with personifeation of . TheMetropolitan The ewer and footed bowl correspondto late Roman pieces, Museumof Art, gift of J. PierpontMorgan, 1917. and the goblets are close in overallform to vesselsdated to the sixth and seventh centuries,localized in the East, possibly to Constantinople.3 The Albanian chalices are all characterized by broad, hemisphericalbowls and conical stems which rise from horizontal base plates (See Fig. 1.) A bulbous convex tion which circles the top of the cup (Figs. 1 and 2).4 Set off molding interrupts the taper of the stem near the bowl, and by inscribedlines which establish an uppermargin, the legend simple, shallow convex and concave moldings mark the junc- reads + KuNCTANT HNOtIOlSHC + [IulSHC KV[IOC tion. Their Constantinopolitan counterparts are far more + [IulSHC PuMHC + [IulSHC A1SHC A1VeZAN/\PHA+ elegant in form. Base plates carry moldings, stems rise with in wobbling uncial script.4a. The legend is far removed from broad, graceful curves and the attachmentof bowl and stem the stately, niello-filled capitalsfound on the Constantinopoli- is handled less abruptly. But the difference is one of degree tan pieces, but the Albanianchalice with its awkwardinscrip- not kind; the Albanian pieces might be explained as late or tion allows the observation of a late and possibly provincial

. . . provlncla coples. survivalof a Roman imperia]type which delights the student One of the goblets in the treasureimitates the Constan- of the late antique and early Byzantine periods and testifies tinopolitan type even to an engravedand niello-filled inscrip- to the continuity of the two cultures.

27

GESTA XVIII/1 t The InternationalCenter of Medieval Art 1979 Below the inscription on the body of the bowl, are four bust-lengthrepresentations of female figures. Each is depicted as wearinga long-sleevedgarment and a mantle which crosses the body at the waist and passes over the left shoulder.Two additionalpieces of draperybillow out behind, archingin the air like wings.5 Each figure carriesa scepter, crowned with a cluster of circles, before the body in the right hand. The left breaks the silhouette and gestures, palm open, to the side. All four wear bracelets and mural , and two, opposite one another on the cup, carry orbs topped with three small circles in their extended left hands. The crowns identify the figures as Tyches or city , and each is represented, roughly centered, below an identifying legend. Startingat the break in the inscription marked by an engraved vine with tendrils, they are Constantinople, Cyprus, Rome and Alex- andria. Quite clearly, the two that carry orbs are Rome (Fig. 1) and Constantinople,whose equality and opposition are announcedby both attributeand placementon the surface FIGURE 2. Personificationof Cyprus,detail of gold cup in FIG. 1. of the cup.6 Cyprus (Fig. 2) and Alexandria,at some level equivalent,are secondaryfigures within the quartet. A simple post quem for the representationsis treasure to the late sixth and seventh centuries.l2 And an provided by the presence of Constantinople. The inclusion inscription which circles the neck of the ewer is a virtual of this requires that the group date to the match with that on the gold cup. Keil's dating is therefore period after the dedication of the city. Constantine began buttressed by additional evidence. The brevity of his argu- construction in 324, and references to activities of 328 sug- ment, however masks complex developmentsin the imagery gest that there may have been a personified image at that of the later which provided the context in . The first representationsof the of the new city, which the messageof the gold cup was grounded. however, are found on silver medallions struck at the mint After all, there is nothing in the representationsor in of Constantinople to celebrate the consecration of the city the inscriptionper se to indicate that the presence of a per- on 11 May 330. Further,it has been pointed out that repre- sonficiation of Cyprus is in any way unusual.She is dressed sentations of Constantinople as the equal or sister city of in garments completely comparable to those of the other Rome are innovations of the vota coinage of Constantius three, her gesturesare identical; and her attributes,equivalent II, with the earliest examples dating to 343 A.D.7 In cor- to those of Alexandriaif of lesser importancethan those of respondence with Strzygowski, the classical scholar Bruno Constantinople and Rome. If Cyprus is an island while the Keil ingeniously suggested later bracket dates drawn from other three are cities, all four were equivalentadministrative the iconographyof the vessel. For Cyprus to be classedalong units with claims of apostolic foundation within the early with Constantiople, Rome and Alexandria, the cup must church.l3 The perception that the presence of Cyprus re- date after 431 and the Council of Ephesus. At that time the quires explanation springs not from events of ecclesiastical church of Cyprus, under the leadershipof the metropolitan history but from the of Tyche figures in the of Constantia(ancient Salamis), broke with the patriarchate late Roman world. Cyprus is represented as a city of . A terminusante was provided by the destruction with the appropriate costume and attributes, most signi- of Constantia and the occupation of the island by the Arabs ficantly with a mural , but so were many provinces in 647.8 Strzygowski, in agreement, considered the decora- and other geographical . On the Morgan tions of the goblet to reflect an episode of ecclesiastical cup, however, Cyprus is understood to be an intruderwithin politics and, specifically, to have preserved the perspective a college of sister cities whose conventional fourth member of a Cypriotechauvinist.9 would be Antioch. In such a context, the substitution seems Keil's solution is simple and elegant, although both conscious and depends in part for its effect on the audience's scholars were clearly disappointed at the poor workmanship expectation of the missingmember. of the piece. Both held out the possibility that the Morgan In the late fourth century, at the time that the Cypriote cup was a later copy of an original made in Constantia be- church began to petition for its independence,assemblies of tween 431 and 647.1° It might be added that the Arab inva- Tyche figureswere an aspect of contemporaryofficial imagery. sion of 647 mentioned by Keil lasted a mere two years and This had not always been the case; the assemblies were a that a lengthy occupation of over 150 years only began in relatively recent development of the previous century. Suf- 802.1 l More recent scholarship,however, would date stamps ficient numbersremain to indicate that the iconographictype and monogramsfound on the silver bowl and ewer from the was widespread with no obvious concentration in any one

28 geographic area. The monuments seem to show that, while good gifts were her essential, most important characteristic. the motif did not rival the older, established images of em- Temples and altars to Tyche- were erected in perors or victories, it was a distinct addition to the imperial most major Mediterraneancities, often coexisting with cults iconographic repertory. In the late empire, single Tyche of the Tyches of the individualcities themselves.The nature figures achieved a new prominence as well. The city, the of the relationshipbetween the more broadly defined Tyche- basic unit of civilized society for both the Greeks and the Fortuna and the Tyches whose was the welfare of Romans, appearsto emerge in the fourth century A.D. as a individual cities is difficult to define. The apparentcloseness central image in the iconography of empire. And the as- of the modern terms is an appropriatereflection of ancient semblies of Tyches would depict the late Roman state as a usage, and scholarsdiscuss city and personalTyches as grow- "commonwealthof self-governingcities." 1 4 The concept was ing out of the worship of Tyche-Fortunain the third, second hardly new to the period, but its translation into official and first centuries B.C.18 The images are distinct: as a rule imagery was. At a time when many observe the weakened city Tyches did not inherit the rudder and wheel, nor did condition of the empire and that of its cities in particular, Tyche-Fortunaborrow the numerous geographical,historical it seems ironic that the ideal if not the reality of the city and religious attributes which signaled specific cities. While would be officially championed. no precise determination can be made, it seems significant Personificationsof cities have a long history in the Greco- that Tyche-Fortuna passed from the Roman coinage along Roman Mediterranean,although some of the developments with , , and other major in the in the are tracedwith difficulty. Thereis the peren- course of the fourth century A.D. City Tyches remained, nial problem of lost or destroyed images, but there are also along with membersof imperialfamilies, conquered barbarians problems of language, both ancient and modern. At base, and Victories. The distinction drawn by a Christianempire, the modern concept of personification does not have an in a medium under imperialcontrol, would reveal a hierarchy automatic equivalent in the ancient world. The human forms of beings, all of whom had been recipientsof cult, but some and attributes with which certain concepts were made mani- of whom were not consideredantithetical to the new Christian fest were not necessarily mere poetic conceits. What the state. The two Tyches, although related, were perceived to modern student can only call personficationsappear to have be distinct. been at some level "real," to have been understood along The most famous representation of Tyche is actually with the major deities of the Greco-Roman as that of a city goddess. In 300 B.C., SeleucusNicator founded possessing aspects of human appearanceand behavior. Like the city of Antioch in the lands of Alexander'sempire which the major deities, many were the recipients of cult, arch- had passed to him upon Alexander's . Contemporary eological evidence of which exists in shrines and dedications. with the foundation was the commission given Eutychides Unlike the major deities, however, these minor existed in a restricted sphere: possessing attributes but not histories or ; interacting with gods, humans and other personificationsin only the most limited fashion.l 5 Tyche was one of these powers. The earliest reference occurs in , and the earliest known image was sculpted by Bupalus of Chios for the citizens of Smyrnain the sixth century B.C. (Paus.4.30.6).1 6 Althoughthe statue by Bupalus apparentlyrepresented the Tyche of the. city, the association of Tyche with specific cities and single individualswas a later development of the . Tyche was a who governed the success or failure of human enterprises. Less powerful than Fate, the Greek TvXr1was the Fortuna, and it was in the world of the Roman Republicand Empire that her cult attracted its largest following.l7 She was represented along with a host of other personifications as a mature female figure dressedin a long chiton and mantle; her conventionalattributes were a ship's rudder,which rested on a wheel, and a .The combinationis interesting. The rudder and wheel allude in a neutral way to her power to direct and control events. The cornucopia, shared with such figures as , Concordiaand , would indicate that this control was (always) beneficial. The images of Tyche-Fortuna most widely distributed in the ancient world were those of the Tyche of the Roman emperorwhose FIGURE 3. Tetradrachmonof TigranesI, reverse;Tyche of Antioch.

29 of Sicyon for a statue of the city goddess. Other Greek cities cession, there is a ready explanation. " . . * they have sur- had erected images in the years between the sixth century rounded the top of her head with a , because work of Bupalusand that of Eutychides, but none was so fre- embattled in excellent positions she sustains cities" (Lucr. quently copied and easily recognizedas the Tyche of Antioch 2. 606-610).26 is not a Tyche, nor M. .When (Fig. 3.) Her posture, with right leg crossed over left, right context or circumstances were appropriate, however, they elbow to right knee and left arm at a diagonalaway from the and many others were depicted with the attribute which body, was complex and sculpturallyambitious. The reasons called up associationswith city Tyches. for the statue's immense popularity are obscure, although There were city Tyches conventionally represented the dramatic shifts of axis described by the figure make the without the mural crown. Certainly, they define a minority, work compelling in even the poorest copy. Other but legends on coins and inscriptions permit the identifica- adaptedthe posturaltype, the statue was depictedon souvenirs tion of another type. Severalcities in Minorhad Tyches and coins of Antioch, and other city Tyches were conceived in the guise of . The temple of Hecate at Laginain as frank imitations.l9 The Tyche of Antioch was seated on a Caria was decorated with a frieze depicting an alliance of rock outcropping, accompanied by the youthful male per- cities representedas helmeted Amazons and as stately females sonification of the river Orontes. She carrieda sheaf of grain in chitons and mantles.27 The mints of the Greek cities, and fruits or a palm branch in her right hand and wore a which survived into the Roman empire, issued coinage in mural crown. The topographicalreferences were taken over bronze for local circulation which celebrated single cities, by cities where appropriateand the grain and fruits most joint treaties and the like through the images of their Ama- commonly retained.20 But the crown is perhaps her most zonian and more conventionally garbed city goddesses.28 important attribute. The statue of Eutychides was the f1rst The objection might be raised that these Amazons are per- Tyche to wear the mural crown. So appropriateseems the sonficiations or founders of cities not Tyches.29 But such reference and so ready its adoption by subsequent Tyches, sharp distinctions were not native to the Greeks, and the that it is difficult to remember that the mural crown had material evidence would indicate that the different types other applicationsand that some city goddesseswent without. were roughly equivalent. Perhaps the most famous figure The attribute is said to have had its origins in the East taken to represent an ancient city appeared in both types and an introduction to the West in the fourth century B.C.21 and is debated to be either goddess, or Tyche or personif1ca- Its appearancein the West after the fourth century would tion. Or any combination thereof. The figure, of course, is seem to indicate that the wearer was in some sense linked . with the fortunes of cities. The independence of Tyche- There are partisans for every position. The literature is Fortuna is suggested, in part, by the absence of the mural vast; the discussions are heated; and the arguments,at , crown as a necessary attribute. And, conversely, the mural seem narrow. For present purposes, it is appropriateto note crowns occasionally given representations of , that, while Roma was much more than a city goddess, her , Artemis and others would mark the goddesses in their image did representthe city, and the empiregoverned by that aspects as guardiansof specific cities (e.g. Artemisof Ephesus). city, as the image of the Tyche of Antioch might stand for Local divinities in areas converted to Greco-Romanbeliefs Antioch itself. In the Hellenistic period, as the power of were understood as protectressesand mergedwith Tyche; the Rome grew, the Greek cities of the East created a cult of most telling sign of this is the mural ea Pxfxtl. Again, this cult was more ambitiousand farreaching crown.22 The extention of the attribute to personifications than the cult of an ordinarycity Tyche, commonly practiced of larger geographic areas seems natural and can be docu- only within the limits of a city's domains.30 But the imagery mented with many examples. Best known might be the relief of ea Px,url was that of a city goddess. A third century coin found at Porciglianowhere two female figures wearingmural from Epizephyrii in shows Roma - crowns are inscribed EXPQtlH and ANIA.23 Consorts of throned, wearing a long chiton with a mantle draped about living rulerswere occasionally depicted with mural crowns,24 her hips. A female personificationof Loyalty stands before and even M. Agrippa,honored for victories on land and sea, her, extending a to crown her.31 The Roma from wears a combination of rostral and mural crowns on coins Locri rests on a shield, a military attribute like those carried of 12 B.C.2s The relationshipbetween the figure who bears by the Amazonian Roma on the near-contemporarycoins of the crown and any concerns for the care and protection of the Roman . There Roma is commonly helmeted, in cities may seem tenuous in some cases. To the people of the short tunic and boots, with attributesof shield, sword, scepter, ancient world, however) the attribute was apparentlyalways staff and lance.32 This martial aspect of Roma was to con- understood for its specific reference. Cybele, a goddess fre- tinue and become dominantin the early empire,but the more quently represented with the mural crown, processed in a peaceful Roma, comparableto traditionalTyche imagery,was chariot drawn by lions, attended by eunuchs, Curetes and to survive as well. A glimpse of such a figure is afforded by armed Phrygian troops; her passage accompanied by loud, Claudian coins from the imperial mint at Ephesus (Fig. 4). raucous music. In such a display, the crown seems a modest, Within a temple to the cult of Augustusand Roma, a statuary if ill-suited, attribute But in a description of one such pro- group is representedwith a Roma who carries a cornucopia

30 and offers a crown to the emperor.The creationof the eastern and relatedpersonifications were appreciatedand their imagery cities, the Roma with cornucopiaand mural crown was repre- used to new ends. What better announcementof territorial sented in the Greek im.perial coinage until the local mints gain than the head of the Tyche of a capturedcity on the coin ceased majorproduction in the third centuryA.D.3 3 of a Republican general?35 What clearer depiction of the benefits of Roman rule than the image of a province raised of Tyche- At the close of the , the cult up by her captor?36 Once worshipped in isolation-each Cults of individual Fortuna was established and growing. Tyche in her own city-the cults of the many Tyches may flourished in many Mediterraneancities. And city Tyches be an appropriateimage for the autonomy enjoyed by the a cult of eaPx,ur1. Rome representedand perhaps under- Greek cities, even when somewhat curtailedin the Hellenistic Tyche, was spreading as Rome was expanding. stood as a period. With the conquests of the Republicangenerals, how- The imagery of Tyche-Fortuna was singular, with an em- ever, the individual cities were drawn into larger units and on her good graces.By comparison,a clllsterof images phasis their Tyches with them. associatedconcepts had grown up aroundthe personified and On coins of Gnaeus , Hispania greets its con- cities. There were two types and a host of specific attributes. queror while one of her cities, possibly Corduba, kneels One device, the mural crown, had developed an independent before him and crowns him.37 Both figures are females with : always associated with Tyches and cities, it was mural crowns, and, while there could conceivablyhave been incorporated into the imagery of other geographic units, an earlier Tyche of Corduba, there could be no Tyche of living rulers and deities. Yet Tyche figures, whose prime Hispania before Hispania was formally constituted by the attribute it was, did not always wear the crown. The number Romans in the second century B.C. The exact identification of individualTyches was large,but few individualimages, such of these two figures might be debated, but they establish a as that of Antioch, were known over a large area. And fewer, pattern which lasts into the imperialperiod when coin legends such as ea Px,ur1,were worshippedby diversegroups. confirm a Hispaniaand show her claspinghands with a figure The private iconography of the Roman Republican of Gallia.38 A coin representationof the Gallic provinces, families reflected this general repertory of the Hellenistic clearly labeled TRES GALLIAE,illuminates the iconographic Geographicalpersonifications of , Asia, Arcadia age. process.39 These are new Tyches of a sort, Roman Tyches. gracedwall ,sculptures and objects in the and Persia Quarrels over terminology-are these personifications or It was in the coinage,in the public iconography minor arts.34 goddesses?-point up problematic questions of cult but that the political associationsof the Tyches of these families, obscure the accomplishmentsof the Roman image makers. Heirs to the cults and concepts of the Hellenistic age, the Romans preserved existing Tyches, drew on their associa- tions and created new images with which they narratedtheir history and, in a sense, populated their territories.The three Gauls can only be personificationsof administrativedistricts of the Roman empire, but in the context of the culture of the mid-firstcentury A.D., they are also the immediatekin of the Hellenistic Tyches. Formerly, there had been personifica- tions of the broad divisions of the known world (Europe, ), of the lands within and immediately borderingthe Hellenistic kingdoms (Macedonia, Persia) and of the indi- vidual Greek cities (, Alexandria).With the Romans, previous settlements in the West, new cities and provinces received personified images which were created as equals to the older Tyche figures. Some sense of their differingorigins was preserved in the imagery, nowhere better illustrated than in the Hadrianic province series.40 The city of Nico- media, restored by Hadrianafter an earthquake,kneels before him wearinga mural crown. 'sprovince of Bithynia also wears the crown as do Arabia,Asia and Cappadocia,while western provinces such as ,Gallia, Hispania,are in classical dress but lack the crown. 'sgroupings do not define fixed types but suggest a variable division of western provinces without and eastern provinces with the crownsof Tyche figures. FlGURE 4. Cistophorusof ,reverse; Temple of It would be misleadingto imply that representationsof and Roma. Tyches and personified provinces were dominant in the

31 the divine Hadrian, shows two kneeling figures with mural crowns.47 Grouped with a personification of a province in native dress, the two are best identified as eastern provinces like those of the coin series. on a relief from the quadrifons on Lepcis Magna is shown enthroned, attended by the city Tyche.48 It is possible that there were more official monuments, now destroyed, but there cannot have been many. Pausanias' reference to statues of cities which stood before the temple of at (Paus. 1.18 .6) is difficult to reconcile with such meager extant materials. From the context of his statement a Hadrianic date might be inferred, but even the rich Hadrianic series contained only two city Tyches. The date may be incorrect, but, more importantly, the Olympian Tyches may have been privaterather than public dedications. The small number of Tyche figures on official, imperial monuments is somewhat puzzling in view of their popularity at the local level and in the private sphere. The mints of the Greek cities continued to produce coin images of Tyches for local circulation, and the many Hellenistic Tyches des- cribed by Pausaniaswere clearly still standing in the mid- second century A.D. The Tyche of Antioch, possibly re- FIGURE 5. Medallion of , reverse; Sisciv between the Savus and stored by Trajanafter an earthquake,continued to serve as Colapis. a model for other Tyche representationsinto the third cen- tury.49 Many small-scale copies after the statue were of Roman manufactureand tradedthroughout the Mediterranean official iconography of the early empire. Far from it. The during the imperial period. But such images were to enter Hadrianic province series, the Trajanic which preceded it official iconographyonly at a later date. and the Antonine which followed, were a markedbreak with In the mid-third century, the emperor Gallienusopened tradition never equaled or repeated.41 They articulated a an imperial mint in the Pannonian city of Siscia. Withinten definition of the empire and an emperor's duties as existing years a coin bearing the personified image of the city was in the varying relations of the central authority and its sub- issued, and, during the brief reign of the Pannonianemperor ject peoples.42 The Hadrianic repertory of types and their Probus (276-82), a medallion (Fig. 5).5° The medallionshows associatedmeanings were never lost; they were replaced,how- Siscia enthroned, flanked by personificationsof the rivers ever, only partiallyby singleimages issued atirregularintervals. Savus and Colapis which met at the site of the town. It is a Victorious campaigns continued to be celebrated with the modest image, but it was the first of a number of similar images of provinces as they had since the Republic, and a imperial strikes which date to the late third and early fourth Septimius Severus might honor his birthplacewith images of centuries. Between 298 and 307, the variousmembers of the struck eleven different imperial Africa.43 But no programmatic development took place. first and second The officiaI iconography of the Roman empire in the first, types at the mint in Carthagewhich bore imagesof that city's second and third centuries A.D. placed emphasison imperial Tyche. Between 308 and 3 11, two additional types were and imperial activities, civil and military, and the struck for L. Domitius Alexander.sl During the same period, benefits which resulted from both. Tyches and provinces imperialbronze medallionswith representationsof Alexandria appeared only when their presence was appropriateto the were struck for , MaximianusHerculius and Con- illustration of specific deeds: as mentioned above, Hadrian stantiusChlorus.s 2 The most famous of the tetrarchicTyches, helped the citizens of Nicomedia recoverfrom the earthquake however, is known from a single specimen. It is the silver of 123 and was saluted RESTITVTORNICOMEDIAE in the medallion minted at Trier from the treasureof Arras which kneeling companyof the city Tyche.44 shows ConstantiusChlorus as victor, approachingthe Nicomedia was only one of only three city goddesses to figureof London.5 3 appear on the imperial coinage through the middle of the Towardsthe end of the tetrarchicperiod, duringthe joint third century A.D.45 Contemporaryhistorical reliefs featured rule of Constantine and Licinius, the imperial mint at Arles few more. At Benevento, Trajanwas representeddistributing struck a series to celebrateits foundation.The figureof Roma tokens of his alimenta to four Tyches of Italian cities and escorts a personificationof the mint at Ostia (Moneta) to her recruiting soldiers and establishingcolonies in the company boat in one coin, and in another Arles, complete with mural of others.46 An Antonine panel, probably from an arch to crown, welcomes the mint at the end of her voyage.54 The

32 allegoricalparaphrase appeals in its simplicity, but more im- portant than the tale of the transferof the mint is the implicit equality of Rome and Arles. Werethese coins from the mint at Arles unique, it would seem appropriateto see in them a bit of local sentiment. It is precisely in these years, however, that other cities to challenge Rome within the imperial iconography. Most striking and most richly documented is Constantinople,conceived at its dedication as a rival, a new Rome.55 The building of Constantinople did not cause a sudden change in the fortunes of Rome: Rome had gradually relinquishedits primacy duringthe third century. Duringthe fourth, it continued as one of the imperial residences along with Nicomedia, , Trier, Sirmium and Antioch. The imperialimagery, however, would portray this gradualchange as an abrupt one. After centuries of reigningalone as goddess and protectress, Roma is suddenly pictured as one (although perhapsfirst) amongequals. The number of works which reflect the shift is relatively large. Some, such-as the fresco from the Via della Concil- iazione, the bronze casket from Croatia and the Calendarof 354, preserve groupings of Tyche figures with Roma repre- sented as their head, their superior.Many, however, do not. Countless imperial coins struck during the fourth and fifth centuries carry images of Rome and Constantinopleas equals, analogousin type to representationsof emperorsas co-rulers. The two are depicted together on a gilded glass medallion, FIGURE 6. Ivory diptych with Roma and Constantinopolis.Kunsthis- and their images, together with portraitsof the consuls of the torischesMuseum, Vienna. late fifth and early sixth centuries, are found on consular diptychs. An atypical example which focuses on the Tyches rather than on the consuls is the diptych in Vienna (Fig. 6). The two are here representedwith emphasison their differing aspects. Roma wears a tunic with right breastbared, a crested helmet, a staff (here a thyrsus) and a mantle pinned on her right with a f1bula: she is an Amazonian warrior.Constan- tinople, by contrast, carries a cornucopia and wears a long- sleeved gown with a mantle about her hips and a veil over her head, falling from a mural crown. Constantinopleis con- ceived as a traditional Tyche. Where Rome carriesa victory on a globe, Constantinoplecarries a torch with an Erote on her shoulder. The opposition is that seen in the coins, al- though an occasional image breaks the pattern, representing both figuresas Amazons,as if they were two Romes(Fig. 7). 5 6 There are other pairs composed of Rome and a rival. Agnellus describes a mosaic which represents Theodosius standing between Rome and . On the silver plate of the consul Adabar Aspar, Rome's partner resembles Con- stantinople although she is often taken to be Carthagefor Aspar's African origins. Single cities such as Carthageand Ravenna were celebrated on individual monuments. Con- stantinople herself had an existence separate from Rome. The Tyche, like those of Antioch and Alexandria,had been commissioned for a new city, and she was installed in the forum of the founder, . A sixteenth century drawing by Melchior Lorichs may preserveanother FIGURE 7. Solidus of Theodosius II, reverse; Roma and Constantino- image of the Tyche on the white marblebase of Constantine's .

33 whichandinearlyi_2i4.,20.|' -;lAlexandriaanother ^ datesfifths mosalc, ptto (Fig.centurylate _Av; thebli from 9)antique mid-fourthi

_ _ ^ Depictedholding the mappa,about to beginthe games,the _ consul is seatedon an elaboratechair dec ratedwith lions'

- 4 _[ ends of the seat re imag of nimbedTyc e figureswearing

+ one of many offi.e holdl vdhteos aj;6<'s ti54< L g fi5t+ggj,. f.';,'.- s h o w n in the Anastasiusdiptych, like those from the silver

_ are the exceptions.The Calendarof 354 oins four Tyches FIGURE 8. Tabula Peutingeriana, detail; Constantinopolis. with portraitsof ConstantiusII and his caesarConstantius Gallus.The presenceof such portraitsindicates little con- porphyrycolumn located in the same forum. Both Tyche and columnare representedmarking Constantinople's place i; on the TabulaPeutingeriana, a thirteenthcentury copy of s a fourth centuryworld map (Fig. 8). The boyishimage of Constantinople,with crestedhelmet and costumemisunder- 3 ; 0 stood, is joined by personificationsof Rome and Antioch. ,,;ff ;000 Other large cities (Ravenna,Aquileia, Thessalonica) appear q :0 00:; as walled cities; still others (Milan,Lepcis, Ephesus)are f ; l ! v ;00;ff ;: representedby the sign of two smalltowers. There is a clear @ X hierarchywithin this symbol system,and at the top is not g - one city but three.S7 X * r _iX Cities representedby both Tyches and models appear

Preservedin numerouslate medievalcopies, the late fourth, s4 _ 0t0_. militaryoffices withinthe Romanstate with detailsof their dutiesand copies of theirinsignia. Even though many of the _ i insigniano longersurvive, a total of eighty-fourTyches are _ l l preserved,associated with sixteen offices. The majorityof _ E 5 1! the figuresare identifiedas provinceswho processbearing i _ 11 gold and wearingmural crowns. Roma in helmetand Ama- j |l l_ ; zonian dress prefacesthe Notitia Urbis Romae;, w p-Jlaws [ r [al SM ASnc F *r * S n 5i t 0 5 0(

southface of the baseof the tnLuplwil .sIa xn st Arsadius:'8 \f 0 0 X , 0

possessionsof the aristocraticRoman family of the Turcii. i s ^\\< 0:0; 0 C; The statuesare ornamentsconventionally discussed as capping ;, Vi§ 0300i; ; :0 0 X 0 the ends of a sedesgestatoria. The context for suchfittings > ffE Xt 0t !000E}X0-X;; might be suggestedin part by the curulechair represented FIGURE 9. Silver ornament, profle view with fitting; Alexandria on the ivory diptych of the consulAnastasius (Fig. 10).59 BritishA{useum,London.

34 cerning the donor or recipient of the lavish manuscript.But the grouping of the portraitswith the Tyche figures suggests the illustrationsmight be best understoodas aspectsof official imagery. The hypothesis is strengthenedby the associations witnessed for other pieces. The ivory diptychs were com- missioned and distributed by the imperial consuls to mark the beginningsof their terms in office. Inscriptionshail the donors by name and by title, and the consuls are represented as public benefactors,opening the games. Similarinscriptions and iconography are found on the plate of Adabar Aspar, consul ordinariusfor the year 434. The plate with its alusions to the imperial house and to the largessewhich commonly accompaniedthe games seems to have been Aspar'sequivalent to a consulardiptych. Manyaspects of this imageryare repeat- ed in the insignia of the Notitia Dignitatum, a document which originatedin the offices of the primiceriinotariorum for the easternand westernhalves of the empire.Other Tyches refer to specific imperial commissions. The Tyche of Con- stantinople, the porphyry column of Constantine and the triumphalcolumn of Arcadius are all monumentserected by specific emperors to mark the achievements of their reigns and to do so in the major public spaces of the new capital. The coins, the images which knew the widest public, reflected imperial policy and, in specific strikes, celebrated the cities of the imperialmints. Not surprisingly,in the fourth century when the governmentbegan to certify the quality and value of silver and gold bullion, the official stamps, and with them certification,took the form of imperialTyches.6 °

All the images are late: the first imperial Tyches begin in the mid-thirdcentury and become frequent in the fourth and fifth. The cities in question are numerous:those securely identified by inscription include Alexandria,Antioch, Arles, Carthage, Constantinople, London, Nicomedia, Ravenna, Rome, Siscia, Sirmium and Trier. The context is imperial: with few exceptions, the Tyches appearon objects associated either with high officials of the governmentor with the em- perors themselves. Excluding the many Tyche-provincesof the Notitia, the sixteen Tyches of the Arcadius column and the many coin images, approximately fifty separate repre- sentations of Tyches can be tallied for the period from the late third to the early sixth centuries A.D. And the imagery of the cup from the Morgancollection would add four more. Keil's dating of the cup, of 431 to 647, located the vessel within a period when Tyche figures can be shown to be plentiful. In his analysis, the ecclesiasticalhistory of the struggle between Antioch and Cyprus suggested a date after the council of Ephesus. As might be anticipated, the open dashes of the Ephesus council were only the most public airing of the dispute which had begun in the late fourth century. The quarrel was officially closed by proclamation of the emperor Zeno (476-91) in favor of the independence of the see of Cyprus.61 The bitterness, however, did not dissipate at once, and the pointed message of the Morgan FIGURE 10. Ivory diptych, right leaf; Consul Anastasius. cup might have been an appropriatereflection of Cypriote

35 sentiments over a period from the late fourth to the late The individual Tyches, which had persisted on a local fifth century. Keil's terminus ante of 647 was rather arbi- level for years before imperial favor, continued after the trarily set; knowledge of Tyche imagery during this period activities of the fourth and fifth centuries. But the colleges allows a clearer understandingof the chronology and reveals of Tyches did not. The early sixth century saw the numbers an unexpected complexity in the manufactureof the cup. reduced to the pair of Constantinople and Rome, and the The dispute between the two churches began at a time late-sixth century saw none. A parallel chronology would when Tyche iconography was well establishedand associated indicate that the ecclesiastical quarrels begun in the late with the state. The imagery was characterizedin part by fourth century had cooled by the early sixth. The combina- individual representationsof the Tyches of the many admin- tion suggests that collegiate imagery of the Morgan cup is istrative capitals of the late empire. As such, the imagery most easily understood as a product of the fifth century may have functioned as an officially sanctioned expression A.D. Comparisonsfor the vessel type, however, indicate a of private and parochial interests. In the late fourth cen- later date. The design of the Morgancup appearsto be derived tury, it was a vehicle perfectly suited to those who wished from Constantinopolitanworks of the late sixth and early to claim Cyprus the equal of another major see. By com- seventh centuries,62 and the nature of the derivationspeaks plement the late imagery also included representationsof of distance either chronological or geographical from the multiple Tyches understood and represented as a college, workshops of the capital. The intended audience for the most often a college of equals. The membershipvaried, ob- message on the Morgan cup most probablyhad passed away ject to object, but the concept was clear and consistent. at the time that the vessel was made. The imagery has rich The Morgan cup would appear to be a reflection of this associationswhich can be fixed in time: it is an image of the practice, borrowing the official, imperial associations of late empirepreserved on a medievalvessel. the imageryand introducinga new member.

NOTES

*I thank the Division of the Humanities at the zled, thought it significant that Cyprus (not Rome) followed for funds for the publication of photographs which accompany this Constantinople. Altai-Iran,p. 6. article. I also thank Jeffrey Anderson, Richard Brilliant, Margaret 7. A. Alfoldi, "On the Foundation of Constantinople: A Few Frazer and Stephen Zwirn for allowing me to see typescripts of entries Notes," Journal of Roman Studies 37 (1947): 15-16; J.M.C. from the Metropolitan Museum's Age of Spiritualitycatalogue prior Toynbee, "Roma and Constantinopolis in Late-Antique Art from to its publication. 312 to 365," Journal of Roman Studies 37 (1947): 135-44; G. Dagron, Naissance d'une capitale, , 1974, pp. 43-47. 1. J. Strzygowski, Altai-Iranand Volkerwanderung,Leipzig, 1917. 8. Keil quoted by Strzygowski, Altai-Iran,pp. 7-8. Keil strongly 2. Ibid., Nos. 1-4, 10, 12; pp. 1-10, 14-17, 19-22; pls. I, II, IV; figs. favored a late date within the period to satisfy the "Verwilderung" 1-5, 7, 13-15, 19, 20. of the paleography and orthography of the inscription. 3. Ewer, see D.E. Strong, Greekand Roman Gold and SilverPlate, 9. Strzygowski, Altai-Iran,p. 9. Ithaca, 1966, pp. 188-92; bowl, p. 204. Goblets, see E.C. Dodd, 10. Strzygowski: "Es ist schwer zu glauben, dass die Toreutik in Byzantine Silver Stamps, Washington, D.C., 1961, Nos. 8, 18, Zypern um 600 nicht imstande gewesen sein sollte, die men- 34, 80. schliche Gestalt besser zur Darstellung zu bringen." Altai-Iran, 4. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Gift of J. Pierpont Morgan, p. 9. 1917, 17.190.1710; Age of Spirituality, New York, 1979, No. 11. G. Hill, A History of Cyprus, 4 vols., Cambridge, 1940-5 2, 156. 1: 284-95. 4a. As Figs. 1 and 2 partially indicate, the inscription consists of both 12. Dodd, SilverStamps, pp. 19-22 and Nos. 88 and 103. majuscule and minusculc forms. Each U and e is minuscule; the ¢ appears a combination of capital and lower case. The broken-bar a 13. Cyprus based its claim on the mission of St. Barnabus, whose and o "crowned" with an U (in Constantinopolis, F;ig. 2, far left) tomb was miraculously if conveniently discovered during the defy the type fonts available. The spellings, necdless to say, are conflict with Antioch. S. Vailhe, "Formation de l'eglise de erratic. Chypre," Echos d'orient 13 (1901): 5-10; J. Hackett, A History 5. Ostoia incorrectly identifics them as "wings. . . a symbol of of the OrthodoxChurch of Cyprus,London, 1901, pp. 3-5, 23-25. victory ." V. K. Ostoia, The . Treasuresfrom the 14. M. Rostovtseff, Social and Economic History of the Roman Cloistersand the MetropolitanMuseum of Art, New York, 1969, Empire, Oxford, 1926, pp. 50-51. For a discussion of the place No. 23. of cities and city life in Rostovtseffs conception of history, see 6. Strzygowski, who must have worked from photographs or sketch- A. Momigliano, "M.I. Rostovtseff," Studies in Historiography, es, treated the decoration as a frieze and, though somewhat puz- London, 1966, pp. 91-104, esp. 96ff.

36 15. For brief discussion, see H. Mattingly, "The Roman Virtues," Coinage,2 vols., Cambridge, 1974; the classic art historical refer- HarvardTheological Review 30 (1937): 103-17. Also F. Stossl, ence is C.C. Vermeule, The Goddess Roma in the Art of the "Personifikationen," Pauly-Wissowa 37, cols. 1042-48; L. Deubner, RomanEmpire, Cambridge [Mass.], 1959. "Personifikationen," Roscher, Lex. 3, cols. 2068-169; more 33. Vermeule, GoddessRoma, No. 14A; C.H.V. Sutherland, Coinage recently, M.P. Nilsson, "Kultische Personifikationen," Eranos in Roman ImperialPolicy, London, 1951, pp. 135, 209. Kent, 50 (1952): 31-40, and F.W. Hamdorf, GrieschischeKultper- Roman Coins, No. 186, unnecessarily takes the figure to be"pre- sonifikationender vorhellenistischenZeit, Mainz, 1964. sumably the Province of Asia." For Roma with a muralcrown, 16. There 1S debate as to this date; see Hamdorf, Kultpersonifika- see Deonna, "Couronne murale,"pp. 168-69;Toynbee, Hadrianic tionen,p.l30. School, p. 18; Mellor, GoddessRoma,pp. 145-54. 17. For an introduction to the problems and the literature, see H. 34. M. Robertson, "The Boscoreale Figure Paintings," Journal of Studing, "Lokalpersonifikationen," Roscher, Lex. 2, cols. 2074- RomanStudies 45 (1955): 58-67; Gardner, "Cities and Countries," 139, and L. Ruhl and O. Waser, "Tyche," 5: 1309-80; also K. pp. 64-68. Ziegler,"Tyche," Pauly-Wissowa, ser. 2, 14, cols. 1643-96. 35. Turreted Utica on coins of Q. Metel. Pius Scipio and Crassus the Ibid.;also Hamdorf, Kultpersonifikationen. Younger: Crawford, RepublicanCoinage, No. 460.3; H. Mattingly, Roman Coins, 2nd rev. ed., London, 1960, p. 68. The"regency" Coin of Tigranes I, 83-77 B.C.: C.M. Kraay, GreekCoins, London, 18. of Lepidus for Ptolemy V is commemorated by his descendents 1966, No. 776. G. Downey, Ancient Antioch, Princeton, 1963, 19. in a strike with his portrait opposite the turreted head of Alex- pp. 28-37; M. Bieber, The Sculptureof the HellenisticAge, rev. andria: Kent, No. 64. ed., New York, 1961, p. 40. The most comprehensive treatment of the and its copies is provided by T. Dohrn, Die 36. Asia raised by L. Staius Murcus: Toynbee, HadrianicSchool, Tyche von Antiochia, Berlin, 1960. Discussions of the coin types p. 51; Crawford, Republican Coinage, No. 510.1. Crawford with bibliographic references are also found in J.M.C. Toynbee, parenthetically suggests "perhaps Roma"; doubtful, considering The Hadrianic School, Cambridge, 1934, pp. 1 31-33, and J. the established iconography of Roma in the late Republic. Babelon, "Dieux fleuves," Arethouse7 ( 19 3 0): 109-15 . 37. Kent, Roman Coins, Nos. 84, 85; Crawford, RepublicanCoin- 20. See for example the Tyches of Dura and Palmyra at Dura-Euro- age,Nos.470.1b,1c. pos: Dohrn, Tyche, p. 12, pls. 6, 7, l;also A. Perkins, TheArtof 38. GALLIA, HISPANIA, RICI, p. 200, No. 5; p. 208, No. 81; p.211, Dura-Europos, Oxford, 1973, pp. 44-45, 79-82, pls. 12 and 32. No. 120. 21. W. Deonna, "Histoire d'un embleme: la couronne murale des 39. RIC I: 210, No. 1 10; Kent, Roman Coins,No. 209. villes et pays personifies," Genava 18 (1940): 139-59. 40. Discussed at length by Toynbee, HadrianicSchool, pp. 24-130. pp. 154-55; J.G. Szilagyi, "Tyche," Enciclopedia dell'arte 22. Ibid., 41. Ibid., pp. 22-23, 144. Both Trajanic and Antonine series are small antica, 7: 1038. For brief discussion of the Cincinnati relief of by comparison with that of Hadrian. Atargatis-Tyche, see R. Brilliant in Age of Spirituality, No. 160. 42. See F. Millar, The Emperorin the Roman World,Ithaca, 1977, des reliefs grecs et romains, 3 vols., Paris, 23. S. Reinach, Repertoire esp. pp. 3-58, 363-464, for discussion of this definition as on- 1912, 3: 218, No. 2. . , . golng pOllCy. 24. Deonna, "Couronne murale," p. 184. For the cult of Tyche in 43. AFRICA, RIC 4.1: 123, Nos. 25 3-54. Ptolemaic Egypt see D.B. Thompson, Ptolemaic Oinochoai and Portraits in Faience: Aspects of Ruler Cult, Oxford, 1973, pp. 44. RIC2: 466,No. 961. 51-55. I thank Sally Garen for bringing this title to my atten- 45. Alexandria and Antioch are the other two; all three are Hadrianic tion. or Antonine in date: RIC 2: 427-28, 466, 451; Nos. 680, 686, 25. RIC 1: 77, Nos. 170 and 172. For illustration and brief com- 843-44, 876. RIC 3: 104, 106; Nos. 577-78, 593. A coin of Alex- mentary, J.P.C. Kent, Roman Coins, rev. ed., New York, 1978, ander Severus may represent a Tyche: RIC 4.2: 128, No. 720. No. 137. 46. F. Haseel, Der Trajansbogenim Benevent, Mainz, 1966; M. Rotili, 26. Trans. and ed. W.H.D. Rouse and M.F. Smith, Loeb Classical L'Arco di Traianaa Benevento, Rome, 1972, pp. 63-90; also Library, rev. ed., Cambridge [ Mass], 1975. T. Lorenz, Leben und Regierung Trajansauf dem Bogen von 27. Late second century B.C.: Bieber, Hellenistic Age, p. 165, fig. Benevent,1973. 705; A. Schober, Der Fries des Hekatefons von Lagina, Vienna, Rome, 1933, pp. 31-41, 72-76, pls. V-XVII, fig. 21. 47 M. Cagiano de Azevedo, Le antichita di Villa Medici, 1951, Nos. 16, 20; L. Cozza, "Ricomposizione di alcuni rilievi 28. The Principal Coins of the Greeks, eds. G.F. Hill and G.K. Jenkins, di Villa Medici, Bollettino d'Arte, ser. 4, 43 (1958): 109-111; rev. ed., London, 1965; K. Kraft, Das Systeme der kaiserzeitlichen P. Veyne, ", l'universe et les voeux decennaux sur les Munzpragung in Kleinasien, Berlin, 1972; and P.R. Franke, reliefs Medicis," Revuedes etudeslatines 38: 306-22. Kleinasien zur Romerzeit, Munich, 1968, passim. 48. J.M.C. Toynbee, "Picture Language in and Coinage,s' 29. Gardner would establish categories of guardian deities, eponymous Essaysin Roman Coinage,London, 1956, pp. 207-8 heroes or founders, allegorical figures and Tyches in an ambitious essay of 1888: P. Gardner, "Countries and Cities in Ancient Art," 49. Dura and Palmyra, for example. Supra,n. 20. Journal of Hellenic Studies 9: 47-81. The categories aid in clas- 50. , RIC 5.1: 182, No. 582; Probus, RIC 5.2: 99-100, sifying large numbers of monuments but seem drawn too tightly. Nos. 764-66. Kent, Roman Coins,No. 549 30. See R. Mellor, (H)ea Pu,ur1: The Worship of the Goddess Roma in 51. RIC 6: 426-34, Nos. 27-34, 39-40, 43-44, 46-47, 49-51, 59-63, the Greek World, Gottingen, 1975, esp. pp. 13-26. 65-68; Kent, Roman Coins,No. 5 9 3. 31. POMA, nls'rls: Kraay, Greek Coins, No. 293. Mellor, Goddess 5 2. Toynbee, HadrianicSchool, p. 3 8, nn. 5-7 Roma, pp. 19, 109. 53. RIC 6: 167, No. 34. P. Bastien and C. Metzger, Le tresor de 32. For coins of the Republic, see M.H. Crawford, Roman Republican Beaurainsfditd'Arras), Wetteren, 1977, No. 218.

37 54. RIC 7: 227, 237-38, Nos. 30-32, 49-51; Kent, Roman Coins, brueck, Antike Porphyrwerke,Berlin, 1932, pp. 140-45; G. No. 646. Becatti, La colonna coclide istoriata, Rome, 1960, pp. 84-88; 55. Supra, n. 7. Shelton in Age of Spirituality, No. 154. Tabula Peutingeriana: K. Miller, Die Weltkartedes Castorius,Ravensburg, 1887; idem, 56. Basic references for many of the monuments may be found in Die PeutingerscheTafel, repr. ed., Stuttgart, 1962. Toynbee, "Roma and Constantinopolis. .. 312 to 365," and "Roma and Constantinopolis in Late Antique Art from 365 to 58. Notitia: I.G. Maier, "The Giessen, Parma and Piacenza Codices Justin II," Studies Presentedto David Moore Robinson, 2 vols., of the Notitia Dignitatum," Latomus 27 (1968): 96-141 (with St Louis, 1951-53, 2: 261-77. Also, Fresco: M. Cagiano de Aze- earlier literature). Biregik: M. Jatta, Le rappresentanzefgurate vedo, "La dea Barberini," Rivista dell'IstitutoNazionale d'Arch- delle provincieromane, Rome 1908; Nos. 1-4, 10. Arcadius col- eologia e Storia dell'Arte 3 (1954): 131. Casket: H. Buschhausen, umn: R. Grigg, "Symphoniam Aeido tes Basileias': An Image Die spUtromischenMetallscrinia und fruhchristlichenReliquiare, of Imperial Harmony on the Base of the Column of Arcadius," Vienna, 1971, No. A2. : H. Stern, Le calendrierde 354, Art Bulletin 59 (1977): 469-82 (with earlier literature). For a Paris, 1953, pp. 125-44; S.R. Zwirn in Age of Spirituality,No. 67. similar base, possibly for a Theodosian column, see A. Grabar, Ivories: Zwirn Ibid., No. 153; J.C. Anderson, Ibid., Nos. 48-49; L'Empereurdans l'art byzantin,Paris, 1936, pp. 269-70. W.F. Volbach, Elfenbeinarbeitender SpUtantikeund des fruhen 59. Esquiline: O.M. Dalton, Catalogueof Early ChristianAntiquities 3rd ed., Mainz, 1976, Nos. 5, 15, 23-24, 28, 31, Mittelalters, . . ., London, 1901, Nos. 332-35; Shelton in Age of Spirituality, 35, 38. No. 155. Anastasius diptych: Volbach, Elfenbeinarbeiten,No. 5 7. Agnellus, cited by A. Momigliano, "Cassiodorus and Italian 21. Culture of his Time," pp. 181-82. Aspar: Volbach, Studies, Early 60. Dodd, SilverStamps, pp. 4-5; Nos. 81-84. ChristianArt, New York, n.d., No. 109, and Stern, Calendrier, p. 140. Constantinople: Strzygowski, "Die Tyche von Konstan- 61. Supra,nn.11,13. tinopel," Analecta Graeciensia,Graz, 1932, pp. 141-53; R. Del- 62. Dodd, SilverStamps, Nos. 8, 18, 34, 80.

Photographcredits. FIGS. 1-2 (courtesy TheMetropolitan Museum of Art, New York); FIGS. 3-5, 7, 10 (HirmerFotoarchiv Munchen); FIG. 6 (courtesy KunsthistorischesMuseum, Vienna);FIG. 8 (after K. Miller, Die Weltkarte des Castorius); FIG. 9 (courtesy Trusteesof the BritishMuseum, London ) .

38