The Functions of Venus in Ovid's Fasti IV
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The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the D
The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Marion Woodrow Kruse, III Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2015 Dissertation Committee: Anthony Kaldellis, Advisor; Benjamin Acosta-Hughes; Nathan Rosenstein Copyright by Marion Woodrow Kruse, III 2015 ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the use of Roman historical memory from the late fifth century through the middle of the sixth century AD. The collapse of Roman government in the western Roman empire in the late fifth century inspired a crisis of identity and political messaging in the eastern Roman empire of the same period. I argue that the Romans of the eastern empire, in particular those who lived in Constantinople and worked in or around the imperial administration, responded to the challenge posed by the loss of Rome by rewriting the history of the Roman empire. The new historical narratives that arose during this period were initially concerned with Roman identity and fixated on urban space (in particular the cities of Rome and Constantinople) and Roman mythistory. By the sixth century, however, the debate over Roman history had begun to infuse all levels of Roman political discourse and became a major component of the emperor Justinian’s imperial messaging and propaganda, especially in his Novels. The imperial history proposed by the Novels was aggressivley challenged by other writers of the period, creating a clear historical and political conflict over the role and import of Roman history as a model or justification for Roman politics in the sixth century. -
Ancient Religions: Public Worship of the Greeks and Romans by E.M
Ancient Religions: Public worship of the Greeks and Romans By E.M. Berens, adapted by Newsela staff on 10.07.16 Word Count 1,250 Level 1190L TOP: The temple and oracle of Apollo, called the Didymaion in Didyma, an ancient Greek sanctuary on the coast of Ionia (now Turkey), Wikimedia Commons. MIDDLE: The copper statue of Zeus of Artemision in the National Archaeological Museum, Athens, Greece. BOTTOM: Engraving shows the Oracle of Delphi, bathed in shaft of light atop a pedestal and surrounded by cloaked figures, Delphi, Greece. Getty Images. Temples Long ago, the Greeks had no shrines or sanctuaries for public worship. They performed their devotions beneath the vast and boundless canopy of heaven, in the great temple of nature itself. Believing that their gods lived above in the clouds, worshippers naturally searched for the highest available points to place themselves in the closest communion possible with their gods. Therefore, the summits of high mountains were selected for devotional purposes. The inconvenience of worshipping outdoors gradually suggested the idea of building temples that would offer shelter from bad weather. These first temples were of the most simple form, without decoration. As the Greeks became a wealthy and powerful people, temples were built and adorned with great splendor and magnificence. So massively were they constructed that some of them have withstood the ravages of This article is available at 5 reading levels at https://newsela.com. time. The city of Athens especially contains numerous remains of these buildings of antiquity. These ruins are most valuable since they are sufficiently complete to enable archaeologists to study the plan and character of the original structures. -
Succeeding Succession: Cosmic and Earthly Succession B.C.-17 A.D
Publication of this volume has been made possiblej REPEAT PERFORMANCES in partj through the generous support and enduring vision of WARREN G. MOON. Ovidian Repetition and the Metamorphoses Edited by LAUREL FULKERSON and TIM STOVER THE UNIVE RSITY OF WI S CON SIN PRE SS The University of Wisconsin Press 1930 Monroe Street, 3rd Floor Madison, Wisconsin 53711-2059 Contents uwpress.wisc.edu 3 Henrietta Street, Covent Garden London WC2E SLU, United Kingdom eurospanbookstore.com Copyright © 2016 The Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System Preface Allrights reserved. Except in the case of brief quotations embedded in critical vii articles and reviews, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrievalsystem, transmitted in any format or by any means-digital, electronic, Introduction: Echoes of the Past 3 mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise-or conveyed via the LAUREL FULKERSON AND TIM STOVER Internetor a website without written permission of the University of Wisconsin Press. Rightsinquiries should be directed to rights@>uwpress.wisc.edu. 1 Nothing like the Sun: Repetition and Representation in Ovid's Phaethon Narrative 26 Printed in the United States of America ANDREW FELDHERR This book may be available in a digital edition. 2 Repeat after Me: The Loves ofVenus and Mars in Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Ars amatoria 2 and Metamorphoses 4 47 BARBARA WElDEN BOYD Names: Fulkerson, Laurel, 1972- editor. 1 Stover, Tim, editor. Title: Repeat performances : Ovidian repetition and the Metamorphoses / 3 Ovid's Cycnus and Homer's Achilles Heel edited by Laurel Fulkerson and Tim Stover. PETER HESLIN Other titles: Wisconsin studies in classics. -
Juno Covella, Perpetual Calendar of the Fellowship of Isis By: Lawrence Durdin-Robertson All Formatting Has Been Retained from the Original
Fellowship of Isis Homepage http://www.fellowshipofisis.com Juno Covella, Perpetual Calendar of the Fellowship of Isis By: Lawrence Durdin-Robertson All formatting has been retained from the original. Goddesses appear in BOLD CAPITAL letters. The Month of April APRIL 1st Roman: CERES. (Brewer, Dict.) "April Fool Perhaps it may be a relic of the Roman 'Cerealia', held at the beginning of April". See also under April 12th. Roman: CONCORDIA, VENUS and FORTUNA; The Veneralia. (Seyffert, Dict.) "Concordia . The goddess Concordia was also invoked with Venus and Fortuna, by married women on the 1st of April". (Ovid, Fasti, IV. 133) "April 1st Duly do ye worship the goddess (i.e. -Venus), ye Latin mothers and brides, and ye, too, who wear not the fillets and long robe (Frazer: 'courtesans'). Take off the golden necklaces from the marble neck of the goddess; take off her gauds; the goddess must be washed from top to toe. Then dry her neck and restore to it her golden necklaces; now give her other flowers, now give her the fresh-blown rose. Ye, too, she herself bids bathe under the green myrtle. Learn now why ye give incense to Fortuna Virilis in the place which reeks of warm water. All women strip when they enter that place Propitiate her with suplications; beauty and fortune and good fame are in her keeping". (Plutarch, Lives, Numa) on the month of April; "the women bathe on the calends, or first day of it, with myrtle garlands on their heads." (Philocalus, Kal. Anno 345) "April 1. Veneralia Ludi. (Montfaucon, Antiq. -
Female Suffering, Silence, and Men's Power in Ovid's Fasti
Female Suffering, Silence, and Man’s Power in Ovid’s Fasti Ovid’s treatment of women in his poetry, particularly sexual violence against women, is a divisive subject among scholars. Richlin (1992) has examined how feminist scholars might approach these portrayals, addressing the question of whether he should even be in the canon. The impact of Ovid’s upsetting understanding of consent even plays a role in modern culture, as Donna Zuckerberg investigates in her 2018 book Not All Dead White Men. These conversations often center around how Ovid portrays the female suffering: does he delight in it or offer a sympathetic portrayal of rape and its consequences? This paper explores Ovid’s foregrounding of three aspects of stories of rape in the Fasti: female suffering, female silence, and the effect that each of these have on men’s power. Carol Newlands identifies three tensions present in Ovid’s calendrical work: male versus female, arma versus pax, and Roman versus Greek (1995: 212). As an elegist and as a Roman who was ultimately exiled for not aligning with Augustan morals, Ovid aligns himself primarily with the feminine, with elegy, and with Greek. Richard King argues that Ovid uses the Fasti to examine “his own identity in relation to a Roman national identity figured by the calendar” (2006: 5). The existing debate often delineates two potential positions for Ovid: a radical feminist for his time, supporting survivors and telling their stories, or a creep delighting in the gory details of violence against women. Given Ovid’s exploration of his identity within the Roman system and his alignment with the feminine, his foregrounding of female suffering and silence in the interest of male power offers a different approach to his portrayal of rape. -
Ovid, Fasti 1.63-294 (Translated By, and Adapted Notes From, A
Ovid, Fasti 1.63-294 (translated by, and adapted notes from, A. S. Kline) [Latin text; 8 CE] Book I: January 1: Kalends See how Janus1 appears first in my song To announce a happy year for you, Germanicus.2 Two-headed Janus, source of the silently gliding year, The only god who is able to see behind him, Be favourable to the leaders, whose labours win Peace for the fertile earth, peace for the seas: Be favourable to the senate and Roman people, And with a nod unbar the shining temples. A prosperous day dawns: favour our thoughts and speech! Let auspicious words be said on this auspicious day. Let our ears be free of lawsuits then, and banish Mad disputes now: you, malicious tongues, cease wagging! See how the air shines with fragrant fire, And Cilician3 grains crackle on lit hearths! The flame beats brightly on the temple’s gold, And spreads a flickering light on the shrine’s roof. Spotless garments make their way to Tarpeian Heights,4 And the crowd wear the colours of the festival: Now the new rods and axes lead, new purple glows, And the distinctive ivory chair feels fresh weight. Heifers that grazed the grass on Faliscan plains,5 Unbroken to the yoke, bow their necks to the axe. When Jupiter watches the whole world from his hill, Everything that he sees belongs to Rome. Hail, day of joy, and return forever, happier still, Worthy to be cherished by a race that rules the world. But two-formed Janus what god shall I say you are, Since Greece has no divinity to compare with you? Tell me the reason, too, why you alone of all the gods Look both at what’s behind you and what’s in front. -
The Evolution of the Roman Calendar Dwayne Meisner, University of Regina
The Evolution of the Roman Calendar Dwayne Meisner, University of Regina Abstract The Roman calendar was first developed as a lunar | 290 calendar, so it was difficult for the Romans to reconcile this with the natural solar year. In 45 BC, Julius Caesar reformed the calendar, creating a solar year of 365 days with leap years every four years. This article explains the process by which the Roman calendar evolved and argues that the reason February has 28 days is that Caesar did not want to interfere with religious festivals that occurred in February. Beginning as a lunar calendar, the Romans developed a lunisolar system that tried to reconcile lunar months with the solar year, with the unfortunate result that the calendar was often inaccurate by up to four months. Caesar fixed this by changing the lengths of most months, but made no change to February because of the tradition of intercalation, which the article explains, and because of festivals that were celebrated in February that were connected to the Roman New Year, which had originally been on March 1. Introduction The reason why February has 28 days in the modern calendar is that Caesar did not want to interfere with festivals that honored the dead, some of which were Past Imperfect 15 (2009) | © | ISSN 1711-053X | eISSN 1718-4487 connected to the position of the Roman New Year. In the earliest calendars of the Roman Republic, the year began on March 1, because the consuls, after whom the year was named, began their years in office on the Ides of March. -
Chaotic Descriptor Table
Castle Oldskull Supplement CDT1: Chaotic Descriptor Table These ideas would require a few hours’ the players back to the temple of the more development to become truly useful, serpent people, I decide that she has some but I like the direction that things are going backstory. She’s an old jester-bard so I’d probably run with it. Maybe I’d even treasure hunter who got to the island by redesign dungeon level 4 to feature some magical means. This is simply because old gnome vaults and some deep gnome she’s so far from land and trade routes that lore too. I might even tie the whole it’s hard to justify any other reason for her situation to the gnome caves of C. S. Lewis, to be marooned here. She was captured by or the Nome King from L. Frank Baum’s the serpent people, who treated her as Ozma of Oz. Who knows? chattel, but she barely escaped. She’s delirious, trying to keep herself fed while she struggles to remember the command Example #13: word for her magical carpet. Malamhin of the Smooth Brow has some NPC in the Wilderness magical treasures, including a carpet of flying, a sword, some protection from serpents thingies (scrolls, amulets?) and a The PCs land on a deadly magical island of few other cool things. Talking to the PCs the serpent people, which they were meant and seeing their map will slowly bring her to explore years ago and the GM promptly back to her senses … and she wants forgot about it. -
Between Arcadia and Crete: Callisto in Callimachus' Hymn to Zeus The
Between Arcadia and Crete: Callisto in Callimachus’ Hymn to Zeus The speaker of Callimachus’ Hymn to Zeus famously asks Zeus himself whether he should celebrate the god as “Dictaean,” i.e. born on Mt. Dicte in Crete, or “Lycaean,” born on Arcadian Mt. Lycaeus (4-7). When the response comes, “Κρῆτες ἀεὶ ψεῦσται” (“Cretans are always liars,” 8), the hymnist agrees, and for support recalls that the Cretans built a tomb for Zeus, who is immortal (8-9). In so dismissing Cretan claims to truth, the hymnist justifies an Arcadian setting for his ensuing birth narrative (10-41). Curiously, however, after recounting Zeus’s birth and bath, the hymnist suddenly locates the remainder of the god’s early life in Crete after all (42-54). The transition is surprising, not only because it runs counter to the previous rejection of Cretan claims, but also because the Arcadians themselves held that Zeus was both born and raised in Arcadia (Paus. 8.38.2). While scholars have focused on how the ambiguity of two place names (κευθμὸν... Κρηταῖον, 34; Θενάς/Θεναί, 42, 43) misleads the audience and/or prepares them for the abrupt move from Arcadia to Crete (Griffiths 1970 32-33; Arnott 1976 13-18; McLennan 1977 66, 74- 75; Tandy 1979 105, 115-118; Hopkinson 1988 126-127), this paper proposes that the final word of the birth narrative, ἄρκτοιο (“bear,” 41), plays an important role in the transition as well. This reference to Callisto a) allusively justifies the departure from Arcadia, by suggesting that the Arcadians are liars not unlike the Cretans; b) prepares for the hymnist’s rejection of the Cretan account of Helice; and c) initiates a series of heavenly ascents that binds the Arcadian and Cretan portions of the hymn and culminates climactically with Zeus’s own accession to the sky. -
2000 Goettingerfriedenspreisla
Laudatio Prof. Dr. Ulrich Albrecht, FU Berlin, Otto-Suhr-Institut Sehr verehrte Familie Röhl, sehr verehrte Festversammlung! Im Wintersemester 1988/89 war ich Gast an der TH Darmstadt und augenscheinlich Zeuge der Entstehung der IANUS-Gruppe. Aufgrund einer über die Jahre anhaltenden persönlichen Verbindung möchte ich diesen Tag der Freude nutzen, um die Laudatio eher heiter anzulegen - weniger als wissenschaftlich korrekte Würdigung der Tätigkeit der IANIER (dies auch), sondern als Reflexion über den selbstgewählten Namen der Gruppe. Wer oder was ist IANUS? Die Artbeitsgruppe hat seinerzeit gewiß mit Bedacht den Namen dieses antiken Gottes gewählt, als Vorbild. Also weiter gefragt: Was hat Janus seinerzeit und in der Neuzeit gemacht - schließlich geht es um eine Laudatio. Wer waren die Partner oder gar die Partnerin? Beim antiken Janus ist das bekannt, beim modernen weiß ich es nicht. In beiden Fällen sind aber Folgen aus den Partnerschaften entstanden, die viele Ähnlichkeiten aufweisen, wie gleich aufgezeigt werden wird. Schließlich gefragt: Was wird aus IANUS, was ist seinerzeit aus Janus geworden? Wer ist Janus? Im alten Rom der Gott der Anfänge, der Türen und Tore, der Durchblicke und Durchgänge. Das ist eine bezeichnende Perspektive für die heutigen IANIer: der Arbeitsgruppe ging es und geht es um Anfänge, um Durchblicke, um Verbindungen zwischen Naturwissenschaft und Gesellschafts-wissenschaft. In der bildenden Kunst wird Janus dargestellt mit zwei - in entgegengesetzte Richtung blickenden - Gesichtern, manchmal gar mit vier Gesichtern. Er sieht einfach alles, darunter - so ja auch der moderne IANUS - was andere nicht sehen. Sein griechischer Vorgänger wurde Panoptes, der Allesseher, genannt, er war einer der mythischen Giganten. Der blickte einfach alles, und die Griechen stellten sich vor, daß sein ganzer Kopf mit Augen besetzt war. -
Magic in Private and Public Lives of the Ancient Romans
COLLECTANEA PHILOLOGICA XXIII, 2020: 53–72 http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1733-0319.23.04 Idaliana KACZOR Uniwersytet Łódzki MAGIC IN PRIVATE AND PUBLIC LIVES OF THE ANCIENT ROMANS The Romans practiced magic in their private and public life. Besides magical practices against the property and lives of people, the Romans also used generally known and used protective and healing magic. Sometimes magical practices were used in official religious ceremonies for the safety of the civil and sacral community of the Romans. Keywords: ancient magic practice, homeopathic magic, black magic, ancient Roman religion, Roman religious festivals MAGIE IM PRIVATEN UND ÖFFENTLICHEN LEBEN DER ALTEN RÖMER Die Römer praktizierten Magie in ihrem privaten und öffentlichen Leben. Neben magische Praktik- en gegen das Eigentum und das Leben von Menschen, verwendeten die Römer auch allgemein bekannte und verwendete Schutz- und Heilmagie. Manchmal wurden magische Praktiken in offiziellen religiösen Zeremonien zur Sicherheit der bürgerlichen und sakralen Gemeinschaft der Römer angewendet. Schlüsselwörter: alte magische Praxis, homöopathische Magie, schwarze Magie, alte römi- sche Religion, Römische religiöse Feste Magic, despite our sustained efforts at defining this term, remains a slippery and obscure concept. It is uncertain how magic has been understood and practised in differ- ent cultural contexts and what the difference is (if any) between magical and religious praxis. Similarly, no satisfactory and all-encompassing definition of ‘magic’ exists. It appears that no singular concept of ‘magic’ has ever existed: instead, this polyvalent notion emerged at the crossroads of local custom, religious praxis, superstition, and politics of the day. Individual scholars of magic, positioning themselves as ostensi- bly objective observers (an etic perspective), mostly defined magic in opposition to religion and overemphasised intercultural parallels over differences1. -
The Complexity of Roman Suicide Carmine Anthony Ruff
University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Master's Theses Student Research 1974 The complexity of Roman suicide Carmine Anthony Ruff Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.richmond.edu/masters-theses Part of the Classics Commons Recommended Citation Ruff, Carmine Anthony, "The ompc lexity of Roman suicide" (1974). Master's Theses. Paper 937. This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Research at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE COMPLEXITY OF ROMAN SUICIDE BY CARMINE ANTHONY RUFFA A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE FACULTY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF RICHMOND IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN CLASSICAL STUDIES MAY 1974 APPROVAL SHEET ii TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE • . • • . .iv Chapter I. INTRODUCTION . • . • • • • . • • • • • . • 1 II. ANCIENT SUICIDE: A PROBLEM OF SEMANTICS. • • • • • • • • • • • • 5 Latin Citations to Suicide The Absence of A Standard Word Or Phrase III. PHILOSOPHIC SUICIDE . • .11 The Attitude of the Latin Philosophers Toward Suicide The Divergent Views of the Stoic Philosophers The Effect of Cato's Suicide on Stoicism IV. THE TREATMENT OF LUCRETIA'S SUICIDE BY LIVY AND AUGUSTINE • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 4 4 Section I: Livy's Lucretia Section II: Augustine's Denunciation of Lucretia v. SUICIDE IN THE AENEID • • • • • • . .61 Vergii's Development of Dido's Suicidal Personality The Condemnation of Suicides in the Underworld Amata's Suicide CONCLUSION. .80 APPENDIX I • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •• 83 APPENDIX II • . .86 BIBLIOGRAPHY . .91 VITA . .99 iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author would like to acknowledge two people who have influenced and inspired his academic and professional life.